assurance of their own quiet nor we of their Amity And it was not the least Argument from Conveniencie in the detention of Callis after the 8 yeares expired of Re-delivery used by the Chancellour of France That we should gain much more in assured peace which we could never have so long as we were Lords of that Town then by any benefit it did or could yield us It was never but a Pike and Quarrell between the two Realms For upon every light displeasure either Princes would take by and by to Callis and make war there God hath made a separation naturall betwixt both Nations a sure wall and defence Et penitus toto divisos Orbe Britannos That is the English were divided from all the world But a little more to inform the weight of these Charges it is not amisse to touch by way of comfort that from which we are so happily by the infinite blessings of God and benignity of a Gracious King delivered and also that other of burthen still though much lightened untill conformity of Affections and designs of Councells shall further effect a Remedie The Charge of Barwick and the Frontiers in 20. Edward 3. was 3129. l. for three yeares In the end of Richard 2. entrance of Henry the 4. 10153. l. And 11. of Henry 6. the Custodie of the Marches 4766. l. In the 2. Mariae the annuall Charge of Barwick was 9413. l. And in an 2. Elizabeth 13430. l. And an 26. 12391. l. The Kingdome of Ireland beyond the Revenues was 29. E. 3. 2285. l. An. 30. 2880. l. and an 50. 1808. l. All the time of Richard 2. it never defrayed the charges And came short in 11. Henry 6. 4000. Marks of annuall issues The Revenue there in omnibus exitibus proficuis in all the rents and profits yearly by Accompt of Cromwell Lord Treasurer not above 3040. l. But passing over these elder times in the Reign of the late Queen when the yearly Revenue was not 15000. l. the expence for 2. years ending 1571. amounted to 116874. l. In anno 1584. for lesse then 2 yeares came it to 86983. l. The charge there in two years of S. Iohn Parrots government ending 1586. was 116368. l. In anno 1597. the Receipt not above 25000. l. the issue was 91072. l. And when in 35. Elizabeth the Rents and Profits of that Kingdome exceeded not 27118. l. the Disbursments in 7 moneths were 171883. l. The Charge 1601. for 9 moneths 167987. l. And for the two yeares following accounted by the allayed money 670403. l. And in the first of the King 84179. l. Whose government although it hath blessed both us and that Kingdome with the benefit of Peace yet hath it not delivered himself from a large and yearly expence here for supportation of that State out of his own Treasure And thus far in answer of the Argument from increase of Revenue by forreign Dominions As to the Arguments of Honour by addition of Titles and forreign Territories it may suffice in answer That so long as this Crown was actually possessed of any such Signiorie the Tenure and Service did ever bring with it a note and badge of Vassallage then which nothing to so free a Monarch as the King of England who is Monarcha in Regno tot tanta habet Privilegia quot Imperator in Imperio a Monarch his Kingdome and hath as many and as large Priviledges therein as an Emperour in his Empire could be more in blemish or opposition To write Domino Regi nostro Franciae To our Lord the King of France as during the time we held the Provinces in France we usually did in all our Letters and publick Contracts with that Crown can be called no addition of Honour And whether upon every command to act in person those base services of Homage and Fidelity as first in putting off the Imperiall Crown the kneeling low at the foot of that King and taking an oath to become Homme liege du Roys de France a liege subject to the Kings of France c. we in performing so the duties of a Subject do not much more disparage the dignity of a Soveraign is no question of doubt From these considerations of Reputation and Honour the greatest stayes that support Majestie and retain Obedience our Kings of England have as far as to the forfeit of those Signiories either avoided or refused the services As King Iohn did Normandy and Edward the 2. resigned to his Son the Dutchie of Aquitain to put off the act of homage from himself to whom it could not in respect of his Regaltie but be in dishonour As appeareth in Henry the 2. who having made his Son Consortem Imperii a King of England with him Homagium à Filio noluit saith the Record quia Rex fuit sed securitatem accepit would not receive Homage of him because he was a King but took his Security In the 17. of Richard 2. the Lords and Justices would not consent to a Peace with France unlesse the King might not do Homage they held it so base supposing thereby the liberty of the Kings Person and Subject wronged And thus much of the little Reputation that either in Title or Territorie those subordinate Dutchies in France added to this Crown As for the Kingdome of France the people of England were so little in love with that Title as any Honour to them that by Acts of Parliament 14. Edward 3. and 8. Edward 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France nor the Kingdome of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown And so much we have ever been in fear of that place lest it might leave this State to the misery of a Provinciall Government as in 17. of Henry 6. the Commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown answered that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the Kings aboad there and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State besides the transport of our Money in the mean time which would inrich that Countrey and impoverish the Realm at home whereby we should justly again say Britannia servitutem suum quotidie emit quotidie poscit The Britans are every day begging to be slaves every day giving money for it THe last motive is the advantage we now have of greater Facilitie and assurance of Successe in any forreign enterprise by this happy Union of both Kingdoms then ever any of our Ancestours had To which is answer nothing can be more full then laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertakings in other parts weigh how they suite these times and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to
them of equall worth and valuation The first consideration is in Place the next in Person In the wars of France whether those for the defence of particular Signiories or competition of the intite Kingdome we had ever Ports to land at Forts to retire to which now we have not The coast of Normandy was our own by which we might enter the midst of France And Edward 3. when he intended to annoy the East part sided with Montfort against Charles de Bloys whom he invested with the Dutchie of Britain that so he might have there an easy footing Thus by leave of his Confederats in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side and a sure retreat when upon any occasion he would come back as he did to Antwerp And wheresoever any army may have a quiet descent the greatest difficultie is overcome for the rest consisteth in Chance wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevaile then Vertue But ibi grave est Bellum gerere ubi nullus est Classi Portus apertus non ager pacatus non Civitas Socia non consistendi aut procedendi locus quocunque circumspexeris hostilia sunt omnia There 't is a hard task to wage war where there is no Port open for our Navy the Countrey our enemy no City our Confederate no place to make a stand or to march out from but whithersoever a man looks he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us And this must be now our case which was never our Ancestours Advantage personall was either A Party found made Confederates For the Persons considerable they are the Subjects to our enemies or our own Confederats Of the first our Kings heretofore did either work upon the opportunity of any dissension ministred or by Pension Reward either make a fraction in Obedience or Neutrality in Assistance with the Subjects of their Adversary The Duke of Burgundy Earls of Britain Dreux and others in France offended with their Sovereign Confoederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico Regi Angliae became Confederates with Henry Earle of Britain and King of England and thereupon drew him over into Britain The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000. l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyaltie Edward 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France if Robert de Artoys displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Master for that Earldome had not incited and complotted for him as Godfrey of Harecourt did after Nor Henry 5. if the unsound memory of the French King the jealousy of those Princes Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune THe Confederates our Kings held formerly for mutuall Aide were of such consequence in all their affairs that those so best strengthened atchieved ever the greatest and most glorious victories As the first the 3d. Edwards the 5 th and 8th Henries Whereas Henry the sixth that was of all the rest left most naked to himself although the greatest otherwise in opportunity lost all the purchase of his Ancestours in the end It is not amisse in such a foundation of Greatness as Confederacy to lay down successively first with whom we tied that knot of love then what were the motives or assurances and lastly whether the same in both is left to our occasions and will now or no. Henry the first but to assure his own posses sions beyond Sea adscivit in praesidium Comitem Britanniae Theobaldum Comitem Blesensem called to his aide the Earle of Britain and Theobald Earle of Bloys Henry the second did the like with Robert Earle of Flanders And again cum Theodorico Comite Flandriae Baronibus Castellanis caeteris hominibus Comitis with Theodoric Earle of Flanders the Barons Governours of Castles and other the Subjects of the said Earle who stood bound to serve him in summonitione sua sicut Domino pro feodis quae de ipso teneant upon a summons as well as their own Lord for the Fees which they held of him Baldwin Earle of Flanders contracteth under Bond mutui subsidii quod sine Rege Richardo Angliae non componeret cum Rege Francorum of mutuall aide that he would not come to agreement with the French King without Richard King of England And the Britains relicto Rege Franciae Regi Richardo adhaeserunt forsaking the King of France did joyn with King Richard Between King Iohn and the Earle of Flanders there was a Combination mutui auxilii contra Regem Francorum of mutuall assistance against the French King The like with the City of Doway and Earle of Holland Henry 3. an 11. drew Peter Duke of Britany into Confederacy against the French and Fernand Earle of Flanders with a Pension annuall of 500. Maâ—ks And anno 38. Alfonsus King of Castile combineth with him and his heirs contra omnes homâ—nes in mundo against all the men in the World To whom he remained so constant that an 8. and 10. Edw. 1. he would not grant a Truce to the French King but ad preces instantiam at the instant suit of the King of England Edward 1. an 13. by a pretence of inter-marriage dâ—ew Florence Earle of Holland from the French to his party and the yeare following by mediation of the Lord of Black-mont the Earle of Flanders who is an â—0 assisted him in the wars of Gascoign In the 22. he combined with Adolph King of the Romans and the Earle of Gueldres tying the Nobility of Burgundâ—e with a yearly donative of 30000. l. Turonensium to aid him contra Regem Franciae against the French King He had Guido Earle of Flanders and Philip his son for 100000. l. Turonensium in pay against the French King an 24 25 and 31. of his Reign retaining the Earle of Gueldres by pay of 1000000. l. the Duke of Lorrain by 1600000. l. the Nobility of Burgundy by a Pension of 30000. l. and Wallerand Lord of Montay by 300. l. Turonensium in his service the same yeare And in an 34. Reginaldum Comitem Montis Beliardi alios de Burgundia contra Regem Franciae Reginald Earle of Mont-Belliard and other Burgundians against the King of France Edward 2. had auxilium tam maritimum quam terrestre à Genoensibus assistance as well by Sea as by Land from the Genoeses And in an 18. besides his Alliance with Flanders Iohn Protectour of Castile aideth him contra Gallos cum 1000. equitibus peditibus Scutiferis 10000. against the French with 1000. horse and foot and 10000 other armed men Edward the 3. had by the Marriage of Philip the Earle of Henault Holland her Father assured to him and retained Iohn of Henault and his Followers qui venerunt in auxilium adrogatum Regis who came to assist the King
the Helvetian Cantons by his Commissioners Wingfield and Pace and with Charles of Spain for Amity and mutuall Aide into which Maximilian the Emperour and Ioane of Spain were received the yeare following In an 12. with the Emperour Charles and Margaret Regentesse of Burgundy the maketh a Confederation against Francis the French King as the common enemy quia Rex Angliae nonpossit ex propriis Subditis tantum equitum numerum congerere the King of England could not furnish such a quantity of Horse of his own Subjects as was mentioned in the contract the Emperour giveth leave that he levy them in any his Dominions in Germany And the Pope in furtherance of this intendment interdicteth the French territories calleth in aide Brachii Secularis of the Secular power those two Princes appointeth the Emperour Protectorem advocatum Ecclesiae the Churches Advocate and Protectour stileth their Attempt sancta expeditio holy expedition And this is by the Treaty at Windsor the next yeare confirmed and explained Renewing in the years 21. 35 and 38. the association and bond of mutuall aide with the same Princes and against the French King if he brake not off his Amity with the Turk And although Edward the 6. in the first year of his Reign made the Contract between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy perpetuall yet forbore he to aide the Emperour in the wars of France disabled as he pretended by reason of the Poverty the troubles of Scotland had drawn upon him And therefore offered the Town of Bullen to the Imperiall protection During the Reign of Queen Mary there was no other but that of Marriage Aide and Entercourse with the Emperor Spain and Burgundy and besides that tripartite bond at Cambray of Amity and Neutrality Our late Renowned Mistris entertained with the Prince of Conde about New-haven and with Charles the 9. 1564. at Bloys 1572. with the King of Navarre before the accession of the Crown of France to him and after Britain and lastly by the Duke of Bullen in 96. And with the States of the Netherlands in the yeares 85. and 98. divers Treaties of Amity Confederation and Assistance By all these passages being all that well either our Story or Records can discover it appeareth manifest the Kings of England never to have undertaken or fortunately entertained any Forreign Enterprize without a party and confederate Amongst which by situation those of best advantage to us have been the Dukes of Britain Lords of the Netherlands the City of Genoa the kings of Portugall and Spain the Empire since knit into the house of Burgundy As for the remote and in-land Princes of Germany the Kings of Denmark Poland and Sweden so farre removed I have seldome observed that this Crown hath with them contracted any League of Assistance or Confederacy but of Amity and Entercourse onely IT remaineth to observe a little what were the reasons that first induced and then preserved the Affection and Alliances of these severall Nations respectively to this Crown The assurance we had of the State of Genoa was their Pensions and Traffique here All which time by equality of Neighbourhood they stood of themselves without any jealousy of Surprize But as soon as Vicinum Incendium the fire began in Millain they put themselves into the protection of Spain foreseeing how dangerous it would be for a weak State to stand Neutrall according to Aristhenus counsell to the Aetolians Quid aliud quam nusquam gratia stabili praeda victoris erimus What else will become of us being in firm friendship with neither side then to be made a prey to the Conquerour Since which time Spain by estating Doria Grimaldi and the Spinellos chief Families of that City with great Patrimonies in Naples retaining their Gallies in his perpetuall service and salary the Inhabitants of all sorts in beneficiall Trade and no lesse in Policy to ingage that City then to supply his own Wants continually owing the wealthiest Citizens such vast summes of money as the Interest of late exceeded 25. Millions he hath tyed it more sure to the Spanish party then if it were commanded by a Cittadell so that it must ever now follow the faction and fortune of that Crown Navarre and Britain while States of themselves were so long firm to our Confederacy as they were tyed with the bond of their own Calamity occasioned by that power which incorporating lately the one by Descent the other by Contract is by that Union and return of all the Appennagii more potent now then ever it hath been under the House of Capet Burgundie was so long our friend as either they were enriched by Staple of our Commodities or had protection of our Swords against France who not only claimed Soveraignty over most but a proprietary interest in part and therefore had reason to give aide and Armes to such a Confederate as did by a diversive war secure and by particular Immunities inrich that State But now growing into Spain they need no such assurance in the one and we almost undone by their draping of our wooll which is happily called home not able to return them the benefit of the other cannot presume upon any such assurance of their aide as heretofore Spain may seem to give us the best hope of a fast Confederate for 2. respects First for that he is absolute and that we be equally devoid of demand neither having against the other any Titles Next for that the entercourse of Trade is more reciprocall between us then France and our Amity founded upon long love and old blood To this may be made a two-fold answer from the change of their Dispositions First for that they never assist any now but to make themselves Master of their State Thus ended they the strife between the Competitors of Portugall And when they were called into Naples by the Queen against the French they combined with her Adversary and divided the Kingdome And after upon the River of Garillon under their Leader Gonsalves taking an advantage they defeated the whole Army of the French holding ever since that entire Kingdome themselves For Spain will admit neither Equallity nor Felowship since upon Union of so many Kingdomes and famous Discoveries they begun to affect a fifth Monarchie The Other that the late hostilitie between them and us hath drawn so much blood as all formes of ancient Amity are quite washt away and as Paterculus saith of Carthage to Rome so may we of Spain to England Adeo odium Certaminibus ortum ultra metam durat ut ne in victis quidem deponitur neque ante invisum esse desinet quam esse desut The hatred begot by former quarrels doth endure so lastingly that the very conquered party cannot forget it in such a case the very places must cease to
of a 15. From the Clergie and Laietie together the King had granted of their Moveables a 10. a 15. and a 30 part Of the Cities and Boroughs besides a great Loan once the 7. and 8. and twice the 6. part From the Merchants a 20. and a 7. portion once of their Commodities imposing a new Custome of a Noble upon every Sack of Wooll which he let out to Farm And under pretence of some breach of Amity with those parts whether his Merchants traded he seized anno 22. all the Woolls into his hands and made of them instant Sale to the best value leaving them upon security to a short price and a long day of payment He took the same yeare to the distaste of the Pope and murmure of the Clergie all the money gathered in sub sidium Terrae Sanctae for the succour of the Holy Land to furnish his Journeyes Upon the persons of his Subjects he imposed one Tallage sessed either in communi in generall or per capita by the Poll. And twice the like upon the Iews whereof the one amounted to 50000 Marks Neither were his people by continuall payment for there was but one yeare of intermission all his Reign freed from attendance in their Persons For in record there appeareth plentifully his writs to the Sheriffes as an 31. de poditibus eligendis de tota Anglia for the chusing of foot-Souldiers throughout all England and to be found and furnished by their severall Countryes calling his Earls Barons and Knights to personall service according to their Tenures His Son the second Edward assessed upon the lands of his Subjects twice Scutage once at two Marks once at 40. sh the Knights Fee From the Revenues of the Clergie rated by the book of Tenths he at distinct times took 4d. 5d. and 12d. in the Mark and once the 15. part of the whole From the goods of the Clergie a Tenth for three yeares And twice a Loan from the Abbots and Bishops From the Layetie besides a Tallage of their Moveables in Cities and Boroughs once a Tenth twice a 15. and twice a 20. part of their goods Besides a Loan from the Commons and 10. shillings borrowed upon every Sack of Wooll from Merchant Strangers and a Noble from others From the Clergy and Layetie together of their goods a Tenth a 15. and twice an 18. part besides a Loane He augmented his fathers new Custome with an Imposition of a Noble more upon every Sack of Wool And anno 10. quia exitus Regni sui terrarum because the profits of his Realm and dominions elsewhere together with all the money granted by the Church and Layetie ad sumptus Belli sufficere noluit was not enough to defray the charges of his wars and that he must infinitam pecuniam effundere spend a vast deal of mony he sesseth and increaseth an Imposition upon all Commodities inward and outward to an extreme Rate and caused the Commons in every Shire to lay down money in deposito to pay his Souldiers and took from the Nobility and Gentry a large contribution towards his wars and seized omnes Lanas Coria Mercatorum data securitate Possessoribus derationabili pretio postea solvendo All the Woolls and Hides of the Merchants giving security to the Owners that a reasonable price should be paid for them afterwards He charged the Ports and Sea-Townes 12. severall yeares ad costos suos sumptibus villarum at their own costs and the charge of the Villages about them as the Record saith to set to Sea in his service Ships furnished Armis victualibus with Armes and Victualls sometimes for one month as anno 11. sometimes for 4. as 12. and sometimes for 7. as anno 4. the number of Ships more or lesse as occasion required In an 17. Southampton was charged with six and 118. Sea-Towns more with rateable proportions for the Kings service Sometimes as anno 18. embarguing all the Ships in any Port that were of forty Tunnes or upwards or of 50. Tunnes and upward as an 20. contra hostiles aggressus Gallorum against the hostile attempts of the French Causing the town of Southampton anno 6. to build a Galley for himself of 120. Oares Commanding all the Sheriffes for provision of Victuall as anno 1 2 3 4 9. to provide de Exitibus Comitatuum certum pretium at the charge of the County a certain Rate to the proportion sometimes of 30500 Quarters of Corn and many Bacons as anno 16. and to send them to the Kings Army As also Carrecta Carra cum Equis Bobus Carts and Waggons with Oxen and Horses out of the Countyes severally for the use of war Sometimes he made the Ports to send provision themselves as anno 7. and not to suffer any Ships with victualls ibidem discariari to be there unladed but to order them by security for those parts where the Kings Army was lodged And not sparing the Church exacted his three first yeares Frumenta alia victualia pro exercitu suo Corn and other Victualls for his Army from them Besides the former Charges the Persons of Men aswell of the Nobility as meaner rank were at their own Charge often enjoyned to serve by reason of the wars As in 6 7 8 9 10. and 16. of this King when they were called singulatim man by man aswell Widowes as Knights and Noblemen and such as held 40. l. land according to their Tenures sub forisfactura terrarum Catallorum Equis Armis sumptibus propriis to appear with Horse and Armes at their own charge under penalty of forfeiting their Lands and Chattels to provide de hominibus ad Arma ultra famulos suos consuetos men for the service besides their ordinary Servants according to Augustus rule Viri Foeminaeque ex Censu coactae dare Militem both men and women were forced to find their Souldiers And of this the Clergie was not exempted anno 16. of this King And out of every town one sumptibus propriis at their own charges for 40. dayes as anno 15. 1. or for 60. as anno 9. 1. or pro 7. Septimanis for 7. weeks as anno 4. Sometimes 1000. in one Countrey as anno 3. Sometimes an entire Army of 18300. an 11. and 48800. at the charge of all the Countyes anno 15. London sumptibus Civitatis at the Cities charge found 500. men for 40. dayes anno 12. and the like anno 18. contra insultus Regis Franciae against the invasions of the King of France The King commanded anno the 16. that all of 40. shil land upwards should rateably send to his service men And annis 9. 10 15 and 16. that all jurati adarma sworn to Armes or from 16. to 60. secundum Statutum Wincestriae according to the Statute of Winchester
then this Scoffe That England was Puteus inexhaustus quem nullus poterat exsiccare a Well not to be emptied which no man could draw dry What the succeeding times afforded may be wed gathered out of the many Petitions in Parliament 22. Edward 3. 4 and 7. of Richard 2. 8. of Henry 5. and 10. of Henry 6. ever complaining of the extreme Beggery the people brought home and 〈◊〉 some 〈◊〉 Relief The Treasue Henry the 8. spent in aide of Munimi 〈…〉 recovery of Verona nullum alinâ— factuâ—â— nisi damnum dedecus peperit brought him nothing else but Loss and Dishonour For the Emperour having his turn served delivered contrary to Contract that City to the French threatning to confederate with them ni Rex ei continuo per solveret unless the King would forthwith pay him down a great summe of money believing as the words are Minis terrore ab hoc Rege pecuniam posse haberi that this King would part with his money upon threatnings and great words For the great Army of this King sent over into France and the Million almost of Crowns he supplied the Emperour and Duke of Burbon with in their wars of Millan his People enduring new and unheard of Taxes at home and his Souldiers great Extremity abroad he was himself at the last of all their ends effected having spent the Treasure of his Father and the Bounty of his Subjects forsaken and left as the Pasquill painted him inter Moysem Christum Mahumitem betwixt Moses Christ and Mahomet with this word Quo me vertam nescio Which way to turn me I know not For 2. Millions of Crowns bestowed in purchase of Tournay not without suite of his own he delivered it with little or no recompence rated his potentiall Interest of France at no greater Summe then an Annuity of 100000. Crowns What from the 30. of this King untill the last of his son Edward the sixth for 3173478. l. 15s. 4d. spent at Sea and Land in Forraign wars this State received of inrichment it seemeth so mean as not worthy any place either in Story or Accompts Untill the late Queen was drawn into wars she had in Treasure 700000. l. but after she was once intangled it cost her before the 30. of her Reign 1517351. l. at which time she was but entering into the vastness of her future Charge For the annuall expence of 126000. l. in the Low-Countries from 1587. untill 1593. the yearly disbursment for Flushing and the Brill 28482. l. the debts of the States 800000. l. and the Aides of the French King since he attained to that Crown to above 401734. l. was after that time Thus by reason of warre besides Taxes upon her People to the Summe of two Millions and 800000. l. by Subsidies Tenths Fifteens she hath spent of her Lands Jewells and Revenues an infinite proportion As for the imaginary Profit grown by the many rich Spoils at Sea and Attempts in Spain it may be well cast up by two examples of our best Fortunes The Journey of Cales defrayed not the Charge to her Majesty by 64000. l. And our times of most advantage by Prizes between anno 30. and 34. of the Queen wherein we received but 64044. l. defrayed not the Charge of her Navy arising in the same yeares to 275761. l. As to the greatest Losse expence of Christian Blood it may well suffice to be moan with Horace Parumne Campis atque Neptuno superfusum est Latini sanguinis Neque hic Lupis mos nec fuit Leonibus Unquam nisi in dispar feris Is there as yet so little Latine Bloud Spilt on the Fields and Flouds Nor Wolves nor Lions do we ever find So cruel to their kind THe last motive from Utility is increase of Revenues to the publick Treasury by addition of Forreign Dominions Which can receive no answer so full of satisfaction as to instance the particular Summes exhausted in every Age to retain them Beginning first with the Dutchie or Normandy For retention whereof William the Conquerour from hence as the Author saith laden Thesauris innumeris with uncountable Treasure exacted sive per fas sive per nefas in Normanniam transfretavit gathethered together by hook or by crook wafted over into Normandy His Son ad retinendam Normanniam Angliam excoriavit to retain Normandy flayed off Englands skin The same end by Henry the first Anglia fuit bonis spoliata England was despoiled of its Goods His Grand-child took Scutagium pro Exercitu Normanniae a Scutage for his army in Normandy 3. times at a high rate and was inforced then against incursions of the French to build and man 13 Castles de novo integro intirely new Richard the first exacted heavily upon his people ut potentes homines Regis Franciae sibi conciliaret ut terram propriam Normanniae tutaretur therewith to make himself friends amongst the most powerfull Courtiers of France so to keep quietly his possessions in Normandy King Iohn as wearied with the Charge neglected it And his Son feeling a burden more then benefit resigned his interest there for a little Money When it was again reduced by Henry the fifth the judgement in Councel was That the keeping of it would be no lesse of expence then to war forth for all France In the quiet possession of his Son Henry Iohn Duke of Bedford then Regent this Dutchie cost the Crown of England 10942. l. yearly In an 10. it appeareth by the Accompts of the Lord Cromwell Treasurer of England that out of the Kings Exchequer at Westminister the entertainment of the Garrison and Governour was defrayed the Rents of the Dutchy not supporting the charge ordinary When Richard Duke of York was in the 15. year of Henry the 6. Regent the certain Expence overballanced the Receipt 34008. l. And an 27. the Lord Hastings Chancellour of France declareth in Parliament that Normandy was not able to maintain it self But thus it continued not much longer for this Crown was both eased of the Dutchy and Charge shortly Of the Principality of Aquitain the Duchie of Gascoign Guien and the Members I find the state thus in record In the 26. of Henry 3. there was issued from the Treasurer Chamberlains at Westminster 10000 l. for paiments in Gascoign besides an infinite proportion of Victualls and Munition thither sent To retain this Dutchie in Duty and possession this king was inforced to pawn his Jewells being aere alieno graviter obligatus Thesauris Donativis Tallagiis extersionibus in Anglia consumptis very much indebted and having spent all his Treasures Grants Tallages and other Sweepings in England Besides the people there at his departure extorserunt ab eo confessionem quadraginta millia Marcarum forced an acknowledgement from him of 40000. Marks And a Story of that time saith