and purposely described all the Northerne Islands with the indrawing seas and the record thereof at his returne he deliuered to the king of England The name of which booke is Inuentio Fortunata aliter fortunae qui liber incipit a gradu 54. vsque ad polum Which frier for sundry purposes after that did fiue times passe from England thither and home againe It is to be noted that from the hauen of Linne in Norfolke whereof the foresaid Francisan frier tooke his name to Island it is not aboue a fortnights sailing with an ordinarie winde and hath bene of many yeeres a very common and vsuall trade which further appeareth by the priuileges granted to the Fishermen of the towne of Blacknie in the said Countie of Norfolke by king Edward the third for their exemption and freedome from his ordinary seruice in respect of their trade to Island The voyage of Henry Earle of Derbie after Duke of Hereford and lastly king of England by the name of Henry the fourth An. Dom. 1390. into Prussia and Lettowe against the infidels recorded by Thomas of Walsingham DDominus Henricus Comes de Derbie per idem tempus profectus est in le Pruys vbi cum adjutorio marescalli dictae patriae cujusdam Regis vocati Wytot deuicit exercitum Regis de Lettowe captis quatuor ducibus tribus peremptis amplius quam trecentis de valentioribus exercitus supradicti pariter interemptis Ciuitas quoque vocatur Will in cujus castellum Rex de Lettowe nomine Skirgalle confugerat potenti virtute dicti Comitis maximè aâ—que suorum capta est Namque qui fuerunt de famâ—lia sâ— primi murum ascenderant vexillum ejus super muros caeteris vel torpentibus vel ignorantibus posuerunt Captaque sunt ibi vel occisa quatuor millia plebanorum fratre Regis de Poleyn inter caeteros ibi perempto qui aduersarius nostri fuitâ— Obsessumque fuit castrum dictae Ciuitatis per quinque hebdomadas Sed propter infirmitates quibus vexabatur exercitus magistri de Pruys de Lifland noluerunt diutius expectare Facti sunt Christiani de gente de Lettowe octo Et magister de Lifland duxit secum in suam patriam tria millia captiuorum The same in English ABout the same time L. Henry the Earle of Derbie trauailed into Prussia where with the helpe of the Marshall of the same Prouince and of a certaine king called Wytot hee vanquished the armie of the king of Lettowe with the captiuitie of foure Lithuanian Dukes and the slaughter of three besides more then three hundred of the principall common souldiers of the sayd armie which were slaine The Citie also which is called Wil or Vilna into the castle whereof the king of Lettow named Skirgalle fled for his sauegard was by the valour of the sayd Earle especially and of his followers surprised and taken For certaine of the chiefe men of his familie while others were slouthfull or at least ignorant of their intent skaling the walles aduanced his colours thereupon And there were taken and slaine foure thousand of the common souldiers and amongst others was slaine the king of Poland his brother who was our professed enemie And the castle of the foresaid Citie was besieged for the space of fiue weekes but by reason of the infirmities and inconueniences wherewith the whole armie was annoyed the great masters of Prussia and of Lifland would not stay any longer There were conuerted of the nation of Lettowe eight persons vnto the Christian faith And the master of Lifland carried home with him into his countrey three thousand captiues The voyage of Thomas of VVoodstocke Duke of Glocester into Prussia in the yeere 1391. written by Thomas Walsingham EOdem tempore dux Glouerniae Dominus Thomas de Woodstock multis moerentibus iter apparauit versùs le Pruys quem non Londinensium gemitus non communis vulgi moeror retinere poterant quiâ— proficisci vellet Nam plebs communis tà m Vrbana quà m rustica metuebant quòd eo absente aliquod nouum detrimentum succresceret quo praesente nihil tale timebant Siquidèm in eo spes solatium totius patriae reposita videbantur Ipse verò mòx vt fines patriae suae transijt illicò aduersa agitatus fortuna nunc hà c nunc illà c turbinibus procellosis circumfertur in tantum destituitur vt de vita etiam desperaret Tandem post Daciam post Norwagiam post Scoticam barbariem non sine mortis pauore transcursam peruenit Northumbriam ad castellum se contulit de Tinnemutha velùt assylum antiquitùs notum sibi vbi per aliquot dies recreatus iter assumpsit versus manerium suum de Plashy magnum apportans gaudium toti regno tam de ejus euasione quà m de aduentu suo The same in English AT the same time the Duke of Glocester Lord Thomas of Woodstock the yongest sonne of Edward the third to the great griefe of many tooke his iourney towards Prussia whom neither the Londoners mones nor yet the lamentation of the communaltie could restraine from his intended expedition For the common people both of the Citie and of the countrey feared lest in his absence some newe calamitie might happen which they feared not while he was present For in him the whole nation seemed to repose their hope and comfort Howbeit hauing skarce passed as yet the bounds of his owne countrey he was immediatly by hard fortune tossed vp and downe with dangerous stormes and tempests and was brought into such distresse that he despaired euen of his owne life At length hauing not without danger of death sailed along the coastes of Denmarke Norway and Scotland he returned into Northumberland and went to the castle of Tinmouth as vnto a place of refuge knowen of olde vnto him where after hee had refreshed himselfe a fewe dayes hee tooke his iourney toward his Mannour of Plashy bringing great ioy vnto the whole kingdome aswell in regard of his safetie as of his returne The verâ—es of Geofrey Chaucer in the knights Prologue who liuing in the yeere 1402. as hee writeth himselfe in his Epistle of Cupide shewed that the English Knights after the losse of Acon were wont in his time to trauaile into Prussia and Lettowe and other heathen lands to aduance the Christian faith against Infidels and miscreants and to seeke honour by feats of armes The English Knights Prologue A Knight there was and that a worthie man that from the time that he first began to riden out he loued Cheualrie trouth honour freedome and Curtesie full worthy was he in his lords warre and thereto had hee ridden no man farre As well in Christendome as in Heathennesse and euer had honour for his worthinesse At Alisandre hee was when it was wonne full oft time hee had the bourd begon abouen all nations in Pruce In Lettowe had hee riden and in
de pace ad eos legatos mitâ—unt quam nostris dare placuit vt soluta certa pecuniae summa ab omni deinceps Italiae Galliaeque ora manus abstinerent Ita peractis rebus post paucos menses quà m eo itum erat domum repediaâ—um est The same in English THe French in the meane season hauing gotten some leasure by meanes of their truce and being sollicited and vrged by the intreaties of the Genuois vndertooke to wage warre against the Moores who robbed and spoyled all the coasts of Italy and of the Ilandes adiacent Likewise Richard the second king of England being sued vnto for ayde sent Henry the Earle of Derbie with a choice armie of English souldiers vnto the same warfare Wherefore the English and French with forces and mindes vnited sayled ouer into Africa who when they approched vnto the shore were repelled by the Barbarians from landing vntill such time as they had passage made them by the valour of the English archers Thus hauing landed their forces they foorthwith marched vnto the royall citie of Tunis and besieged it Whereat the Barbarians being dismayed sent Ambassadours vnto our Christian Chieftaines to treat of peace which our men graunted vnto them vpon condition that they should pay a certaine summe of money and that they should from thencefoorth abstaine from piracies vpon all the coasts of Italy and France And so hauing dispatched their businesse within a fewe moneths after their departure they returned home This Historie is somewhat otherwise recorded by Froysard and Holenshed in manner following pag. 473. IN the thirteenth yeere of the reigne of king Richard the second the Christians tooke in hand a iourney against the Saracens of Barbarie through sute of the Genouois so that there went a great number of Lords Knights and Gentlemen of France and England the Duke of Burbon being their Generall Out of England there went Iohn de Beaufort bastarde sonne to the Duke of Lancaster as Froysard hath noted also Sir Iohn Russell Sir Iohn Butler Sir Iohn Harecourt and others They set forwarde in the latter ende of the thirteenth yeere of the Kings reigne and came to Genoa where they remayned not verie long but that the gallies and other vessels of the Genouois were ready to passe them ouer into Barbarie And so about midsomer in the begining of the foureteenth yere of this kings reigne the whole army being embarked sailed forth to the coast of Barbary where neere to the city of Africa they landed at which instant the English archers as the Chronicles of Genoa write stood all the company in good stead with their long bowes beating backe the enemies from the shore which came downe to resist their landing After they had got to land they inuironed the city of Africa called by the Moores Mahdia with a strong siege but at length constrained with the intemperancy of the scalding ayre in that hot countrey breeding in the army sundry diseases they fell to a composition vpon certaine articles to be performed in the behalfe of the Saracens and so 61 dayes after their arriuall there they tooke the seas againe and returned home as in the histories of France and Genoa is likewise expressed Where by Polydore Virgil it may seeme that the lord Henry of Lancaster earle of Derby should be generall of the English men that as before you heard went into Barbary with the French men and Genouois The memorable victories in diuers parts of Italie of Iohn Hawkwood English man in the reigne of Richard the second briefly recorded by M. Camden pag. 339. AD alteram ripam fluuij Colne oppositus est Sibble Heningham locus natalis vt accepi Ioannis Hawkwoodi Itali Aucuthum cortupâ—èvocant quem illi tantopere ob virtutem militarem suspexerunt vt Senatus Florentinus propter insignia merita equâ—stri statua tumuli honore in eximiae fortitudinis fideique testimonium ornauit Res â—ius gestas Itali pleno ore praedicant Paulus Iouius in elogijs celebrat sat mihi sit Iulij Feroldi tetrastichon adijcere Hawkwoode Anglorum decus decus addite genti Italicae Italico praesidiúmque solo Vt tumuli quondam Fâ—orentia sic simulachri Virtutem Iouius donat honore tuam William Thomas in his Historie of the common wealthes of Italy maketh honorable mention of him twise to wit in the common wealth of Florentia and Ferrâ—ra The voyage of the Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington brother by the mothers side to King Richard the second to Ierusalem and Saint Katherins mount THe Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington was as then on his way to Ierusalem and to Saint Katherins mount and purposed to returne by the Realme of Hungarie For as he passed through France where he had great cheere of the king and of his brother and vncles hee heard how the king of Hungary and the great Turke should haue battell together therefore he thought surely to be at that iourney The voiage of Thomas lord Moubray duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1399. written by Holinshed pag. 1233. THomas lord Moubray second sonne of Elizabeth Segraue and Iohn lord Moubray her husband was aduanced to the dukedome of Norfolke in the 21. yeere of y e reigne of Richard the 2. Shortly after which hee was appealed by Henry earle of Bullingbroke of treason and caried to the castle of Windsore where he was strongly safely garded hauing a time of combate granted to determine the cause betweene the two dukes the 16. day of September in the 22. of the sayd king being the yeere of our redemption 1398. But in the end the matter was so ordred that this duke of Norfolke was banished for euer whereupon taking his iourney to Ierusalem he died at Venice in his returne from the said citie of Ierusalem in the first yeere of king Henry the 4. about the yeere of our redemption 1399. The comming of the Emperor of Constantinople into England to desire the aide of Henry the 4. against the Turkes 1400. SVb eodem tempore Imperator Constantinopolitanus venit in Angliam postulaturus subsidium contra Turcas Cui occurrit rex cum apparatu nobili ad le Blackheath die sancti Thomae Apostoli suscepÃtque prout decuit tantum Heroem duxÃâ—que Londonias per multos dies exhibuit gloriose pro expenâ—iâ— hospiâ—ij suâ—â—oluens eum respiciens tanto falligio donariuis Et paulò post His auditis rumoribus Imperator laetior recessit ab Anglis honoratus à rege donarijs preciosis The same in English ABout the same time the emperor of Constantinople came into England to seeke ayde against the Turkes whom y e king accompanied with his nobilitie met withall vpon Black-heath vpon the day of saint Thomas the Apostle and receiued him as beseemed so great a prince and brought him to London and roially entertained him for a long season defraying the charges of his diet and giuing him many
would withholde from him all other gold within the earth I sawe some of those people being very deformed creatures In Tangut I saw lusly tall men but browne and smart in colour The Iugures are of a middle stature like vnto our French men Amongst the Iugures is the originall and roote of the Turkish and Comanian languages Next vnto Tebet are the people of Langa and Solanga whose messengers I saw in the Tartars court And they had brought more then ten great cartes with them euery one of which was drawen with sixe oxen They be little browne men like vnto Spaniards Also they haue iackets like vnto the vpper vestment of a deacon sauing that the sleeues are somewhat streighter And they haue miters vpon their heads like bishops But the fore part of their miter is not so hollow within as the hinder part neither is it sharpe pointed or cornered at the toppe but there hang downe certaine square flappes compacted of a kinde of strawe which is made rough and rugged with extreme heat and is so trimmed that it glittereth in the sunne beames like vnto a glasse or an helmet well burnished And about their temples they haue long bands of the foresayd matter fastened vnto their miters which houer in the wind as if two long hornes grewe out of their heads And when the winde tosseth them vp and downe too much they tie them ouer the midst of their miter from one temple to another and so they lie circle wise ouerthwart their heads Moreouer their principal messenger comming vnto the Tartars court had a table of elephants tooth about him of a cubite in length and a handfull in breadth being very smoothe And whensoeuer hee spake vnto the Emperor himselfe or vnto any other great personage hee alwayes beheld that table as if hee had found therein those things which hee spake neither did he cast his eyes to the right hand nor to the lefte nor vpon his face with whom he talked Yea going too and fro before his lord he looketh no where but only vpon his table Beyond theÌ„ as I vnderstand of a certainty there are other people called Muc hauing villages but no one particular man of them appropriating any cattell vnto himselfe Notwithstanding there are many flockes and droâ—es of cattell in their countrey no man appointed to keepe them But when any one of them standeth in neede of any beast hee ascendeth vp vnto an hill and there maketh a shout and all the cattell which are within hearing of the noyse come flocking about him and suffer themselues to be handled and taken as if they were tame And when any messenger or stranger commeth into their countrie they shut him vp into an house ministring there things necessary vnto him vntill his businesse he dispatched For if anie stranger should trauell through that countrie the cattell would flee away at the very sent of him and so would become wilde Beyond Muc is great Cathâ—ya the inhabitants whereof as I suppose were of olde time called Seres For from them are brought most excellent stuffes of silke And this people is called Seres of a certain towne in the same countrey I was crediblie informedâ— that in the said countrey there is one towne hauing walles of siluer and bulwarkes or towers of golde There be many prouinces in that land the greater part whereof are not as yet subdued vnto the Tartars And amongst * Somewhat is wanting Part of the great Charter granted by king Edward the first to the Barons of the Cinque portes in the sixt yeere of his reigne 1278. for their good seruices done vnto him by sea wherein is mention of their former ancient Charters from Edward the Confessor William the Conqueror William Rufus Henry the second king Richard the first king Iohn and Henry the third continued vnto them EDward by the grace of God king of England lord of Ireland duke of Gascoigne to all Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earles Barons Iustices Shirifs Prouosts Officers to all Bayliffes and true subiects greeting You shall knowe that for the faithfull seruice that our Barons of the fiue Ports hitherto to our predecessors kings of England vnto vs lately in our armie of Wales haue done and for their good seruice to vs and our heires kings of England truly to be continued in time to come we haue granted by this our Charter confirmed for vs and our heires to the same our Barons and to their heires all their liberties and freedomes So that they shall be free from all toll and from all custome that is to say from all lastage tollage passage cariage riuage asponsage and from all wrecke and from all their sale carying and recarying through all our realme and dominion with socke and souke toll and theme And that they shall haue Infangthefe and that they shall be wreckefree lastagefree and louecopfree And that they shall haue Denne and Strande at great Yarmouth according as it is contayned in the ordinance by vs thereof made perpetually to bee obserued And also that they are free from all shires and hundreds so that if any person will plead against them they shall not aunswere nor pleade otherwise then they were wont to plead in the time of the lord king Henrie our great grandfather And that they shall haue their findeâ—â—es in the sea and in the land And that they be free of all their goods and of all their marchandises as our freemen And that they haue their honours in our court and their liberties throughout all the land wheresoeuer they shall come And that they shall be free for euer of all their lands which in the time of Lord Henrie the king our father they possessed that is to say in the 44. yere of his reign from all maner of summonces before our Iustices to any maner of pleadings iourneying in what shire soeuer their lands are So that they shall not be bound to come before the Iustices aforesaid except any of the same Barons doe implead any man or if any man be impleaded And that they shall not pleade in any other place except where they ought and where they were wont that is to say aâ— Shepeway And that they haue their liberties and freedomes from hencefoorth as they and their predecessors haue had them at any time better more fully and honourably in the time of the kings of England Edward William the first William the second Henrie the king our great grandfatherâ— and in the times of king Richard and king Iohn our grandfathers and lord king Henrie our father by their Charters as the same Charters which the same our Barons thereof haue and which we haue seene doe reasonably testifie And we forbid that no man vniustly trouble them nor their marchandise vpon our forfeyture of ten pounds So neuerthelesse that when the same Barons shall fayle in doing of Iustice or in receiuing of Iustice our Warden and the
great For he is able to bring into the field two or three hundred thousand men he neuer goeth into the field himselfe with vnder two hundred thousand men And when he goeth himselfe he furnisheth his borders all with men of warre which are no small number He leaueth on the borders of Liefland fortie thousand men and vpon the borders of Letto 60 thousand men and towarde the Nagayan Tartars sixtie thousand which is wonder to heare of yet doeth hee neuer take to his warres neither husbandman nor marchant All his men are horsemen he vseth no footmen but such as goe with the ordinance and labourers which are thirtie thousand The horsemen are all archers with such bowes as the Turkes haue and they ride shore as doe the Turkes Their armour is a coate of plate with a skull on their heads Some of their coates are couered with veluet or cloth of gold their desire is to be sumptuous in the field and especially the nobles and gentlemen as I haue heard their trimming is very costly and partly I haue seene it or else I would scarcely haue beleeued it but the Duke himselfe is richly attired aboue all measure his pauilion is couered either with cloth of gold or siluer and so set with stones that it is wonderfull to see it I haue seene the Kings Maieslies of England and the French Kings pauilions which are fayre yet not like vnto his And when they bee sent into farre or strange countreys or that strangers come to them they be very gorgious Els the Duke himselfe goeth but meanly in apparell and when he goeth betwixt one place and another hee is but reasonably apparelled ouer other times In the while that I was in Mosco the Duke sent two ambassadours to the King of Poleland which had at the lest fiue hundred horses their sumptuousnes was aboue measure not onely in themselues but also in their horses as veluet cloth of golde and cloth of siluer set with pearles and not scant What shall I farther say I neuer heard of nor saâ— men so sumptuous but it is no dayly guise for when they haue not occasion as I sayd before all their doing is but meane And now to the effect of their warres They are men without al order in the field For they runne hurling on heapes and for the most part they neuer giue battell to their enemies but that which they doe they doe it all by stelth But I beleeue they be such men for hard liuing as are not vnder the sun for no cold wil hurt them Yea and though they lie in the field two moneths at such time as it shall freese more then a yard thicke the common souldier hath neither tent nor any thing else ouer his head the most defence they haue against the wether is a felte which is set against the winde and weather and when Snowe commeth hee doth cast it off and maketh him a fire and laieth him down thereby Thus doe the most of all his men except they bee gentlemen which haue other prouision of their owne Their lying in the fielde is not so strange as is their hardnes from euery man must carie make prouision for himselfe his horse for a moneth or two which is very wonderful For he himselfe shal liue vpon water otemeale mingled together cold and drinke water thereto his horse shal eat green wood such like baggage shal stand open in the cold field without couert yet wil he labour serue him right wel I pray you amongst all our boasting warriors how many should we find to endure the field with theÌ„ but one moneth I know no such region about vs that beareth that name for man beast Now what might be made of these men if they were trained broken to order and knowledge of ciuill wars If this Prince had within his countreys such men as could make theÌ„ to vnderstand y e things aforesaid I do beleeue that 2 of the best or greatest princes in Christendome were not wel able to match with him coÌ„sidering the greatnes of his power the hardnes of his people straite liuing both of people and horse and the small charges which his warres stand him in for he giueth no wages except to strangers They haue a yerely sâ—ipend not much As for his own countrey men euery one serueth of his owne proper costes and charges sauing that he giueth to his Harcubusiers certaine allowance for powder shot or else no man in all his countrey hath one pennie wages But it any man hath done very good seruice he giueth him a ferme or a piece of lande for the which hee is bound at all times to bee readie with so many men as the Duke shall appoynt who considereth in his mind what that lande or ferme is well able to finde and so many shall he bee bound to furnish at all and euery such time as warres are holden in any of the Dukes dominions For there is no man of liuing but hee is bound likewise whether the Duke call for either souldier or labourer to furnish them with all such necessaries as to them belong Also if any gentleman or man of liuing do die without issue male immediately after his death the Duke entreth his land notwithstanding he haue neuer so many daughters and peraduenture giueth it foorthwith to another man except a small portion that he spareth to marrie the daughters with all Also if there be a richman a fermour or man of liuing which is striken in age or by chance is maimed and be not able to doe the Duke seruice some other gentleman that is not able to liue and more able to doe seruice will come to the Duke and complayne saying your Grace hath such an one which is vnmeete to doe seruice to your Higâ—nes who hath great abundance of welth and likewise your Grace hath many gentlemen which are poore and lacke liuing and we that lacke are well able to doe good seruice your Grace might doe well to looke vpon him and make him to helpe those that want Immediately the Duke sendeth forth to inquire of his wealth and if it be so proued he shall be called before the Duke and it shall bee sayd vnto him friend you haue too much liuing and are vnseruiceable to your prince lesse will serue you and the rest will serue other men that are more able to serue whereupon immediately his liuing shal be taken away from him sauing a little to find himselfe and his wife on and he may not once repine thereat but for answere he will say that he hath nothing but it is Gods and the Dukes Graces and cannot say as we the common people in England say if wee haue any thing that it is Gods and our owne Men may say that these men are in wonderfull great awe and obedience that thus one must giue and grant his goods which he hath bene scraping and scratching for all his life to
the Tartarian tongue Cara-calmack inhabited with blacke people but in Cathay the most part therof stretching to the sunne rising are people white and of faire complexion Their religion also as the Tartars report is christian or after the maner of Christians and their language peculiar differing from the Tartarian tongue There are no great and furious Beares in trauelling through the waies aforesaid but wolues white and blacke And because that woods are not of such quantitie there as in these parts of Russia but in maner rather scant then plentiful as is reported the Beares breed not that way but some other beasts as namely one in Russe called Barse are in those coasts This Barse appeareth by a skinne of one seene here to sell to be nere so great as a big lion spotted very faire and therefore we here take it to be a Leopard or Tiger Note that 20 daies iourney from Cathay is a countrey named Angrim where liueth the beast that beareth the best Muske the principall therof is cut out of the knee of the male The people are taunie for that the men are not bearded nor differ in complexion from women they haue certaine tokens of iron that is to say the men weare the sunne round like a bosse vpon their shoulders and women on their priuie parts Their feeding is raw flesh in the same land and in another called Titay the Duke there is called Can. They worship the fire and it is 34 dayes iourney from great Cathay and in the way lyeth the beautifull people eating with kniues of golde and are called Comorom and the land of small people is neerer the Mosko then Cathay The instructions of one of Permia who reporteth he had bene at Cathay the way before written and also another way neere the sea coast as foloweth which note was sent out of Russia from Giles Holmes FIrst from the prouince of Dwina is knowen the way to Pechora and from Pechora traueiling with Olens or harts is sixe dayes iourney by land and in the Sommer as much by water to the riuer of Ob. The Ob is a riuer full of flats the mouth of it is 70. Russe miles ouer And from thence three dayes iourney on the right hand is a place called Chorno-lese to say in English blacke woods and from thence neere hand is a people called Pechey-cony wearing their haire by his description after the Irish fashion From Pechey-cony to Ioult Calmachey three dayes iourney from thence to Chorno Callachay three dayes tending to the Southeast These two people are of the Tartarian faith and tributaries to the great Can. Here follow certaine countreys of the Samoeds which dwell vpon the riuer Ob and vpon the sea coasts beyond the same taken out of the Russe tongue word by word and trauailed by a Russe borne in Colmogro whose name was Pheodor Towtigin who by report was slaine in his second voyage in one of the said countreys VPon the East part beyond the countrey of Vgori the riuer Ob is the most Westermost part thereof Upon the sea coast dwell Samoeds and their countrey is called Molgomsey whose meate is flesh of Olens or Harts and Fish and doe eate one another sometimes among themselues And if any Marchants come vnto them then they kill one of their children for their sakes to feast them withall And if a Marchant chance to die with them they burie him not but eate him and so doe they eate them of their owne countrey likewise They be euill of sight and haue small noses but they be swift and shoote very well and they trauaile on Harts and on dogges and their apparell is Sables and Harts skinnes They haue no Marchandise but Sables onely 2 Item on the same coast or quarter beyond those people and by the sea side also doth dwell another kinde of Samoeds in like maner hauing another language One moneth in the yeere they liue in the sea and doe not come or dwell on the dry land for that moneth 3 Item beyond these people on the sea coast there is another kinde of Samoeds their meate is flesh and fish and their merchandise are Sables white and blacke Foxes which the Rusles call Pselts and Harts skinnes and Fawnes skinnes The relation of Chaggi Memet a Persian Marchant to Baptista Ramusius and other notable citizens of Venice touching the way from Tauris the chiefe citie of Persia to Campion a citie of Cathay ouer land in which voyage he himselfe had passed before with the Carauans dayes iourney FRom Tauris to Soltania 6 From Soltania to Casbin 4 From Casbin to Veremi 6 From Veremi to Eri. 15 From Eri to Boghara 20 Frō Boghara to Samarchand 5 From Samarchand to Cascar 25 From Cascar to Acsu 20 From Acsu to Cuchi 20 From Cuchi to Chialis 10 From Chialis to Turfon 10 From Turfon to Camul 13 From Camul to Succuir 15 From Succuir to Gauta 5 From Gauta to Campion 6 Which Campion is a citie of the Empire of Cathay in the prouince of Tangut from whence the greatest quantitie of Rubarbe commeth A letter of Sigismond king of Polonia written in the 39. yeere of his reigne to Elizabeth the Queenes most excellent Maiestie of England c. SIgismudus Augustus by the grace of God king of Polonia great Duke of Lituania Russia Prussia Massouia and Samogetia c. Lord and heire c. to the most Noble Princesse Ladie Elizabeth by the same grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland c. our deare sister and kinsewoman greeting and increase of all felicitie Whereas your Maiestie writeth to vs that you haue receiued two of our letters wee haue looked that you should haue answered to them both First to the one in which we intreated more at large in forbidding the voyage to Narue which if it had bene done we had bene vnburdened of so often writing of one matter and might haue answered your Maiestie much better to the purpose Now we thus answere to your Maiestie to those matters of the which you writte to vs the 3 of October from Windsore First forasmuch as your Maiestie at the request of our letters hath discharged the arrest of Marchants goods and of the names of the men of Danske our subiects which was set vpon them by the commandement of your Maiestie and also haue restored the olde and ancient libertie of traffique we acknowledge great pleasure done vnto vs in the same and also thinke it to bee done according to common agreement made in times past Neither were we euer at any time of any other opinion touching your Maiestie but that wee should obtaine right and reason at your hands Forasmuch as we likewise shall at all times be ready to grant to your Maiestie making any request for your subiects so farre as shall stand with iustice yet neither will we yeeld any thing to your Maiestie in contention of loue beneuolence and mutuall office
wood Wherof the prouidēce of God hath giuen them such store as that you may build a faire house for 20. or 30. rubbles or litle more where wood is most scant The greatest inconuenience of their wodden building is the aptnesse for firing which happeneth very oft in very fearful sort by reason of the drinesse and fatnes of the fir that being once fired burneth like a torch is hardly quenched til all be burnt vp Of the maner of Crowning or Inauguration of the Russe Emperours THe solemnities vsed at y e Russe Emperors coronation are on this maner In the great church of Precheste or our Lady within the Emperors castle is erected a stage whereon standeth a scrine that beareth vpon it the Imperial cap robe of very rich stuffe When the day of the Inauguratiō is come there resort thither first the Patriarch w t the Metropolitanes archbishops bishops abbots and priors al richly clad in their pontificalibus Then enter the Deacons with the quier of singers Who so soone as the Emperor setteth foot into y e church begin to sing Many yeres may liue noble Theodore Iuanowich c Whereunto the patriarch and Metropolite with the rest of the cleargy answere with a certaine hymne in forme of a praier singing it altogether with a great noise The hymne being ended the patriarch with the Emperor mount vp the stage where standeth a seat ready for the Emperor Whereupon the patriarch willeth him to sit downe then placing himself by him vpō another seat prouided for y e purpose boweth downe his head towards y e ground and saith this prayer Oh Lord God king of kings Lord of lords which by thy prophet Samuel didst chose thy seruant Dauid annoynt him for King ouer thy people Israel heare now our prayer looke frō thy sanctuary vpon this thy seruant Theodore whom thou hast chosen and exalted for king ouer these thy holy natiōs anoint him with the oile of gladnes protect by thy power put vpon his head a crowne of gold precious stones giue him length of dayes place him in the seat of Iustice strēgthen his arme make subiect vnto him all the barbarous nations Let thy feare be in his whole heart turne him from an euill faith and all errour and shewe him the saluation of thy holy and vniuersal Church that he may iudge thy people with Iustice protect the children of the poore finally atteine euerlasting life This prayer he speaketh with a low voice then pronounceth aloud Al praise and power to God the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost The prayer being ended he commandeth certaine Abbots to reach the imperiall roabe cap which is done very decently and with great solemnitie the Patriarch withal pronouncing aloud Peace be vnto all And so he beginneth another prayer to this effect Bow your selues together with vs and pray to him that reigneth ouerall Preserue him oh Lord vnder thy holy protection keepe him that hee may doe good and holy things let Iustice shine forth in his dayes that we may liue quietly without strife and malice This is pronounced somewhat softly by the Patriarch whereto hee addeth againe aloud Thou art the king of the whole world and the sauiour of our soules to thee the Father Sonne and Holy ghost be al praise for euer and euer Amen Then putting on the roabe and the cap he blesseth the Emperour with the signe of the crosse saying withall In the name of the Father the Sonne and the Holy ghost The like is done by the Metropolites Archbishops and Bishops who all in their order come to the chaire and one after another blesse the Emperour with their two forefingers Then is sayd by the Patriarch another prayer that beginneth O most holy virgin mother of God c. After which a Deacon pronounceth with a loude voice Many yeres to noble Theodore good honourable beloued of God great Duke of Volodemer of Mosco Emperour and Monarch of all Russia c. Whereto the other Priests and Deacons that stand somewhat farre of by the altar or table answere singing Many yeres many yeres to the noble Theodore The same note is taken vp by the Priests and Deacons that are placed at the right and left side of the Church and then altogether they chaunt and thunder out singing Many yeares to the noble Theodore good honourable beloued of God great Duke of Volodomer Mosco Emperour of all Russia c. These solemnities being ended first commeth the Patriarch with the Metropolites Archbishops and Bishops then the Nobility and the whole company in their order to doe homage to the Emperour bending downe their heads and knocking them at his feete to the very ground The stile wherewith he is inuested at his Coronation runneth after this maner THeodore Iuanowich by the grace of God great Lord and Emperour of all Russia great Duke of Volodemer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan King of Astracan Lord of Plesco and great duke of Smolensco of Twerria Ioughoria Permia Vadska Bulghoria and others Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod of the Low countrey of Chernigo Rezan Polotskoy Rostoue Yaruslaueley Bealozera Leifland Oudoria Obdoria and Condensa Commander of all Siberia and of the North parts and Lord of many other Countries c. This stile conteineth in it all the Emperours Prouinces and setteth foorth his greatnesse And therefore they haue a great delight and pride in it forcing not onely their owne people but also strangers that haue any matter to deliuer to the Emperour by speech or writing to repeate the whole forme from the beginning to the end Which breedeth much cauill and sometimes quarell betwixt them and the Tartar and Poland Ambassadours who refuse to call him Czar that is Emperor and to repeate the other parts of his long stile My selfe when I had audience of the Emperour thought good to salute him only with thus much vz. Emperour of all Russia great Duke of Volodomer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan King of Astracan The rest I omitted of purpose because I knew they gloried to haue their stile appeare to be of a larger volume then the Queenes of England But this was taken in so ill part that the Chancelour who then attended the Emperour with the rest of the nobility with aloude chasing voice called still vpon me to say out the rest Whereto I answered that the Emperors stile was very long and could not so well be remembred by strangers that I had repeated so much of it as might shew that I gaue honour to the rest c. But all would not serue till I commanded my interpreter to say it all out Their forces for the wars with the chief officers and their salaries THe Souldiers of Russia are called Sinaboyarskey or the sons of Gentlemen because they are all of that degree by vertue of their military profession For euery souldier in Russia is a gentleman and none are gentlemen but only the souldiers that take it
Astracan William Cecill Lord Burghley Knight of the noble Order of the Garter and Lord high Treasurer of England sendeth greeting RIght honourable my very good Lord vpon the last returne of our merchants shippes out of Russia there was brought vnto my handes by one Francis Cherrie an English merchant a letter directed to the Queenes Maiestie from the great and mightie Emperour of Russia and another letter from your Lordship directed to me which sayd letter written from the Emperor to her Maiesty hath beene considerately and aduisedly by her Highnesse read and perused and the matter of complaint against Ierome Horsey therein comprised thorowly examined which hath turned the same Horsey to some great displeasure I did also acquaâ—nt our Maiesty with the contents of your Lordships letters written to mee and enformed her of your Lordships honourable fauour shewed to her Highnesse merchants from time to time who tooke the same in most gracious part and confessed her selfe infinitly beholding vnto your Lordship for many honourable offices done for her sake the which she meant to acknowledge by her letters to be written to your Lordship vnder her princely hand and seale And forasmuch as it hath pleased your good Lordshippe to take into your handes the protection of her Maiesties merchants and the redresse of such iniuries as are or shall be offered vnto them contrary to the meaning of the priuiledges and the free liberty of the entercourse wherein in some points your Lordship hath already vsed a reformation as appeareth by your sayd letters yet the continuance of traffique moouing new occasions and other accidents tending to the losse of the sayd merchants whereof some particulars haue beene offered vnto me to treat with your Lordship vpon I thought it good to referre them to your honourable consideration that order might be taken in the same for that they are apparantly repugnant to the Emperours letters written to her Maiestie and doe much restraine the liberty of the trade one is that at the last comming of our merchants to the port of Saint Michael the Archangel where the mart is holden their goods were taken by the Emperours officers for his Highnesse seruice at such rates as the sayd officers were disposed to set vpon them so farre vnder their value that the merchants could not assent to accept of those prices which being denied the sayd officers restrained them of all further traffique for the space of three weekes by which meanes they were compelled to yeeld vnto their demaund how vnwillingly soeuer Another is that our sayd merchants are driuen to pay the Emperours officers custome for all such Russe money as they bring downe from the Mosco to the Sea side to employ there at the Mart within the Emperours owne land which seemeth strange vnto me considering the same money is brought from one place of the Countrey to another and there imployed without any transport ouer of the sayd money These interruptions and impositions seeme not to stand with the liberties of the Emperours priuileges and freedome of the entercourse which should be restrained neither to times or conditions but to be free and absolute whereof it may please your Lordship to be aduised and to continue your honourable course holden betweene the Emperour and her Maiesty to reconcile such differences as any occasion doth offer to their league or trafficke Thus not doubting of your Lordships furtherance herein I humbly take my leaue of your good Lordship From her Maiesties royall palace of Whitehall this 15 of Ianuary 1591. A Letter from the Emperour of Russia Theodore Iuanouich to the Queenes Maiestie THrough the tender merrie of our God whereby the day-spring from on high hath visited vs thereby to guide our feet into the way of peace Euen this our God by mercy we glorifie in Trinitie We the great Lord King and great Duke Theodore Iuanowich gouernour of all Russia of Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghori Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke also of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotsko Rostoue Yeroslaue Bealozera and of Lifland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Siberia and commander of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grusinsky and of the countrey of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and Duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many countreys more c. To our louing sister Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland c. Louing sister your letters sent by your seruant Thomas Lind we haue receiued and read what you haue written in the same touching our title and touching your order holden in your letters heretofore sent vs by your seruant Ierome Horsey wherein you haue answered vs sufficiently and most graciously And whereas your Maiestie hath written in your letter concerning the goods of William Turnebull late deceased in our kingdome that your subiects for whom he was factour should haue debts growing vnto them from him by account we at your Maiesties request haue caused not onely order to be taken but for your Highnesse sake louing sister we haue caused the goods to be sought out and deliuered to your merchants Agent and his company together with his stuffe bookes billes and writings as also money to the value of sixe hundred rubbles which Christopher Holmes and Francis Cherry are to pay for yâ—arie and we haue set at libertie the sayd Turnebulles kinseman Raynold Kitchin and his fellowes and deliuered them to your merchants Agent And further where you write vnto vs for such your subiects as haue departed out of your maiesties Realme secretly without licence that we should giue order to send them home concerning such your subiects for which you haue written vnto our Maiestie by letters we will cause search to be made and such as are willing to goe home into your kingdome we will command forthwith to be deliuered vnto your merchants Agent and so to passe And such of your Maiesties people as haue giuen themselues vnder our gouernment as subiects we thinke it not requisite to grant to let them passe And further where you haue written vnto vs concerning the goods of Iohn Chappell we haue written heretofore the whole discourse thereof not once but sundry times and therefore it is not needfull to write any more thereof And such goods as were found out of the goods of the sayd Chappell the money thereof was restored to your Maiesties people William Turnbull and his fellowes Your Maiesties seruant Thomas Lind we haue sent with our letters the same way whereby he came into our kingdome The long abiding heere of your Maiesties seruant in our kingdome was for the comming of your people from the Sea port Written in our princely court and royall seat in the city of Mosco in the yeere from the beginning of the world 7101 in the moneth of Ianuary To
the Queenes most excellent Maiestie from the Lord Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua BY the grace of God great Lord and great Duke Theodore Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsko and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghori Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotsko Rostoue Ieroslaue Bealozera and of Lifland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commander of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grusinsky and of the countrey of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many countreys more c. Most resplendent Queene Elizabeth of England France and Ireland c. his princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house and President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua vnto your most excellent Maiesty great Ladie Queene Elizabeth send my humble commendations It hath pleased your Maiestie to write vnto me your gracious and princely letter by your seruant Thomas Lind which letter I receiued with all humblenesse During the time of the abode of your Messenger Thomas Lind here in the Mosco it pleased God of his mercifulnesse and our Lady the mother of God and holy Saints by the prayers of our lord and king his Maiestie Theodore Iuanouich ouer all Russia gouernour the right beleeuer and louer of Christ to send our Queene and gracious Lady Irene a yoong Princesse to the great ioy and comfort of our kingdome named Pheodocine Wherefore we giue all honour and glory to the almightie God vnspeakeable whose giftes had beene manifolde with mercie vnto vs for which all wee Christians laud and praise God After all this your seruant was occasioned to stay vntill the comming of your merchants from the sea port Touching the letters which you haue receiued from your louing brother our Lord and Master by your ambassadour therein you perceiue sufficiently my good meaning in trauailing for the continuance of amitie and friendship betwixt you mighty great princes in the which I will continue mine endeuour Also your merchants I haue taken into my protection for to defend them for the loue I beare to your Maiestie As heeretofore I haue done it willingly and with great care of their good so I meane to continue so farre as God will giue me leaue to the end that brotherly loue be holden betweene you Princes without disturbance As I haue beene to your merchants in times past so now by the permission and commandement of our Lord and Master I will be their defendour in all causes and will cause all our authorised people to fauour them and to defend them and to giue them free liberty to buy and sell at their pleasure The merchants doe not certifie your princely Maiestie of all our friendship and fauour shewed vnto them from time to time And whereas your Maiestie hath now written to our Lord and Master for the debts which your merchants ought to haue of William Turnebull lately disceased I hauing perused your Maiesties letter whereby I am requested to be a meane for the recouerie and obtaining of their sayd debts I haue moued it to our Lord and King his Maiestie that order may be giuen therein and that his kinseman Rainold Kitchin with three persons more may be sent ouer together with the sayd Turnebulles stuffe and other things as billes books and writings All which shall be deliuered to your merchants Agent and his fellowes and in money 600 rubbles of the sayd Turnebulles And touching your merchants I will haue a great care ouer them and protect them whereby they shall suffer no damages in their trade and all kinde of trafficke in merchandise shall be at their libertie Written in our Lord and Kings Maiestie royall citie of Mosco in the yeere from the beginning of the world 7101 in the moneth of Ianuarie A letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the right honourable Lord William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England BY the grace of God great Lord King and great Duke Theodor Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghory Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of all Nouogrod in the low countreys of Chernigo of Liffeland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commaunder of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grosinsky and of the countreys of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and Duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many Countreys more c. His princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua to the most honourable Counseller of the most resplendent mightie great Lady Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland William Burghley Lord and Knight of the Garter high Treasurour of England sendeth greeting I perceiue by your letter that your merchants last shippes came home in sastie and that you haue receiued the letters sent by them by the hands of Francis Cherie one from our Lord and great King of all Russia his Maiesty vnto your Queenes most excellent Maiesty and one from me to her Highnesse and one from my selfe to you and the contents thereof you haue caused to be read and well vnderstood at large And whatsoeuer is therein written concerning Ierome Horsey you haue sought out the ground thereof and that he is in great displeasure And her Highnesse hath written in her letter concerning her Maiesties merchants that whereas I haue taken them into protection she taketh it very louingly and kindely that for her sake they haue receiued so great kindnesse And touching the damages and hinderances which your merchaunts haue sustained by meanes of the Emperours authorised people and officers and that they were not permitted to trafficke at libertie at the Sea port in the yeere 1589 for the space of three weekes it hath beene against the Emperours Maiesties will and pleasure as also against mine Where you desire and wish that betweene our Emperours Maiestie and your Queenes Maiestie their loue and amitie may not bee seperated at any time but to continue and you request mee that I should be good vnto the English merchants and to defend them from all such damages hereafter your honours louing letter I haue therein throughly considered and as I haue bene heretofore so I will still continue to be a meane betwixt our Lorde and kings Maiestie and your great Lady the Queene her highnesse for the mainteyning of brotherly loue and amitie most ioyfully and willingly as God knoweth aswel hereafter as I haue bene heretofore praying you to doe the like also Mine onely desire is for your most excellent Princesse sake to do all that lyeth in mâ—e
of all his Fleet. Which when the Spaniard perceiued being assisted with his strongest ships he came forth and entered a terrible combate with the English for they bestowed each on other the broad sides and mutually discharged all their Ordinance being within one hundred or an hundred and twentie yards one of another At length the Spaniardes hoised vp their sayles and againe gathered themselues vp close into the forme of a roundel In the meane while Captaine Frobisher had engaged himselfe into a most dangerous conflict Whereupon the lord Admirall comming to succour him found that hee had valiantly and discreetly be haued himselfe and that hee had wisely and in good time ouer the fight because that after so great a batterie he had sustained no damage For which cause the day following being the sixe and twentie of Iuly the lord Admirall rewarded him with the order of knighthood together with the lord Thomas Howard the lord Sheffield M. Iohn Hawkins and others The same day the lord Admirall receiued intelligence from Newhauen in France by certaine of his Pinnasses that all things were quiet in France and that there was no preparation of sending aide vnto the Spaniards which was greatly feared from the Guisian faction and from the Leaguers but there was a false rumour spread all about that the Spaniards had conquered England The seuen and twentie of Iuly the Spaniards about the sunne-setting were come ouer-against Douer and rode at ancre within the sight of Caleis intending to hold on for Dunkerk expecting there to ioyne with the duke of Parma his forces without which they were able to doe litle or nothing Likewise the English Fleete following vp hard vpon them ancred iust by them within culuering-shot And here the lord Henry Seymer vnited himselfe vnto the lord Admiral with his fleete of 30. ships which road before the mouth of Thames As the Spanish nauie therefore lay at ancre the duke of Medina sent certaine messengers vnto the duke of Parma with whom vpon that occasion many Noblemen and Gentlemen went to refresh themselues on land and amongst the rest the prince of Ascoli being accounted the kings base sonne and a very proper and towardly yong gentleman to his great good went on shore who was by so much the more fortunate in that hee had not opportunitie to returne on boord the same ship out of which he was departed because that in returning home it was cast away vpon the Irish coast with all the persons contained therein The duke of Parma being aduertised of the Spanish Fleetes arriuall vpon the coast of England made all the haste hee could to bee present himselfe in this expedition for the performance of his charge vainely perswading himselfe that nowe by the meanes of Cardinall Allen hee should be crowned king of England and for that cause hee had resigned the gouernement of the Lowe countries vnto Count Mansfeld the elder And hauing made his vowes vnto S. Mary of Hall in Henault whom he went to visite for his blind deuotions sake hee returned toward Bruges the 28. of Iuly The next day trauelling to Dunkerk hee heard the thundering Ordinance of either Fleet and the same euening being come to Dixmud hee was giuen to vnderstand the hard successe of the Spanish Fleete Upon Tuesday which was the thirtieth of Iuly about high noone hee came to Dunkerk when as all the Spanish Fleete was now passed by neither durst any of his ships in the meane space come foorth to assist the sayd Spanish Fleete for feare of fiue and thirtie warrelike ships of Holland and Zeland which there kept watch and warde vnder the conduct of the Admirall Iustin of Nassau The foresayd fiue and thirtie shippes were furnished with most cunning mariners and olde expert souldiers amongst the which were twelue hundred Musketiers whom the States had chosen out of all their garisons and whom they knew to haue bene heretofore experienced in sea-fights This nauie was giuen especially in charge not to suffer any shippe to come out of the Hauen nor to permit any Zabraes Pataches or other small vessels of the Spanish Fleete which were more likely to aide the Dunkerkers to enter thereinto for the greater ships were not to be feared by reason of the shallow sea in that place Howbeit the prince of Paâ—ma his forces being as yet vnreadie were not come on boord his shippes onely the English Fugitiues being seuen hundred in number vnder the conduct of Sir William Stanleyâ— came in fit time to haue bene embarked because they hoped to giue the first assault against England The residue shewed themselues vnwilling and loath to depart because they sawe but a few mariners who were by constraint drawne into this expedition and also because they had very bare prouision of bread drinke and other necessary victuals Moreouer the shippes of Holland and Zeland stood continually in their sight threatening shot and powder and many inconueniences vnto them for feare of which shippes the Mariners and Sea-men secretly withdrew themselues both day and night least that the duke of Parma his souldiers should compell them by maine force to goe on boord and to breake through the Hollanders Fleete which all of them iudged to bee impossible by reason of the straightnesse of the Hauen But it seemeth that the Duke of Parma and the Spaniards grounded vpon a vaine and presumptuous expectaâ—ion that all the ships of England and of the Low countreys would at the first sight of the Spanish and Dunkerk Nauie haue betaken themselues to flight yeelding them sea roome and endeuouring onely to defend themselues their hauens and sea coasts from inuasion Wherefore their intent and purpose was that the Duke of Parma in his small and flat-bottomed shippes should as it were vnder the shadow and wings of the Spanish fleet conuey ouer all his troupes armour and warlike prouision and with their forces so vnited should inuade England or while the English fleet were busied in fight against the Spanish should enter vpon any part of the coast which he thought to be most conuenient Which inuasion as the captiues afterward confessed the Duke of Parma thought first to haue attempted by the riuer of Thames vpon the bankes whereof hauing at his first arriuall landed twenty or thirty thousand of his principall souldiers he supposed that he might easily haue woonne the Citie of London both because his small shippes should haue followed and assisted his land-forces and also for that the Citie it-selfe was but meanely fortified and easie to ouercome by reason of the Citizens delicacie and discontinuance from the warres who with continuall and constant labour might be vanquished if they yeelded not at the first assault They were in good hope also to haue mette with some rebels against her Maiestie and such as were discontented with the present state as Papists and others Likewise they looked for ayde from the fauourers of the Scottish Queene who was not long before
English knight against the Moores of Alger to Barbary and to Spaine 67 40 The voyage of Henrie Earle of Derby after Duke of Hereford and lastly Henry the fourth king of England with an army of Englishmen to Tunis in Barbary 69 41 The trauailes and memorable victories of Iohn Hawkwood Englishman in diuerse places of Italy in the reigne of Richard the second 70 42 The voyage of Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington brother by the mother to K. Richard the second to Ierusalem and S. Katherins mount Anno 1394. 70 43 The voyage of Thomas Lord Mowbrey duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1399. 70 44 The voyage of the bishop of Winchester to Ierusalem Anno 1417. 71 45 A voyage intended by king Henry the fourth to the holy land against the Saracens and Infidels Anno 1413. 71. 72 46 A voyage made with two ships called The holy Crosse and The Matthew Gunson to the Isles of Candia and Chio about the yeere 1534. 98 47 Another voyage vnto Candia and Chio made by the foresayd ship called The Matthewâ— Gunson Anno 1535. 98 48 The voyage of the valiant Esquire M. Peter Read to Tunis in Barbarie 1538 recorded in his Epitaph 99 49 The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger with the Emperour Charles the fift Anno 1541. 99 50 The voyage of M. Roger Bodenâ—am with the great barke Aucher to Candia and Chio Anno 1550. 99 51 The voyage of M. Iohn Lok to Ierusalem Anno 1553. 101 52 The voyage of Iohn Foxe to the Streit of Gibraltar in a ship called The three halfe-moones Anno 1563. And his worthy enterprize in deliuering 266 Christians from the captiuitie of the Turkes at Alexandria Anno 1577. 131.132 53 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Ierusalem and Tripolis in the yeere 1581. 150 54 The voyage of The Susan of London to Constantinople wherein M. William Hareborne was sent first Ambassadour vnto Zuldan Murad Can the great Turke Anno 1582. 165 55 The voyage of a ship called The Iesus to Tripolis in Barbary Anno 1583. 184 56 The voyage of M. Henry Austel by Venice to Ragusa and thence ouer-land to Constantinople and from thence through Moldauia Polonia Silesia and Germany into England Anno 1586. 194 57 The voyage of Master Cesar Frederick into the east India and beyonde the Indies Anno 1563. 213 58 The long dangerous and memorable voyage of M. Ralph Fitch marchant of London by the way of Tripolis in Syria to Ormuz to Goa in the East India to Cambaia to the riuer of Ganges to Bengala to Bacola to Chonderi to Pegu to Siam c. begunne in the yeere 1583 and ended in the yeere 1591. 250 59 The voyage of M. Iohn Eldred to Tripolis in Syria by sea and from thence by land and riuer to Babylon and Balsara Anno 1583. 268 60 The voyage of M. Iohn Euesham by sea into AEgypt Anno 1586. 281 61 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Alexandria and Cairo in Aegypt Anno 1586. 282 62 The voyage of fiue marchants ships of London into Turkie and their valiant fight in their returne with 11 gallies and two frigats of the king of Spaine at Pantalarea within the Streits of Gibraltar Anno 1586. 285 63 The voyage of Master William Hareborne ouer-land from Constantinople to London Anno 1588. 289 64 A description of a voyage to Constantinople and Syria begun the 21 of March 1593 and ended the ninth of August 1595 wherein is shewed the manner of deliuering the second present by M. Edward Barton her Maiesties ambassadour which was sent from her Maiestie to Sultan Murad Can the Emperour of Turkie 33 The Ambassages Letters Priuileges Discourses Aduertisements and other obseruations depending vpon the Voyages contayned in the first part of this second Volume 1 A Testimony that the Britons were in Italy and Greece with the Cimbrians and Gauls before the incarnation of Christ. pag. 1 2 A testimony that certain Englishmen were of the guard of the Emperour of Constantinople in the time of Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus 17 3 A great supply of money sent to the Holy land by King Henry the second 18 4 A letter written from Manuel the Emperour of Constantinople vnto Henry the second King of England Ann. 1177 wherein mention is made that certaine of king Henries noblemen and subiects were present with the sayd Emperour in a battel against the Soldan of Iconium 18 5 A note drawen out of a very auncient booke in the custodie of the right Wor. M. Thomas Tilney Esquire touching Sir Fredericke Tilney his ancester knighted for his valour at Acon in the Holyland by king Richard the first 29 6 A large contribution to the succour of the holy land made by king Iohn king of England Anno 1201. 30 7 The comming of Baldwin the Emperour of Constantinople into England An. 1247. 31 8 A testimony concerning Anthony Beck bishop of Duresme that he was elected Patriarke of Ierusalem and confirmed by Clement the 5 bishop of Rome Anno 1305. 39 9 The comming of Lyon king of Armenia into England Anno 1â—86 to make a treaty of peace betweene Richard the second king of England and the French king 67 10 The comming of the Emperour of Constantinople into England to desire the ayde of king Henry the fourth against the Turkes Anno 1400. 70 11 A relation of the siege and taking of the citie of Rhodes by Sultan Soliman the great Turke Wherein honorable mention is made of diuers valiant English knights Anno 1522. 72 12 An ambassage from Don Ferdinando brother to the Emperour Charles the fift vnto King Henry the eight crauing his ayde against Soliman the great Turke An. 1527. 95 13 The antiquitie of the trade of English marchants vnto the remote parts of the Leuant seas Anno 1511 1512 c. 96 14 A letter of Henry the eight king of England to Iohn the third king of Portugale for a Portugale ship fraighted at Chio with the goods of Iohn Gresham William Lok and others and wrongfully vnladen in Portugale Anno 1531. 96 15 The maner of the entring of Soliman the great Turke with his army into Alepo in Syria as hee was marching toward Persia agaiâ—st the great Sophi Anno 1553. 112 16 A note of the presents that were giuen at the same time in Alepo to the Grand Signor and the names of the presenters 113 17 The safe conduct granted by Sultan Soliman the great Turke to M. Anthony Ienkinson at Alepo in Syria Anno 1553. 114 18 A discourse of the trade to Chio written by Gaspar Campion in the yeere 1569. 114 19 A letter of the sayd Gaspar Campion to M. William Winter in the yeare 1569. 116 20 A briefe description of the Isle of Cyprus 119 21 A report of the siege and taking of Famagusta the strongest citie in al Cyprus by Mustafa Bassa Generall of the great Turkes army Anno 1571. 121 22 The
sumus Indè archiepiscopi ceterique principes imperij Alemanniam per dextram repetentes nos versùs Franciam ad sinistram declinantes cum inenarrabilibus gratijs osculis ab inuicem discessimus Et tandem de triginta equitibus qui de Normannia pingues exiuimus vix viginti pauperes peregrini omnes pedites macie multa attenuati reuersi sumus The same in English I Ingulphus an humble seruant of reuerend Guthlac and of his monastery of Croiland borne in England and of English parents at the beautifull citie of London was in my youth for the attaining of good letters placed first at Westminster and afterward sent to the Uniuersitie of Oxford And hauing excelled diuers of mine equals in learning of Aristotle I inured my selfe somewhat vnto the first second Rhethorique of Tullie And as I grew in age disdayning my parents meane estate and forsaking mine owne natiue soyle I affected the Courts of kings and princes and was desirous to be clad in silke and to weare braue and costly attire And loe at the same time William our souereigne king now but then Erle of Normandie with a great troup of followers and attendants came vnto London to conferre with king Edward the Counfessour his kinsman Into whose company intruding my selfe and proffering my seruice for the performance of any speedy or weightie affayres in short time after I had done many things with goood successe I was knowen and most entirely beloued by the victorious Erle himselfe and with him I sayled into Normandie And there being made his secretarie I gouerned the Erles Court albeit with the enuie of some as my selfe pleased yea whom I would I abased and preferred whom I thought good When as therefore being carried with a youthfull heat and lustie humour I began to be wearie euen of this place wherein I was aduanced so high aboue my parentage and with an inconstant minde and affection too too ambitious most vehemently aspired at all occasions to climbe higher there went a report throughout all Normandie that diuers Archbishops of the Empire and secular princes were desirous for their soules health and for deuotion sake to goe on pilgrimage to Ierusalem Wherefore out of the family of our lorde the Earle sundry of vs both gentlemen and clerkes principall of whom was my selfe with the licence and good will of our sayd lord the earle sped vs on that voiage and trauailing thirtie horses of vs into high Germanie we ioyned our selues vnto the Archbishop of Mentz And being with the companies of the Bishops seuen thousand persons sufficiently prouided for such an expedition we passed prosperously through many prouinces and at length attained vnto Constantinople Where doing reuerence vnto the Emperour Alexius we sawe the Church of Sancta Sophia and kissed diuers sacred reliques Departing thence through Lycia we fell into the hands of the Arabian theeues and after we had bene robbed of infinite summes of money and had lost many of our people hardly escaping with extreame danger of our liues at length wee ioyfully entered into the most wished citie of Ierusalem Where we were receiued by the most reuerend aged and holy patriarke Sophronius with great melodie of cymbals and with torch-light and were accompanied vnto the most diuine Church of our Sauiour his sepulchre with a solemne procession aswell of Syrians as of Latines Here how many prayers we vttered what abundance of teares we shed what deepe sighs we breathed foorth our Lord Iesus Christ onely knoweth Wherefore being conducted from the most glorious sepulchre of Christ to visite other sacred monuments of the citie we saw with weeping eyes a great number of holy Churches and oratories which Achim the Souldan of Egypt had lately destroyed And so hauing bewailed with sadde teares and most sorowful and bleeding affections all the ruines of that most holy city both within and without and hauing bestowed money for the reedifying of some we desired with most ardent deuotion to go forth into the countrey to wash our selues in the most sacred riuer of Iordan and to kisse all the steppes of Christ. Howbeit the theeuish Arabians lurking vpon euery way would not suffer vs to trauell farre from the city by reason of their huge and furious multitudes Wherefore about the spring there arriued at the port of Ioppa a fleet of ships from Genoa In which fleet when the Christian merchants had exchanged all their wares at the coast townes and had likewise visited the holy plâ—ces wee all of vs embarked committing our selues to the seas and being tossed with many stormes and tempests at length wee arriued at Brundusium and so with a prosperous iourney trauelling thorow Apulia towaâ—ds Rome we there visited the habitations of the holy apostles Peter and Paul and did reuerence vnto diuers monuments of holy martyrs in all places thorowout the city From thence the archbishops and other princes of the empire trauelling towards the right hand for Alemain and we declining towards the left hand for France departed asunder taking our leaues with vnspeakable thankes and courtesies And so at length of thirty horsemen which went out of Normandie fat Iusly and frolique we returned thither skarse twenty poore pilgrims of vs being all footmen and consumed with leannesse to the bare bones ¶ Diuers of the honourable family of the Beauchamps with Robert Curtoys sonne of William the Conqueror made a voyage to Ierusalem 1096. Hol. pag. 22. vol. 2. POpe Vrbane calling a councell at Clermont in Auuergne exhorted the Christian princes so earnestly to make a iourney into the Holy land for the recouery thereof out of the Saracens hands that the saide great and generall iourney was concluded vpon to be taken in hand wherein many noble men of Christendome went vnder the leading of Godfrey of Bouillon others as in the Chronicles of France of Germanie and of the Holy land doeth more plainely appeare There went also among other diuers noble men foorth of this Realme of England specially that worthily bare the surname of Beauchampe ¶ The voyage of Gutuere an English Lady maried to Balduine brother of Godfreide duke of Bouillon toward Ierusalem about 1097. And the 11. yeere of William Rufus King of England THe Christian armie of Godfrie of Bouillon passing the citie of Iconium alias Agogna in the countrey of Licaonia and from thence by the city of Heraclia came at length vnto the citie of Marasia where they encamped and soiourned there three whole dayes because of the wife of Balduine brother germane of the duke of Loraigne Which Lady being long time vexed with a grieuous malady was in extremitie where at length paying the debt due to nature she changed this transitorie lite for life eternall Who in her life time was a very worthy and vertuous Lady borne in England and descended of most noble parentage named Gutuere Which according to her degree was there most honourably enterred to the great griefe of all the whole armie As reporteth William
that peace was concluded among the kings In which peace first king Richardâ— Philip the French king renewed againe their oth and league before made concerning their mutual aide and societie during the time of that peregrination Secondly peace also was concluded betweene king Richard and Tancred king of Sicily aforesaide with conditions that the daughter of Tancrede in case king Richard should die without issue should be married to Arthur Duke of Britaine the kings Nephew and next heire to his crowne whereof a formall charte was drawen and letters sent thereof to Pope Clement being dated the ninth of Nouember From this time vntill Februarie the next yeere these two kings kept still at Messana either for lacke of winde and weather or for the repairing of their shippes And in the aforesayde Februarie in the yeere 1191. King Richard sent ouer his gallies to Naples there to meete his mother Elinore and Berengaria the daughter of Zanctius king of Nauarre whom he was purposed to marry who by that time were come to Brundusium vnder the conduct of Philip Earle of Flanders and so proceeding vnto Naples they found the kings shippes wherein they sayled to Messana In this meane space king Richard she wed himselfe exceeding bounteous and liberall to all men to the French king first he gaue diuers shippes vpon others likewise he bestowed riche rewardes and of his treasure and goods he destributed largely to his souldiers and seruants about him of whom it was reported that he distributed more in one moneth then any of his predecessors did in a whole yeere by reason whereof he purchased great loue and fauour which not onely redounded to the aduancement of his fame but also to his singular vse and profite as the sequele afterward prooued The first day of March following he left the citie of Messana where the French King was and went to Cathneia a citie where Tancredus king of Sicily then lay where he was honorably receiued and there remained with king Tancredus three dayes and three nights On the fourth day when he should depart the aforesaid Tancredus offred him many rich presents in gold and siluer and precious silkes whereof king Richard would receiue nothing but one little ring for a token of his good will for the which king Richard gaue againe vnto him a riche sworde At length when king Richard should take his leaue king Tancred would not let him so depart but needes would giue him 4. great shippes and 15. gallies and furthermore hee himselfe would needes accompanie him the space of two dayes iourney to a place called Tauernium Then the next morning when they should take their leaue Tancredus declared vnto him the message which the French King a little before had sent vnto him by the Duke of Burgundie the contents whereof were these That the King of England was a false Traytour would neuer keepe the peace that was betweene them and if the sayd Tancredus would warre against him or secretly by night would inuade him he with all his power would assist him to the destruction of him and all his armie To whom Richard the King protested againe that he was no traytour nor neuer had bene and as touching the peace begun betwixt them the same should neuer be broken through him neither could he beleeue that the French King being his good lord and his sworne Compartner in that voyage would vtter any such wordes by him Which when Tancredus heard he bringeth foorth the letters of the French King sent to him by the Duke of Burgundie affirming moreouer that if the Duke of Burgundie would denie the bringing of the said letters he was readie to trie it with him by any of his Dukes King Richard receiuing the letters and musing not a little vpon the same returneth againe to Messana The same day that King Richard departed the French king came to Tauernium to speake with Tancred and there abode with him that night and on the morowe returned to Messana againe From that time King Richard mooued in stomacke against King Philip neuer shewed any gentle countenance of peace amitie as he before was woont whereat the French king greatly marueiling and enquiring earnestly what should be the cause thereof word was sent him againe by Philip earle of Flanders from king Richard what words he had sent to the king of Sicily and for testimony thereof the letters were shewed which he wrote by the duke of Burgundie to the king of Sicily which when the French king vnderstood first he held his peace as guilty in his conscience not knowing well what to answere At length turning his tale to another matter he began to quarrell with king Richard pretending as though he sought causes to breake with him and to maligne him and therfore he forged sayd he these lies vpon him and all because he by that meanes would auoid to marry with Alise his sister according as he had promised Adding moreouer that if he would so do and would not marry the said Alise his sister according to his oth he would be an enemy to him and to his while he liued To this king Richard sayd againe that he could by no meanes marry that woman forsomuch as his father had carnall copulation with her and also had by her a sonne for proofe whereof he had there presently to bring forth diuers sundry witnesses to the kings face to testifie with him In conclusion through counsell and perswasion of diuers about the French king agreement at last was made so that king Philip did acquite king Richard from this bond of marrying his sister and king Richard againe should be bound to pay to him euery yeere for the space of fiue yeeres two thousand markes with certaine other conditions besides not greatly materiall for this place And thus peace being betweene them concluded the 28 day of the sayd moneth of March the French king lanching out of the hauen of Messana the 22 day after in the Easter weeke came with his armie to the siege of Achon After the departure of the French king from Messana king Richard with his armie yet remaining behinde arriued Queene Alinor the kings mother bringing with her Berengaria the king of Nauars daughter to be espoused to king Richard which being done king Richard in April following about the 20 day of the sayd moneth departed from the hauen of Messana with 150 great ships and 53 great gallies well manned and appointed and tooke his iourney toward Achon who being vpon the Seas on Good friday about the ninth houre rose a mighty South winde with a tempest which disseuered and scattered all his Nauie some to one place and some to another The king with a few ships was driuen to the I le of Creta and there before the hauen of Rhodes cast anker The ships that caried the kings sister queene of Sicily and Berengaria the king of Nauars daughter with two ships were driuen to the I le of Cyprus The king
of Syria through all which land the king had free passage without resistance neither durst the Saracenâ— Prince encounter after that with K. Richard Of all which his atchâ—uances the sayd K. Richard sent his letters of certificate as well into England as also to the Abbot of Clara valle in France well hoping y t he God willing should be able to make his repaire againe to them by Easter next Many other famous acts were done in this voyage by these two Kings and moe should haue bene had not they falling into discorde disseuered themselues by reason whereof Philip the French king returned home againe within short space who being returned againe eftsoones inuaded the countrey of Normandy exciting also Iohn the brother of king Richard to take on him the kingdome of Englande in his brothers absence who then made league vpon the same with the French king and did homage vnto him which was about the fourth yeere of king Richard Who then being in Syria and hearing thereof made peace with the Turkes for three yeeres and not long after king Richard the next spring following returned also who in his returne driuen by distresse of weather about the parts of Histria in a towne called Synaca was there taken by Lympold Duke of the same countrey and so solde to the Emperour for sixtie thousand Markes who for no small ioy thereof writeth to Philip the French king these letters here following The letter of the Emperour to Philip the French king concerning the taking of King Richard HEnricus Dei gratia Romanorum Imperator semper Augustus Dilecto speciali amico suo Philippo illustri Francorum Regi salutem sincerae dilectionis affectum Quoniam Imperatoria Celsitudo non dubitat Regalem Magnificentiam tuam latiorem effici de vniuersis quibus omnipotentia creatoris nostri nos ipsos Romanum Imperâ—um honorauerit exaltauerit nobilitati tuae tenore praesentium declarare duximus quod inimicus Imperij nostri â—urbator Regni tui Rex Angliae quam esset in transeundo mare ad partes suas reuer surus accidit vt ventus rupta naui sua in qua ipse erat induceret eum in partes Histriae ad locum qui est inter Aquileiam Venetias Vbi Rex Dei permissione passus naufragium cum paucis euasit Quidam itaque fidelis noster Comes Maynardus de Grooxâ—e populas regionis illius audito quod in terra erat considerato diligentiùs qualem nominatus Rex in terra promissionis proditionem traditionem perditionis suae cumulum exercuerat insecuti sunt intendentes eum captiuare Ipso autem Rege in fugam conuerso ceperunt de suis octo milites Postmodum processit Rex ad Burgum in Archiepâ—scopatu Salseburgensi qui vocatur Frisorum vbi Fridericus de Betesow Rege cum tribus tantum versus Austriam properante noctu sex milites de suis coepit Dilectus autem Consanguineus noster Lympoldus Dux Austriae obseruata strata saepè dictum Regemiuxta Denam in villa viciniori in domo despecta captiuaâ—â—t Cumitaque in nostra nunc habeatur Potestate ipse semper tua molestauit turbationis operam praestiterit ea quae praemisimus nobilitati tuae insmuare curaâ—imus scientes ea dilectioni tuae beneplacita existere animo tuo vberrimam importare laetitiam Datum apud Ritheountum 5. Kalendas Ianua King Richard being thus traiterously taken and solde to the Emperour by the Duke of Austridge for 60000. markes was there kept in custodie a yeere and 3. moneths In some stories it is affirmed that King Richard returning out of Asia came to Italy with prosperous winde where he desired of the Pope to be absolued of an othe made against this will and could not obteine it and so setting out from thence towards England passing by the Countrey of Conradus the Marques whose death he being slaine a litle before was falsâ—y imputed by the French king to the king of England there traiterously was taken as is aforesayde by Limpoldus duke of Austridge Albeit in another storie I finde the matter more credibly set forth which saith thus That king Richard slewe the brother of this Limpoldus playing with him at Chesse in the French Kings Court and Limpoldus taking his vantage was more cruel against him and deliuered him as is sayde to the Emperour In whose custodie he was deteined during the time aboue mentioned a yeere 3. moneths During which time of the kings endurance the French king in the meane season stirred warre in Normandie and Earle Iohn the Kings brother made stirre and inuaded England but the Barons and Bishops of the land mightily withstood him At length it was so agreed and concluded with the Emperour that king Richard should be released for a hundreth and foure thousand pound of which money part should remaine to the Duke of Austridge the rest should be the Emperours The summe of which money was here gathered and made in England of chalices crosses shrines candlestickes and other Church plate also with publike contribution of Friers Abbots and other subiects of the Realme whereof part was presently paid and for the residue remaining hostages and pledges were taken which was about the fift yeere of his reigne and then it was obteined of the Pope that Priestes might celebrate with Chalices of latten and tinne At what time this aforesaide money was payde and the hostages giuen for the ransome of the King I haue an olde historie which saith that the aforesaid Duke of Austridge was shortly after plagued by God with 5. sundry plagues First with the burning of his chiefe Townes 2 With drowning of tenne thousand of his men in a flood happening no man can tell how 3 By turning all the eares of his corne fieldes into wormes 4. By taking away almost all the Nobles of his land by death 5. By breaking his owne leg falling from his horse which leg he was compelled to cut off with his owne hands and afterwards died of the same who then at his death is reported to forgiue K. Richard 50000. marks and sent home the hostages that were with him And further a certaine booke intituled Eulogium declareth that the sayd Limpoldus duke of Austrich fell in displeasure with the bishop of Rome and died excommunicate the next yeere after Anno 1196. But thus as you haue heard Richard the King was ransomed deliuered from the couetous captiuitie of the Emperor and returning home made an ende of his voyage for Asia which was both honourable to himselfe and to all Christian states but to the Saracens the enemies of Christianitie terrible and dishonourable This historie of King Richards voiage to Ierusalem is very excellently and largely written in Latine by Guilielmus Neobrigensis and Roger Houeden Epitaphium Richardi primi regis Anglorum apud fontem Ebraldi SCribitur hoc auro rex auree laus tua tota aurea materiae conueniente nota
I was testifieth those things which I saw to be true Many other things I haue omitted because I beheld them not with mine owne eyes Howbeit from day to day I purpose with my selfe to trauell countreyes or lands in which action I dispose my selfe to die or to liue as it shall please my God Of the death of frier Odoricus IN the yeere therefore of our Lord 1331 the foresayd frier Odoricus preparing himselfe for the performance of his intended iourney that his trauell and labour might be to greater purpose he determined to present himselfe vnto pope Iohn the two and twentieth whose benediction and obedience being receiued he with a certaine number of friers willing to beare him company might conuey himselfe vnto all the countreyes of infidels And as he was trauelling towards the pope and not farre distant from the city of Pisa there meets him by the way a certaine olde man in the habit and attire of a pilgrime saluting him by name and saying All haile frier Odoricus And when the frier demaunded how he had knowledge of him he answered Whilest you were in India I knew you full well yea and I knew your holy purpose also but see that you returne immediatly vnto the couen from whence you came for tenne dayes hence you shall depart out of this present world Wherefore being astonished and amazed at these wordes especially the olde man vanishing out of his sight presently after he had spoken them he determined to returne And so he returned in perfect health feeling no crazednesse nor infirmity of body And being in his rouen at Vdene in the prouince of Padua the tenth day after the foresayd vision hauing receiued the Communion and preparing himselfe vnto God yea being strong and sound of body hee happily rested in the Lord whose sacred departure was signified vnto the Pope aforesaid vnder the hand of the publique notary in these words following In the yeere of our Lord 1331 the 14. day of Ianuarie Beatus Odoricus a Frier minorite deceased in Christ at whose prayers God shewed many and sundry miracles which I Guetelus publique notarie of Vtina sonne of M. Damianus de Porto Gruaro at the commandement and direction of the honorable Conradus of the Borough of Gastaldion and one of the Councell of Vtina haue written as faithfully as I could and haue deliuered a copie thereof vnto the Friers minorites howbeit not of all because they are innumerable and too difficult for me to write The voyage of Matthew Gourney a most valiant English Knight against the Moores of Algier in Barbarie and Spaine M. Camden pag. 159. NEctacendum Matthaeum Gourney in oppido quodam vulgarilingua Stoke vnder Hamden in comitatu Somersetensi appellato sepultum esâ—e virum bellico sissimum regnante Edwardo tertio qui 96. aetatis anno diem obiuit cum vt ex inscriptione videre licuit obsidioni d'Algizer contra Saracenos praelijs Benamazin Sclusensi Cressiaco Ingenos Pictauiensi Nazarano in Hispania dimicasset The same in English IT is by no meanes to be passed ouer in silence that Matthew Gourney being a most valiant warriour in the reigne of Edward the third lyeth buried at a certaine towne in the countie of Somerset commonly called Stoke vnder Hamden who deceased in the 96. yeare of his age and that as it is manifest by the inscription of his monument after he had valiantly behaued himselfe at the siege of Algizer against the Sarazens and at the battailes of Benamazin of Sluce of Cressie of Ingenos of Poictou and of Nazaran in Spaine The comming of Lyon King of Armenia into England in the yeere 1386 and in the ninth yeere of Richard the second in trust to finde some meanes of peace or good agreement betweene the King of England and the French king Iohn Froyssart lib. 3. cap. 56. THus in abiding for the Duke of Berrie and for the â—â—â—stable who were behind then king Lyon of Armenia who was in Franâ—â— and had assigned him by the king sixe thousande frankes by the yeare to maintaine his estate tooke vpon him for a good intent to goe into England to speake with the king there and his Councell to see if he might finde any matter of peace to be had betweene the two Reaâ—mes England and France And so he departed from his lodging of Saint Albeyne beside Saint Denice alonely with his owne company and with no great apparell So he rode to Boloine and there he tooke a shippe and so sayled foorth till he came to Douer and there he found the Earle of Cambridge and the Earle of Buckingham and moe then a hundreth men of armes and a two thousand Archers who lay there to keepe that passage for the brute ran that the Frenchmen should lande there or at Sandwich and the king lay at London and part of his Councell with him and daily heard tydings from all the Portes of England When the king of Armenia was arriued at Douer he had there good cheere because he was a stranger and so he came to the kings Uncles there who sweetly receiued him and at a time conuenient they demaunded of him from whence he came and whither he would The king answered and sayd that in trust of goodnesse he was come thither to see the king of England and his Councell to treate of peace betweene England and France for he saide that he thought the warre was not meete for he sayd by reason of warre betweene these two Realmes which hath indured so long the Saracens Iewes Turkes are waxed proude for there is none that make them any warre and by occasion thereof I haue lost my land and Realme and am not like to recouer them againe without there were firme peace in all Christendome I would gladly shew the matter that toucheth all Christendome to the king of England and to his Councell as I haue done to the French king Then the kings Uncles demaunded of him if the French king sent him thither or no he answered and sayd no there is no man that sent mee but I am come hither by mine owne motion to see if the king of England his Councel would any thing leane to any treaty of peace then was he demaunded where the French king was he answered I beleeue he be at Sluce I sawe not him sithence I tooke my leaue of him at Senlize Then he was demaunded howe he could make any treatie of peace and had no charge so to doe and Sir if yee be conueyed to the King our Nephew and to his Counsell and the French king in the meane season enter with his puissance into England yee may happe thereby to receiue great blame and your person to be in great ieoperdy with them of the Countrey Then the King answered and said I am in suretie of the French king for I haue sent to him desiring him till I returne againe not to remoue from Sluce and I repute him so noble and so well aduised that he
will graunt my desire and that hee will not enter into the sea till I come againe to him Wherefore sirs I pray you in the instance of loue and peace to conuey me to speake with the King for I desire greatly to see him or else yee that be his Uncles if ye haue authoritie to giue me answere to all my demaunds Then the Earle of Buckingham sayd syr king of Armenia we be ordayned here to keepe and defend this passage and the frontiers of England by the King and his Counsell and wee haue no charge to meddle any further with the businesse of the Realme without we be otherwise commanded by the King But sith ye be come for a good inâ—ent into this Countrey ye be right welcome but sir as for any firme answere ye can haue none of vs for as now we be noâ— of the Councell but we shall conuey you to the king without perill or danger The king thanked them and said I desire nothing else but to see the king and to speake with him How the King of Armenia returned out of England and of the answere that was made to him WHen the king of Armenia was refreshed at Douer a day and had spoken with the kings Uncles at good leasure then he departed towards London with a good conduct that the Lords appointed to him for feare of any recounters so long he rode that he came to London and in his ryding through London he was well regarded because he was a stranger and he had good cheare made him and so was brought to the king who lay at the Royall at the Queenes wardrobe and his Councell were in London at their lodgings The Londoners were sore fortefying of their citie When the comming of the king of Armenia was knowen the kings Councell drew to the King to heare what tydings the King brought in that troublous season When the king of Armenia was come into the kings presence he made his salutation and then beganne his processe to the states how he was come out of France principally to see the king of England whoÌ„ he had neuer seene before said how he was right ioyous to be in his presence trusting that some goodnesse might come thereby And there he shewed by his words that to withstande the great pestilence that was likely to be in England therefore he was come of his owne goodwill to doe good therein if he might not sent from the French king willing to set some accorde and peace betweene the two Realmes England and France Many faire pleasant words the king of Armenia spake to the king of England and to his Counsell then he was shortly answered thus Syr king ye be welcome into this Realme for the king our Soueraigne lord and all we are glad to see you here but sir we say that the king hath not here all his Councell but shortly they shall be here and then ye shall be answered The king of Armenia was content therewith and so returned to his lodging Within foure dayes after the king was counselled and I thinke he had sent to his Uncles to know their intents but they were not present at the answere giuing to goe to the pallace at Westminster and his Councell with him such as were about him and to send for the king of Armenia to come thither And when he was come into the presence of the king of England and his Councell the king sate downe and the king of Armenia by him and then the Prelates and other of his Councell There the king of Armenia rehearsed againe his requestes that he made and also shewed wisely how all Christendome was sore decayed and feeblished by occasion of the warres betweene England and France And how that all the knights and Squires of both Realmes entended nothing else but alwayes to be on the one part or of the other whereby the Empire of Constantinople leeseth and is like to leese for before this warre the Knights and Squires were wont to aduenture themselues And also the king of Armenia shewed that by occasion of this warre he had lost his Realme of Armenia therefore he desired for Gods sake that there might be some treaty of peace had betweene the two Realmes England and France To these wordes answered the Archbishop of Canterburie for he had charge so to doe And he sayd Sir king of Armenia it is not the manner nor neuer was seene betweene two such enemies as the king of England and the French king that the king my Souereigne lorde should be required of peace and he to enter his land with a puissant army wherefore sir we say to you that if it please you ye may returne to the French king and cause him and all his puissance to returne backe into their owne countreys And when euery man be at home then if it please you ye may returne againe hither and then we shall gladly intende to your treatie This was all the answere the king of Armenia could get there and so he dined with the king of England and had as great honour as could bee deuised and the king offered him many great gifts of golde and siluer but he would take none though he had neede thereof but alonely a ring to the value of a hundreth Frankes After dinner he tooke his leaue and returned vnto his lodging and the next day departed and was two dayes at Douer and there he tooke his leaue of such lords as were there and so tooke the sea in a passager and arriued at Calais and from thence went to Sluce and there he spake with the French king and with his Uncles and shewed them how he had bene in England and what answere he had the French king and his Uncles tooke no regard of his saying but sent him backe againe into France for their full intention was to enter into England as soone as they might haue winde and weather and the Duke of Berrie and the Constable came to them The winde was sore contrary to them for therewith they could neuer enter into England but the winde was good to goe into Scotland The voyage of Henrie Earle of Derbie after Duke of Hereford and lastly Henry the fourth king of England to Tunis in Barbarie with an army of Englishmen written by Polidore Virgill pag. 1389. FRranci interim per inducias nacti ocium ac simul Genuensium precibus defatigari bellum in Afros qui omnem oram insulasque Italiae latrocinijs infestas reddebant suscipiunt Richardus quoque rex Angliae rogatus auxilium mittit Henricum comitem Derbiensem cum electa Anglicae pubis manu ad id bellum faciendum Igitur Franci Anglique viribus animis consociatis in AfricaÌ„ traijciunt qui vbi littus attigere eatenùs à Barbaris desceÌ„sione prohibiti sunt quoad Anglorum sagittariorum virtute factum est vt aditus pateret in terram egressi recta Tunetam vrbem regiam petunt ac obsident Barbari timore affecti
of the Isles of Sicilia and Malta being all as then in the seruice and pay of the Spaniard Immediatly both the Admirals of the Gallies sent from ech of them a frigate to the Admiral of our English ships which being come neere them the Sicilian frigat first hailed them and demanded of them whence they were They answered that they were of England the armes whereof appeared in their colours Whereupon the saide frigat expostulated with them and asked why they delayed to sende or come with their Captaines and pursers to Don Pedro de Leiua their Generall to acknowledge their duty and obedience to him in the name of the Spanish king Lord of those seas Our men replied and said that they owed no such duetie nor obedience to him and therefore would acknowledge none but commanded the frigat to depart with that answere and not to stay longer a brabling vpon her perill With that away she went and vp comes toward them the other frigat of Malta and shee in like sort hailed the Admiral and would needs know whence they were and where they had bene Our Englishmen in the Admirall not disdaining an answere tolde them that they were of England Marchants of London had bene at Turkie and were now returning home and to be requited in this case they also demaunded of the frigat whence she and the rest of the Gallies were the messenger answered we are of Malta and for mine owne part my name is Cauallero These Gallies are in seruice and pay to the king of Spaine vnder the conduct of Don Pedro de Leiua a noble man of Spaine who hath bene commanded hither by the King with this present force and armie of purpose to intercept you You shall therefore quoth he do well to repaire to him to know his pleasure he is a noble man of good behauiour and courtesie and meanes you no ill The Captaine of the English Admiral whose name was M. Edward Wilkinson replied and said We purpose not at this time to make triall of Don Pedro his courtesie whereof we are suspitious and doubtful and not without good cause vsing withall good words to the messenger and willing him to come aboord him promising securitie and good vsage that thereby he might the better knowe the Spaniards minde whereupon he indeed left his frigat and came aboord him whom hee intertained in friendly sort and caused a cuppe of wine to be drawne for him which he tooke and beganne with his cap in his hand and with reuerend termes to drinke to the health of the Queene of England speaking very honourably of her Maiestie and giuing good speeches of the courteous vsage and interteinement that he himselfe had receiued in London at the time that the duke of Alenson brother to the late French king was last in England and after he had well drunke hee tooke his leaue speaking well of the sufficiencie and goodnesse of our shippes and especially of the Marchant Royal which he confessed to haue seene before riding in the Thames neere London He was no sooner come to Don Pedro de Leiua the Spanish general but he was sent off againe and returned to the English Admirall saying that the pleasure of the Generall was this that either their Captaines Masters and Pursers should come to him with speed or else hee would set vpon them and either take them or sinke them The reply was made by M. Wilkinson aforesaid that not a man should come to him and for the bragge and threat of Don Pedro it was not that Spanish brauado that should make them yeeld a iot to their hinderance but they were as ready to make resistance as he to offer an iniurie Whereupon Cauallero the messenger left bragging and began to perswade them in quiet sort and with many wordes but all his labour was to no purpose and as his threat did nothing terrifie them so his perswasion did nothing mooue them to doe that which hee required At the last he intreated to haue the Marchant of the Admirall caried by him as a messenger to the Generall that so he might be satisfied and assured of their mindes by one of their owne company But M. Wilkinson would agree to no such thing although Richard Rowit the marchant himselfe seemed willing to bee imployed in that message and laboured by reasonable perswasions to induce M. Wilkinson to graunt it as hoping to be an occasion by his presence and discreet answeres to satisfie the Generall and thereby to saue the effusion of Christian blood if it should grow to a battel And he seemed so much the more willing to be sent by how much deeper the othes and protestations of this Cauallero were that he would as hee was a true knight and a souldier deliuer him backe againe in safetie to his company Albeit M. Wilkinson which by his long experience had receiued sufficient triall of Spanish inconstancie and periurie wished him in no case to put his life and libertie in hazard vpon a Spaniards othe But at last vpon much intreatie hee yeelded to let him go to the General thinking in deed that good speeches and answeres of reason would haue contented him whereas otherwise refusall to do so might peraduenture haue prouoked the more discontentment M. Rowit therefore passing to the Spanish Generall the rest of the Gallies hauing espied him thought in deed that the English were rather determined to yeelde then to fight and therefore came flocking aboue the frigat euery man crying out Que nueuas que nueuas Haue these English men yeelded the frigat answered Not so they neither haue nor purpose to yeeld onely they haue sent a man of their company to speake with our Generall and being come to the Gallie wherein he was he shewed himselfe to M. Rowit in his armour his guard of souldiers attending vpon him in armour also and began to speake very proudly in this sort Thou Englishman from whence is your fleete why stand ye aloofe off knowe ye not your duetie to the Catholique King whose person I here represent Where are your billes of lading your letters pasports and the chiefe of your men Thinke ye my attendance in these seas to be in vaine or my person to no purpose Let al these things be done out of hand as I command vpon paine of my further displeasure and the spoyle of you all These wordes of the Spanish Generall were not so outragiously pronounced as they were mildly answered by M. Rowit who tolde him that they were al Marchant-men vsing trafique in honest sort and seeking to passe quietly if they were not vrged further then reason As for the king of Spaine he thought for his part that there was amitie betwixt him and his soueraigne the Queene of England so that neither he nor his officers should goe about to offer any such iniurie to English Marchants who as they were farre from giuing offence to any man so they would be loath to take an abuse at the handes of any or
sword and he tooke their city which was very mighty seated vpon the sea which is called Ceuta in their language Confirmatio treugarum inter Regem Angliae Eduardum quartum Ioannem secundum Regem Portugalliae datarum in oppido montis Maioris 8 Februarij apud Westmonasterium 12 Septembris 1482 anno regni 22 Regis Eduardi quarti lingua Lusitanica ex opere sequenti excerpta Libro das obras de Garcia de Resende que tracta da vida è feitos del Rey dom Ioham secundo Embaixada que el Rey mandou à el Rey d' Inglaterra cap. 33. EDa qui de Monte Mor mandou el Rey por embaixadores à el rey dom Duarte de Inglaterra Ruy de Sousa pessoa principal è de muyto bon saber é credito de que el Rey muyto confiaua é ho doutor Ioam d' Eluas é Fernam de Pina por secretario E for am por mar muy honradamente com may boa companhia hos quaes foram en nome del Rey confirmar as ligas antiquas com Inglaterra que polla condisan dellus ho nouo Rey de hum reyno é do outro era obrigado à mandar confirmar é tambien pera mostrarem ho titolo que el rey tinha no senhorio de Guinee pera que depois de visto el rey d'Inglaterra defendesse em todos seus reynos que ninguen armassenem podesse mandar à Guinee é assi mandasse desfazer huna armada que pera laa faziam per mandado do Duque de Medina Sidonia hum Ioam Tintam é bum Guilherme Fabiam Ingreses Com ha qual embaixada el rey d' Inglaterra mostrou receber grande contentamento é foy delle com muyta honra recebida é em tudo fez inteiramente ho que pellos embaixadores Ibe foy requerido De que elles trouxeran autenticas escrituras das diligencias que con pubricos pregones fizeram é assi as prouisones das aprouasones que eran necessarias é com tudo muyto ben acabado é ha vontade del rey se vieram The Ambassage which king Iohn the second king of Portugall sent to Edward the fourth king of England which in part was to stay one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men from proceeding in a voyage which they were preparing for Guinea 1481 taken out of the booke of the workes of Gracias de Resende which intreateth of the life and acts of Don Iohn the second king of Portugall Chap. 33. ANd afterwards the king sent as Ambassadours from the towne of Monte maior to king Edward the fourth of England Ruy de Sonsa a principall person and a man of great wisedome and estimation and in whom the king reposed great trust with doctor Iohn d'Eluas and Ferdinand de Pina as secretarie And they made their voyage by sea very honourably being very well accompanied These men were sent on the behalfe of their king to confirme the ancient leagues with England wherein it was conditioned that the new king of the one and of the other kingdome should be bound to send to confirme the olde leagues And likewise they had order to shew and make him acquainted with the title which the king held in the segneury of Ginnee to the intent that after the king of England had seene the same he should giue charge thorow all his kingdomes that no man should arme or set foorth ships to Ginnee and also to request him that it would please him to giue commandement to dissolue a certaine fleet which one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men were making by commandement of the duke of Medina Sidonia to goe to the aforesayd parts of Ginnee With which ambassage the king of England seemed to be very well pleased and they were receiued of him with very great honour and he condescended vnto all that the ambassadours required of him at whose hands they receiued authenticall writings of the diligence which they had performed with publication thereof by the heralds and also prouisoes of those confirmations which were necessary And hauing dispatched all things well and with the kings good will they returned home into their countrey A briefe note concerning an ancient trade of the English Marchants to the Canarie-ilands gathered out of an olde ligier booke of M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a worshipfull marchant of the city of Bristoll IT appeareth euidently out of a certaine note or letter of remembrance in the custody of me Richard Hakluyt written by M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a principall marchant of Bristoll to his friend and factour Thomas Midnall and his owne seruant William Ballard at that time resident at S. Lucar in Andeluzia that in the yeere of our Lord 1526 and by all circumstances and probabilities long before certaine English marchants and among the rest himselfe with one Thomas Spacheford exercised vsuall and ordinary trade of marchandise vnto the Canarie Ilands For by the sayd letter notice was giuen to Thomas Midnall and William Ballard aforesayd that a certaine ship called The Christopher of Cadiz bound for the West Indies had taken in certaine fardels of cloth both course and fine broad and narrow of diuers sorts and colours some arouas of packthreed sixe cerons or bagges of sope with other goods of M. Nicolas Thorne to be deliuered at Santa Cruz the chiefe towne in Tenerifa one of the seuen Canary-ilands All which commodities the sayd Thomas and William were authorised by the owner in the letter before mentioned to barter sell away at Santa Cruz. And in lieu of such mony as should arise of the sale of those goods they were appointed to returne backe into England good store of Orchell which is a certaine kinde of mosse growing vpon high rocks in those dayes much vsed to die withall some quantity of sugar and certaine hundreds of kid-skinnes For the procuring of which and of other commodities at the best and first hand the sayd Thomas and William were to make their abode at Santa Cruz and to remaine there as factours for the abouesayd M. Nicolas Thorne And here also I thought good to signifie that in the sayd letters mention is made of one Thomas Tison an English man who before the foresayd yere 1526 had found the way to the West Indies and was there resident vnto whom the sayd M. Nicolas Thorne sent certaine armour and other commodities specified in the letter aforesayd A description of the fortunate Ilands otherwise called the Ilands of Canaria with their strange fruits and commodities composed by Thomas Nicols English man who remained there the space of seuen yeeres together MIne intent is particularly to speake of the Canaria Ilands which are seuen in number wherein I dwelt the space of seuen yeres and more because I finde such variety in sundry writers and especially great vntruths in a booke called The New found world Antarctike set out by a French man called Andrew Theuet the which
members of one towne the Seashore in Seford Peuenshey Hodeney Winchelsey Rie Ihame Bekesbourne Grenge Northie Bulwerheth Romenal 5. ships in euery ship 21. men and a Garcion To it perteine as members thereof Promhell Lede Eastwestone Dengemareys olde Rumney Hethe 5. ships as Romenal before To it perteineth the Westhethe Douer 21. ships as Hasting before To it perteine Folkstane Feuersham and S. Margarets not concerning the land but for the goods and cattels Sandwich 5. ships as Romenal and Hethe To it perteine Fordwich Reculuer Serre and Dele not for the soile but for the goods Summe of ships 57. Summe of the men 1187. and 57. Garcions This seruice the Barons of the Fiue Ports doe acknowledge to owe to the King vpon summons yerely if it happen by the space of 15. dayes together at their owne costs and charges accounting that for the first day of the 15. in which they shall spread their sailes to goe towards those parts that the King intendeth and to serue so long after 15. dayes as the King will at his owne pay and wages Thus much out of these ancient notes whereby your selfe may easily discerne the difference but whether the one or the other or by reason of some latter dispensation neither of these haue place at this day I must referre it to them that be priuie and of counsell with the Ports and so leauing this also vndecided holde on the way wherein I am entred This duetie of attendance therefore being deuised for the honourable transportation and safe conduct of the Kings owne person or his armie ouer the narrow Seas the Ports haue not onely most diligently euer since that time performed but furthermore also valiantly behaued themselues against the enemie from time to time in sundrie exploits by water as occasion hath bene profered or the necessitie of the Realme required And amongst other feats not vnwoorthy perpetuall remembrance after such time as Lewes the eldest sonne of the French King had entred the Realme to aide Stephan Langton the Archbishop and the Nobilitie in the life of King Iohn and had sent into France for new supply of souldiers after his death Hubert of Borough then captaine of Douer following the opinion of Themistocles in the exposition of the oracle of the woodden walles by the aide of the Port townes armed fortie â—all ships and meeting with eightie saile of French men vpon the high seas gaue them a most couragious encounter in which he tooke some sunke others and discomfited the rest King Henrie the third also after that he came to riper age had great benefit by the seruice of the Cinque Ports And king Edward the first in his Chartre maketh their continuall faithfull seruice and especially their good endeuour then lately shewed against the Welshmen the principall cause and motiue of that his liberall grant Furthermore about the midst of the reigne of the same king an hundreth saile of the Nauie of the Ports fought at the Sea with a fleet of 200. French men all which notwithstanding the great oddes of the number they tooke and slew and sunke so many of the Mariners that France was thereby for a long season after in maner destitute both of Seamen and shipping Finally and to conclude this part in the dayes of king Henrie the fourth the nauie of the Fiue Ports vnder the conduct of one Henrie Paye surprised one hundreth and twentie French ships all laden with Salt Iron Oile and no woorse merchandize The priuiledges of these Ports being first granted by Edward the Confessour and William the Conquerour and then confirmed and increased by William Rufus Henrie the second Richard the first Henrie the third and king Edward the first be very great considering either the honour and ease or the freedome and exemption that the inhabitants haue by reason of the same Part of an Epistle written by one Yuo of Narbona vnto the Archbishop of Burdeaux conteining the confession of an Englishman as touching the barbarous demeanour of the Tartars which had liued long among them and was drawen along perforce with them in their expedition against Hungarie Recorded by Mathew Paâ—iâ— in the yere of our Lord 1243. THe Lord therefore being prouoked to indignation by reason of this and other sinnes committed among vs Christians is become as it were a destroying enemie and a dreadfull auenger This I may iustly affirme to be true because an huge nation and a barbarous and inhumane people whose law is lawlesse whose wrath is furious euen the rod of Gods anger ouerrunneth and vtterly wasteth infinite countreyes cruelly abolishing all things where they come with fire and sword And this present Summer the foresayd nation being called Tartars departing out of Hungarie which they had surprised by treason layd siege vnto the very same towne wherein I my selfe abode with many thousands of souldiers neither were there in the sayd towne on our part aboue 50. men of warre whom together with 20. crosbowes the captaine had left in garrison All these out of certeine high places beholding the enemies â—aste armie and abhorring the beastly crueltie of Antichrist his complices signified foorthwith vnto their gouernour the hideous lamentations of his Christian subiects who suddenly being surprised in all the prouince adioyning without any difference or respect of condition fortune lexe or age were by manifolde cruelties all of them destroyed with whose carkeises the Tartarian chieftains and their brutish and sauage followers glutting themselues as with delicious cates left nothing for vultures but the bare bones And a strange thing it is to consider that the greedie and rauenous vultures disdeined to praye vpon any of the reliques which remained Olde and deformed women they gaue as it were for dayly sustenance vnto their Canibals the beautifull deuoured they not but smothered them lamenting and scriâ—ching with forced and vnnaturall rauishments Like barbarous miscreantâ— they quelled virgins vnto death and cutting off their tender paps to present for deinties vnto their magistrates they engorged themselues with their bodies Howbeit their spials in the meane time discrying from the top of an high mountaine the Duke of Austria the King of Bohemia the Patriarch of Aquileia the Duke of Carinthia and as some report the Earle of Baden with a mightie power and in battell aray approching towards them that accursed crew immediatly vanished and all those Tartarian vagabonds retired themselues into the distressed and vanquished land of Hungarie who as they came suddenly so they departed also on the sudden which their celeritie caused all men to stand in horrour and astonishment of them But of the sayd fugitiues the prince of Dalmatia tooke eight one of which number the Duke of Austria knew to be an English man who was perpetually banished out of the Realme of England in regard of certaine notorious crimes by him committed This fellow on the behalfe of the most tyrannicall king of the Tartars had bene twise as a messenger and interpreter
bee hindred sore And fayned peace is called no werre herefore Thus they haue bene in diuers coasts many Of our England more then rehearse can I In Norfolke coastes and other places about And robbed and brent and slaiue by many a rowte And they haue also ransomed Towne by Towne That into the regnes of bost haue run her sowne Wich hath bin ruth vnto this Realme and shame They that the sea should keepe are much to blame For Britayne is of easie reputation And Saincte Malo turneth hem to reprobation A storie of Edward the third his ordinance for Britayne HEre bring I in a storie to mee lent That a good Squire in time of Parliament Tooke vnto mee well written in a scrowe That I haue commond both with high and lowe Of which all men accorden into one That it was done not many yeeres agone But when noble King Edward the thrid Reigned in grace right thus it betyd For hee had a maner gelosie To his Marchants and loued them hartily He feld the weyes to rule well the see Whereby Marchants might haue prosperitee That for Harflew Houndflew did he maken And great werre that time were vndertaken betwixt the King and the Duke of Britayne At last to fall to peace both were they fayne Upon the wich made with conuencion Our Marchants made hem readie bowne Toward Britayne to loade their Marchandie Wening hem friends they went foorth boldly But soone anon our Marchants were ytake And wee spedde neuer the better for truce sake They lost her good her nauy and spending But their complaint came vnto the king Then wext he wroth and to the Duke he sent And complained that such harme was hent By conuention and peace made so refused With Duke sent againe and him excused Rehearsing that the mount of Saincte Michael And Sainct Malo would neuer a dell Be subiect vnto his gouernance Nor be vnder his obeysance And so they did withouten him that deede But when the king anon had taken heede Hee in his herte set a iudgement Without calling of any Parliament Or greate tarry to take long aduise To â—ortifie anon he did deuise Of English Townes three that is to say Derâ—mouth Plymouth the third it is Fowey And gaue hem helpe and notable puisance With insistence set them in gouernance Upon pety Bretayne for to werre Those good sea men would no more differre But bete hem home and made they might not cowte Tooke prisoners and made them for to lowte And efte the Duke an ensample wise Wrote to the king as he first did deuise Him excusing But our men wood With great power passed ouer the floode And werred foorth into the Dukes londe And had ny destroyed free and bond But than the Duke knewe that the townes three Should haue lost all his natiue Countrie He vndertooke by suretie true not false For mount Michael and Saincte Malo al 's And other parties of the litle Brytaine Which to obey as sayd was were not fayne The Duke hymselfe for all did vndertake With all his herte a full peace did hee make So that in all the life time of the king Marchants had peace withouten werring He made a statute for Lombards in this land That they should in noe wise take on hande Here to inhabite here to chardge and dischardge But fortie dayes no more time had they large This good king by witte of such appreiffe Kept his Marchants and the sea from mischiefe Of the commodities of Scotland and draping of her wolles in Flanders The fourth Chapiter MOreouer of Scotland the commodities Are Felles Hides and of Wooll the Fleese And all these must passe by vs away Into Flanders by England sooth to say And all her woolle was draped for to sell In the Townes of Poperinge and of Bell Which my Lord of Glocester with ire For her falshed set vpon a fiâ—e And yet they of Bell and Poperinge Could neuer drape her wooll for any thing But if they had English woll withall Our goodly wooll which is so generall Needefull to them in Spaine and Scotland al 's And other costes this sentence is not false Yee worthy Marchants I doe it vpon you I haue this learned ye wot well where and howe Ye wotte the Staple of that Marchandie Of this Scotland is Flaunders sekerly And the Scots bene charged knowen at the eye Out of Flanders with little Mercerie And great plentie of Haberdashers Warâ— And halfe her shippes with cart wheeles bare And with Barrowes are laden as in substance Thus most rude ware are in her cheuesance So they may not forbeare this Flemish land Therefore if wee would manly take in hand To keepe this Sea from Flanders and from Spaine And from Scotland like as from pety Britaine Wee should right soone haue peace for all her bosts For they must needes passe by our English costs Of the commodities of Pruce and High Dutch men and Easterlings The fifth Chapitle NOwe goe foorth to the commodities That commeth from Pruce in two maner degrees For two maner people haue such vse That is to say High Duch men of Pruse And Esterlings which might not be forborne Out of Flanders but it were verely lorne For they bring in the substance of the Beere That they drinken feele too good chepe not dere Yee haue heard that two Flemings togider Will vndertake or they goe any whither Or they rise once to drinke a Ferkin full Of good Beerekin so sore they hall and pull Under the board they pissen as they sit This commeth of couenant of a worthie wit Without Caleis in their Butter they cakked When they fled home and when they leysure lacked To holde their siege they went like as a Doe Well was that Fleming that might trusse and goe For feare they turned backe and hyed fast My Lord of Glocester made hem so agast With his comming and soght hem in her land And brent and slowe as he had take on hand So that our enemies durst not bide nor stere They fled to mewe they durst no more appeare Rebuked sore for euer so shamefully Unto her vtter euerlasting villanie Nowe Beere and Bakon bene fro Pruse ybrought Into Flanders as loued and farre ysought Osmond Copper Bow-staues Steele and Wexe Peltreware and grey Pitch Terre Board and flexe And Colleyne threed Fustian and Canuas Card Bukeram of olde time thus it was But the Flemings among these things dere In common louen best Bakon and Beere Also Pruse men maken her aduenture Of Plate of siluer of wedges good and sure In great plentie which they bring and bye Out of the lands of Beame and Hungarie Which is increase full great vnto their land And they bene laden I vnderstand With wollen cloth all maner oâ— colours By dyers crafted full diuers that ben ours And they aduenture full greatly vnto the Bay for salt that is needefull withouten nayâ— Thus if they would not our friends bee We might lightly stoppe hem in the
beastes skinnes In those partes they haue but small store of cattell The Mosco it selfe is great I take the whole towne to bee greater then London with the suburbes but it is very rude and standeth without all order Their houses are all of timber very dangerous for fire There is a faire Castle the walles whereof are of bricke and very high they say they are eighteene foote thicke but I doe not beleeue it it doth not so seeme notwithstanding I doe not certainely know it for no stranger may come to viewe it The one side is ditched and on the other side runneth a riuer called Moscua which runneth into Tartarie and so into the sea called Mare Caspium and on the North side there is a base towne the which hath also a bricke wall about it and so it ioyneth with the Castle wall The Emperour lieth in the castle wherein are nine fayre Churches and therin are religious men Also there is a Metropolitane with diuers Bishops I will not stande in description of their buildinges nor of the strength thereof because we haue better in all points in England They be well furnished with ordinance of all sortes The Emperours or Dukes house neither in building nor in the outward shew nor yet within the house is so sumptuous as I haue seene It is very lowe built in eight square much like the olde building of England with small windowes and so in other poynts Now to declare my comming before his Maiestie After I had remained twelue daies the Secretary which hath the hearing of strangers did send for me aduertising me that the Dukes pleasure was to haue me to come before his Ma. with the kings my masters letters whereof I was right glad and so I gaue mine attendance And when the Duke was in his place appointed the interpretour came for me into the vtter chamber where sate one hundred or moe gentlemen all in cloth of golde very sumptuous and from thence I came into the Counsaile chamber where sate the Duke himselfe with his nobles which were a faire company they sateround about the chamber on high yet so that he himselfe sate much higher then any of his nobles in a chaire gilt and in a long garment of beaten golde with an emperial crowne vpon his head and a staffe of Cristall and golde in his right hand and his other hand halfe leaning on his chaire The Chancelour stoode vp with the Secretary before the Duke After my dutie done and my letter deliuered he bade me welcome enquired of me the health of the King my master and I answered that he was in good health at my departure from his court and that my trust was that he was now in the same Upon the which he bade me to dinner The Chancelour presented my present vnto his Grace bareheaded for before they were all couered and when his Grace had receiued my letter I was required to depart for I had charge not to speake to the Duke but when he spake to me So I departed vnto the Secretaries chamber where I remayned two houres and then I was sent for againe vnto another palace which is called the golden palace but I saw no cause why it should be so called for I haue seene many fayrer then it in all poynts and so I came into the hall which was small and not great as is the Kings Maiesties of England and the table was couered with a tablecloth and the Marshall sate at the ende of the table with a little white rod in his hand which boorde was full of vessell of golde and on the other side of the hall did stand a faire cupborde of place From thence I came into the dining chamber where the Duke himselfe sate at his table without cloth of estate in a gowne of siluer with a crowne emperiall vpon his head he sate in a chaire somewhat hie There sate none neare him by a great way There were long tables set round about the chamber which were full set with such as the Duke had at dinner they were all in white Also the places where the tables stoode were higher by two steppes then the rest of the house In the middest of the chamber stoode a table or cupbord to set place on which stoode full of cuppes of golde and amongst all the rest there stoode foure maruellous great pottes or crudences as they call them of golde and siluer I thinke they were a good yarde and a halfe hie By the cupborde stoode two gentlemen with napkins on their shoulders and in their handes each of them had a cuppe of gold set with pearles and precious stones which were the Dukes owne drinking cups when he was disposed he drunke them off at a draught And for his seruice at meate it came in without order yet it was very rich seruice for all were serued in gold not onely he himselfe but also all the rest of vs and it was very massie the cups also were of golde and very massie The number that dined there that day was two hundred persons and all were serued in golden vessell The gentlemen that waited were all in cloth of gold and they serued him with their caps on their heads Before the seruice came in the Duke sent to euery man a great shiuer of bread and the bearer called the party so sent to by his name aloude and sayd Iohn Basiliuich Emperour of Russia and great Duke of Moscouia doth reward thee with bread then must all men stand vp and doe at all times when those wordes are spoken And then last of all he giueth the Marshall bread whereof he eateth before the Dukes Grace and so doth reuerence and departeth Then commeth the Dukes seruice of the Swannes all in pieces and euery one in a seuerall dish the which the Duke sendeth as he did the bread and the bearer sayth the same wordes as he sayd before And as I sayd before the seruice of his meate is in no order but commeth in dish by dish and then after that the Duke sendeth drinke with the like saying as before is tolde Also before dinner hee changed his crowne and in dinner time two crownes so that I saw three seuerall crownes vpon his head in one day And thus when his seruice was all come in hee gaue to euery one of his gentlemen waiters meate with his owne hand so likewise drinke His intent thereby is as I haue heard that euery man shall know perfectly his seruants Thus when dinner is done hee calleth his nobles before him name by name that it is wonder to heare howe he could name them hauing so many as he hath Thus when dinner was done I departed to my lodging which was an hower within night I will leaue this and speake no more of him nor his houshold but I will some what declare of his land and people with their nature and power in the wars This Duke is Lord and Emperour of many countreis his power is marueilous
countries greeting Before all right great and worthy of honour Edward King of England c. according to our most hearty and good zeale with good intent and friendly desire according to our holy Christian faith great gouernance being in the light of great vnderstāding our answere by this our honourable writing vnto your kingly gouernance at the request of your faithfull seruant Richard Chancelour with his company as they shall let you wisely know is this In the strength of the twentieth yeere of our gouernance be it knowen that at our sea coastes arriued a shippe with one Richard and his companie and sayd that hee was desirous to come into our dominions and according to his request hath seene our Maiestie and our eyes and hath declared vnto vs your Maiesties desire as that we should grant vnto your subiects to goe and come and in our dominions and among our subiects to frequent free Marts with all sortes of marchandizes and vpon the same to haue wares for their returne And they haue also deliuered vs your letters which declare the same request And hereupon we haue giuen order that wheresoeuer your faithful seruant Hugh Willoughbie land or touch in our dominions to be wel entertained who as yet is not arriued as your seruant Richard can declare And we with Christian beliefe and faithfulnes and according to your honourable request and my honourable commandement will not leaue it vndone and are furthermore willing that you send vnto vs your ships and vessels when and as often as they may haue passage with good assurance on our part to see them harmelesse And if you send one of your maiesties counsel to treate with vs whereby your countrey marchants may with all kinds of wares and where they will make their market in our dominions they shall haue their free Marte with all free liberties through my whole dominions with all kinde of wares to come and goe at their pleasure without any let damage or impediment according to this our letter our word and our seale which we haue commaunded to be vnder sealed Written in our dominion in our citie and our palace in the castle of Mosco in the yeare 7060 the second moneth of February This letter was written in the Moscouian tongue in letters much like to the Greeke letters very faire written in paper with a broad seale hanging at the same sealed in paper vpon waxe This seale was much like y e broad scale of England hauing on the one side the image of a man on horseback in complete harnesse fighting with a dragon Under this letter was another paper written in the Dutch tongue which was the interpretation of the other written in the Moscouian letters These letters were sent the next yere after the date of king Edwards letters 1554. The coines weights and measures vsed in Russia written by Iohn Hasse in the yere 1554. FOrasmuch as it is most necessary for al marchants which seeke to haue traffique in any strange regions first to acquaint thēselues with the coines of those lands with which they do intend to ioyne in traffique and how they are called from the valuation of the highest piece to the lowest and in what sort they make their paiments as also what their common weights and measures be for these causes I haue thought good to write some thing thereof according to mine owne knowledge and experience to the end that the marchants of that new aduenture may the better vnderstand how the wealth of that new frequented trade will arise First it is to be noted that the Emperour of Russia hath no other coines then siluer in all his land which goeth for paiment amongst merchants yet notwithstanding there is a coine of copper which serueth for the reliefe of the poore in Mosco no where els and that is but only for quasse water and fruit as nuts apples and such other like The name of which money is called Pole or Poles of which Poles there goe to the least of the siluer coines 18. But I will not stand vpon this because it is no currant money among merchants Of siluer coines there be three sortes of pieces the least is a Poledenga the second a Denga the third Nowgrote which is as much to say in English as halfepenie penie and twopence and for other valued money then this there is none there are oftentimes there coines of gold but they come out of forrein countreys whereof there is no ordinarie valuation but they passe according to the agreement of merchants Their order in summing of money is this as we say in England halfpenie penie shilling and pound so say they Poledenga Denga Altine and Rubble There goeth two Poledengas to a Denga six Dengaes to an Altine and 23 Altines and two Dengaes to a Rubble Concerning the weights of Russia they are these There are two sorts of pounds in vse amōgst them the one great y e other small the great pound is iust two small pounds they call the great weight by the name of Beasemar and the smal they call the Skalla weight with this smal weight they weigh their siluer coines of the which the Emperor hath commanded to put to euery small pound three Rubbles of siluer and with the same weight they weigh all Grocerie wares and almost al other wares which come into the land except those which they weigh by the Pode as hops salt iron lead tinne batrie with diuers others notwithstanding they vse to weigh batrie more often by the small weight then by the great Whensoeuer you find the prices of your wares rated by the Pode consider that to be the great weight and the pound to be the small Also they diuide the small pound into 48 parts and they call the eight and fortieth part a Slotnike by the which Slotnike the retailers sell their wares out of their shops as Goldsmiths Grocers Silkesellers and such other like as we doe vse to retaile by the ounce and as for their great weight which they cal the Beasemar they sel by pode or shippond The pode doth containe of the great weight 40 pounds and of the smal 80 there goe 10. podes to a shippond Yet you must consider that their great weight is not full with ours for I take not their great pound to be full 13 ounces but aboue 12 I thinke it be But for your iust proofe weigh 6 Rubbles of Russia money with our pound weight and then shal you see what it lacketh for 6 Rubbles of Russia is by the Emperors standerd the great pound so that I thinke it the next way to know the iust waight as well of the great pound as of the small There is another weight needfull to be knowen which is the weight of Wardhouse for so much as they weigh all their drie fish by weight which weight is the Beasemar as they of Russia doe vse not withstanding there is another sorte in it the names
to the saide fellowship and company nor to any of them to cary and transport or cause to be caried and transported any commodie of this Realme to their newe trade but onely in English ships and to be sailed for the most part with English Mariners nor also to bring into this Realme nor into Flanders from their saide new trade any merchandizes or other commodities but in English ships and sailed for the most part by the English Mariners on paine to forfeit for euery such offence two hundred pounds whereof the one moitie shall be to the Queenes Maiestie her heires and successors the other moitie to the head officers of any port towne hauing any hauen or harborough decayed by what name soeuer they bee incorporate to the reparation of such harborough that will sue for the same in any Court of Record by action bill plaint or information wherein no essoine protection or wager of lawe for the defendant shall be admitted or allowed Prouided also and be it enacted that no maner of person or persons shall from hence forth carrie or transport or cause to bee carried or transported out of this Realme of England any maner of clothes or karsies into any of the partes where the said fellowship and societie is priuiledged to trade by this Act before the same clothes and karsies shall be all dressed and for the most part died within this Realme vpon paine of forfeiture for euery such cloth and karsie otherwise caried and transported fiue pounds the one halfe thereof to the Queenes Maiestie her heires and successors the other halfe to the Master and Wardens of the Clothworkers in the Citie of London for the time being by what name soeuer they be incorporate that wil sue for the same Prouided also that whensoeuer the said societie or company shall willingly withdraw and discontinue wholy by the space of three yeeres in time of peace the discharging of their marchandizes at the road of S. Nicholas bay in Russia and doe not discharge their said merchandizes at some other port or roade lying on that North coast of Russia or other territorie nowe subiect to the saide mightie prince of Russia c. hitherto by the subiects of this realme not commonly frequented that then during the time of any such discontinuance and withdrawing as is aforesaid it shal be lawful to all the subiects of this realme to trade to the Narue onely in English bottoms any thing in this Act to the contrary notwithstanding Prouided also that euery of the Queenes Maiesties Subiects inhabiting within the Citie of Yorke the townes of Newcastle vpon Tine Hull and of Boston hauing continually traded the course of merchandize by the space of ten yeeres and which before the 25. of December that shal be in Anno D. 1567. shal contribute ioyne and put in stocke to with and amongst the said company such summe summes of money as any of the said company which hath throughly continued and contributed to the saide newe trade from the yeere 1552. hath done and before the saide 25. of December 1567. shall do for the furniture of one ordinary full and intire portion or share and do in all things behaue himselfe as others of the said societie be bound to doe and hereafter shall bee bound to do by the priuiledges ordinances and statutes of the saide company shall from the same 25. day of December 1567. be and be accompted free and as one of the saide societie and company and subiect to the priuiledges ordinances and statutes of the saide company reasonably made and to be made any thing in this present Act to the contrary notwithstanding A very briefe remembrance of a voyage made by M. Anthony Ienkinson from London to Moscouia sent from the Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour in the yeere 1566. THe fourth day of May in the yere aforesaid I imbarked my selfe at Grauesend in the good ship called the Harry of London and hauing had a prosperous voyage arriued at the bay of S. Nicholas in Russia the 10. day of Iuly following and immediatly I sent in post to the Emperor to aduertise of my comming and traueiling then thorowe the countrey I with my company came to the Mosco where the Emperour kept his court the 23. of August and foorthwith gaue the Secretarie to vâ—derstand of my arriuall who aduertised the Emperours Maiestie of it and the first day of September being a solemne feast among the Russes I came before the Emperours Maiestie sitting in his seate of honour and hauing kissed his hand and done the Queenes Maiesties commendations and deliuered her Graces letters and present he â—ad me to dinner which I accepted and had much honour done vnto me both then and all the time of my abode in Russia The Priuiledges graunted by the Emperour of Russia to the English merchants of that company obteined the 22. of September Anno 1567. by M. Anthony Ienkinson ONe onely strengthener of all things and God without beginning which was before the world the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost our onely God in Trinitie and maker of all things whom we worship in all things and in all places the doer and fulfiller of all things which is the perfect knowledge giuer of the true God our Lorde Iesus Christ with the comforter the holy Spirit and thou which art the strengthener of our faith keepe vs together giue vs health to preserue our kingdome thou giuer of all good fruites and helper of all Christian beleeuers We great lord by the grace of God and great duke Iohn Vasiliwich of all Russia Volodimer Mosco Nouogrod Cazan Astracan Plesco Smolensko Tweria Yougorie Vadika Bulgar Sybier and others Emperour and great duke of Nouogrod of the lower land of Chernygo Rezan Polotski Rostoue Yereslaue Bealozera Oudoria Obdoria Condensa and lord of many other lands and of all the North parts commander and lord of Liffe-land Whereas our sister Queene Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland hath written to vs her letters that wee would graunt her merchants William Gerrard William Chester Rowland Heyward Lawrence Hussie Iohn Marsh Anthony Ienkinson William Rowly and their company of England to come in ships into this kingdome and those merchants William Gerrard and his company haue required of vs that we would graunt and licence them to come into our countrey of Dwina with all kind of wares at wil to our city of Mosco and to all our castles in our kingdomes we for our sisters sake Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland haue licenced her merchants William Gerrard and his company to passe in ships to our kingdome of Colmogro and to the land of Dwina and to all other our inheritances in the North parts with all kind of wares to our city of Mosco and to all castles and townes in our kingdome And sir William Garrard his company desired of vs that we would grant them licence to passe to
Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith hath written vnto vs her letters for her merchants who hath made sute that we should grant our goodnesse to the merchants which are of one Company and giue them free leaue to come to traffike in our kingdome to Colmogro and to the countrey of Dwina and to our great citie of Moscouia and to all the cities in our dominions and thorow our countrey to Boghar to Persia Casbin and Charday and to all other countreys 1 We Iohn Vasiliwich Emperour and great duke of all Russia for our sister Elizabeths sake Queene of England haue giuen and granted to the English merchants the Gouernours Consuls Assistants felloship sir Wil. Garrard Knight Rowland Haiward Alderman Ioh. Thamworth Esquire Iohn Riuers Alderman Henry Beecher Alderman Consuls Sir Wil. Chester Knight Edward Iackman Alderman Lionel Ducket Alderman Edward Gilbert Laurence Huse Francis Walsingham Clement Throgmorton Iohn Quarles Nicholas Wheeler Thomas Banister Iohn Harrison Francis Burnham Anthony Gamage Iohn Somers Richard Wilkinson Ioh. Sparke Richard Barne Robert Woolman Thomas Browne Thomas Smith Thomas Allen Thomas More William Bully Richard Yong Thomas Atkinson Assistants Iohn Mersh Esquire Geofrey Ducket Francis Robinson Matthew Field all the rest of their company and fellowship and to their successours and deputies to come with ships and other vessels into our Countrey at Colmogorod Dwina and to all the North parts now being ours or that hereafter shall at any time be in our possession by sea riuer or land euen to our great Citie of Mosco in all the townes of our Countrey to Cazan and Astracan to Nouogorod the great to Plesko Leifland Vriagorod to Narue and all other townes of Leifland 2 And to passe through our land to Boghar Persia Casbin Charday and other Countreyes And wheresoeuer they come there to be and abide freely and to barter and bargaine freely all wares of sale without custome of all people and Marchants strangers whatsoeuer And if so be they bring any fine wares out of Englande or any other Countrey from Boghar Persia Casbin or from any other place those their wares that come by the way of Narue or any other part into our Dominion to bring the same wares into our treasure and our Treasurers to view the same wares and to take into our Treasurie of the same such as shal be needfull for vs. And all such wares as we shal not need our Chancellour to redeliuer y e same And after the view of our Chancellours to barter it freely to whom they will not selling any of their wares needful for vs before our Chancellour haue seene the same And all other grosse and heauy wares that shall be needfull to our vse not being brought to Mosco to declare tell our Chancellour of the same wares And to giue a note thereof by name and how much they leaue there not brought to Mosco and then if we neede not the said wares the English Marchants their seruants Factors to conuey their wares the neerest way to Vstiug the great and so to Colmogorod or elsewhere at their pleasure thâ—re to barter and sell the same But those wares that shal be needfull for our Treasurie they shall not hide from vs in any case And when our Chauncellours shall send our aduenture with the said Marchants or their Factors they to take our aduentures with them and to sell to barter for such wares as shal be meete for our Treasurie and to returne it into our Treasurie And when we shall sende any aduenture into England then our Chauncellour to giue them a yeeres warning that their ships may be prouided thereafter that by taking in of our wares they leaue not their owne behind them And to take our aduenture yeerely when they goe into Persia. Neither shall the English marchants receiue or colour any of our peoples goods nor barter nor sell it in any wise likewise our people not to barter for the sayd English marchants or occupy for them 3 And when they shall come into our Empire of Casan and Astracan and other places of our Dominions thâ—n our Captaines of Casan and Astracan and our authorised people quietly to let them passe not taking any toll or custome of their wares nor once to make search thereof And when we shal send no aduenture with them yet to suffer them freely to passe not viewing their wares nor taking any kinde of custome And whatsoeuer English marchant will bargaine with our Marchants or Factors ware for ware to barter the same at their pleasure And whatsoeuer their Marchant or Factors will sell their wares at their house at Mosco which house I granted them at S. Maxims at the Mosco they to sel the ware to our people either strangers as they may best vtter it keeping within their house arshines measures and waights vnder seales 4 We haue granted them the saide house at S. Maxims in the halfe free and without standing renâ— as heretofore we did graunt it the said English Marchants sir Wil. Garrard and the Company maintayning in the said house one housekeeper a Russe and two Russe seruants or some of their owne countrey men and none other Russes besides the aforesayde And the said housekeepers that shal liue at their house with the English marchants neither to buy nor sel any wares for them but that the said marchants themselues or their factors shall buy sell and barter their owne wares And our Moscouie marchants not to take the said Englishmens wares to sell them in our townes nor to buy any wares for them neither the English marchant to colour any Russes wares at any towne 5 And whatsoeuer English marchant will sell his wares at Colmogorod Dwyna Vologda Yeraslaue Castran Nouogorod the lower Casan Astracan Nouogrod the great Vopsko the Narue Vriagorod or at any other townes they to sel their wares there at their pleasure And of all wares aswell of other countreis as of Russia no officer or other to take any custome neither in any place to stay them in any wise neither take any kinde of toll of them for their wares whatsoeuer 6 And whatsoeuer marchant shall bargaine or buy any wares of English marchants The said Russe not to returne those wares vpon the marchants hands againe but to giue ready money for the said wares otherwise they to craue the Iustice to giue right and to execute the lawe vpon the same with all expedition And when the English marchants or factors shal trauaile from Moscouie after the dispatch of their wares and businesse then to shew themselues vnto our Chancellours whatsoeuer wares of theirs shall goe from Mosco they not to shew the â—ame wares to any our officersâ— nor pay no custome nor toll in any place 7 If it so happen the English marchants haue any wracke and the shippes be brought to any port of our Dominions we to command the said goods to be enquired and
of the said Companie the summe of 23553. markes of debt made by certaine of their factors for the said company for paiment whereof their whole stocke was in danger of arrest by publike authoritie Further also 2140. rubbles for custome and houserent he obtained a rebatement of eighteene thousand one hundred fiftie and three marks of the sayd debt The said Ambassador M. Giles Fletcher as I vnderstand hath drawen a booke intituled Of the Russe Common wealth containing First a Cosmographicall description of the countrey which hath these chapters 1 Of the length and bredth of the countrey of Russia with the names of the shires 2 Of the soile and climate 3 Of the natiue commodities of the countrey Secondly a description of their policie contained in these Chapters viz. 1 Of the constitution or state of the Russe Common wealth 2 Of their Parliaments and maner of holding them 3 Of the Russe Nobilitie and meanes whereby it is kept in an vnder proportion agreeable to that state 4 Of the maner of gouerning their prouinces or shires 5 Of the Emperours priuie counsell 6 Of the Emperors customs their reuenues with the practises for the increase of them 7 Of the Russe communaltie and their condition 8 Of their publike iustice and maner of proceeding therein 9 Of the Emperors forces for his warres with the chiefe officers and their salarie or payâ— 10 Of their maner of mustering armour and prouision for victuall 11 Of their ordering maâ—ching charging and their martiall discipline 12 Of their colonies and policie in maintaining their purchases by conquest 13 Of their borderers with whom they haue most to doe in warre and peace 14 Of their church offices and degrees 15 Of their liturgie or forme of Church seruice 16 Of their maner of administring the Sacraments 17 Of the doctrine of the Russe church 18 Of the maner of solemnizing their mariages 19 Of the other ceremonies of the Russe church Thirdly the Oeconomie or priuate behauiour of the Russe containing these chapters 1 Of the Emperors houshold officers and order of his house 2 Of the priuate behauiour and maner of the Russe people The description of the countrey of Russia with the bredth length and names of the Shires THe countrey of Russia was somtimes called Sarmatia It changed the name as some do suppose for that it was parted into diuers smal and yet absolute gouernments not depending nor being subiect the one to the other For Russe in that tongue doeth signifie as much as to part or deuide The Russe reporteth that foure brethren Trubor Rurico Sinees and Variuus deuided among them the North parts of the country Likewise that the South parts were possessed by 4. other Kio Scieko Choranus and their sister Libeda each calling his territorie after his own name Of this partition it was called Russia about the yere from Christ 860. As for the coniecture which I find in some Cosmographers that the Russe nation borowed the name of the people called Roxellani were the very same nation with them it is without all good probabilitie both in respect of the etymologie of the word which is very far fet and especially for the seat and dwelling of that people which was betwixt the two riuers of Tanais and Boristhenes as Strabo reporteth quite another way from the countrey of Russia When it bare the name of Sarmatia it was deuided into two chiefe parts the White and the Black The white Sarmatia was all that part that lieth towards the North on the side of Liefland as the prouinces now called Dwina Vagha Vstiug Vologda Cargapolia Nouogrodia c whereof Nouogrod velica was the Metropolite or chiefe citie Black Sarmatia was al that countrey that lieth Southward towards the Euxin or Black sea as the dukedome of Volodemer of Mosco Rezan c. Some haue thought that the name of Sarmatia was first taken froÌ„ one Sarmates whom Moses Iosephus cal Asarmathes sonne to Ioktan nephew to Heber of the posteritie of Sem. But this seemeth to be nothing but a coniecture takeÌ„ out of the likenes of the name Asarmathes For the dwelling of all Ioktans posteritie is described by Moses to haue bene betwixt Mescha or Masius an hil of the Ammonites Sephace nere to the riuer Euphrates which maketh it very vnlikely that Asarmathes should plant any colonies so far off in y e North northwest countries It is bounded northward by the Lappes the North Ocean On the Southside by the Tartars called Crimmes Eastward they haue the Nagaian Tartar that possesseth all the countrey on the East side of Volga towards the Caspian sea On the West and Southwest border lieth Lituania Liuonia and Polonia The whole Countrey being nowe reduced vnder the gouernment of one conteineth these chiefe Prouinces or Shires Volodemer which beareth the first place in the Emperours stile because their house came of the Dukes of that Countrey Mosco Nisnouogrod Plesko Smolensko Nouogrod velica or Nouogrod of the low Countrey Rostoue Yaruslaue Bealozera Rezan Duyna Cargapolia Meschora Vagha Vstuga Ghaletsa These are the naturall shires perteyning to Russia but farre greater and larger then the shires of England though not so well peopled The other Countreys or prouinces which the Russe Emperours haue gotten perforce added of late to their other dominion are these which followe Twerra Youghoria Permia Vadska Boulghoria Chernigo Oudoria Obdoria Condora with a great part of Siberia where the people though they be not naturall Russes yet obey the Emperour of Russia and are ruled by the Lawes of his Countrey paying customes and taxes as his owne people doe Besides these he hath vnder him the kingdomes of Cazan and Astracan gotten by conquest not long since As for all his possession in Lituania to the number of 30. great Townes and more with Narue and Dorp in Liuonia they are quite gone being surprised of late yeeres by the Kings of Poland and Sweden These Shires and Prouinces are reduced all into foure Iurisdictions which they call Chetfyrds that is Tetrarchies or Fourth parts The whole Countrey is of great length and breadth From the North to the South if you measure from Cola to Astracan which bendeth somewhat Eastward it reacheth in length about 4260. verst or miles Notwithstanding the Emperour of Russia hath more territorie Northward farre beyond Cola vnto the Riuer of Tromschua that runneth a hundred verst welnigh beyond Pechinga neere to Wardhouse but not intire nor clearely limited by reason of the kings of Sweden and Denmarke that haue diuers Townes there aswell as the Russe plotted together the one with the other euery one of them clayming the whole of those North parts as his owne right The breadth if you go from that part of his territorie that lyeth farthest Westward on the Narue side to the parts of Siberia Eastward where the Emperour hath his garrisons is 4400. verst or thereabouts A verst by their reckoning is a 1000.
best shewe and with some warme Shube of furre vnder it in the winter time But in the sommer nothing but her two shirts for so they call them one ouer the other whether they be within doores or without On their heads they weare caps of some coloured stuffe many of veluet or of cloth of gold but for the most part kerchiefs Without earings of siluer or some other mettall and her crosse about her necke you shall see no Russe woman be she wife or maide The Lord Boris Pheodorowich his letter to the Right Honorable William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England c. BY the grace of God the great Lord Emperor and great Duke Theodore Iuanowich great Lord King and great Duke of all Russia of Volodemer Mosco and Nouogorod king of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsko and great Duke of Smolensco Tuer Vghori Permi Viatsko Bolgorie and other places Lorde and great Duke of Nouogrod in the Lowe Countrey of Chernigo Rezan Polotsky Rostoue Yeroslaue Bealozera and Lâ—efland of Oudorski Obdorski Condinski and commander of all Sibierland and the North coasts great Lorde ouer the Countrey of Iuerski Grisinski Emperor of Kabardinski and of the Countrey Charchaski and the Countrey of Gorsky and Lord of many other regions From Boris Pheodorowich his Maiesties brother in law master of his horses gouernour of the territories of Cazan and Astracan to William Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer to the most vertuous Ladie Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland and other dominions I receiued your Lordships letters wherein you write that you haue receiued very ioyfully my letters sent vnto you and aduisedly read them and imparted the same vnto her Maiestie and that your Merchants finde themselues agreeued that when they approch these parts and are arriued here they are not permitted to enter into a free and liberall course of barter traffike and exchange of their commodities as heretofore they haue done but are compelled before they can enter into any traffike to accept the Emperours waxe and other goods at high rates farre aboue their value to their great losse and that they are by reason of this restraint long holden vpon these coasts to the danger of wintering by the way Hereafter there shal be no cause of offence giuen to the Marchants of the Queenes Maiestie Queene Elizabeth they shall not be forced to any thing neither are there or shall be any demands made of custome or debts Such things as haue beene heretofore demaunded all such things haue beene already vpon their petition and supplication commaunded to be discharged I haue sollicited his Maiestie for them that they be not troubled hereafter for those matters and that a fauourable hand be caried ouer them And according to your request I will be a meane to the Emperour for them in all their occasions and will my selfe shew them my fauorable countenance And I pray you William Burghley to signifie to her Maiesties Merchants that I promise to haue a care of them and for the Queenes Maiestie of Englands sake I will take her Merchants into my protection and will defend them as the Emperours selected people vnder the Emperors commission and by mine appointment all his Maiesties officers and authorized people shall be carefull ouer them The Emperors gracious fauor towards them was neuer such as it is now And where you write that at the port the Emperors Officers sell their waxe by commission at a set rate giuen them farre aboue the value and that they enforce your Marchants to accept it they deny that they take any such course but say they barter their waxe for other wares and also put their waxe to sale for readie money to your Merchants according to the worth thereof and as the price goeth in the custome house here It hath beene heretofore deare and now is sold as good cheape as in any other place and as they can best agree they enforce no man to buy it but rather kepe it therefore your Marchants haue no iust cause to make any such report I haue expressely giuen order that there shall be no such course vsed to enforce them but to buy according to their owne willes and to tarrie at the port or to depart at their pleasure And as touching the customes alreadie past and debts demanded at your Merchants hands whereof you write Our Lord great Emperour and great Duke Theodore Iuanowich of all Russia of famous memory hath shewed his Maiesties especial fauour and loue for the great loue of his welbeloued sister Queene of England and by my petition and mediation whereas there was commandement giuen to take Marshes whole debt of your Merchants and factors it is moderated to the halfe and for the other halfe commandement giuen it should not be taken and the Merchants billes to be deliuered them And to the end hereafter that her Maiesties Marchants moue no contention betwixt our Lord the Emperor and great Duke of Russia and his welbeloued sister Queene Elizabeth his Maiestie desireth order to be giuen that your Marchants doe deale iustly in their traffike and plainely without fraud or guile And I will be a fauourer of them aboue all others vnder his Maiesties authoritie themselues shall see it Written in our great Lorde the Emperours citie of Mosco in the moneth of Iuly 7099. The Queenes Maiesties letter to Theodore Iuanouich Emperour of Russia 1591. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. to the right high mighty and right noble prince Theodore Iuanouich great Lord King and great Duke of all Russia Volodemer Mosco Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsko and great Duke of Smolensko Otuer Vghory Perme Viatski Bolgory and other places Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo Rezan Polotsky Rostoue Yeraslaue Bealozero and Lifland of Oudorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and commander of all Sibierland and the North coasts great Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky Grisinsky Emperor of Kabardinsky and of the countrey of Charkasky and of the countrey of Gorsky and Lord of many other countreys our most deare and louing brother greeting Right noble and excellent prince we haue receiued your Maiesties letters brought ouer by our merchants in their returne of their last voyage from your port of S. Nicholas which letters we haue aduisedly read and considered and thereby perceiue that your Maiesty doth greatly mislike of our late imployment of Ierome Horsey into your dominions as our messenger with our Highnesse letters and also that your Maiesty doth thinke that we in our letters sent by the sayd messenger haue not obserued that due order or respect which apperteined to your princely maiesty in the forme of the same letter aswel touching the inlargement of your Maiesties stile and titles of honor which your Maiesty expected to haue bene therein more particularly expressed as also in the adding of our greatest seale or
had assembled aboue a hundreth small ships called hopes being well stored with victuals which hoyes hee was determined to haue brought into the sea by the way of Sluys or else to haue conueyed them by the saide Yper-lee being now of greater depth into any port of Flanders whatsoeuer In the riuer of Waten he caused 70. ships with flat bottomes to be built euery one of which should serue to cary 30. horses hauing eche of them bridges likewise for the horses to come on boord or to goe foorth on land Of the same fashion he had prouided 200. other vessels at Neiuport but not so great And at Dunkerk hee procured 28. ships of warre such as were there to be had and caused a sufficient number of Mariners to be leuied at Hamburg Breme Emden and at other places Hee put in the ballast of the said ships great store of beames of thicke plankes being hollow and beset with yron pikes beneath but on eche side full of claspes and hookes to ioyne them together Hee had likewise at Greueling prouided 20. thousand of caske which in a short space might be compact and ioyned together with nailes and cords and reduced into the forme of a bridge To be short whatsoeuer things were requisite for the making of bridges and for the barring and stopping vp of hauens mouthes with stakes posts and other meanes he commanded to be made ready Moreouer not farre from Neiuport hauen he had caused a great pile of wooden fagote to be layd and other furniture to be brought for the rearing vp of a mount The most part of his ships conteined two ouens a piece to bake bread in with a great number of sadles bridles and such other like apparell for horses They had horses likewise which after their landing should serue to conuey and draw engines field-pieces and other warlike prouisions Neere vnto Neiuport he had assembled an armie ouer the which he had ordained Camillo de Monte to be Camp-master This army consisted of 30. bands or ensignes of Italians of tenne bands of Wallons eight of Scots and eight of Burgundians all which together amount vnto 56. bands euery band containing a hundreth persons Neare vnto Dixmud there were mustered 80. bands of Dutch men sixtie of Spaniards sixe of high Germans and seuen bands of English fugitiues vnder the conduct of sir William Stanlie an English knight In the suburbes of Cortreight there were 4000. horsemen together with their horses in a readinesse and at Waten 900. horses with the troupe of the Marques del Gwasto Captaine generall of the horsemen Unto this famous expedition and presupposed victorie many potentates princes and honourable personages hied themselues out of Spaine the prince of Melito called the duke of Pastrana and taken to be the sonne of one Ruygomes de Silua but in very deed accompted among the number of king Philips base sonnes Also the Marques of Burgraue one of the sonnes of Archiduke Ferdinand and Philippa Welsera Vespasian Gonsaga of the family of Mantua being for chiualry a man of great renowne and heretofore Uice-roy in Spaine Item Iohn Medices base sonne vnto the duke of Florence And Amadas of Sauoy the duke of Sauoy his base sonne with many others of inferiour degrees Likewise Pope Sixtus quintus for the setting forth of the foresaid expedition as they vse to do against Turkes infidels published a Cruzado with most ample indulgences which were printed in great numbers These vaine buls the English and Dutchmen deriding sayd that the deuill at all passages lay in ambush like a thiefe no whit regarding such letters of safe conduct Some there be which affirme that the Pope had bestowed the realme of England with the title of Defensor fidei vpon the king of Spaine giuing him charge to inuade it vpon this condition that hee should enioy the conquered realm as a vassal and tributarie in that regard vnto the sea of Rome To this purpose the said Pope proffered a million of gold the one halfe thereof to be paied in readie money and the other halfe when the realme of England or any famous port thereof were subdued And for the greater furtherance of the whole businesse he dispatched one D. Allen an English man whom hee had made Cardinall for the same ende and purpose into the Low countries vnto whom he committed the administration of all matters ecclesiasticall throughout England This Allen being enraged against his owne natiue countrey caused the Popes bull to be translated into English meaning vpon the arriual of the Spanish fleete to haue it so published in England By which Bull the excommunications of the two former Popes were confirmed and the Queenes most sacred Maiestie was by them most vniustly depriued of all princely titles and dignities her subiects being enioined to performe obedience vnto the duke of Parma and vnto the Popes Legate But that all matters might be performed with greater secrecie and that the whole expedition might seeme rather to be intended against the Low countries then against England and that the English people might be perswaded that all was but bare words threatnings and that nought would come to effect there was a solemne meeting appointed at Borborch in Flanders for a treatie of peace betweene her maiestie and the Spanish king Against which treatie the vnited prouinces making open protestation vsed all meanes possible to hinder it alleaging that it was more requisite to consult how the enemie now pressing vpon them might be repelled from off their frontiers Howbeit some there were in England that greatly vrged and prosecuted this league saying that it would be very commodious vnto the state of the realme as well in regard of traffique and nauigation as for the auoiding of great expenses to maintaine the warres affirming also that at the same time peace might easily and vpon reasonable conditions be obtained of the Spaniard Others thought by this meanes to diuert some other way or to keepe backe the nauy now comming vpon them and so to escape the danger of that tempest Howsoeuer it was the duke of Parma by these wiles enchanted and dazeled the eyes of many English Dutch men that were desirous of peace whereupon it came to passe that England and the vnited prouinces prepared in deed some defence to withstand that dreadfull expedition and huge Armada but nothing in comparison of the great danger which was to be feared albeit the constant report of the whole expedition had continued rife among them for a long time before Howbeit they gaue eare vnto the relation of certaine that sayd that this nauie was prouided to conduct and waft ouer the Indian Fleets which seemed the more probable because the Spaniards were deemed not to be men of so small discretion as to aduenture those huge and monstrous ships vpon the shallow and dangerous chanel of England At length when as the French king about the end of May signified vnto her Maiestie in plaine termes that she should
stand vpon her guard because he was now most certainly enformed that there was so dangerous an inuasion imminent vpon her realme that he feared much least all her land and sea-forces would be sufficient to withstand it c. then began the Queens Maiestie more carefully to gather her forces together to â—urnish her own ships of warre the principall ships of her subiects with souldiers weapons and other necessary prouision The greatest and strongest ships of the whole nauy she sent vnto Plimmouth vnder the conduct of the right honorable Lord Charles Howard lord high Admirall of England c. Under whom the renoumed Knight Sir Francis Drake was appointed Uice-admiral The number of these ships was about an hundreth The lesser ships being 30. or 40. in number and vnder the conduct of the lord Henry Seimer were commanded to lie between Douer and Caleis On land likewise throughout the whole realme souldiers were mustered and trained in all places and were committed vnto the most resolute and faithfull captaines And whereas it was commonly giuen out that the Spaniard hauing once vnited himselfe vnto the duke of Parma ment to inuade by the riuer of Thames there was at Tilburie in Essex ouer-against Grauesend mightie army encamped and on both sides of the riuer fortifications were erected according to the prescription of Frederike Genebelli an Italian enginier Likewise there were certaine ships brought to make a bridge though it were very late first Unto the sayd army came in proper person the Queens most roiall Maiestie representing Tomyris that Scythian warlike princesse or rather diuine Pallas her selfe Also there were other such armies leuied in England The principall catholique Recusants least they should stirre vp any tumult in the time of the Spanish inuasion were sent to remaine at certaine conuenient places as namely in the Isle of Ely and at Wisbich And some of them were sent vnto other places to wit vnto sundry bishops and noblemen where they were kept from endangering the state of the common wealth and of her sacred Maiestie who of her most gracious clemencie gaue expresse commandement that they should be intreated with all humanitie and friendship The prouinces of Holland and Zeland c. giuing credite vnto their intelligence out of Spain made preparation to defend themselues but because the Spanish ships were described vnto them to be so huge they relied partly vpon the shallow and dangerous seas all along their coasts Wherfore they stood most in doubt of the duke of Parma his small and flat-bottomed ships Howbeit they had all their ships of warre to the number of 90. and aboue in a readinesse for all assayes the greater part whereof were of a small burthen as being more meete to saile vpon their riuers and shallow seas and with these ships they besieged all the hauens in Flanders beginning at the mouth of Scheld or from the towne of Lillo and holding on to Greueling and almost vnto Caleis fortified all their sea-townes with strong garrisons Against the Spanish fleets arriuall they had prouided 25. or 30. good ships committing the gouernment of them vnto Admirall Lonck whom they commanded to ioine himselfe vnto the lord Henry Seymer lying betweene Douer and Cales And when as the foresaid ships whereof the greater part besieged the hauen of Dunkerke were driuen by tempest into Zeland Iustin of Nassau the Admiral of Zeland supplied that squadron with 35. ships being of no great burthen but excellently furnished with gunnes mariners and souldiers in great abundance and especially with 1200. braue Musquetiers hauing bene accustomed vnto sea-fights and being chosen out of all their companies for the same purpose and so the said Iustin of Nassau kept such diligent ward in that Station that the duke of Parma could not issue foorth with his nauy into the sea out of any part of Flanders In the meane while the Spanish Armada set saile out of the hauen of Lisbon vpon the 19. of May An. Dom. 1588. vnder the conduct of the duke of Medina Sidonia directing their course for the Baie of Corunna aliâs the Groine in Gallicia where they tooke in souldiers and warlike prouision this port being in Spaine the neerest vnto England As they were sailing along there arose such a mightie tempest that the whole Fleete was dispersed so that when the duke was returned vnto his company he could notescry aboue 80. ships in all whereunto the residue by litle and litle ioyned themselues eccept eight which had their mastes blowen ouer-boord One of the foure gallies of Portingal escaped very hardly retiring her selfe into the hauen The other three were vpon the coast of Baion in France by the assistance and courage of one Dauid Gwin an English captiue whom the French and Turkish slaues aided in the same enterprise vtterly disabled and vanquished one of the three being first ouercome which conquered the two other with the slaughter of their gouernours and souldiers and among the rest of Don Diego de Mandrana with sundry others and so those slaues arriuing in France with the three Gallies set themselues at libertie The nauy hauing refreshed themselues at the Groine receiuing daily commandement from the king to hasten their iourney hoised vp sailes the 11. day of Iuly and so holding on their course till the 19. of the same moneth they came then vnto the mouth of the narow seas or English chanel From whence striking their sailes in the meane season they dispatched certaine of their smal ships vnto the duke of Parma At the same time the Spanish Fleete was escried by an English pinasse captaine whereof was M. Thomas Fleming after they had bene aduertised of the Spaniards expedition by their scoutes and espials which hauing ranged along the coast of Spaine were lately returned home into Plimmouth for a new supply of victuals and other necessaries who considering the foresayd tempest were of opinion that the nauy being of late dispersed and lossed vp and downe the maine Ocean was by no means able to performe their intended voiage Moreouer the L. Charles Howard L. high admiral of England had receiued letters from the court signifying vnto him that her Maiestie was aduertised that the Spanish Fleete would not come foorth nor was to be any longer expected for and therefore that vpon her Maiesties commandement he must send backe foure of her tallest and strongest ships vnto Chattam The lord high Admiral of England being thus on the sudden namely vpon the 19. of Iuly about foure of the clocke in the afternoone enformed by the pinasse of captaine Fleming aforesaid of the Spaniards approch with all speed and diligence possible he warped his ships and caused his manners and souldiers the greater part of whom was absent for the cause aforesayd to come on boord and that with great trouble and difficultie insomuch that the lord Admiral himselfe was faine to lie without in the road with sixe ships onely all that night
after the which many others came foorth of the hauen The very next day being the 20. of Iuly about high noone was the Spanish Fleete escried by the English which with a Southwest wind came sailing along and passed by Plimmouth in which regard according to the iudgement of many skilful nauigators they greatly ouershot themselues whereas it had bene more commodious for them to haue staied themselues there considering that the Englishmen being as yet vnprouided greatly relied vpon their owne forces and knew not the estate of the Spanish nauy Moreouer this was the most conuenient port of all others where they might with greater securitie haue bene aduertised of the English forces and how the commons of the land stood affected and might haue stirred vp some mutinie so that hither they should haue bent all their puissance and from hence the duke of Parma might more easily haue conueied his ships But this they were prohibited to doe by the king and his counsell and were expressely commanded to vnite themselues vnto the souldiers and ships of the said duke of Parma and so to bring their purpose to effect Which was thought to be the most easie and direct course for that they imagined that the English and Dutch men would be vtterly daunted and dismaied thereat and would each man of them retire vnto his owne Prouince and Porte for the defence thereof and transporting the armie of the duke vnder the protection of their huge nauy they might inuade England It is reported that the chiefe commanders in the nauy and those which were more skilfull in nauigation to wit Iohn Martines de Ricalde Diego Flores de Valdez and diuers others found fault that they were bound vnto so strict directions and instructions because that in such a case many particular accidents ought to concurre and to be respected at one and the same instant that is to say the opportunitie of the wind weather time tide and ebbe wherein they might saile from Flanders to England Oftentimes also the darkenesse and light the situation of places the depths and shoulds were to be considered all which especially depended vpon the conueniencie of the windes and were by so much the more dangerous But it seemeth that they were enioined by their commission to ancre neere vnto or about Caleis whither the duke of Parma with his ships and all his warre like prouision was to resort and while the English and Spanish great ships were in the midst of their conflict to passe by and to land his souldiers vpon the Downes The Spanish captiues reported that they were determined first to haue entred the riuer of Thames and thereupon to haue passed with small ships vp to London supposing that they might easily winne that rich and flourishing Citie being but meanely fortified and inhabited with Citizens not accustomed to the warres who durst not withstand their first encounter hoping moreouer to finde many rebels against her Maiestie and popish catholiques or some fauourers of the Scottish queene which was not long before most iustly beheaded who might be instruments of sedition Thus often aduertising the duke of Parma of their approch the 20. of Iuly they passed by Plimmouthâ— which the English ships pursuing and getting the wind of them gaue them the chase and the encounter and so both Fleets frankly exchanged their bullets The day following which was the 21. of Iuly the English ships approched within musquet shot of the Spanish at what time the lorde Charles Howard most hotly and valiantly discharged his Ordinance vpon the Spanish Uice-admirall The Spaniards then well perceiuing the nimblenesse of the English ships in discharging vpon the enimie on all sides gathered themselues close into the forme of an halfe moone and slackened their sailes least they should outgoe any of their companie And while they were proceeding on in this maner one of their great Galliasses was so furiously battered with shot that the whole nauy was faine to come vp tounder together for the safegard thereof whereby it came to passe that the principall Galleon of Siuill wherein Don Pedro de Valdez Vasques de Silua Alonzo de Sayas and other noble men were embarqued falling foule of another shippe had her fore-mast broken and by that meanes was not able to keepe way with the Spanish Fleete neither would the sayde Fleete stay to succour it but left the distressed Galeon behind The lord Admirall of England when he saw this ship of Valdez thought she had bene voyd of Mariners and Souldiers taking with him as many shippes as he could passed by it that he might not loose sight of the Spanish Fleet that night For sir Francis Drake who was notwithstanding appointed to beare out his lanterne that night was giuing of chase vnto fiue great Hulkes which had separated themselues from the Spanish Fleete but finding them to be Easterlings he dismissed them The lord Admirall all that night following the Spanish lanterne in stead of the English found himselfe in the morning to be in the midst of his enimies Fleete but when he perceiued it hee cleanly conueyed himselfe out of that great danger The day folowing which was the two and twentie of Iuly Sir Francis Drake espied Valdez his shippe wherevnto hee sent foorth his pinnasse and being aduertised that Valdez himselfe was there and 450. persons with him he sent him word that he should yeeld himselfe Valdez for his honors sake caused certaine conditions to be propounded vnto Drake who answered Valdez that he was not now at laisure to make any long parle but if he would yeeld himselfe he should find him friendly and tractable howbeit if he had resolued to die in fight he should prooue Drake to be no dastard Upon which answere Valdez and his company vnderstanding that they were fallen into the hands of fortunate Drake being mooued with the renoume and celebritie of his name with one consent yeelded themselues and found him very fauourable vnto them Then Valdez with 40. or 50. noblemen and gentlemen pertaining vnto him came on boord sir Francis Drakes ship The residue of his company were caried vnto Plimmouth where they were detained a yere an halfe for their ransome Valdez comming vnto Drake and humbly kissing his hand protested vnto him that he and his had resolued to die in battell had they not by good fortune fallen into his power whom they knew to be right curteous and gentle and whom they had heard by generall report to bee most fauourable vnto his vanquished foe insomuch that he sayd it was to bee doubted whether his enimies had more cause to admire and loue him for his great valiant and prosperous exploites or to dread him for his singular felicitie and wisedom which euer attended vpon him in the warres and by the which hee had attained vnto so geat honour With that Drake embraced him and gaue him very honourable entertainement feeding him at his owne table and lodging him in his cabbin Here Valdez
began to recount vnto Drake the forces of all the Spanish Fleet and how foure mightie Gallies were separated by tempest from them and also how they were determined first to haue put into Plimmouth hauen not expecting to bee repelled thence by the English ships which they thought could by no meanes withstand their impregnable forces perswading themselues that by means of their huge Fleete they were become lords and commaunders of the maine Ocean For which cause they marueled much how the English men in their small ships durst approch withâ—n musket shot of the Spaniards mightie woodden castles gathering the wind of them with many other such like attempts Immediately after Valdez and his company being a man of principal authoritie in the Spanish Fleete and being descended of one and the same familie with that Valdez which in the yeere 1574. besieged Leiden in Holland were sent captiues into England There were in the sayd ship 55. thousand ducates in ready money of the Spanish kings gold which the souldiers merily shared among themselues The same day was set on fire one of their greatest shippes being Admirall of the squadron of Guipusco and being the shippe of Michael de Oquendo Uice-admirall of the whole Fleete which contained great store of gunnepowder and other warrelike prouision The vpper part onely of this shippe was burnt and all the persons therein contained except a very few were consumed with fire And thereupon it was taken by the English and brought into England with a number of miserable burnt and skorched Spaniards Howbeit the gunpowder to the great admiration of all men remained whole and vnconsumed In the meane season the lord Admirall of England in his ship called the Arke-royall all that night pursued the Spaniards so neere that in the morning hee was almost left alone in the enimies Fleete and it was foure of the clocke at afternoone before the residue of the English Fleet could ouertake him At the same time Hugo de Moncada gouernour of the foure Galliasses made humble sute vnto the Duke of Medina that he might be licenced to encounter the Admirall of England which libertie the duke thought not good to permit vnto him because hee was loth to exceed the limites of his commission and charge Upon Tuesday which was the three and twentie of Iuly the naâ—y being come ouer against Portland the wind began to turne Northerly insomuch that the Spaniards had a fortunate and fit gale to inuade the English But the Englishmen hauing lesser and nimbler Ships recouered againe the vantage of the winde from the Spaniards whereat the Spaniards seemed to bee more iucensed to fight then before But when the English Fleete had continually and without intermission from morning to night beaten and battered them with all their shot both great and small the Spaniardes vniting themselues gathered their whole Fleete close together into a roundell so that it was apparant that they ment not as yet to inuade others but onely to defend themselues and to make hast vnto the place prescribed vnto them which was neere vnto Dunkerk that they might ioine forces with the duke of Parma who was determined to haue proceeded secretly with his small shippes vnder the shadow and protection of the great ones and so had intended circumspectly to performe the whole expedition This was the most furious and bloodie skirmish of all in which the lord Admirall of England continued fighting amidst his enimies Fleete and seeing one of his Captaines afarre off hee spake vnto him in these wordes Oh George what doest thou Wilt thou nowe frustrate my hope and opinion conceiued of thee Wilt thou forsake mee nowe With which wordes hee being enflamed approched foorthwith encountered the enemie and did the part of a most valiant Captaine His name was George Fenner a man that had bene conuersant in many Sea-fights In this conflict there was a certaine great Venetian ship with other small ships surprised and taken by the English The English nauie in the meane while increased whereunto out of all Hauens of the Realme resorted ships and men for they all with one accord came flocking thither as vnto a set field where immortall fame and glory was to be attained and faithfull seruice to bee performed vnto their prince and countrey In which number there were many great and honourable personages as namely the Erles of Oxford of Northumberland of Cumberland c. with many Knights and Gentlemen to wit Sir Thomas Cecill Sir Robert Cecill Sir Walter Raleigh Sir William Hatton Sir Horatio Palauicini Sir Henry Brooke Sir Robert Carew Sir Charles Blunt Master Ambrose Willoughbie Master Henry Nowell Master Thomas Gerard Master Henry Dudley Master Edward Darcie Master Arthur Gorge Master Thomas Woodhouse Master William Haruie c. And so it came to passe that the number of the English shippes amounted vnto an hundreth which when they were come before Douer were increased to an hundred and thirtie being notwithstanding of no proportionable bignesse to encounter with the Spaniards except two or three and twentie of the Queenes greater shippes which onely by reason of their presence bred an opinion in the Spaniardes mindes concerning the power of the English Fleet the mariners and souldiers whereof were esteemed to be twelue thousand The foure and twentie of Iuly when as the sea was calme and no winde stirring the fight was onely betweene the foure great Galleasses and the English shippes which being rowed with Oares had great vauntage of the sayde English shippes which not withstanding for all that would not bee forced to yeeld but discharged their chaine-shot to cut asunder their Cables and Cordage of the Galleasses with many other such Stratagemes They were nowe constrained to send their men on land for a newe supplie of Gunne-powder whereof they were in great â—karcitie by reason they had so frankely spent the greater part in the former conflicts The same day a Counsell being assembled it was decreed that the English Fleete should bee deuided into foure squadrons the principall whereof was committed vnto the lord Admirall the second to Sir Francis Drake the third to Captaine Hawkins the fourth to Captaine Frobisher The Spaniards in their sailing obserued very diligent and good order sayling three and foure and somtimes more ships in a ranke and folowing close vp one after another and the stronger and greater ships protecting the lesser The fiue and twentie of Iuly when the Spaniardes were come ouer-against the Isle of Wight the lord Admirall of England being accompanied with his best ships namely the Lion Captaine whereof was the lord Thomas Howard The Elizabeth Ionas vnder the commandement of Sir Robert Southwel soone in lawe vnto the lord Admirall the Beare vnder the lord Sheffield nephew vnto the lord Admirall the Victorie vnder Captaine Barker and the Galeon Leicester vnder the forenamed Captaine George Fenner with great valour and dreadfull thundering of shot encountered the Spanish Admiral being in the very midst
had taken her if she had bene but a mile further in the sea but because she got vnder the Fortresse which also began to shoot at the Englishmen they were forced to leaue her and to put further into the sea hauing slaine fiue or sixe of the Spaniards The Englishmen that were taken in the small shippe were put vnder batches and coupled in bolts and after they had bene prisoners 3 or 4 dayes there was a Spanish Ensigne-bearer in the ship that had a brother slaine in the Fleet that came for England who as then minding to reuenge his death and withall to shew his manhood on the English captiues that were in the English ship which they had taken as is aforesayd tooke a poiniard in his hand and went downe vnder the hatches where finding the poore Englishmen sitting in boltes with the same poiniard he stabbed sixe of them to the heart which two others of them perceiuing clasped each other about the middle because they would not be murthered by him threw themselues into the sea and there were drowned This acte was of all the Spaniards much disliked and very ill taken so that they caried the Spaniard prisoner vnto Lisbon where being arriued the king of Spaine willed he should be sent into England that the Queene of England might vse him as she thought good which sentence his friends by intreatie got to be reuersed notwithstanding he commanded he should without all fauour be beheaded but vpon a good Friday the Cardinall going to masse all the captaines and Commanders made so great intreaty for him that in the end they got his pardon This I thought good to note that men might vnderstand the bloody dishonest minds of the Spaniards when they haue men vnder their subiection The same two English ships which folowed the Spanish Admirall till he had got the Fort of Tercera as I sayd before put into the sea where they met with another Spanish ship being of the same Fleet that had likewise bene scattred by the storme and was onely missing for the rest lay in the road This small ship the Englishmen tooke and sent all the men on shore not hurting any of them but if they had knowen what had bene done vnto the foresayd English captiues I beleeue they would soone haue reuenged themselues as afterward many an innocent soule paied for it This ship thus taken by the Englishmen was the same that was taken and confiscated in the Iland of Tercera by the Englishmen that got out of the Iland in a fisher boat as I said before and was sold vnto the Spaniards that as then came from the Indies wherewith they sayled to S. Lucar where it was also arrested by the duke and appointed to go in company to fetch the siluer in Tercera because it was a ship that sailed well but among the Spaniards Fleet it was the meanest of the company By this means it was taken from the Spaniards and caried into England and the owners had it againe when they least thought of it The 19 of March the aforesayd ships being 19 in number set saile hauing laden the kings siluer and receiued in Aluaro Flores de Quiniones with his company and good prouision of necessaries munition and souldiers that were fully resolued as they made shew to fight valiantly to the last man before they would yeeld or lose their riches and although they set their course for S. Lucar the wind draue them vnto Lisbon which as it seemed was willing by his force to helpe them and to bring them thither in safetie although Aluaro de Flores both against the wind and weather would perforce haue sailed to Saint Lucar but being constrained by the wind and importunitie of the sailers that protested they would require their losses and damages of him he was content to saile to Lisbon from whence the siluer was by land caried vnto Siuil At Cape S. Vincent there lay a Fleet of 20 English ships to watch for the Armada so that if they had put into S. Lucar they had fallē right into their hands which if the wind had serued they had done And therefore they may say that the wind hath lent them a happy voiage for if the Englishmen had met with them they had surely bene in great danger and possibly but few of them had escaped by reason of the feare where with they were possessed because fortune or rather God was wholy against them which is a sufficiēt cause to make the Spaniards out of heart to the contrary to giue the Englishmen more courage and to make them bolder for that they are victorious stout and valiant and seeing all their enterprises do take so good effect that thereby they are become lords and masters of the sea and need care for no man as it wel appeareth by this briefe discourse The 7 of August 1590. a nauie of English ships was seen before Tercera being 20 in number and 5 of them the Queenes ships their Generall was one Martin Frobisher as we after had intelligence They came purposely to watch for the Fleet of the Spanish Indies and for the Indian ships and the ships of the countreys in the West which put the Ilanders in great feare specially those of Fayal for that the Englishmen sent a trumpet to the Gouernour to aske certaine wine flesh and other victuals for their money and good friendship They of Fayal did not onely refuse to giue eare vnto them but with a shot killed their messenger or trumpeter which the Englishmen tooke in euill part sending them word that they were best to looke to themselues and stand vpon their guard for they ment to come and visite them whether they would or no. The Gouernour made them answere that he was there in the behalfe of his maiestie of Spaine and that he would doe his best to keepe them out as he was bound but nothing was done although they of Fayal were in no litle feare sending to Tercera for aide from whence they had certaine barkes with pouder and munition for warte with some bisket and other necessary prouision The 30 of August we receiued very certaine newes out of Portugal that there were 80 ships put out of the Groine laden with victuals munition money and souldiours to goe for Britaine to aide the Catholiques and Leaguers of France against the king of Nauarre At the same time two Netherland hulkes comming out of Portugall to Tercera being halfe the Seas ouer met with 4 of the Queenes ships their Generall being sir Iohn Hawkins that staied them but let them go againe without doing them any harme The Netherlanders reported that each of the Queenes ships had 80 pieces of Ordinance and that captaine Drake lay with 40 ships in the English chanell watching for the armie of the Groine and likewise that there lay at the Cape S. Vincent ten other English ships that if any ships escaped from the Ilands they might take them These tidings put the Ilanders
prouince of Tlapa to the riuer of Tlacolula For they may as I haue sayd carâ—â—e the timber in lighters or rafts downe the riuers and may vse the Indians in the townes thereabout to fell and draw the same out of the cold mountaines for in the warme countreyes the most is plaine ground whereas with very fewe men and oxen it may be brought vnto the place where it should be imbarqued There may come flat bottomes and canoas vnto the townes thereabout and lade themselues with victuals For they haue already come by that riuer to the rode of Ometepec made there prouision at the mansion of Don Mattheo and at the farmes at that time when his Maiestie did people the plaines which are betweene these riuers conteining a large and voyde countrey sufficient for the erecting of 20. manours being a countrey well furnished with water and pasture without any danger or perill according to the description hereunto annexed This small harbour of Tecuanapa being seene and viewed seemeth very commodious for to build shippes in by reason of the great abundance of mountaines full of good timber for that purpose with the commodities of riuers and with the seruice and victuals from the townes thereabout which be very good for coast townes The desire of him that made this relation hath bene with zeale to serue your excellencie who therewithall desireth the Lord God to giue the successe THE PRINCIPAL VOYAGES OF the English Nation to the Isles of Trinidad Margarita Dominica Deseada Monserrate Guadalupe Martinino and all the rest of the Antilles As likewise to S. Iuan de Puerto rico to Hispaniola Iamaica and Cuba and also to Tierra firma and all along the coast and Islands therof euen from Cumana and the Caracoâ— to the neckland of Dariene and ouer it to the Gulfe of S. Michael and the Isle of Perles in the South sea and further to Cabeça Catiua Nombre de dios and Venta de cruzes to Puerto Belo Rio de Chagre and the Isle of Escudo along the maine of Beragua to the Cape and Gulfe of the Honduras to Truxillo Puerto de cauallos and all other the principall Townes Islands and harbours of accompt within the said Gulfe and vp Rio dolce falling into this Gulfe aboue 30. leagues As also to the Isle of Coçumel and to Cape Cotoâ—he the towne of Campeche and other places vpon the land of Iucatan and lower downe to S. Iuan de Vllua Vera Cruz Rio de Panuco Rio de Palmas c. within the bay of Mexico and from thence to the Isles of the Tortugas the port of Hanana the Cape of Florida and the Gulfe of Bahama homewards With the taking sacking ransoming or burning of most of the principall Cities and townes vpon the coasts of Tierra sirma Nueua Espanna and all the foresaid Islands since the most traiterous burning of her Maiesties ship the Iesus of Lubeâ— and murthering of her Subiects in the port of S. Iuan de Vllua and the last generall arrest other Highnesse people with their ships and goods throughout all the dominions of the King of Spaine in the moneth of Iune 1585. Besides the manifold and tyrannicall oppressions of the Inquisition inflicted on our nation vpon most light and friuolous occasionâ— The voyage of Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot about the eight yeere of King Henry the eight which was the yere 1516. to Brasil Santo Domingo and S. Iuan de Puerto rico THat learned and painefull writer Richard Eden in a certaine Epistle of his to the duke of Northumberland before a worke which he translated out of Munster in the yeere 1553 called A treatiâ—e of new India maketh mention of a voyage of discouerie vndertaken out of England by sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabota about the 8. yere of King Henry the eight of famous memorie imputing the ouerthrow thereof vnto the cowardise and want of stomack of the said Sir Thomas Pert in maner following If manly courage saith he like vnto that which hath bene seene proued in your Grace as well in forreine realmes as also in this our countrey had not bene wanting in other in these our dayes at such time as our soueraigne lord of famous memorie king Henry the 8. about the same yeere of his raigne furnished and sent out certaine shippes vnder the gouernance of Sebastian Cabot yet liuing and one sir Thomas Pert whose faint heart was the cause that the voyage tooke none effect it I say such manly courage whereof wee haue spoken had not at that time beene wanting it might happily haue come to passe that that rich treasurie called Perularia which is nowe in Spaine in the citie of Siuill and so named for that in it is kept the infinite riches brought thither from the newfound land of Peru might long since haue beene in the â—ower of London to the kings great honour and wealth of this realme Hereunto that also is to bee referred which the worshipfull M. Robert Thorne wrote to the sayde king Henry the 8. in the yeere 1527. by doctor Leigh his ambassadour sent into Spaine to the Emperour Charles the fift whose wordes bee these Now rest to be discouered the North parts the which it seemeth vnto me is onely your highnes charge and dutie because the situation of this your realme is thereunto neerest and aptest of all other and also for that already you haue taken it in hand And in mine opinion it will not seeme well to leaue so great and profitable an enterprise seeing it may so easily and with so litle cost labour and danger be followed and obteined Though hitherto your grace haue made thereof a proofe found not the commoditie thereby as you trusted at this time it shal be none impediment for there may be now prouided remedies â—or things then lacked and the inconueniences and lets remooued that then were cause your graces desire tooke no full effect which is the courses to be changed and to follow the aforesayd new courses And concerning the mariners ships and prouiâ—ion an order may be deuised and taken meeâ—e and conuenient much better then hitherto by reason whereof by Gods grace no doubt youâ— purpose shall take effect And whereas in the aforesayd wordes M. Robert Thorne sayth that he would haue the old courses to bee changed and the newe courses to the North to be followed It may plainely be gathered that the former voyage whereof twise or thrise he maketh mention wherein it is like that sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot were set foorth by the king was made towarde Brasill and the South parts Moreouer it seemeth that Gonsaluo de Ouiedo a famous Spanish writer assudeth vnto the sayde voyage in the beginning of the 13. chapter of the 19. booke of his generall and natural historie of the West Indies agreeing very well with the time about which Richard Eden writeth that the foresaid voyage was begun The authors wordes are these as I finde them translated
generall conâ—ent chosen Emperour of Russia Duae nauâ—s aedificatae in Duina fluuio ad patefactioneâ— Orieâ—â—â—lem Dolgoia Insula Insula Vaigats Sinus inter Valgats Obam vergens per meridiem ‖ Vel Naramsey Cara reca Littus Obae incolitur ab Ostijs trium dierum itinere Yaks Olgush locus super Obam fluuiuÌ„ duodecim dierum itinere à mari Ardoh flumen influens in lacum Kitthaym de quo in itinere ad Boghariam scribit Antonius Ienkinsonus Carrah Colmak est Cathaya * Or Oliuer Two ships built vpon the riuer of Dwina for the Northeast discouerie The Island of Dolgoia The Island of Uaigats A Baie betweene Uaigats and Ob trending Southerly * Or Naramsey and Cara Reca The place vpon the riuer Ob where he was but 12. dayes iourney froÌ„ y e mouthes thereof and is called Yaks Olgush * M. Ienkinson in his voyage to Boghar speaketh of the riâ—er Ardok The great hope of the Northeasterne discouerie Commentarij duae partes Primae partis tractatio Munst. lib. 4. Cosmographâ— Bidni nauigatio ab Islandia ad Noruagiam desertam Munsterus Olaus magnus reliqui Munsteruâ— Saâ—o Snelandia 874 Glacies Aprili aut Maio soluitur Kranzius Munsterus Magnitude Islandiae Munst. Frisius Ziegler Munst. Frisius Lib. 2. cap. 20. Cardanus Annales Islandie Frisius Munst. Speculum Regale Gronlandia ChronicaIslandie Frisius Munsterus Cosmograph vniuersal lib. 1. cap. 7. Frisius Ziegleâ—us Olauus Magâ— Frisius Munst. Frius Zieglerus Saâ—o â—eâ—esiâ—iliter 〈◊〉 Lib. 3. Nat. quest Lib. de â—â—â—ab auscultâ—â— Lib. 2. de Element Sulphur in boreali Islandiae parte Munst. Frisius Munst. 1585. SecuÌ„dae panis distributio 1. Capitis huius partis diuisio Krantzius Chronologiae Isi indicae gentis antiquissimae Vetustissimi annales 874 Islandia primum inhabitata 974 Fredericus Saxo. Anno dom 1000. Gronlandie Episcopus Munst. Krantz Frisius Negotiaâ—io eum Noruagis defijt Syluae fluctibus maris delatae Munsterus Krantzius Occasio harum fabularum Prouerb 14. Krantzius Munster Munsterus Krantiziuâ— 858 1260 Margareta Krantzius â—lunâ—teâ—â—â— Krantzius Munsterus Munster Munster Krantzius Frisius Veterum gesta apud Islandos conseruata 1. Obiectio sen conuicium 2. Conuitium 3. Conuitium 4.5.6 7. Conuitia 9. Conuicium Ratio conseruandi cibos sine sale â— Conuicium Vrbes Angliae commercia olim in Islandia exercentes The errors of the writers of Island intolerable Great errors grow vpon mariners fabulous reports Munsterin lib. 4. cosmographie Seâ—en dayes â—ailing from Island to Hamburg Island but two daâ—â—s â—aâ—â—ing distant from Faar-Islands from the deserâ— shoâ—es of Norway Munsterus Olaus Magâ—us and others Island is not within the circle arctic Munsterus Saxo. Island first discouered by Naddocus in a tempest Sneland Gardasholme Island The ice of Iseland set always to the West No ice at all some yeres â—â— Island Nauigation open to Island from March till the midst of Nouember Krantzius Munsterus Island 144 Germaine miles in compasse Munsteâ— Fâ—isiuâ— Ziegleâ—â—sâ— Munster as Frisius Thrâ—â— naturall causes of firie mountaiâ—â—â— Lib. 20. cap. 20. Cardanus The chronicles of Island Fâ—isius Munsterus Speculâ—m regâ—le wâ—iâ—tâ—â— in the Noruagian tongue Whâ—nce the fâ—blâ—s of Island grâ—w Frisius Munsterus Cosmographâ— vniversalis lib. 1. cap. 7. Fâ—isius Ziâ—glerus Olaus magnuâ— Frisius and Munster Taking of Seales on the ice Westerne wind is disperse the ice Ice floateth noâ— 7. or 8. moneths about Island Frisius Ziegleruâ— Saxo. Frisiuâ— Many hote Baths in Island The causes of hote Baths Lib. 3 nat quaest Riuers of Island in sommer season luke-warme In lib. de mirab â—usculâ— The same Author saieth Island free from snakes and other venemous beasts Brimstone Mines onely in the North part of Island Munster Abundance of fish about Island diminished Prisiu◠‖ Raine deere Munster Certain letters sent by Brandan bishop of Breme to preach Christian faith in the North. Who be the Islandish witters Speculum regâ—le Uultures beares and crowes come vpon the drift Ice into Island Krantzius in praefatione suae Norwegiae The first christian king of Norway Nialus the first knowne professour of Christian faith in Island A summe of the Islanders Religion Krantzius The most ancient Chronicles of Island Island first inhabited Fridericus Saxo the first preacher of the Christian faith in Island Anno Domini 981. Anno Domini 1000. A notable testimonie of Saxo concerning the Islanders An English man Bishop in Island Munsterus Krantziuâ— Friâ—ius Traffike with the people of Norway ceaseth Drift wood not so plentifull now as in times past Krantzius Munsterus Krantzius Munsterâ—s Coâ—ne of old time growing in Island Munsterâ—s Krantzius The occasion of the first inhabiting of Island by the people of Norway Haquinus coroâ—â—tus Krantzius Munsterus The occasion of this slander Krantzius Munsterus Munsterus Munsterus Krantzius Frisius The Islanders preserue in writing the acts of their ancestors The first obiection or reproch The second reproch The third reproch The 4,5,6 7 reproches The ninth reproch Want of salt in Island The Islanders meanes of preseruing their meates without salt The tenth reproch The commodities of Island The ancient traffique of England with Island Lawes against libels Commentarius breuis de Islandia per Arngrimum Ionam Islandum editus 1593. ‖ Biarmia Gronlandia olim suos habuit Episcopos This is the briefe Commentarie of Ionas Arngrimus immediatly going before ‖ Biarmia Gronland in old time had Christian Bishops The preparation of the Spanish king to subdue England and the lowe Countreys The number and qualitie of the ships in the Spanish Fleete with the souldiers Mariners and pieces of Ordinance A description of the Galeons A description of the Galliasses The great Ordinance bullets gun-poulder and other furniture Their prouision of victuals and other things necessary A Spanish terza consisteth of 3200. souldiers The preparation of the duke of Parma to aide the Spaniards The Popes furtherance to the conquest of England and of the low Countries A treatie of peace to the end that England and the vnited prouinces might be secure of inuasion Her maiesties warlike preparation by sea Her Maiesties land-forces The preparation of the vnited prouinces The Spanish fleete set saile vpon the 19. of May. They set saile from y e Groine vpon the 11. of Iuly The Spaniards come within kenning of England Captaine Fleming The L. Admirals short warning vpon the 19. of Iuly The 20. of Iuly The 21. of Iuly The 22. of Iuly Don Pedro de Valdez with his ship company taken A great Bistaine ship taken by the English The 23. of Iuly A great Venetian ship and other small ships taken by the English The 24. of Iuly The 25. of Iuly The 26. of Iuly The 27. of Iuly The Spaniards ancre before Caleis The 28. of Iuly The 29. of Iuly The 30. of Iuly The Spaniards vaine opinion concerning their own fleet The 28 of Iuly The galliasse of Hugo de Moncada cast vpon the showlds before Caleis M. Amias Preston valiantly boordeth the galliasse The
day A full reuoluâ—ion of the Monne aboue their Horizon The colleagues of the fellowship for the discouery of the Northwest passage Free Denization granted This Patent remaiâ—ed in force fiue yeeres Authoritie to proceede at Sea against mutiners 1583. Musicians They depart from Silley Iuly Great store of whales The râ—uling of the yce together made a great roaring Yce turned into water The Land of Desolation Very blacke water Floting wood Colde by â—eason of yce They saile Northwestward aboue foure dayes Land in 64 degrees 15 min. The sound where our ships did ride was called Gilberts sound Musicians The people of the countrey came and conferred with our men Thirty seuen Canoas Their musike Great familiâ—rity with the Sauagesâ— Diuers sorts oâ— wood They may make much â—rame if they had meanes how to vse itâ— Moscouie glasse A fruit like corinths August Land in 66 degrees 40 min. Foure white beares A huge whiâ—e beare Timber sawen Fowle An image Probabilities for the passage Wee neuer came into any baâ— before or after but the waters colour was altered very blackish Faulcons Their returne September They saile from The land of desolation to England in 14. dayes Land discouered in 60. degrees Gentle and louing Sauages In 100 Canoâ—â— with diuers commodities Images trane ople and Seale skins in tan tubs A plaine champion countrey A goodly riuer A graue with a crosse layd ouer The Tartars and people of Iapon are also smal eyed Their manâ—r of kindling fire like to theirs in America A fire made of turfes Great theeues Their rude diet Their weapons Strange nets These Islanders warre with the people of the maine Copper oare Their language Muscles A strange whirlewinde Great Ilands Slings One oâ— the people taken which afteâ— dyed â— huge quantitie of yce in 63. degrees of latitudâ— The nature of foggâ—s Great heat 66. degrees 19. minutes Great hopâ— oâ— a passage 64. degr 20 min. A great â—urrent to the West Ilandsâ— They râ—nne 8. dayes Southward â—rom 67 to 57. degrees vpon the coast A harborough in 56. degrees Faire woods Store of cod A perfect hope oâ—â—he passage about 54. degrâ—es and an halfe Two oâ— our men slaine by the Sauages May. M. Dauis in the latitude of 60. deg diuideth his fleete into 2. parts The 7. of Iune Island descryâ—d 66. degrees Their commodities Their dwellings Their boats M. Iohn Roydon of Ipâ—wich They departed from Island Northwest Iuly Groneland diâ—â—couered The land of Desolation Groenland coasted from â—he 7. till the last of Iuly August The houses of Gronland Our men play at footeball with the Sauages Sweete wood found A skirmish between the Sauages and our men September The pinnesse neuer reâ—urned home Land descrâ—â—â—â— Salt kerned oâ— the rockes Isles in 64. degrees Store oâ— Whales in 67. degrees 7â— deg 12. min. The great variation of the compasse London coast Betweene Gâ—onland the Noâ—th of America aboue 40. leagues A mighâ—ie banke of yeâ— lying North and South Extreme heatâ— of the Sunne They were driuen West sixe points out of their course in 67. degrees 45. minutes Mount Raleigh The Earle oâ— Cumbeâ—lands Isles The variation of the compasse 30. deg Westward The land trendeth from this place Southwest and by South My lord Lumleys Inlet Warwicks Foreland A very forciblâ— current Westward â—â—idleys cape The lord Daâ—cies Island The fishing place betweene 54 and 55 degrees of latitude Abundance of whales in 52 degrees They arriue at Dartmouth the 15 of September The 1. voyage The 2. voyage The North parts of Americâ— all Islands The 3. voyage The ship of M. N. Zeno casâ— away vpon â—risland in Annâ— 1380. A forraine prince hapning to be in Frisland with armed men when M. Zenâ— suffered shipwracke therâ— came vnto him and spakâ— Latine Zichmni princâ— of Poâ—land or Duke of Zorani â—risland the â—ing oâ— Norâ—ayeâ— N. Zeno made â—night by Zichmni Ships laden with fish at Frisland â—or Flanders Bâ—itain England Scotland Noâ—way and Denmarke But not to bâ— proued that eâ—er any came thence A letter sent by M. N. Zeno from Fâ—island to his brother M. Antonio in Venice The end of the first letter Engâ—onâ—lâ—nâ— Pâ—eaching Fryâ—rs of Saint Thomâ—â— Winter oâ— 9. moneths Trade in summer â—ime from Trondon to S. Thomas Friers in Groneland Resâ—â—t of Fryâ—rs from Norway and Sueden to the Monastery in Engroneland called S. Tho. M. Fâ—obisheâ— brought these kinde of boats from â—hese parâ—s inâ—â— England In the Monastery of Saint Thomâ—s most of them spake the Latine tongue The end of the â— letter N. Zeno dyed in Frisland The discouerie of Estoâ—iland Westward Sixe fishermen taken Fishermen of Frisland speake Latine Sixe were fiue â—â—eres in Esâ—otiland One of the fisherâ— of Frisland reporteth of Estotiland Estotiland rich abounding with all â—he commodities of the world Abundance of golde Trade from Estotilâ—nd to Engroneland â— Skins brimstone and pitch golde corne and â—eere or ale Many cities and castles A countrey called Doâ—gio The 6 fishermen of Frisland onâ—ly saued by shewing the maner to take fish The chiefest oâ— the 6 fishers specified before and his companions In the space of 13 yeeres he serued 25 lords of Drogio He returned from Estotiland to Frisland Zichmni minded to send M. Antonio Zeno with a fleete towards thâ—sâ— parts of Esâ—otiland The 4 letter The fisherman dyed that should haue bene interpreter Certaine mariners taken in his sâ—eede which came with him from Estotiland Isle Ilose Zichmni his discouerie of the Island Icaâ—ia An Island man in Icaâ—ia The kings of of Icaria called Icari after the name of the first king of that place who as they report was sonne to Dedalus king of Scots Icarian Sâ—a The people of Icaria destrous of the Italian tongue Ten men of ten sundry nations Infinite multitudes of armed men in Icaâ—iâ— Zichmni departed from Icaria Wâ—stwards 100 men sent to discrie the countreâ— The 100 souldiers returned which had bene through â—he Island report what they saw and found M. Anâ—onio Zeno made chiefâ— captaine of those ships which went back to Frâ—sland The 5 letter Estotiland first discouered The second discouerie thereof Dâ—ogio M. Aâ—migil Wade Cape Briâ—on The Island of Penguin standeth about the latitude of 30. degrees M. Dawbneys report to M. Richard Hakluyt of the Temple They beheld the Sauges â—f Newfounland Extrâ—me famine Our men â—aâ—e one another foâ— famine The Capâ—aines Oration The English surprise a French ship wherein they returned home Haâ—kes and other foules Foules supposed â—o be storkes The French royally recompencâ—d by king Henry the 8. English Spaniards Portugals French Britons The fertility of Newfoundland Seueral sortes â— of fish Called by the Spaniards Anchunas and by the Portugals Capelinas 〈◊〉 Albioâ— Hugo Willobeius eques auratus Martinus Fâ—obisherus eques â—uratuâ—â— Antonius Ienkinsonuâ— Franciscus Dracus eques 〈◊〉 Sebastianuâ— Cabotus The coasts froÌ„ Fâ—orida Northward fiâ—â— discouâ—red bâ— the English natioÌ„ A 〈◊〉 consideration Probable confectâ—â—â— y t these lands North of Florida are
Prince of honour Here much glory as him thought he found A mightie land which had take in hand To werre in France and make mortalitie And euer well kept round about the see And to the king thus hee sayd My brother When hee perceiued two Townes Caleis and Douer Of all your Townes to chuse of one and other To keepe the sea and soone to come ouer To werre outwards and your regne to recouer Keepe these two Townes sure and your Maistie As your tweyne eyne so keepe the narrowe see For if this sea bee kept in time of werre Who can heere passe without danger and woe Who may escape who may mischiefe differre What Marchandie may forby bee agoe For needs hem must take trewes euery foe Flanders and Spaine and other trust to mee Or ellis hindred all for this Narrow see Therefore I cast mee by a little writing To shewe at eye this conclusion For conscience and for mine acquiting Against God and ageyne abusion And cowardise and to our enemies confusion For foure things our Noble sheweth to me King Ship and Swerd and power of the see Where ben our ships where ben our swerds become Our enemies bed for the ship set a sheepe Alas our rule halteth it is benome Who dare well say that lordship should take keepe I will assay though mine heart ginne to weepe To doe this werke if wee will euer thee For very shame to keepe about the see Shall any Prince what so be his name Which hath Nobles moch leche ours Bee Lord of â—ee and Flemings to our blame Stop vs take vs and so make fade the flowers Of English state and disteyne our honours For cowardise alas it should so bee Therefore I ginne to write nowe of the see Of the commodities of Spaine and of Flanders The first Chapter KNowe well all men that profits in certaine Commodities called comming out of Spaine And Marchandie who so will weete what it is Bene Figs Raisins wine Bastard and Datis And Licorts Siuill oyle and graine White Pastill Sope and Waxe is not vayne Yron Wooll Wadmolle Gotefell â—idfell also For Poynt-makers full needefull bene they tweyn Saffron Quickesilver which owne Spaine Marchandy Is into Flanders shipped full craftily Unto Bruges as to her staple fayre The Hauen of Sâ—luse hir Hauen for her repayre Wich is cleped Swyn tho shippes giding Where many vessels and fayre are abiding But these Marchandes with their shippes great And such chaffare as they bye and get By the weyes must nede take on hand By the coasts to passe of our England Betwixt Douer and Caleis this is no doubt Who can well els such matter bring about And when these sayd Marchants discharged bee Of Marchandie in Flanders nere the see Then they bee charged againe with Marchandy That to Flanders bougethfull richly Fine cloth of Ypre that named is better than ours Cloth of Curtrike fine cloth of all colours Much Fusâ—ian and also Linen cloth But Flemings if yee bee not wroth The great substance of your cloth at the full Yee wot ye make it of our English woll Then may it not sinke in mannis brayne But that it must this Marchandy of Spaine Both out and in by our costes passe Hee that sayd nay in witte was like an asse Wee should haue peace with the grounds tweyne Thus if this see were kept I dare well sayne For Spaine and Flanders is as eche other brother And nether may well liue without other They may not liuen to maintaine their degrees Without our English commodities Wolle and Tynne for the woolle of England Susteineth the Commons Flemings I vnderstand Then if England would her wolle restraine From Flanders this followeth in certaine Flanders of nede must with vs haue peace Or els shee is destroyed without lees Also if Flanders thus destroyed bee Some Marchandy of Spaine will neuer ythee For destroyed it is and as in cheeffe The wolle of Spaine it commeth not to preeffe But if it be costed and menged well Amongst the English wolle the greter delle For Spanish wooll in Flaunders draped is And euer hath bee that men haue minde of this And yet Wooll is one of the chiefe Marchandy That longeth to Spaine who so will espie It is of little value trust vnto mee With English wooll but if it menged bee Thus if the sea be kept than herken hether If these two lands comen not â—ogether So that the Fleete of Flanders passe nought That in the narrowe see it be not broughtâ— Into the Rochelle to fetch the fumose wine Ner into Bytonuse Bay for salt so fine What is then Spaine What is Flanders also As who sayd nought the thrift is agoe For the little land of Flanders is But a staple to other lands ywis And all that groweth in Flanders graine and seede May not a Moneth finde hem meate and brede What hath then Flanders bee Flemings lieffe or lothâ— But a little Mader and Flemish Cloth By Drapering of our wooll in substance Liuen her commons this is her gouernance Without wich they may not liue at ease Thus must hem sterue or with vs must haue peace Of the commodities of Portugal The second Chapter THe Marchandy also of Portugal By diuers lands turne into sale Portugalers with vs haue trouth in hand Whos 's Marchandy â—ommeth much into Englandâ— They ben our friends with their commodities And wee English passen into their countrees Her land hath wine Osey Waxe and Graine Figges Reysins Hony and Cordoweyne Dates and Salt Hides and such Marchandy And if they would to Flanders passe for by They should not bee suffred ones ner twyes For supporting of our cruell enemies That is to say Flemings with her gyle For changeable they are in little while Then I conclude by reasons many moe If we suffred neither friend nor foe What so enemies and so supporting Passe for by vs in time of werring Seth our friends will not ben in cause Of our hindring if reson lede this clause Then nede from Flanders peace bee to vs sought And other lands should seeke peace dout nought For Flanders is Staple as men tell mee To all nations of Christianitie The commodities of pety Britaine with her Rouers on the sea The third Chapter FUrthermore to write I am faine Somewhat speaking of the little Britayne Commoditie thereof there is and was Salt and wine crest cloth and canuas And the land of Flaunders sickerly Is the staple of their Marchandy Wich Marchandie may not passe away But by the coast of England this is no nay And of this Britaine who so trueth louis Are the greatest rouers and the greatest theeuis That haue bene in the sea many one yeere That our Marchants haue bought full dere For they haue tooke notable goods of ours On this side see these false pelours Called of Saincte Malo and ellis where Wich to their Duke none obeysance will bere With such colours wee haue
streightly neither doe they eate any thing besides hearbes and salt fish as long as those fasting dayes doe endure but vpon euery Wednesday and Friday in euery weeke throughout the yeere they fast There are very many Monasteries of the order of S. Benedict amongst them to which many great liuings for their maintenance doe belong for the Friers and the Monkes doe at the least possesse the third part of the liuings throughout the whole Moscouite Empire To those Monkes that are of this order there is amongst them a perpetuall prohibition that they may eate no flesh and therefore their meate is onely salt fish milke and butter neither is it permitted them by the lawes and customes of their religion to eate any fresh fish at all and at those foure fasting times whereof we spake before they eate no fish at all onely they liue with hearbes and cucumbers which they doe continually for that purpose cause and take order to grow and spring for their vse and diet As for their drinke it is very weake and small For the discharge of their office they do euery day say seruice and that early in the mornings before day and they doe in such sort and with such obseruation begin their seruice that they will be sure to make an ende of it before day and about nine of the clocke in the morning they celebrate the Communion When they haue so done they goe to dinner and after dinner they goe againe to seruice and the like also after supper and in the meane time while they are at dinner there is some exposition or interpretation of the Gospel vsed Whensoeuer any Abbot of any monasterie dieth the Emperour taketh all his housholde stuffe beastes flockes of sheepe golde siluer and all that he hath or els hee that is to succeede him in his place and dignitie doth redeeme all those things and buyeth them of the Emperour for money Their churches are built of timber and the towers of their churches for the most part are couered with shingle boordes At the doores of their churches they vsually build some entrance or porch as we doe and in their churchyardes they erect a certaine house of wood wherein they set vp their bels wherein sometimes they haue but one in some two and in some also three There is one vse and custome amongst them which is strange and rare but yet it is very ridiculous and that is this when any man dyeth amongst them they take the dead body and put it in a coffine or chest and in the hand of the corps they put a litle scroule in the some there are these wordes written that the same man died a Rusle of Russes hauing receiued the faith and died in the same This writing or letter they say they send to S. Peter who receiuing it as they affirme reades it and by and by admits him into heauen and that his glory and place is higher and greater then the glory of the Christians of the Latine church reputing themselues to be followers of a more sincere faith and religion then they they hold opinion that we are but halfe Christians and themselues onely to be the true and perfect church these are the foolish and childish dotages of such ignorant Babarians Of the Moscouites that are Idolaters dwelling neere to Tartaria THere is a certaine part of Moscouie bordering vpon the countreys of the Tartars wherin those Moscouites that dwell are very great idolaters they haue one famous idole amongst them which they call the Golden old wife they haue a custome that whensoeuer any plague or any calamitie doth afflict the countrey as hunger warre or such like then they goe to consult with their idol which they do after this maner they fall down prostrate before the idol pray vnto it put in the presence of the same a cymbal about the same certaine persons stand which are chosen amongst them by lotâ— vpon their cymball they place a siluer tode and sound the cymball and to whomsoeuer of those lotted persons that tode goeth he is taken and by and by slaine and immediately I know not by what illusions of the deuill or idole he is againe restored to life theâ— doth reueale and deliuer the causes of the present calamitie And by this meanes knowing how to pacifie the idole they are deliuered from the imminent danger Of the forme of their priuate houses and of the apparell of the people THe common houses of the countrey are euery where built of beames of Firre tree the lower beames doe so receiue the round holownesse of the vppermost that by the meanes of the building thereupon they resist and expell all winds that blow and where the timber is ioined together there they stop the chinks with mosse The forme fashion of their houses in al places is foure square with streit and narrow windowes whereby with a transparent casement made or couered with skinne like to parchment they receiue the light The roofes of their houses are made of boords couered without with y e barke of trees within their houses they haue benches or griezes hard by their wals which commonly they sleepe vpon for the common people knowe not the vse of beds they haue stooues wherein in the morning they make a fire and the same fire doth either moderately warme or make very hote the whole house The apparell of the people for the most part is made of wooll their caps are picked like vnto a rike or diamond broad beneath and sharpe vpward In the maner of making whereof there is a signe and representation of nobilitie for the loftier or higher their caps are the greater is their birth supposed to be and the greater reuerence is giuen them by the common people The Conclusion to Queene Marie THese are the things most excellent Queene which your Subiects newly returned from Russia haue brought home concerning the state of that countrey wherfore if your maiestie shall be fauourable and grant a continuance of the trauell there is no doubt but that the honour and renowme of your name will be spred amongst those nations whereunto three onely noble personages from the verie creation haue had accesse to whom no man hath bene comparable The copie of the Duke of Moscouie and Emperour of Russia his letters sent to King Edward the sixt by the hands of Richard Chancelour THe Almighty power of God and the imcomprehensible holy Trinitie rightfull Christian beliefe c. We great Duke Iuan Vasiliuich by the grace of God great lord and Emperor of all Russia great Duke of Volodemer Mosco and Nouograd King of Kazan King of Astracan lord of Plesko and great duke of Smolensko of Twerria Ioughoria Permia Vadska Bulghoria and others lord and great duke of Nouograd in the Low countrey of Chernigo Rezan Polotskoy Rostoue Yaruslaueley Bealozera Liefland Oudoria Obdoria and Condensa Commander of all Siberia and of the North parts and lord of many other
victuals and that we lacked nothing of the Emperors allowance the other to see that we should not goe out of the house nor suffer any man to come vnto vs in which they left nothing vndone that belonged to their charge But specially he that looked to our persons so straightly handled vs that we had no small cause to doubt that some euill had bene intended vnto vs. No supplication sute or request could take place for our liberty nor yet to come to his presence Hauing passed ouer 17 weeks in this sort the Emperour sendeth word that we should be ready against Tuesday the 20 of Februarie at eight a clocke in the morning The houre being come that I should goe to the Court the two gentlemen Pristaues as they call them came vnto me apparelled more princely then before I had euer scene them They presse vs to depart and mounted vpon their owne horses and the Ambassador vpon such a one as he had borrowed his men marching on foot to their great griefe The Ambassadour being my selfe was conueyed into an office where one of the chancellors doeth vse to sit being there accompanied with the â—â—o foresayd gentlemen I taried two long houres before I was sent for to the Emperor In the end message being brought that the Emperour was set I was conueyed by my gentlemen vp a paire of staires thorow a large roome where sate by my estimation 300 persons all in rich attire taken out of the Emperors wardrobe for that day vpon three ranks of benches set round about the place rather to present a maiestie then that they were either of quality or honor At the first entry into the chamber I with my cap gaue them the reuerence such as I iudged their stately sitting graue countenances and sumptuous apparell required and seeing that it was not answered againe of any of them I couered my head and so passing to a chamber where the Emperor was there receiued me at the doore from my two gentlemen or gouernors two of the Emperors counsellors and shewed me to the Emperor and brought me to the middle of the chamber where I was willed to stand still and to say that which I had to say I by my Interpretor opened my message as I receiued it from the Queene my Mistresse from whom I came at whose name the Emperor stood vp and demanded diuers questions of her health and state whereunto answere being made he gaue me his hand in token of my welcome and caused me to sit downe and further asked me diuers questions This done I deliuered her Maiesties present which was a notable great Cup of siluer curiously wrought with verses grauen in it expressing the histories workmanly set out in the same All being sayd and done as appeared to his contentment he licenced me and my whole company to depart who were all in his presence and were saluted by him with a nod of his head and sayd vnto me I dine not this day openly for great affaires I haue but I will send thee my dinner and giue leaue to thee and thine to go at liberty and augment our allowance to thee in token of our loue and fauor to our sister the Queene of England I with reuerence tooke my leaue being conueyed by two other of greater calling then those that brought me to the Emperors sight who deliuered me to the two first gentlemen who conducted me to the office where I first was where came vnto me one called the Long duke with whom I conferred a while and so returned to my lodging Within one houre after in comes to my lodging a duke richly apparelled accompanied with fiftie persons ech of them carying a siluer dish with meat and couered with siluer The duke first deliuered twenty loaues of bread of the Emperors owne eating hauing tasted the same and deliuered euery dish into my hands and tasted of euery kinde of drinke that he brought This being done the duke and his company sate downe with me and tooke part of the Emperors meat and filled themselues well of all sorts and went not away from me vnrewarded Within few nights after the Emperor had will to speake secretly with me and sent for me in the night by the Long duke The place was farre off and the night colde and I hauing changed my apparell into such as the Russes do weare found great in commoditie thereby Hauing talked with him aboue three houres towards the morning I was dismissed and so came home to my lodging where I remained aboue six weeks after before I heard againe from the Emperour who went the next day to Slouoda the house of his solace After the end of which sixe weeks which was about the beginning of April the Emperour returned from Slouoda aforesayd and sent for me againe to make repaire vnto him And being come I dealt effectually with him in the behalfe of our English merchants and found him so graciously inclined towards them that I obtained at his hands my whole demands for large priuileges in generall together with all the rest my particular requests And then he commended to my conduct into England a noble man of his called Andrew Sauin as his Ambassadour for the better confirmation of his priuileges granted and other negotiations with her Maiesty And thus being dispatched with full contentment the sayd Ambassadour and my selfe departed and imbarked at S. Nicholas about the end of Iuly and arriued safely at London in the moneth of September following A copie of the priuiledges granted by the right high and mightie Prince the Emperour of Russia c. vnto the right worshipfull fellowship of English merchants for the discouerie of new trades and hither sent by Thomas Randolfe esquire her Maiesties Ambassadour to the sayd Emperour and by Andrew Sauin his Ambassadour in the yere of our Lord God 1569. ONe God euerlasting and without and before the beginning the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost the blessed Trinitie our onely God maker and preseruer of all things and replenisher of all things euery where who by thy goodnesse doest cause all men to loue the giuer of wisedome our onely Mediatour and leader of vs all vnto blessed knowledge by the onely Sonne his word our Lord Iesus Christ holy and euerlasting Spirit and now in these our dayes teachest vs to keepe Christianitie and sufferest vs to enioy our kingdome to the happy commodity of our land and wealth of our people in despight of our enemies and to our fame with our friends We Iohn Vasiliwich by the grace of God great lord Emperour and great duke of all Russia Volodemer Moscouia Nouogrod Emperour of Cazan Tuersky Vgorsky Permisky Vadsky Bulgaria and many others lord and great duke of the Low countreys of Nouogrod Chernigosky Resansky Polotsky Rastow Yeraslaue Bealosera Owdorsky Condinsky and all Siberland great commander of all the North parts lord of Leâ—â—land and many other Northward Southward and Westward Whereas our sister