reproue any thing in them for feare to be called hereticke and then they would make him smoke or beare a Fagot And the Cardinall himselfe was so elated that he thought himselfe equall with the King and when he had sayd Masse he made Dukes Earles to serue him of wine with a say taken and to hold the bason at the Lauatories Furthermore as he was Ambassadour sent to the Emperour at Bruxels he had ouer with him the great Seale of England and was serued with his seruitours kneeling on their knees and many noble men of England wayting vpon him to the great admiration of all the Germaines that beheld it such was his monstrous pompe and pride Ex Parâ—lip Abb. Vrspur This glorious Cardinall in his tragicall doyngs dyd exceede so farre all measure of a good subiect that he became more like a Prince then a Priest for although y e King bare the sword yet he bare the stroke makyng in a maner the whole Realme to bend at his becke to daunce after hys pipe Such practises and fetches he had that when he had well stored his own cofers first he fetched the greatest part of the Kings treasure out of the realme in xij great barels ful of gold siluer to serue the Popes warres And as his auaritious mind was neuer satisfied in getting so his restles head was so busie ruffling in publicke matters that he neuer ceassed before he had let both England Fraunce Flaunders Spayne and Italy together by the cares Thus this Legate well following the steppes of hys maister the Pope and both of them well declaring the nature of their religion vnder the pretence of y e Church practised great hipocrisie and vnder the authoritie of y e King he vsed great extortion with excessiue taxes and lones and valuation of euery mans substance The pilling 〈…〉 Cardinall so pilling the commoÌ„s and Marchaunts that euery man complayned but no redresse was had Neither yet were the Churchmen altogether free from the pillax and pollax from the pilling polling I meane of this Cardinall who vnder his power Legantine gaue by preueÌ„tions all benefices belonging to spirituall persons by which hard it is to say whether he purchased to himselfe more riches then hatred of the spiritualty So farre his licence stretched that he had power to suppresse diuers Abbeyes Priories and Monasteries and so did taking from them all their goodes moueables and not moueables except it were a little pension left onely to the heads of certayne houses By the saide power Legantine he kept also generall visitations through y e Realme sending Doctor Iohn Alein his Chaplein riding in hys gowne of veluet The Fryers obseruaunts 〈◊〉 of the Cardiâ—â—ll with a great traine to visit all religious houses whereat the Friers obseruants much grudged would in no wise coÌ„descend thereunto wherfore they were openly accursed at Paules crosse by frier Forest one of the same order so that the Cardinall at length preuayled both against them Of Fryer 〈◊〉 Vid. 〈…〉 Reg. Henriâ— 8. and all other Against whom great disdayne arose among the people perceauing how he by visitatioÌ„s making of Abbots probates of testamentes graunting of faculties licences and other pollings in his courtes Legantine had made his treasure equall with the Kings and yet euery yeare he sent great summes to Rome And thys was their dayly talke against the Cardinall Beside many other matters and greeuances which stirred the harts of the commons against the Cardinall thys was one which much pinched them for that the sayd Cardinall had sent out certain strait commissions in the Kings name that euery man should pay the vj. part of his goods Wherupon there folowed great muttering amongst y e coÌ„mons 〈…〉 19. Reg. Henriâ— 8. in such sort y t it had almost growen to some riotous commotion or tumult especially in the partes of Suffolke had not the Dukes of Northfolke and Suffolke with wisedome and gentlenes stept in and appeased the same Another thing that rubbed the stomackes of many or rather which moued them to laugh at the Cardinall was this to see his insolent presumption so highly to take vpon him as the Kings chiefe counsailer to set a reformation in the order of the Kings houshold making and establishing new ordinances in the same He likewise made new officers in y e house of the Duke of Richmond which was then newly begon In like maner he ordeined a Counsell established another houshold for y e Lady Mary then being princes so that all thing was done by his coÌ„sent by none other All this with much more tooke he vpoÌ„ him making the King beleeue y t all should be to his honour and y t he needed not to take any paine insomuch that the charge of all things was committed vnto him whereat many men smiled to see his great folly and presumption At this tyme the Cardinall gaue the King the lease of the Manour of Hampton Court which he had of the Lord of S. Iohns and on which he had done great coste Therfore y e King again of his geÌ„tle nature licenced him to lie in his Manour of Richmond so he lay there certain times But when the common people and specially such as were King Henry the vij seruantes sawe the Cardinall keepe house in the royall Manour of Richmond which K. Henry the vij so much esteemed it was a maruaile to here how they grudged saieng See a butchers dogge lie in the Manour of Richmond These with many other opprobrious wordes were spoken agaynst the Cardinall whose pride was so hygh that he regarded nothyng yet was he hated of all men And now to expresse some part of the 〈◊〉 practises and busie intermedlynges of this Cardinall in Princes warres first here is to be noted The Cardinall ruffling in matters and warres of Princes that after loÌ„g warres betwene England Fraunce 1524. in the which warres kyng Henry takyng the Emperours part agaynst FrauÌ„ces the French kyng had waged with his money y e Duke of Bourbon and a great part of the Emperours army to inuade and disturbe certaine partes of Fraunce it happened that the French kyng commyng with his armye toward Millan at the siege of Pauia was there takeÌ„ by the Duke of Bourbon Uiceroy of Neaples Fraunces 〈◊〉 French king taken prisoner and so led prisoner into Spayne Here note by the way that all this while the Cardinall held with the Emperour hopyng by hym to be made Pope but when that would not be he went cleane from the Emperour to the French kyng as the Lord willyng ye shall heare After this victory gotten and the French kyng beyng taken prisoner who remayned in custody about a yeare halfe at leÌ„gth through great labour solicitation as well of other as namely of the Cardinall and kyng Henry an order was taken The French king prisoner a yeare and a halfe and conditions propouÌ„ded
for the singulare promptnesse in the Italian toung wherein hee seemed nothing inferior neither to Peter Uanne here in Englande the kings Secretary for the Italian toung nor yet to any other which were the best in that toung in all Uenice For opinion fame of lerning he was so notoriously accepted not onely here in England w t Linacre Grecinus More other but also knowen reported abroad in such sort that in all the great heap of Erasmus Epistles he wrote almost to none so many as he wrote to thys Richard Pacie As the sayde Pacie was resident Ambassadour at Uenice the king hauing warre the same time Richard Pacie Ambassadour at Venice with Fraunces the French king as is afore rehersed through the conducting of the duke of Bourbon whom he then waged w t hys expenses sent commandement to Pacie to geue attēdance to the duke of Bourbon The Duke of Bourbon waged with the king of Englāds money concerning the receite of that money and other necessities exploits to that expedition appertaining In the meane while as the French king wyth his army and the Duke of Bourbon were approchyng in battel together neare about the citie of Pauia it so hapned some thinke through the craftie packing of the Cardinall that the kings money was not so ready The Duke of Bourbon disapointed of the kinges money as it was looked for By reason wherof y e duke of Bourbon perceiuing his soldiors about to shrinke from him to the French king for lacke of paiment called to him the Ambassador cōplaining vnto him how the king of England had deceiued him and broke promise with him to hys great dishonor vtter vndoing c. Pacie then being sure of the kings wil and suspecting the crafty fetch of the Cardinall desired y e duke not to take discomfort nor any diffidence of the Kings assured promise excusing the delay of y e money as wel as he could by intercipation or other causes by the way incident rather then for any lacke of fidelitie on the kings behalfe adding moreouer that if it would please him happely to proceede as he had couragiously begon Richard Pacie helpeth the Duke of Bourbō with money he should not stay for the kings mony so sure he was of the kings mind therin that he would supply the lacke of that paiment vppon hys owne credite amongest his frendes at Uenice and so did Wherupon the soldiors being sufficiētly satisfied with paiment of theyr wages proceeded foorth wyth the Duke vnto the battaile In the which battaile the foresayde French king the same time before the Citie of Pauie Richard Pacie was the meanes why the French king was taken was taken prisoner as is afore declared Which being eftsoones knowen to the king of Englande Pacie had bothe condigne thankes for his faithfull seruice and also his money repaid againe with the vttermost as he wel deserued But as the laude and the renowmed praise of men for theyr woorthy prowesses commonly in this world neuer go vnaccompanied without some priuie canker of enuie and disdaine following after so the singulare industrie of Pacie as it wan much commendation with many so it could not auoyd the secrete sting of some Serpents The Cardinall hated Pacie For the conceiued hatred of this Cardinal so kindled against him that he neuer ceased till first he brought hym out of the kings fauour and at last also out of his perfect wittes The occasion howe hee fell beside hymselfe was thys for that the Cardinall after the death of Pope Adrian hoping no lesse but that he should haue bene aduaunced vnto the Papacie and yet missing thereof hee supposed wyth him selfe the faulte chiefly to rest in Pacies negligence by whose great witte and learning and earnest meanes and sute he thought easily he might haue acheued and compassed the triple crowne Wherfore he seing it otherwise come to passe and inflamed against Pacie for the same wrought such wayes and meanes that by the space almoste of two yeares The Cardinall practiseth against Pacie Pacie continuing at Uenice had neither wrytinge from the king nor his counsaile what he shuld do nor yet any maner of allowaunce for his diet although he wrote and sent letters for the same to England very often for the Cardinall had altogether incensed the king against hym Whereupon the sayd Pacie tooke such an inward thoughte and conceite that his wittes began to faile hym he beynge notwithstanding in such fauour among the Senatours of Uenice Pacie in great credite with the Venetians that neyther for gold nor siluer he could there haue lacked By some it is reported that the Uenitian Legate heere in Englande comming to the Cardinall required if he would commaunde any thyng to the Englishe Ambassadour at Uenice The Cardinall falsely belyeth Pacie To whome he should aunswer agayne in high woordes sayinge Paceus decepit Regem Whyche wordes comming to Pacies eares so deepely pearced hys stomacke that he fel quite besides himself I hard it moreouer of an other thus testified who had a brother the same time dwelling wyth Pacie that the Cardinall aboute the returning of Pacie from Uenice sent him a letter so powdered wyth what spices I can not tell that at the reading therof Pacie then being in the fieldes fell sodenly in such a mighty running for the space of 2 miles that his seruants had much a do to take him and bring him home This pitious case of Pacie was not a litle lamented by the whole Senate and chiefe learned men in Uenice in so much that the king was not onely certified therof by Thomas Lupset who then was chiefe man about Pacie Pacie be straught of his wittes and his Secretarye for that Ambassage but also the sayde Senate of Uenice wrote in such sharpe vehement wise vnto their Ambassador then being in England that he should signifie to the king touching Pacies case that thereby the king knowing the trueth and the whole circumstaunce of the matter was not a litle sorowful therefore Whereupon Pacie was forthwith sent for home and when hee came to England he was commanded by the king to be specially well tended to lacke no keeping In so much that within a small processe of time he was pretely well come agayne to his wittes began to studie the Hebrew tongue wyth Wakefield Pacie pretely recouered so that the Cardinall then being absent suche waies was founde by his frendes that he was brought to the king lying then at Richmond where he and the kynge secretely communed together by the space of 2. houres and more Pacie brought to the kinges speech not wythout greate reioycing to the king as it was perceiued to see him so well amended returned to hymselfe againe geuing likewise strait charge and commaundement that he should lacke nothing The Cardinall being then not present when he heard of this fearing least he had disclosed somewhat to the king
borne Yet neuertheles his purpose was to prooue and feele what they both would say vnto it therefore sent Steuen Gardiner to Rome to way with Pope Clement To the Emperour was sent Syr Nicolas Heruy knight ambassador in the Court of Gaunt Firste Pope Clement not weying belike the full importaunce and sequele of the matter Campeius the Popes Legate sent Cardinal Campeius as is sayde into Englande ioyned with the Cardinal of Yorke At the comming of which Legates The kinges perswasion to the Legate the King first opening vnto them the griefe of hys conscience seemed wyth great reasons and persuasions sufficiently to haue drawne the good will of those two Legates to his side Who also of their owne accord pretended no lesse but to shew a willing inclination to further the kinges cause But yet the mouthes of the common people and in especial of women and such other as fauoured the Queene and talked their pleasure Euill language of the people about the kinges diuorce were not stopped Wherefore to satisfie the blinde surmises and foolishe communication of these also who seeing the comming of the Cardinalles cast out suche leaude wordes that the king woulde for his owne pleasure haue an other wife with like vnseeming talke he therefore willing that al men should know the truth of his procedings caused all his Nobilitie Iudges and Counsaillors wyth diuers other persons to resort to his Pallace of Bridewel the 8. day of Nouemb. An. 1529. where he openly speaking in his great chāber had these words in effect as followeth The kings Oration to his subiects OVr trustie welbeloued subiects both you of the nobility you of the meaner sort it is not vnknowē both how that we both by Gods prouision and true and lawfull inheritaunce haue raigned ouer this realme of England almost the terme of 20. yeares During whiche time we haue so ordered vs thanked be God that no outward enemy hath oppressed you nor taken anye thing from vs nor we haue inuaded no realme but we haue had victory honor so that we think that you nor none of your predecessors neuer liued more quietly more wealthely nor in more estimation vnder any of our noble progenitors But when we remēber our mortality and that we must die then we think that all our doings in our life time are clearely defaced worthy of no memory if we leaue you in trouble at the time of oure deathe for if our true heir be not known at the time of our death see what mischiefe and trouble shall succeede to you and to your children The experience thereof some of you haue seene after the death of our noble grandfather king Edward 4. and some haue heard what mischief and manslaughter continued in this realme betwene the houses of Yorke and Lancaster by the which dissention this realme was like to haue bene clearely destroyed And although it hath pleased almighty God to send vs a faire daughter of a noble woman and of me begotten to our greate comfort and ioy yet it hath bene tolde vs by diuers great Clearks that neither she is our lawfull daughter nor her mother our lawfull wife but that we liue together abhominably and detestably in open adulterie in somuch that when our Ambassade was last in France and motion was made that the Duke of Orleance should marry our sayde daughter one of the chiefe Counsailours to the French king sayd It were well done to know whether she be the king of Englands lawfull daughter or not for well knowen it is that he begot her on his brothers wife which is directly againste Gods law and his precept Thinke you my Lords that these words touch not my body and soule Thinke you that these doings doe not daily and hourely trouble my cōscience and vexe my spirits Yes we doubt not but and if it were your cause euery man wold seeke remedy when the pearil of your soule and the losse of your inheritance is openly laide to you For this onely cause I protest before God and in the word of a Prince I haue asked councell of the greatest Clearkes in Christendome and for this cause I haue sent for this Legate as a manne indifferent onely to knowe the truth and so to settle my conscience and for none other cause as God can iudge And as touching the Queene if it be adiudged by the law of God that she is my lawfull wife there was neuer thing more pleasant nor more acceptable to me in my life both for the discharge and clearing of my conscience and also for the good qualities and conditions the which I know to be in her For I assure you all that beside her noble parentage of the which shee is descended as you well know she is a woman of most gentlenesse of moste humilitie and buxumnesse yea and of all good qualities appertaining to nobilitie she is without comparison as I this 20. yeares almoste haue had the true experiment so that if I were to mary againe if the marriage might be good I would surely chose her aboue all other women But if it be determined by iudgement that our mariage was against Gods law and clearely voyde then I shall not onely sorowe the departing from so good a Ladie and louing companion but much more lamēt and bewaile my infortunate chance that I haue so long liued in adultery to Gods great displeasure and haue no true heire of my body to inherite thys Realme These be the sores that vexe my minde these be the pāgs that trouble my conscience and for these greeues I seeke a remedy Therefore I require of you all as our trust and confidence is in you to declare to our subiects our minde and entent according to our true meaning and desire them to pray with vs that the very truth may be knowen for the discharge of our conscience and sauing of our soule and for the declaration hereof I haue assembled you together and now you may depart Shortly after this Oration of the king wherewith he stirred the harts of a number then the two Legates being requested of the king for discharge of his conscience The legates talke with the Queene to iudge and determine vpon the cause went to the Queene lying then in the place of Bridewell and declared to her how they were deputed iudges indifferent betwene y e king and her to heare and determine whether the mariage betwene them stoode with Gods law nor not When she vnderstoode the cause of their comming being thereat some thing astonied at y e first after a litle pausing with her selfe Ex Edw. Hallo thus she began answering for her selfe ALas my Lorde said she is it nowe a question whether I be the kings lawfull wife or no when I haue bene maried to hym almost 20. yeres and in the meane season neuer question was made before Diuers Prelates yet being aliue and Lords also Queene Katherines aunswere to the Cardinalles
the truth which he defended before in his booke De obedientia to papistry Steuen Gardiner reuolteth to Papistry ioining part and side with suche as were knowne papists so he seemeth likewyse to beare a like secret grudge against the Lord Cromwell and all such whomsoeuer he fauoured Thirdly as concerning the forenamed D. Edmund Boner the author of this declaration heere is to be seene and noted that he all this while appeared a good man and diligent friend to the truth and that he was fauoured of the Lord Cromwell for the same Fourthly that the said D. Boner was not onely fauoured of the Lord Cromwell but also by him was aduaunced first to the office of Legation D. Boners comming vp onely by the Gospell then to the Bishoprike of Hereford and lastly to the Bishoprike of London whome the said D. Boner in his letters agniseth and confesseth to be his only Patron and singular Mecaenas Which being so we haue in this said D. Boner greatly to meruayle what should be the cause that he seing all his setting vp making and preferring came only by the Gospell and by theÌ„ of the Gospels side he being then so hated of Steuen Gardiner and such as he was being also at that time such a furtherer and defender of the Gospell as appeared both by his Preface before Gardinars booke De obedientia and by his writings to the Lord Cromwell also by helping forward the printed Bibles at Paris could euer be a man so vngratefull vnkind afterward to ioyne part with the said Steuen Gardiner against the Gospell without y t which Gospel he had neuer come to be bishop neither of Hereford nor yet of London and now to abuse y e same bishopricke of London to persecute y t so vehemently which before so openly he defended Wherin y e same may well be said to him in this case y t he himselfe was reported once to say to the french King in the cause of Grancetor to witte that he had done therein against his honour against iustice against reason against honesty Boners owne wordes retorted against himselfe against freÌ„dship against his own promise and his othe so often made against his owne doctrine and iudgement which then he professed against all truth against the treates and leagues betwene him and his setters vp and against all together and to conclude against the saluation of his owne soule But to referre this to the booke of his accomptes who shall iudge one day all things vprightly let vs proceede further in y e coÌ„tinue of this D. Boners legation Who being now Ambassadour in the court of Fraunce as he haue heard had geuen in commission from the king to entreate with the French King for sondry pointes as for the printing of the new Testament in English Printing the newe testament in English and the Byble at Paris and the Bible at Paris also for slanderous preachers and malicious speakers against the King for goods of merchaunts taken and spoiled for the kings pension to be paid for the matters of the Duke of Suffolke for certaine prisoners in Fraunce Item for Grancetor the traitour and certain other rebels to be sent into England c. Touching all which affayres the sayd D. Boner did employ his diligence trauaile to the good satisfaction and contentment of the kings minde The diligeÌ„ce trust of D. Boner in legatyon and discharge of his duetie in such sort as no default could be found in him saue only that the French King one time tooke displeasure with him for that the said Boner beyng now made bishop of Hereford and bearing himself somewhat more seriously and boldly before the king in the cause of Grancetor the traytour wherein he was willed by the aduertisement of the Kings pleasure The wordes of D. Boner 〈◊〉 to the French king to wade more deepely and instantly vsed these words to the French King as y e french king himself did afterward report them saieng that he had done in deliueraÌ„ce of that foresaid Grancetor being an Englishman The French king disâ—lesed with â—ishop Boner Bish. Boner 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 to the king his mâ—â—ster 3. thinges agaynst God agaynst his honor agaynst iustice agaynst reason agaynst honesty against friendship against all law against the treates leagues betwene him and his brother the King of England yea and against all together c. These words of Bishop Boner although he denieth to haue spoken them in that forme and qualitie yet howsoeuer they were spoken did stirre vp the stomack of the French King to conceiue high displeasure agaynst him in so much that he answering the Lord Ambassadour againe bad him write these three things vnto his maister First among other thinges that his Embassadour was a greate foole Secondarily that he caused to be done better iustice there in his Realme in one houre then they did in Englande in a whole yeare Thirdly that if it were not for the loue of his maister he should haue an hundreth strokes with an Haulbard c. And furthermore the sayde Frenche King beside thys sending a speciall messenger with his letters to the king of England willed him to reuoke and cal this Ambassadour home and to send him an other The cause why the french King tooke these wordes of Bishop Boner so to stomacke as the L. Chauncelour said was this for that the Kings of Fraunce standing chiefly and in maner only vpon theyr honour can suffer that in no case to be touched Otherwise in those wordes if they had bene well taken was not so much blame perchaunce as boldnes being spoken somwhat vehemently in his maisters behalfe Bishop coÌ„moÌ„ly boldder in Princes matters then in the cause of Christ. But this one thing seemeth to me much blameworthy both in this Byshop and many other that they in earthly matters and to please terrene Kings will put forth themselues to such a boldnes and forwardnes and in Christes cause the King of all kings whose cause they should onely attend vppon and tender they are so remisse cold and cowardly To these letters of the French King the King of England sent aunswer againe by other letters in which he reuoked and called home againe bishop Boner geuing vnto him about the same time the Bishopricke of London and sente in supply of his place Sir Iohn Wallop a greate frend to Steuen Gardiner Whiche was in February about the beginning of the yeare of our Lord 1540. Heere now followeth the othe of Boner to the King when hee was made Byshop of London ¶ The othe of Doctor Edmund Boner when hee was made Byshop of London agaynst the Pope of Rome YE shall neuer consent nor agree that the Byshop of Rome shall practise D. Boners othe against the Pope exercise or haue any maner of authority iurisdiction or power within this Realme or any other the Kings dominion but that you shall resist the same at all times to the vttermost
quiet and to be contented with my death which I am most willing to suffer and let vs now ioyne in praier vnto the Lord for the preseruation of the Kings Maiestie vnto whome hitherto I haue alwaies shewed my selfe a most faithfull and true subiecte I haue alwayes bene most diligent about his Maiestie in his affayres both at home and abroade and no lesse diligent in seeking the common commoditie of the whole Realme At whyche words all the people cried out and said it was most true Then the Duke proceeding said Unto whose Maiestie I wish continuall health with all felicitie all prosperous successe Whereunto the people againe cryed out Amen Moreouer I do wishe vnto all his Counsaylours the grace and fauour of God whereby they may rule in all things vprightly with iustice Unto whome I exhort you all in the Lord to shew your selues obedient as it is your bounden duety vnder the payne of condemnation and also most profitable for the preseruation and safegarde of the Kings Maiestie Moreouer for so much as heeretofore I haue had oftentimes affaires with diuers men The confession of the Duke of Somerset hard it is to please euery man therfore if there be any that hath ben offended iniuried by me I most humbly require aske him forgeuenes but especially almighty God whome throughout all my life I haue most greeuously offended and all other whatsoeuer they be that haue offended me I do with my whole hart forgeue them Now I once againe require you dearly beloued in the Lord that you wil keepe your selues quiete and still least through your tumult you might trouble me For albeit the spirite be willing and ready the flesh is fraile and wauering and through your quietnesse I shall be much more quieter The Duke â—f Someâ—set 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 of Ieâ—â—â— Christ. Moreouer I desire you all to beare me witnes that I dye heere in the fayth of Iesus Christ desiring you to helpe me with your prayers that I may perseuere constant in the same vnto my liues end After this hee turning himselfe agayne aboute like a meeke lambe â— Coxe 〈◊〉 ghostly 〈◊〉 kneeled down vpon his knees Then doctor Coxe which was there present to counsell and aduertise him deliuered a certaine scroll into his hand wherin was conteined a briefe confession vnto God Which being read he stoode vp againe vpon his feete without any trouble of mind as it appeared and first bad the Sheriffes farewel then the Lieutenant of the Tower and other taking them all by the handes which were vpon the scaffold with hym Then he gaue the Hangman certaine money Which done he put off his gowne and kneeling downe againe in the straw vntied his shyrt strings After that the hangman comming vnto him turned downe his coller round about his necke and al other things which did let or hinder him Then lifting vp his eyes to heauen where his only hope remained and couering his face with his owne handkercher he layd himselfe downe along shewing no maner of token of trouble or feare neyther did his countenaunce chaunge but that before his eyes were couered there began to appeare a red colour in the middest of his cheekes Thus this most meeke and gentle Duke lying along and looking for the stroke because his doublet couered his necke he was coÌ„maunded to rise vp and put it off and then laying himselfe downe againe vpon the blocke The godly 〈◊〉 of the Duke of Soâ—erset and calling thrise vpon the name of Iesus saying Lord Iesu saue mee as he was the thyrd tyme repeating the same euen as the name of Iesu was in vttering in a moment he was bereft both of head life slept in the Lord Iesus being taken away from all the daungers and euils of this life and resting now in the peace of God in the preferment of whose truth and Gospell he alwaies shewed himselfe an excellent instrument and member and therefore hath receyued the reward of his labours Thus gentle Reader thou hast the true history of this worthy and noble Duke and if any man report it otherwise let it be counted as a lye As touching the maners disposition life and conuersation of the said Duke and the Kings vncle what shall we neede to speake when as he can not be sufficiently commeÌ„ded according to the dignitie of his vertues There was alwaies in him great humanitie and suche meekenes and gentlenes as is rare to be found in so high estate He was prone and ready to geue care vnto the coÌ„plaints and supplicatioÌ„s of the poore The vertues of the Duke of Somerset declared no lesse attentiue vnto the affaires of the coÌ„mon wealth Which if he had liued together wyth king Edward was like to do much good in reforming many misorders within this realme He was vtterly ignoraÌ„t of al craft and deceit and as farre void of all pride and ambition as he was froÌ„ doing of iniury being indeede vtterly voyd of both He was of a gentle dispositioÌ„ not coueting to be reuenged more apt ready to be deceiued then to deceiue His auncient loue zeale of the Gospell of religion he brought with him to the state of this his dignitie The proofe whereof sufficiently was seene in his constant standing to gods truth and zealous defence therof The zealous standing of the Duke of Somerset in defence of the truth against the Bishops at Winsore against the Bishops of Chichester Norwich Lincolne London and others moe in the Consultation had at Windsore the first yeare of the kinges raigne Briefly considering the nature and vertues of this Duke I may as seemeth not vnaptly compare and resemble him vnto Duke Humfrey the good Duke of Glocester Who likewise being vncle vnto king Henry 6. and Protector of the Realme as this was also to king Edw. the 6. yet he wanted not his enemies and priuy enueyers especially Henry Beauford Cardinal Bishop of Winchester and Lord Chancellour of England A comparison betweene Duke Humfrey Vncle to K. Henry 6. and the Duke of Somerset Vncle to K. Edward 6. who at that time disdayning and enuying the rule and authoritie of thys Duke procured much trouble agaynst him and great deuision in the whole realme in so muche that all the Shops within the Cittie of London were shutte in for feare of the fauourers of these two great personages For ech part had assembled no small number of people For pacifying wherof the Archbishop of Caunterbury and the Duke of Quimber called the Prince of Portugale rode eight times in one day betwene the two aduersaries Such were then the troubles of these tumultuous diuision within the realme betweene these two Touching the trouble of the Duke of Glocester read before pag. 67â— as is before expressed pag. 679. not much vnlike to y e troublesome discord betwixt parties in this Protectors dayes And as in their afflictions and troubles these two Dukes seemed not
at large In whome I wyshe thee to continue in health and to perseuere in the trueth Anno 1549. ⧠The first entring of Queene Mary to the Crowne with the alteration of Religion and other perturbations happening the same time in this Realme of England Anno 1553. WHat time King Edward by long sickenesse beganne to appeare more feble and weake in the meane while during the time of this his sickenesse The reigne of Queene Mary a certayne mariage was prouided concluded and shortly also vpon the same solempnised in the moneth of May betwene the Lord Gilford sonne to the Duke of Northumberland 〈◊〉 â—â—tweene the Lorâ— Gilfoâ—d and the Lady â—ane and the Lady Iane the Duke of Suffolkes daughter whose mother being then aliue was daughter to Mary King Henryes second sister who first was maried to the French king and afterward to Charles Duke of Suffolke But to make no long tariance hereupon the mariage being ended and the king waxing euery day more sicke then other where as in deede there seemed in him no hope of recouerye it was brought to passe by the consent not onely of the Nobility but also of all the chiefe Lawyers of the Realme that the king by his Testament did appoynt the foresayde Ladye Iane daughter to the Duke of Suffolke to be inheretrice vnto the crowne of England passing ouer his two sisters Mary and Elizabeth To this order subscribed all the kinges Counsell and chiefe of the Nobility Syr Iames Hales standeth with Queene Mary the Maior and city of London and almoste all the Iudges and chiefe Lawyers of this Realme sauing onely Iustice Hales of Kent a man both fauoring true Religion and also an vpright iudge as any hath bene noted in this Realme who geuing his consent vnto Lady Mary would in no case subscribe to Lady Iane. Of this man God willing you shall perceiue more in the sequele of this story The causes layd agaynst Lady Marye were as well for that it was feared she would mary with a Straunger and thereby entangle the crowne as also that she would cleane alter Religion vsed both in king Henry her father and also in king Edwarde her brothers dayes so bring in the pope to the vtter destruction of the Realme which indeed afterward came to passe as by the course and sequele of this story may well appeare Two things feared in Queene Mary Much probable matter they had thus to coniecture of her by reason of her great stubbernnes shewed and declared in her brothers dayes as in the letters before mentioned passing betwene her and king Edward the Counsell may appeare The matter being thus concluded and after confirmed by euery mans hand King Edwarde an Impe of so great hope not long after this departed by the vehemency of his sickenes when he was sixtene yeares of age with whom also decaid in maner the whole florishing estate and honor of the English nation Queene Iane proclaâ—med at â—ondon ComparisoÌ„â—â—tweene 〈◊〉 king â—dward â—oung Lady 〈◊〉 This 〈◊〉 of the Lady Iane was M. Elmer When king Edwarde was deade this Iane was established in the kingdome by the Nobles consent and was forthwith published Queene by proclamation at London and in other Cityes where was any great resort and was there so taken and named Betweene this young Damosell and kyng Edwarde there was litle difference in age though in learning knowledge of the tongues she was not onely equall but also superior vnto him being instructed of a Mayster right notablye learned If her fortune had bene as good as was her bringing vppe ioyned wyth â—inenesse of wit vndoubtedly she might haue semed comparable not onelye to the house of the Uaspasians Sempâ—onians and mother of the Grachies yea to anye other women beside that deserued high prayse for theyr sigulart learning but also to the vniuersity men which haue taken many degrees of the Schooles In the meane time while these thinges were a working at London Mary which had knowledge of her Brothers death writeth to the Lords of the Councell in forme as foloweth ¶ A Letter of the Lady Mary sent to the Lordes of the Counsell wherein shee claymeth the Crowne after the decease of king Edwarde Lady Maryes letter sent to the Counâ—ayle wherein shee 〈◊〉 the Crowne MY Lordes we greete you well and haue receiued sure aduertisement that our dearest Brother the king our late soueraigne Lord is departed to Gods mercye whiche newes howe they be woefull vnto our hart he onely knoweth to whose will and pleasure we must and do humbly submitte vs and our willes But in this so lamentable a case that is to witte now after hys Maiesties departure and death concerning the Crowne and gouernaunce of thys Realme of England with the title of Fraunce and all thinges thereto belonging what hath bene prouided by Act of Parliament and the Testament and last will of our dearest Father besides other circumstaunces aduauncing our right you know the Realme and the whole world knoweth the Rolles and Recordes appeare by the authority of the kyng our sayde Father and the king our sayde brother and the subiectes of thys Realme so that we verily trust that there is no good true subiect that is can or would pretend to be ignoraunt therof and of our parte wee haue of our selues caused and as God shall ayde and strength vs shall cause our right and title in this behalfe to be published and proclaymed accordingly And albeit this so weighty a matter seemeth straunge that the dying of oure sayde brother vpon Thursday at night last past we hytherto hadde no knowledge from you thereof yet we consider your wisedomes and prudence to be such that hauing eftsoones amongest you debated pondered and well wayed this present case with our estate with your own estate the common wealth and all our honours wee shall and may conceiue greate hope and trust with much assuraunce in your loyaltye and seruice and therefore for the tyme interprete and take thinges not to the worst and that ye yet will like Noble men woorke the best Neuerthelesse wee are not ignoraunt of your consultations to vndoe the prouisions made for our preferment nor of the great bandes and prouisions forceable wherewith yee bee assembled and prepared by whom and to what ende God and you know and nature can but feare some euill But be it that some consideration politicke or whatsoeuer thing else hath mooued you thereto yet doubte you not my Lordes but we can take all these your doynges in gracious part being also right ready to remit fullye pardon the same with that freely to eschewe bloudshed and vengeance agaynst all those that canne or will intend the same trusting also assuredly you will take and accept this grace and vertue in good part as appeateyneth and that wee shall not be enforced to vse the seruice of other our true subiectes and frendes which in thys our iust and right cause
inprimis charos à moerore ac sollicitudine ad spem atque expectationem certae â—alu is vocare sacere noÌ„ potuimus quin gratias sereni vestrae pro taÌ„ proÌ„pta ac benigna voluÌ„tate non modo huius beneficij sed etiaÌ„ perpetuae inter nos ac regna nostra conseruandae ac colende amicitiae ageremus quantum in nobis esset quod ad applectanda persequendaque haec auspicata initia pertineret nihil praetermitteremus Neque vero nobis de clementia ac moderatione Sere vestrae vnquam dubium fuit quam deus opt max. ad gloriam sui nominis fructum pub vtilitatis vt magis ac magis efflorescere velit ex animo optamus Proinde cum ob rationes aerarias neque aliud grauius delictum D. Couerd teneri Sere vestra scribat est sanè vt ipsius causa laetemur eoque minus ambigamus liberationem incolumitatemque eius nostris precibus liberaliter donati Nam accepimus ipsum episcopatu cuius nomine aerario obstrictus fuerat cessisse vt inde satisfactio peteretur maxime cum neque diu eo potitus fuisse neque tantum emolumenti inde percepisse dicatur Quinetiam si qua rationum perplexitas aut alia forte causa reperiri posset tamen sollicitudinem ac dubitationem nobis Serenitatis vestrae tam amice atque officiose defereÌ„tes literae omnem exemerunt vt existimemus Sere vestraÌ„ quoad eius fieri posset magis honorem nostrum quam quid ab eo exigi possit consideraturam Itaque Sere vestram repetitis precibus vrgere non constituimus sed potius testatum facere quam accepta nobis Sere vest gratificatio sit cuius ralem euentum omnino speramus vt ipse Couerd coram vobis suae incolumitatis à Sere vest exoratae beneficium propediem repraesentare possit Illud vero imprimis Seren. vest vicissim persuasum esse cupimus nos non solum referendae gratiae sed etiam stabilendae proueheÌ„dae que inter nos ac regna vtrinque nostra amicitiae ac necessitudinis mutuae occasionem aut facultatem nullam esse praetermissuros Deus opt max. Sere vest diu foeliciter ac beate incolumem esse velit Datae ex oppido nostro Ottoniensi 24. Septembr Anno 1554. Vester frater consanguineus Christianus The same in English ¶ Christierne by the grace of God King of Denmarke Norway Gotland and of the Vandales Duke of Sleswike Holston Stormar and Detmarsh Earle of Oldenburgh and Delmenhorst c. To the most noble princesse Lady Mary Queene of England Fraunce and Ireland defender of the fayth c. Our most dearely beloued sister and cosin wisheth prosperitie with good and luckie successe of all thyngs WE haue receiued your Maiesties letters whereby auÌ„swere is rendred The same epistle in Englishe that very graciously vnto our petitioÌ„ which we made for the safegard of maister Couerdall late called bish of Exon. So that we perceiue though he be in dauÌ„ger for an other cause then was signified vnto vs afore yet your maiestie will so regard our intercession that Couerdale him selfe shall vnderstand it to haue done him good To the which regall promise seyng we as reason is we should do attribute so much that trusting vnto y e same we doubt not where as he beyng in captiuitie his frendes whom we specially tender are therfore in heauinesse and care your good promise doth call them from such sorow solicitude to the hope expectation of his assured welfare we could not do otherwise but reÌ„der thaÌ„kes vnto your maiesty for such your ready gracious good will not onely in respect of this benefite but also of the coÌ„seruation keping of perpetuall amitie betwene vs our realmes so as much as in vs lyeth to omit nothing that to the norishing coÌ„tinuance of these fortunate beginnings might appertaine Neither had we euer any doubt coÌ„cerning the clemeÌ„cie moderation of your goodnes whom we hartily beseech almighty God euer more and more prosper vnto the glory of his name profite of the coÌ„mon weale Wherfore seyng your Maiestie writeth that maister Couerdale is in dauÌ„ger for certaine accomptes of money not for any other more greeuous offence we haue cause on his behalfe to reioyce therfore we doubt so much the lesse that at our request he shall graciously haue his deliueraÌ„ce geueÌ„ him and be out of daunger For as touching the Byshoprike by reason whereof he came in debt we vnderstaÌ„d he yelded it vp that paymeÌ„t might thereof be required specially seing he is reputed neither to haue enioyed it loÌ„g neither to haue had at any time so great coÌ„modity of it More ouer though it be possible to finde some perplexitie in the accoÌ„pt or happily some other cause yet your maiesties letters offering such fauour and benignitie haue taken from vs all carefulnesse and doubt In so much that we thinke your maiestie as much as may be will haue more respect vnto our honour then vnto that whiche might of hym be required And therefore wee purpose not to trouble your Maiestie by repeting of our petition but to declare howe greatly we esteeme it that your maiestie would gratify vs herein whereof we plainely hope for such an end that Couerdale him selfe shall shortly in our presence make declaration concerning the benefite of his welfare obtayned of your maiestie And of this wee desire your maiestie to be specially assured agayne that wee will not onely omit no occasion or oportunitie to requite this benefite but also to establish and amplifie our mutual loue amitie betweene vs and our realms on either side Almighty God preserue your maiestie in prosperous health and felicitie Geuen at our Citie of Otton the 24. of Septemb. Ann. D. 1554. To these letters it was a great while before the queene would aunswere At length through great sute made the next yeare the 18. of February she aunswered agayne in this wise ¶ Sereniss principi D. Christiano Dei gratia Daniae c. Regi Sleswici c. Duci Comiti in Oldenburgh c. fratri amico nostro charissimo MAria dei gratia Regina Angliae Franciae Neapolis February 18. The answere of Queene Mary to the King of Denmarkes letter M. Couerdale deliuered and 〈◊〉 sent to the King of Denmarke Hierusalem Hyberniae c. Serenissimo principi Christiano eadem gratia Daniae Noruegiae Gothorum Vandalorum Regi Slesuici Holsatiae Stormariae Ditmersiae Duci Comiti in Oldenburgh Delmenhorst c. fratri amico nostro chariss salutem prosperumue rerum incrementum Cum intellexerimus ex Serenitatis vestrae literis quas hic nuntius nobis attulit desyderium vestrum obtinendi â nobis pro M. Couerdalo subdito nostro exeundi è regno nostro ad vos proficiscendi facultatem facile quidem in V. Serenitatis gratiam hanc illi facultatem concessimus Et quanquam
therefore it is easie to iudge to how fauourable and vprightfull hartes they tooke vppon them to be his aduocates and defenders The Chauncellour likewise charged him vpon the same xxiij daye y t since his last imprisonment he had said vnto Robert Cluny the Bishops Sumner and his keeper that as far foorth as he could see or perceiue for his parte in this his matter the lawes of the Church were grounded vpon Pilate Cayphas The lawes of the church of Rome groūded vpon Pilate and Cayphas Which obiection he graunting to be true the Chaūcellour did for that time dismisse the Courte vntill the first daye of Marche nexte following Uppon whiche daye minding to make quicke dispatche he in fewe wordes asked Man what matter he had to alledge for himselfe why he shoulde not then considering the premisses bee pronounced a relapsed heretique and receiue suche punishement by the seculare power as to suche was due by order of lawe But he hauing no other allegations then before whiche might take place with them was finally condemned as an heretique And notwithstanding that as the register noteth but howe truely God onely knoweth he did agayne forsake his former renewed profession of Christes Gospell and yelded himselfe vnto the Bish. of Rome requiring to be absolued from his curse of excommunication and contented to doe such penaunce as they should enioyne him he was yet the xxix day of Marche deliuered by Doctour Hed vnto the Sheriffe of London The popish chauncelour would not seeme to cōsent to his death but yet could send him to the Shambles to be kilde to be then presently burned with this protestation made before that he might not consent to the death of any and therefore he desired the Sheriffe that he woulde receiue this person as relapsed and condemned and yet to punishe him otherwise then by rigorous rigour The wordes to be marked in their sentence be these Rogamus attentè in visceribus Iesu Christi vt huiusmodi dignae seueritatis vltio executio de te contra te in hac parte fienda taliter moderetur vt non sit rigor rigidus neque mansuetudo dissoluta sed as salutē sanitatem animae tuae c. That is We desire in the bowels of our lord Iesus Christ that the punishment and execution of due seueritie of thee against thee in this part may so be moderate that there be no rigorous rigour nor yet no dissolute mansuetude but to the health and wealth of thy soule c. Wherein these Catholique Churchmen doe well declare accordyng to the wordes of Thomas Man before expressed that the lawes of their church be grounded vpō Pilate Caiphas For like as Caiphas with his court of Phariseis cried against Christ vnto Pilate It is not lawfull for vs to put anye man to death But if thou let hym go thou art not Caesars friend Euen so they first condemning the saints of God to death and then deliuering them vnto the secular Magistrate to be thereupon executed woulde yet couer their malignant hartes with the cloke of hipocriticall holines and vnwillingnes to shedde bloude But God be thanked whiche bringeth all thinges to light in his due time vncouereth her hipocrisie at last that she may be seene and knowne in right colours * The burning of Thomas Man Thus Thomas man the manly martyr of Iesu christ being condemned by the vniust sentence of Hed the Chaūcellour was deliuered to the Sheriffe of London sitting on horsebacke in Pater noster rowe before the Byshops doore an 1518. protesting to the sayde Sheriffe that he had no power to put him to deathe and therefore desired the Sheriffe to take him as a relapse and cōdemned to see him punished Et tamen citra Mortem that is without death as the wordes stand in the Register The Sheriffe receiuing neither articles to be read at his burning nor any Indentures of that his deliuerye Thomas Man burned of the Sheriffe without any warrāt An. 1518. Mens Mart. 29. Ex Regist. immediately caryed him to Smithfielde and there in the same day in the foorenoone caused him to be put into Gods Aungell according to the wordes of the sayd Thomas Man before saying that if he were taken againe of the pilled knaue priestes as he called them he wist well he should goe to the holy Aungell and then be an angell in heauen In the deposition of one Thomas Risby weauer of Stratford Langthorn against y e forenamed Martyr Tho. Man it appeareth by the Registers that he had bene in diuers places and countryes in England and had instructed very many as at Amersham at London at Billerica Chemsford at Stratford Langford at Oxbrige at Burnham at Henley vpon Thamis in Suffolke and Northfolke at Newbery and diuers places moe where he himselfe testifieth that as he went Westward he found a great company of well disposed persons being of the same iudgement touching the sacrament of the Lordes supper that he was of and especially at Newbery where was as he confessed a glorious and sweete societie of faythfull fauourers who had continued the space of xv yeares together Ex Regist. Rich. Fitziames Pag. 798. Vj. score abiured and 3. or 4. burnt about Newbery 60. yeares agoe till at last by a certaine lewd person whome they trusted and made of their counsell they were bewrayed and then many of them to the number of sixe or seuen score were abiured and three or foure of them burnt From thence he came then as he confessed to the forest of Windsore where he hearing of the brethren which were at Hamersham remoued thither where he found a godly and a great company which had continued in that doctrine and teaching 23. yeares whiche was from this present time 70. yeares agone Abiuratio magna Knowen men or Iust fast men of Amersham W. Tilseley or rather Tylseworth martyr Vid. supra Pag. 774. And this congregation of Buckingham shyre men remayned till the time of Iohn Longham Bishop of Lincolne whereof we shal Christ willing heare more anone Against these faythfull Christiās of Amersham was great troble and persecution in the time of W. Smyth Byshop of Lincolne about the yeare of our Lord 1057. at whiche time diuers and many were abiured and it was called Abiuratio Magna the great abiuration and they whiche were noted of that doctrine and profession were called by the name of knowne men or iust fast men c. In this congregatiō of the faithful brethren were 4. principall readers or instructers Wherof one was Tilesworth called thē D. Tilesworth who was burnt at Amersham mentioned in our history before by the name of William Tilseley whō I suppose rather to be called Tilseworth pag. 774. An other was Thomas Chase Thomas Chase Martyr Vide. supra pag. 774. called amongst them Doctour Chase whom we declared before to be murdered and hanged in the Bishop of Lincolnes prison at Woborne called Little ease pag.
these so weightie matters entreating of Christes holy Martyrs to discourse much of Thomas Wolsey Cardinall of Yorke notwithstandyng forsomuch as there be many whiche being caryed awaye with a wrong opinion and estimation of that false glittering Church of Rome doe thinke that holynes to be in it which in deede is not to the entent therefore that the vayne pompe and pride of that ambitious Church so farre differing from all pure Christianitie and godlynes more notoriously may appeare to all men and partly also to refresh the Reader with some varietie of matter I thought compendiously to expresse the ridiculous and pompous qualities and demeaner of this foresayd Thomas Wolsey Cardinall and Legate of Rome in whome alone the Image and life of all other suche like followers and professors of the same Church may be seene and obserued For like as the Lacedemonians in times past were accustomed to shewe and demonstrate droncken men vnto theyr children Example of the Lacedemonians to behold and looke vpon that through the foulenes of that vice they might inflame them the more to the studie and desire of sobrietie euen so it shall not be hurtfull sometimes to set forth the examples which are not honest that others might thereby gather the instructions of better and more vpright dealing Wherefore thou shalt note heere good Reader in thys hystorie wyth all iudgement the great difference of lyfe and Christian conuersation betwene this Church and the other true humble Martyrs and seruants of God whome they haue and doe yet persecute And first to beginne with the first meeting and comming in of this Cardinall and his fellow Cardinall Campeius into England Campeius sent into England it was about the tyme when Pope Leo intending to make war agaynst the Turkes sente three Legates together from Rome whereof one went into Germanie an other into Fraunce Laurentius Campeius was appointed to come into England When he was come to Callis and that the Cardinall of Yorke had vnderstanding therof he sent certayne Byshops and Doctors with as much speede as he coulde to meete the Legate and to shewe hym that if hee would haue hys Ambassade take effect he should sende in poste to Rome to haue the sayd Cardinall of Yorke made Legate and to be ioyned wyth hym in commission Which thing he much affected misdoubtyng least hys authoritie thereby might perhaps be diminished through the comming of the Legate and therefore required to be ioyned with hym in like degree of the Ambassade Cardinall Wolsey seeketh to be ioyned in equall commyssiō with Campeius Campeius being a man light of beliefe and suspecting no such matter gaue credite vnto hys wordes and sent vnto Rome with suche speede that within xxx dayes after the Bull was brought to Callis wherein they were both equally ioined in Commission during whiche time the Cardinall of Yorke sent to the Legate at Callis red cloth to clothe hys seruants withall which at their comming to Callis Note the state and pride of the Popes Clergye were but meanely apparelled When all things were ready Campeius passed y e Seas landed at Douer and so kept forth his iourney towarde London At euery good towne as they passed he was receaued with procession accompanied with all the Lords Gentlemen of Kent And when he came to blacke Heath The receauing of the Popes Legate into England there met him the Duke of Northfolke with a great number of Prelates Knightes and Gentlemen all richly apparelled in y e way he was brought into a rich tent of cloth of gold where he shifted hymselfe into a Cardinals robe furred with Ermines and so tooke his Mule ryding toward Lōdō Now marke y e great humilitie in this Church of the Pope and cōpare the same with the other Church of the Martyrs and see which of them is more Gospell like Thys Campeius had eight Mules of hys owne laden with diuers farthelles and other preparation Ambition pompe in the Cardinall The Cardinal of Yorke thinking them not sufficient for his estate the night before he came to London sent him xij mules more with empty cofers couered with red to furnish his cariage withal The next day these xx mules were led through the Citie as though they had bene loden with treasures apparell and other necessaries to the great admiration of all men that they shoulde receiue a Legate as it were a God with such and so great treasure and riches For so the common people doth alwayes iudge and esteeme the maiestie of the Cleargie by no other thing then by theyr outwarde shewes and pompe but in the middest of thys great admiration there hapned a ridiculous spectacle to y e great derision of their pride ambition For as the Mules passed through Cheape side and y e people were pressing about them to behold and gaze as the maner is it hapned that one of the Mules breaking his coller that he was led in ranne vpon the other Mules whereby it hapned How God confoundeth the pride pompe of men that they so running together and their girthes being losed ouerthrew diuers of their burthens and so there appeared the Cardinals gay treasure not without great laughter and scorne of many and specially of boyes and gerles whereof some gathered vp peeces of meate The Cardinalles 20. great Mules loden with rosted eggs and rotten shoes and such other treasure othersome peeces of bread and rosted egges some found horse shoes and old bootes with such other baggage crieng out beholde heere is my Lord Cardinals treasure The Muliters being therewithall greatly ashamed gathered together their treasure agayne as well as they could and went forward About three of the clocke at after noone the xxix day of Iuly the Cardinall himselfe was brought through the Citie with great pompe and solemnity vnto Paules church whereas when he had blessed all men with the Byshops blessing as the maner is he was guided forth vnto y e Cardinall of Yorkes house where as he was receaued by the said Cardinal and by him on the next day being Sonday was conducted vnto the King to fulfill his Ambassade agaynst the Turke which might haue destroyed all Hungarie Ex Edouar Hallo in the meane time whiles they were studieng with what solemnitie to furnish out their Ambassade When the Cardinall of Yorke was thus a Legate hee set vp a Court and called it the Court of the Legate and proued testamentes and heard causes to the great hynderance of all the Byshops of the Realme He visited Byshops all the Clergy exempt and not exempt and vnder colour of reformatiō he got much treasure nothing was reformed but came to more mischiefe for by example of his pride Priests and all spirituall persons waxed so proude that they weare veluet and silke both in gownes iackets dublets and shoes kept open lechery so hyghly bare thē selues by reason of his authorities faculties that no mā durst once
to his mercifull goodnes Of which diuorcement and suppressing of the Popes authority we haue likewise to make declaration But first as we haue begun with the Cardinall of Yorke so we will make an ende of him That done we will God willing addresse our selfe to other matters of more importance As the ambassadours were thus trauailing in Rome to promote the Cardinall to be Pope althoughe the Pope was not yet dead in the meane time the Cardinall played the Popish persecuter here at home Fryer Barnes with two Marchantes of the Stilliard caused by the Cardinal to beare fagots For first hee sitting in his Pontificalibus in the Cathedrall Churche of Paules vnder his cloth of estate of rich cloth of golde caused Frier Barnes an Augustine Frier to beare a fagot for certayne poyntes which he called heresie Also hee caused the same two marchants of the stilliarde likewise to beare fagottes for eating fleshe on a friday At the which time the Byshop of Rochester made a sermon in reproofe of M. Luther who had before wrytten agaynst the power of the B. of Rome This bishop in his sermon spake so muche of the honoure of the Pope and his Cardinals and of their dignitie and preeminence that he forgate to speake of the Gospel which he tooke in hande to declare which was about the yeare of our Lord. 1526. Anno. 1528. After this the said Cardinall likewise An. 1528. and in the moneth of Nouemb. sitting at Westminster as legate called before him the whole Cleargie and there promysed that all abusions of the church shuld be amended but there nothing els was done saue onely he caused to be abiured Arthur Bilney Geffrey Lome and Garret for speakinge against the Popes authoritie and his pompous pride Of whome more shal be sayd the Lord assisting vs hereafter And this was An. 1528. Anno 1529 The yeare next following which was An. 1529. began the question of the kings mariage to be reuiued Wherupon Cardinal Campegius was sent againe into Englande from Rome The occasion of the Cardinalls fall for the hearing and debating of the matter Who then with Cardinall Wolsey consulting with y e king although at first he seemed with his felow Cardinal to incline to the kings disposition yet afterward perceiuing the sequele of the case whether it tended so farre as peraduenture might be the occasion of a blot to the court of Rome The cause of the kinges mariage with his brothers wife was daÌ„gerous to the Pope for this For if it were vnlawfull then the dispensation of Pope Iuly was voyde If it were lawfull then the iudgementes of so manye vniuersities were false and might shake perhaps the chaire of the Popes omnipotent authoritie as wel in other cases like if this one case were throughly decided by learning and trueth of Gods word he therefore slipping his necke out of the collar craftily shifted him selfe out of the Realme before the day came appoynted for determination leauing his suttle felowe behinde him to wey with the king in the meane time while the matter might be brought vp to the court of Rome The king thus seeing himselfe disappoynted foded wyth false promises and craftily doubled withal by the Cardinalles and at last after so many delaies and long expectation nothing to be concluded was sore agreeued in his mind with them but especially with Cardinall Wolsey whom he had before so highly exalted and promoted to so many greate dignities as to the Archbishoprike of York the bishoprike of Winchester The king deluded by the two Cardinalls of Duresme the abby of S. Albons besides the Chancelorship of England and many other high roumes preferments in the realme which caused him clearly to cast him out of his fauour so that after that time he neuer came more to the kings presence Ex Hallo Then folowed first a counsaile of the nobles called the first of Octob. A Counsaile of the Nobles called During the which counsaile all the Lordes and other the kings Counsaile agreeing together resorted to Windsore to the king and there informed the king that all things which he had done almost by his power LegaÌ„tine were in the case of the Premunire and prouision and that the Cardinall had forfaited all his lands The Cardinall cast in the Premunire tenements goods and cattels to the king wherefore the king willing order to him according to the order of his lawes caused his attourney Christopher Hales to sue out a Wryt of Premunire against him in the which he licenced hym to make an Attourney And further the 17. day of Nouember hee sent the two Dukes of Norffolke Suffolke The Cardinall depriued of the Câ—auncellourship to his place at Westminster to fetch away the great Seale of England whyche he was lothe to deliuer if there had bene any remedie but in conclusion he deliuered it to the two Dukes which deliuered the same to Doctor Tailour Maister of the Rolles to carie it to the king which so did the next day Besides this the king sent Syr William Fitzwilliams Knight of the Garter and Treasurer of his house and doctor Steuen Gardiner newly made Secretary to see that no goodes should be embesiled oute of his house Steuen Gardiner the kinges secretarye and further ordeined y t the Cardinal should remoue to Asher beside Kingston there to tary the kings pleasure and to haue all things deliuered to hym which were necessary for him but not after his olde pompous and superfluous fashyon for all hys goodes were seased to the kinges vse When the Seale was thus taken from the Cardinall The Cardinalls goods seased to the king the Dukes of Norffolke and Suffolke wyth many Earles Byshops and Barons came into the Starre chamber the xix day of October where the Duke of Norffolke declared that the kings highnesse for diuers and sundry offences had taken from hym his great Seale and deposed him of all offices and lest men might complaine for lacke of iustice he had apointed him and the Duke of Suffolke with the assent of the other Lordes to sitte in the Starre chamber to heare and determine causes indifferently and that of all thyngs the kings pleasure and commaundement was that they should keepe their hands close from any rewards taking or maintenance and so that weeke they sate in the Starre chamber and determined causes The Cardinalls remouing from Yorke place A fewe dayes after in the same moneth the Cardinall remooued out of hys house called Yorke place wyth â—ne Crosse saying that he woulde he had neuer borne more meaning that by his crosse that which he bare as Legate which degree taking was hys confusion as you see openly and so hee tooke his barge and went to Pueney by water and there tooke his horse and roade to Asher where he remained till Lent after During which time hee being called on for an aunswere in the kings Bench to the Premunire for geuing
wolues were so prosperous y t then there were but few theeues yea theft was at that tyme so rare that Caesar was not compelled to make penalty of death vpon felony as your grace may well perceiue in his institutes There was also at that time but few poore people and yet thei did not begge The cause of so many beggâ—â—s theeues and idle people in England but there was geuen them enough vnasked for there was at that time none of these rauenous wolues to aske it from them as it appeareth in the Actes of the Apostles Is it any maruell though there be now so many beggers theues and â—ole people Nay truely What remedy make lawes agaynst them I am in doubt whether ye be able The popeâ— clergy stronger in Parliâ—mente â—hen 〈◊〉 as hath appeared by thâ—ir cruell lawes against the poore Gospellers Are they not stronger in your owne Parliament house then your selfe What a number of Bishops Abbots and Priors are Lordes of your Parliament Are not all the learned men of your realme in fee with them to speake in your Parliament house for them agaynst your crowne dignity and common wealth of your realme a few of your owne learned Counsell onely excepted What lawe can be made agaynst them that may bee auayleable Who is hee though he be greued neuer so sore that for the murther of his auncester No lawe nor remedye against the clergie rauishmeÌ„t of his wife of his daughter robbery trespasse manne debt or any other offence dare lay it to theyr charge by any way of action and if he do then is he by and by by theyr wyknes accused of heresy yea they will so handle him ere he passe that except he will beare a Fagot for theyr pleasure he shal be excommunicate then be all his actions dashed So captiue are your lawes vnto them that no man whom they list to excommunicate All lawes and actions captiue 〈◊〉 the clergy men may be admitted to sue any actioÌ„ in any of your Courts If any man in your Sessions dare be so hardy to indite a Priest of any such crime he hath ere the yeare go out such a yoake of heresye layd in his necke that it maketh him wish that he had not done it Your grace may see what a worke there is in LondoÌ„ Of Richard Hunne read before pag. 806 how the Bishop rageth for inditing of certayne Curates of extortion incontineÌ„cy the last yere in the Wardmote quest Had not Richard Hunne commenced action of Premunire against a Priest he had bene yet aliue and no heretick at all but an honest man Did not diuers of your noble progenitors The statute of Mortmayne seeyng theyr crowne and dignity runne into ruine and to be thus craftily translated into the handes of this mischieuous generatioÌ„ make diuers statutes for the reformation thereof among which the statute of Mortmayne was one to the intent that after that time they should haue no more geuen vnto them But what auayled it haue they not gotten into theyr handes more landes since theÌ„ any Duke in England hath Halfe the profite of the realme in the clergies handes the statute notwithstandyng Yea haue they not for all that translated into theyr handes from your grace halfe your kingdome throughly the onely name remayning to you for your auÌ„ceters sake So you haue the name and they the profit Yea I feare if I should wey all thinges to the vttermost they would also take the name vnto them and of one kingdome make twayne the spirituall kingdome as they call it for they will be named first and your temporall kingdome And which of these 2. kingdoms suppose you is like to ouergrow the other yea to put y e other cleare out of memory Truly the kingdome of the bloudsuppers for to them is geuen daily out of your kingdome and that that is once geuen them commeth neuer from them agayne Such lawes haue they that none of them may neither geue nor sell nothing What law can be made so strong agaynst theÌ„ that they either with mony or els with other pollicy will not breake or sette at nought What kingdome can endure that euer geueth thus froÌ„ him and receiueth nothing agayne Oh how all the substaunce of your realme your sword power crowne dignity obedience of your people runneth headlong into the insatiable whirlepole of these gredy goulfes to be swallowed and deuoured Neither haue they any other colour to gather these yearely exactions into their handes The most good that the Popes clergye doth in England is to pray 〈◊〉 soules out of Purgatorye but that they say they pray for vs to God to deliuer our soules out of the paynes of Purgatory without whose prayer they say or at least without the Popes pardon we coulde neuer be deliuered thence Which if it be true then it is good reason that we geue theÌ„ all these things although it were a huÌ„dred times as much But there be many men of great litterature and iudgement that for the loue they haue vnto the trueth and vnto the common wealth haue not feared to put theÌ„selues into the greatest infamy that may be in abiection of all the world yea in peril of death to declare theyr opinion in this matter which is that there is no Purgatory but that it is a thing inuented by the couetousnes of the spiritualty Purgatory denyed onely to translate all kingdomes from other princes vnto theÌ„ and that there is not one word spokeÌ„ of it in all holy Scripture They say also that if there were a Purgatory and also if that the Pope with his pardons for money may deliuer one soule thence he may deliuer hym as well without mony if he may deliuer one he may deliuer a thousaÌ„d if he may deliuer a thousand he may deliuer them al and so destroy Purgatory and then heâ—s a cruell tyrant without all charity if he keepe them there in prison and in payne tyll men will geue him money If the Pope may deliuer soules â—ut of Purgator◠〈◊〉 money hee may then as 〈◊〉 deliuer them without 〈◊〉 if it pleased him Agayne if he deliuerâ—â— he can deliuer a thousanâ—â— he can deliuer a thousanâ—â— can deliuer all and so maâ— gaâ—â—e deliuerie and a 〈◊〉 dispatch of all 〈◊〉 if hee woulde and if he wâ—ll not wheÌ„ he may theÌ„ is there no charitye in him Likewise say they of all the whole sort of the spiritualtye that if they will pray for no man but for theÌ„ that geue theÌ„ money they are tyrants lacke charity suffer those soules to be punished and payned vncharitably for lacke of theyr prayers This sorte of folkes they cal hereticks these they burne these they rage agaynst put to open shame and make them beare Fagots But whether they be heretickes or no well I wot that this Purgatory the popes pardons are all the cause of the translatioÌ„ of your kingdome so fast
dayes who kepte her maides and suche as were about her so occupyed in sowing and woorking of shirts smockes for the poore The good order of the Court in Queene Annes tyme. that neither was there sene any idlenes then amoÌ„gst them nor any leisure to followe such pastimes as daily are seene now a daies to raigne in princes courtes Thus the king being deuorced from the lady Dowager his brothers wife maried this gracious Lady makyng a prosperous and happy change for vs The king diuorced from Lady Catherine froÌ„ the Pope both at one tyme. being diuorced from the foresaide Princesse and also from the Pope both at one time Notwythstanding as good and godly purposes are neuer without some incommoditie or trouble following so it happened in this diuorcement that the sayde Princesse procuring from Rome the Popes curse caused both the king and the realme to be interdited wherof more is hereafter to be spoken In the meane time Quene Anne shortly after her mariage Anno 1533 being great with childe the next yeare followynge which was 1533. after the first diuorcement publikely proclaimed Queene Anne crowned Queene Elizabeth borne was crowned wyth high solemnitie at Westminster and not long after her Coronation the 7. day of September she was brought a bed and deliuered of a faire Lady for whose good deliueraunce Te Deum was songe in all places and great preparation made for the Christening The Maior and his brethren with 40. of the chiefe Citizens were commaunded to be present withall the nobles and Gentlemen The kings Pallace and all the wals betweene that and the Friers was hanged with Arras and the Friers Churche Also the Fonte was of siluer stoode in the midst of the Churche three steppes high whych was couered with a fine cloth and diuers Gentlemen wyth aprons and towels about their neckes gaue attendance about it Ouer the Fonte hong a faire Canapy of crimosine Satten fringed wyth Golde About it was a raile couered wyth saie Betweene the Quire and the body of the church was a close place with a pan of fire to make the childe ready in These things thus ordered the childe was brought into the Hall and then euery man set forward First the citizens 2. and 2. Then the gentlemen Esquiers and Chapleins Next after folowed the Aldermen and the Maior alone Next the Maior folowed the kings Councell Then the kings Chappel Then Barons Bishops and Earles Then came the Earl of Essex bearing the couered Basons gilte After him the Marques of Exeter wyth the taper of Uirgin waxe Next him the Marques Dorset bearynge the Salte Behinde him the Ladie Marie of Northfolke bearing the Chrisome which was very riche of Perle and stone The olde Duchesse of Northfolke bare the childe in a Mantle of Purple Ueluette with a longe traine Furred with Ermine The Duke of Northfolke with hys Marshal rod went on the right hand of the sayde Duchesse and the Duke of Suffolke on the left hande Before them went the Officers of armes The Countesse of Kente bare the long traine of the childes mantell Betwene the Countesse and the child went the Erle of Wilshire on the right hand and the Erle of Darby on the left hand supporting the said traine In the middest ouer the childe was borne a Canapie by the Lord Rochford the Lord Hussey the Lord William Haward and the Lord Thomas Hawarde the elder In this order they came vnto the Churche dore where the Bishop of London mette it with diuers Abbots and Byshops and began the obseruances of the Sacrament The Archbishop of Caunterbury was Godfather and the olde Duchesse of Northfolke and the old Marchionesse of Dorset widowes were Godmothers and the childe was named Elizabeth After all thinges were done at the Churche doore the child was brought to the Fonte Christened This done Cranmer godfather to Queene Elizabeth Garter the chiefe king of armes cryed aloud God of his infinite goodnes send prosperous lyfe and longe to the high and mighty princesse of England ELIZABETH Then the Trompettes blew and the childe was brought vp to the aultare and immediately confirmed by the Archbishop the Marchionesse of Exceter beyng Godmother Then the Archbishop of Caunterbury gaue to the Princesse a standing cup of Gold The Duchesse of Northfolke gaue to her a standing cup of Golde fretted with Pearle The Marchionesse of Dorset three gilte boles pounced with a couer The Marchionesse of Exceter three standing boles gilt grauen with a couer And so after a solemne bancket ended with Ipocras Wafers and such lyke in great plenty they returned in like order agayne vnto the Courte wyth the Princesse and so departed At the Maryage of this noble Lady as there was no small ioy vnto al good and godly men and no lesse hope of prosperous successe to Gods true Religion so in like maner on the contrarye parte the papistes wanted not theyr malicious and secret attemptes as by the false hipocrisie and fayned holynesse of a false fayned hipocrite this yeare before espyed found out may sufficiently appeare what theyr deuilishe deuises and purposes were For certayne Monks Friers other euill disposed persoÌ„s of a deuilish intent had put into the heades of many of the kinges subiectes that they had reuelation of God and hys sayntes y t he was highly displeased w t king Henry for y e diuorcement of the Lady Katherine and surmised amongst other thyngs that God had reuealed to a Nunne named Elizabeth Barton whome they called the holy maide of Kente that in case the Kinge proceeded in the sayde deuorce The maide of Kent with her false fained hipocrisie appreheÌ„ded hee should not be king of this realme one moneth after and in the reputation of God not one day nor hour This Elizabeth Barton by fals dissimulation practised and shewed to the people marueilous alteration of her visage and other partes of her body as if she had bene rapt or in a traunce in those fained traunces by false hipocrisie as though shee had bene inspired of God she spake many words in rebuking of sinne and reproouing the Gospell whiche shee called heresie and among them vttered diuers thyngs to the great reproch of the king and Quene to the establishing of Idolatrie Pilgrimage and the derogatioÌ„ of Gods glory whych her naughtines being spied out by the great labour and diligence of the Archbishop of Caunterbury the Lord Cromwell and Maister Hugh Latimer shee was condemned and put to death with certeyne of her affinitie and Councell in the moneth of Aprill Elizabeth 〈◊〉 with her 〈◊〉 coÌ„spirâ—tâ—rs an 1533. The names of which conspiratours with her were these Edwarde Bocking Monke of Canterbury Richard Master Person of Aldington Iohn Dering Monke of Canterbury Hugh Riche Frier Warden of the Gray Friers of Canterbury Richard Risby Henry Gold bacheler of Diuinitie and Person of Aldermary Fisher Byshop of Rochester Iohn Adeson Priest his Chapleine Thomas
burned and these heretikes after the sermon to goe thryse about the fire and to cast in theyr fagots Now while the sermon was a doing D. Barnes and the stilliard men were commanded to knele downe aske God forgeuenes the catholike church and cardinals grace and after that hee was commaunded at the ende of the sermon to declare that he was more charitablier hādled then he deserued or was worthy hys heresies were so horrible and so detestable and once againe kneeled downe on hys knees and desiring the people of forgeuenesse and to praye for him and so the cardinal departed vnder a canapie with all his mitred men with him till he came to the second gate of Paules and then he tooke his mule and the mitred men came backe againe Then these poore men being commanded to come downe from the stage whereon the sweepers vse to stande when they sweepe the Church the Byshops sate them downe againe and commanded the knight marshall and the Warden of the Fleete with theyr company to carie them aboute the fire and so were they brought to the bishops and there for absolution kneeled downe Where Rochester stode vp and declared vnto the people how many dayes of pardon and forgeuenes of sinnes they had for beyng at that Sermone Dayes of pardon geuen for hearing a Popishe Sermon and there did assoyle D. Barnes wyth the other and shewed the people that they were receiued into the church agayne This done the Warden of the Fleete and the Knyght Marshall were commanded to haue them to the Fleete againe and charged that they should haue the libertie of the Flete as other prisoners had and that theyr frends myght resort vnto them and there to remaine till the Lorde Cardinals pleasure was knowen After that Barnes there in the Fleete had cōtinued the space of halfe a yeare at length beyng deliuered was committed to be free prisoner at the Austen friers in London When those Caterpillers and bloudy beasts had there vndermined hym they complained againe to their Lord cardinall Wherupon he was remoued to the Austen Fryers of Northampton there to be burned Yet he himself vnder stāding nothing therof but supposing still y t he shuld there remaine and continue in free prison at last one M. Horne who had brought hym vp and was his speciall frende hauing intelligence of the writte which should shortly be sent downe to burne him gaue him counsaile to faine him selfe to be desperate and that hee shoulde wryte a letter to the Cardinal and leaue it on his table where he lay and a paper by to declare whether he was gone to drown hymself to leaue his clothes in the same place Doct. Barnes fayned himselfe to be drowned and there an other letter to be left to the Maior of the towne to search for hym in the water because hee had a letter written in parchment about hys necke closed in waxe for the Cardinall whyche would teach all men to beware by hym Uppon thys they were 7. dayes in searching for hym but hee was conueyed to London in a pore mans apparel and so taried not there but tooke shipping and went by long Seas to Antwerpe and so to Luther and there fell to studie till hee had made aunswere to all the Bishops of the Realme and had made a Booke intituled Acta Romanorum pontificum And an other booke wyth a supplication to king Henrie Immediatly it was tolde the Cardinall that he was drowned and he sayde Perit memoria eius cum sonitu But thys did lyghte vppon hymselfe shortly after whyche wretchedly dyed at Leicester In the meane season D. Barnes was made strong in Christ Doct. Barnes sent Ambassadour from the king of Denmarke to king Henry into England and got fauour both of the learned in Christe forreine Princes in Germanye and was great wyth Luther Melancthon Pomeran Iustus Ionas Hegendorphinus and Aepinus and with the Duke of Saxon and the king of Denmarke which king of Denmarke in the time of More and Stokesley sent hym wyth the Lubeckes as an Ambassadour to king Henry the viij He lay wyth the Lubeckes Chauncellor at the Stilliard Syr Tho. More then Chancelour woulde fayne haue entrapped him Syr Thomas More sought the death of Doct. Barnes but the king would not let him for Cromwell was his great frende And ere he went the Lubeckes he disputed wyth the Bishops of this realme in defence of the truth and so he departed agayne wythout restrainte wyth the Lubeckes After hys going againe to Wittemb to the Duke of Saxon and to Luther hee remained there to set forwardes hys workes in Printe that he had begon from whence hee returned againe in the beginning of the raigne of Queene Anne Doct. Barnes returned agayne into England in the tyme of Queene Anne as other did continued a faythfull preacher in this Citie being all her time wel entertained and promoted After that he was sent Ambassador by K. Henrye the 8. to the Duke of Cleue for the marriage of y e Lady Anne of Cleue betwene the king and her and was wel accepted in that Ambassade and in all hys doings Doct. Barnes sent Ambassadour by king Henry to the Duke of Cleue vntil the time that Ste. Gardiner came out of Fraunce but after he came neither religion prospered nor the Queenes maiestie nor Cromwell nor the preachers who after the marryage of the Ladie Anne of Cleue neuer ceased vntill hee had grafted the mariage in an other stocke by the occasion wherof he began his bloudy broyle For not long after Doctor Barnes with hys brethren were apprehended and caryed before the kyngs maiestie to Hampton courte and there he was examined Where the kynges maiestie seeking the meanes of his safety to bring Wintc and hym agreed at Wynchesters request graunted him leaue to go home with the bishop to cōferre with him and so he did But as it happened they not agreeing Gardiner and his cōpartners sought by al subtil meanes how to entangle and to entrappe them in further danger which not long after was brought to passe For by certaine complaintes made to the kinge of them they were enioyned to preache 3. sermones the next Easter folowing at the Spittle At the which sermones besides other reporters whych were thether sent Ste. Gardiner also was there present sitting with the Maior either to beare recorde of theyr recantation or els as the Phariseis came to Christ to trippe them in their talke if they had spokē any thing awry Whē these 3. had thus preached their Sermons among whome Barnes preaching the first sermon and seeing Ste. Gardiner there present humbly desired him in the face of al the audience if he forgaue hym to holde vp hys hande and the sayd Gardiner thereupon held vp his finger yet notwithstanding shortly after by the meanes of the sayd reporters they were sent for to Hampton Courte who from thence were caryed to the tower by Syr
sitting in Smithfield Hetherto we haue entreated of this good woman Now it remayneth that we touch somewhat as concernyng her ende and Martyrdome After that she beyng borne of such stocke and kynred that she might haue liued in great wealth and prosperitie if she would rather haue followed the world then Christ now had bene so tormented that she could neyther lyue long in so great distresse An. Askew brought â—â—to the 〈◊〉 neyther yet by her aduersaries be suffered to die in secret the daye of her execution beyng appoynted she was brought into Smithfield in a chayre because she could not goe on her feete An. Askew 〈◊〉 vpon the racke by meanes of her great tormentes When she was brought vnto the stake she was tyed by the middle with a chayne that held vp her body When all things were thus prepared to the fire D. Shaxton who was then appoynted to preach â—â—axton â—reached at Anne 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 began his Sermon Anne Askew hearyng and answering agayne vnto him where he sayd wel confirmed the same where he sayd amisse there sayde she he misseth and speaketh without the booke The Sermon beyng finished the Martyrs standyng there tyed at three seuerall Stakes ready to theyr Martirdome beganne theyr prayers The multitude and concourse of the people was exceedyng the place where they stoode beyng rayled about to keepe out the prease Upon the Benche vnder Saint Bartlemewes Church sate Wrisley Chauncellour of England the old Duke of Norfolke the olde Earle of Bedford the Lord Mayor wyth dyuers other moe Before the fire should be set vnto them one of the Benche hearyng that they had gunnepouder about them and beyng afrayde least the fagots by strength of the gunnepouder would come â—lieng about their eares began to be afraid but the Erle of Bedford declaring vnto him how y e gunpouder was not laid vnder the fagots but onely about theyr bodies to rydde them out of their paine which hauyng vente there was no daunger to them of the fagottes so diminished that feare Anne Askew refuseth the kinges pardon Then Wrisley Lord Chauncellour sent to Anne Askew letters offring to her the kyngs pardon if she would recant Who refusing once to looke vpon them made this answer agayne that she came not thether to deny her lord and Maister Then were the letters likewise offered vnto the other who in lyke manner followyng the constancie of the woman denied not onely to receyue them Iusâ—titia iniusta but also to looke vpon them Whereupon the Lord Mayor commaundyng fire to be put vnto them cryed wyth a lowde voyce Fiat iustitia And thus the good Anne Askew with these blessed Martyrs beyng troubled so many maner of ways and hauing passed through so many torments hauyng now ended the long course of her agonies beyng coÌ„passed in with flames of fire as a blessed sacrifice vnto God she slept in the lord an 1546. leauyng behynd her a singular example of christian constancy for all men to follow John Lacels Iohn Adams and Nicholas Belenian The Martyrdome of Anne Askew Io. Lacels Io. Adams Nich. Belenian THere was at the same time also burnt together wyth her one Nicholas Belenian priest of Shropshire I. Adams a Taylor and Iohn Lacels Gentleman of the court and houshold of king Henry It happened well for them that they dyed together with Anne Askew For albeit that of themselues they wer strong and stout men yet through the example and exhortation of her they beyng the more boldened receyued occasion of greater comfort in that so paynefull and dolefull kynd of death who beholdyng her inuincible constancie and also stirred vp thorough her perswasions did set apart all kynd of feare Thus they confirming one another with mutual exhortations taried looking for the tormenter and fire which at the last flaming round about them consumeb their blessed bodies in happy Martyrdome in the yeare of our saluation 1546. about the month of Iune There is also a certayne letter extant which the sayd I. Lacels briefly wrote beyng in prison touchyng the sacrament of Christes body and bloud wherin he doth both coÌ„fute the errour of them which being not contented wyth the spirituall receyuing of the sacrament wil leaue no substance of bread therin and also confuteth the sinister interpretation of many therupon The tenor of which letter is as here vnder followeth The copy of the letter of Iohn Lacels written out of prison SAint Paule because of sectes and dissention among the Corinthians The letter of M. Iohn Lacels written out of prison wrote his epistle vnto them and in lyke case pertaining to my conscience I doe protest my whole hart in the blessed supper of the Lord wherein I trust in God to bryng nothyng for me but I shall be able wyth Gods holy worde to declare and manifest the same And herein I take occasion to recite the saying of saint Paule in the sayd Epistle the xi chapter That which I deliuered vnto you â— Cor. 11. I receyued of the Lorde For the Lorde Iesus the same night in which he was betrayed tooke breade gaue thankes and brake it and sayd take ye eate ye this is my body which is broken for you Here me seemeth S. Paule durst not take vpon hym hys Lord and maisters authoritie Wherefore as at Gods hand the breaking of the most innocent and immaculate body and bloud of Christ is the quietnes of all mens consciences the onely remedy of our sinnes and the redemption of mankynd which is called in the scripture the dailye offering so the Masse whiche is the inuention of man whose author is the Pope of Rome as it doth appeare in Polydore Uirgill and many others is the vnquietnesse of all Christendome The blasphemy wickednes of the Masse a blasphemy vnto Christes bloud and as Daniel calleth it the abhominable desolation as the Scripture shall hereafter more manifest it S. Paule was belyke to learne of the Romaines church A prophesie the manner of the consecration as they call it wyth the breathyng ouer the hoste and other ceremonies besides that he durst not take vpon him to say Hoc est corpus meum S. Paule did not take vpon him in the person of Christ to say Hoc est corpus meum as our Priestes doe But this I will admitte it was the Lord Iesus that made the supper which also did finish it and made an end of the onely acte of our saluation not onely here in this world but with his father in heauen as he declareth hym selfe that he will drinke no more of this bitter cuppe tyll he drinke it new in his fathers kingdom where all bitternes shall be taken away Now if any man be able to finish the acte of our Sauiour in breakyng of hys body and sheadyng of his bloude here and also to finish it with the father in heauen then let hym say it But I thinke that if men will looke vpon saint Paules wordes well
letter of execution from the Kinge and the Counsaile the foresayde Duke and Uncle to the Kyng beinge founde no traitour onely being caste by the Acte of Fellonye was deliuered vnto the Sheriffes and so brought to the place of execution Touching which execution a few words here woulde be bestowed in describing the wonderful order and maner thereof according as it hath faithfully ben suggested to vs vppon the credite of a certaine noble Personage who not onely was there present at the deede doing but also in a maner next vnto him vpon the scaffolde beholding the order of all things with his eies and with his penne also reporting the same in order and maner as here foloweth In the yeare of our Lorde 1552. the 22. day of Ianuary in the sixte yeare of the raigne of king Edward the sixte he being yet vnder age and gouernaunce of Tutours the noble Duke of Somersette vncle to kynge Edwarde was brought out of the tower of London and accordinge to the maner deliuered to the Sheriffes of the Citie and compassed round about w t a great number of armed men both of the garde and others he was brought vnto the scaffolde on Tower hill where as hee nothing chaunging neyther voyce nor countenance but in a maner with the same gesture whych he commonly vsed at home kneeling downe vppon both his knees and lifting vpp his handes commended himselfe vnto God After that he had ended a fewe short prayers standing vp againe and turning him selfe towarde the East side of the Scaffold nothing at all abashed as it seemed vnto me standing about the middest of the Scaffold and diligently marking all things neither with the sight of the axe The cheaâ—â—â—full counteâ—nance of 〈◊〉 Duke of Somerset his death neyther yet of the hangman or of present death but wyth the like alacritie and chearefulnesse of minde and countenance as before times he was accustomed to heare the causes and Supplication of other and especially the poore towardes whom as it were with a certaine fatherly loue to his children he alwaies shewed himselfe moste attentiue he vttered these wordes to the people Dearly beloued frendes The worâ— of the Duke of Somerset peopâ—â— the peopâ—â— at his deaâ—â— I am broughte hither to suffer death albeit that I neuer offended against the king nether by word nor dede and haue bene alwaies as faithful true vnto this Realme as any man hath bene But for somuch as I am by a lawe condemned to die I do acknowledge my selfe as well as others to bee subiecte thereunto Wherefore to testifie my obedience whiche I owe vnto the lawes I am come hither to suffer death wherunto I willingly offer my selfe with most hearty thankes vnto God that hath geuen me this time of repentaunce who myght thorowe sodaine death haue taken away my life that neyther I should haue acknowledged him nor my selfe Moreouer dearly beloued frendes there is yet somewhat that I must put you in minde of as touchinge Christian religion which so long as I was in authoritie I alwayes diligently sette foorth and furthered to my power Neither I repent me of my doinges but reioyce therein sith that now the state of Christian religion commeth most neare vnto the forme and order of the Primitiue Churche The 〈◊〉 the Dukâ— Somerseâ— setting forth truâ— religion Which thing I esteeme as a great benefite geuen of God both vnto you and me most hartily exhorting you all that this which is most purely set forth vnto you you wil with like thankfulnesse accept and embrace and set out the same in your liuing Which thing if you do not wythout doubt greater mischiefe and calamitie wil folow When he had spoken these wordes A sodeinâ— noyse and feare of people 〈◊〉 the deatâ— the Duâ—â— Somersâ—â— sodainely there was a terrible noise heard whereupon there came a great feare on al men This noise was as it had bene the noise of some great storm or tempest which vnto some semed to be heard from aboue like as if a great deale of gunpouder being inclosed in an armorie and hauing caught fire had violently broken out But vnto some againe it seemed as though it had ben a great multitude of horsemen running together or comming vppon them Suche a noyse was then in the eares of all men albeit they saw nothing Whereby it hapned that all the people being amased wythout any euident cause wythout any violence or stroke striken or any man seene they ran away some into y e ditches and puddles and some into the houses thereabout other some being afraide with the horrour and noyse fell downe groueling vnto the ground w t their polaxes and halbards most part of them cried oute Iesus saue vs Iesus saue vs. Those whyche tarried still in their places for feare knewe not where they were And I my selfe which was there present among the rest being also afraid in this hurly burly stoode stil altogether amased looking when any man woulde knocke me in the head It hapned heere as the Euangelists write it dyd vnto Christ when as the officers of the high Priestes and Phariseis comming wyth weapons to take him being astonied ran backwardes and fell to the ground In the meane time The lyke story you shall reaâ— Caius Mâ—â—rius in Vâ—â—lerius Mâ—â—â—imus the booke chapter whilest these things were thus in doing the people by chance spied one sir Anthony Broune riding vnto the scaffold which was the occasion of a new noise For when they saw him comming they coniectured that which was not true but notwithstanding which they all wished for that the king by that messenger had sent hys vncle pardone and therfore with great reioysing casting vp their cappes they cried out Pardon pardone is come God saue the king Thus this good Duke although hee was destitute of all mans helpe The greaâ— fauour of the peopâ—â— to the 〈◊〉 of Somerâ—set yet he sawe before hys departure in how great loue fauour he was with all men And truely I doe not thinke that in so great slaughter of Dukes as hath bene in England within these few yeares there was so many weeping eyes at one time and not w tout cause For all men did see in the decay of this Duke the publike ruine of al england except such as in dede did perceiue nothing But now to returne from whence we haue strayed the Duke in the meane time standing stil in y e same place modestly and with a graue couÌ„tenance made a signe to the people w t his hand that they woulde kepe themselues quiet Which thing being done silence obtained he spake vnto them in this maner Dearely beloued frendes The word of the Duâ—â— agayne to the peoplâ— there is no such matter heere in hande as you vainely hope or beleeue It seemeth thus good vnto almighty God whose ordinance it is meete and necessary that we all be obedient vnto Wherefore I pray you all to be
you shall not speake but when I commaund you Then quoth Philpot I had rather be absent altogether Thus they reasoning to and fro at length about the 13. of December Q. Mary to take vp the matter sendeth her commaundement to Boner Byshoppe of London that he should dissolue and breake vp the conuocation Decembâ—â— The copie of which commaundement here followeth The precept of the Queene to Boner Bishop of London for the dissoluing of the foresayde Conuocation MAria c. Reuerendo in Christo patri Domino Domino Edmundo London Episcopo salutem Q. Mary breaketh 〈◊〉 the Conuocation Cum praesens coÌ„â—â—catio Cleri Cantuariensis prouinciae apud SaÌ„ctum Paulum London iam modo tenta instans existit certis tamen vrgentibus causis considerationibus nos specialiter mouentibus de aduisamento Consilij nostri ipsam praesentem conuocationem duximus dissoluendam Et ideo vobis mandamus quòd eandem praesentem conuocationem apud sanctum Paulum praedictum debito modo asque aliqua dilatione dissoluatis dissoluiue faciatis prout conuenit significantes ex parte nostra vniuersis singulis Episcopis nec non Archidiaconis Decanis omnibus alijs personis Ecclesiasticis quibuscunque dictae Cantuariensis Prouinciae quorum interest vel interesse poterit quod ipsi eorum quilibet huic mandato nostro exequendo intendentes sint obedientes prout decet Teste meipsa apud Westmonasterium 13. die Decembris Anno regni nostri primo During the time of this disputation the 20. day of NoueÌ„ber y e Maior of Couentrie sent vp vnto y e Lordes of the CouÌ„sel Baldwine Clarke I. Carelesse Tho. Wilcockes and Richard Estlin for their behauiour vpon All halowe day last before Whereupon Carelesse and Wylcocks were committed to the gatehouse and Clarke and Astelyn to the Marshalsey The same day there was a letter directed to Sir Christopher Heydon and Sir William Farmer knight for the apprehension of Iohn Huntingdon preacher for making a rime against D. Stokes and the sacrament Who appearing before the counsell the 3. of December next after was vpon his humble submission and promise to amend aswel in doctrine as liuing againe suffered to depart In the daies of king Henry This Lord Courtney was sonne to the Mâ—â—â—ques of Exâ—â—ceter and also of king Edward raigning after him diuers noble men Bishops and other were cast into the Tower some charged with treason as Lord courtney and the Duke of Northfolke whose sonne Lorde Henry Earle of Surrey had bene the same time beheaded a worthy ingenious gentlemen for what cause or by whom I haue not hear to deale this is certaine that not many yeres after his death folowed the beheading of both the L. Semers and at last of the Duke of Northumberland also some for y e Popes supremacie SteueÌ„ Garâ—diner Byshop of Winchester made Lorâ— Chauncellor of England and suspicious letters tending to sedition as Tonstal B. of Durham and other for other things all which continued there prisoners til Q. Maries comming in Unto whome the saide Q. eftsoones graunted their pardone and restored them to theyr former dignities Amongst whom also was Gardiner B. of Winchester whom she not onely freed out of captiuitie but also aduaunced him to be high chancelor of Englande Furthermore to the L. Courtney she shewed such fauour The Lord Courtney made Earl of Deuonshyre that shee made him Earle of Deuonshire in so muche that there was a suspition amongst many that she would marie him but that prooued otherwise The same time Bonner also had bene prisonner in the Marshalsey whome likewise Queene Mary deliuered restored to the Bishopricke of London againe displacing Doct. Ridley with diuers other good Bishops moe as is aboue mentioned as Cranmer from Canterb. the Archbyshoppe of Yorke likewise Poynette from Winchester Iohn Hooper from Worcester Barlow from Bath Harley from Hereforde Taylor from Lincolne Ferrar from S. Dauids Couerdale from Excester Scorye from Chichester c. with a great number of Archdeacons Deanes and briefly all suche beneficed men which either were married or woulde constantly adheere to theyr profession All which were remooued from their liuings 〈…〉 intruâ—â—d by Q. â—â—ry and other of the contrary secte sette in the same as Cardinall Poole who was then sent for Gardiner Heath White Daye Troublefield c. And as touching Cranmer of whome mention was made before for so much as there was a rumor spreade of hym the same time at London that he hadde recanted and caused Masse to be sayde at Caunterburye for purging of hymselfe hee published abroade a declaration of hys truthe and constancie in that behalfe protestinge that hee neyther had so done 〈…〉 Peter 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 of their 〈◊〉 agaynst all men nor mineded so to doe adding moreouer that if it woulde so please the Queene he wyth Peter Martyr and certaine other whome he would chuse would in open disputation sustaine the cause of the doctrine taught and set foorth before in the time of king Edward againste all persons whomesoeuer But while he was in expectation to haue this disputation obtained he with other bishops wer laid fast in the Tower and P. Martir permitted to depart the realme and so wenâ— he to Argentine After this in the moneth of Nouemb. the Archbyshop Cranmer notwithstaÌ„ding he had earnestly refused to subscribe to the kings wil D. Cranmer with the Lady 〈◊〉 arrâ—â—gâ—â—d of treason in the Guildhall Archbishop Cranmer quit of treason in disheriting his sister Marye â—lledging many graue and pithy reasons for her legitimation was in Guild hall of London arraigned and attainted of treason with the L. Iane and three of the Duke of Northumberlandes sonnes which at the intreatye of certayne persons were had againe to the Tower and there kept for a time All which notwithstanding Cranmer beinge pardoned of treason stoode onely in the action and case of doctrine whyâ—h they called heresie whereof hee was ryghte glad and ioyfull This being done in Nouember the people and especially the Churchmen perceiuing the Queene so eagerlye set vpon her olde religion they likewise for theyr partes to shewe themselues no lesse forwarde to serue the Queenes appetite as the manner is of the multitude commonlye to frame themselues after the humour of the Prince and time present began in their Quiers to set vp the pageants of s. Katherine Going about of S. Katherin and S. Nicholas and of S. Nicholas and of their processions in Latine after all their olde solemnitie with their gaye gardeâ—iance and gray amiâ—es And when the month of December was come the Parliament brake vp but first of all such statutes were repealed which were made either of Premunire or touched anye alteration of religion and administration of Sacramentes vnder king Edward In the which parliament also communication was mooued of the Queenes mariage wyth king Phillip the Emperors sonne In this meane while