many casualties unto many accidents and unto unexpected success and fortune They are to day Conquerors and to morrow conquered this day strong to morrow weak sometimes in health and prosperity upon a very sudden in sickness and penury Their Triumphs are Messengers of evil fortune their Victories forerunners of overthrows their abundance tokens of Penury and their conceived hope an infallible Prognostication of future calamity Was there ever a wiser Captain then Hanniball Was there ever any Army compounded of so many and diverse Nations Was there any Souldiers that were better governed or any Governor that was more carefull of his Company more politique to win and purchase unto himself the favour and friendship of such people with whom he had any manner of commerce or society or of whom he stood in any kind of need And yet what success had his Providence his Prudence his Policy Decayed not his strength daily his Souldiers became they not effeminate his fortune did it not forsake him his faithful friends did they not leave him the Towns he got did they not revolt from him And briefly lost he not in a very short space all that he got in many years And yet since Hannibal his time there was never any Captain General Colonel or Leader of any Army call him by what name or Title you list that in my simple conceit might compare with Hannibal either for the governing of his Souldiers or for temporizing with his Adversaries for preventing mischeifs or for inventing new Stratagems for putting in execution with good success and marvelous fortune of all his attempts and enterprises or briefly for furnishing his Camp with all things necessary or keeping his Souldiers in awe and obedience But Hannibal contended with the mightiest Adversary of the world Hannibal had secret enemies at home who were content to suffer him and his to live in want and penury abroad Hannibal pretermitted many occasions of good fortune which being taken in time might have made him a most happy Conqueror Hannibal suffered his Souldiers to dote in love when it was no time to dally in Lechery Briefly Hâ—nnibal would not win when he might have won And therefore it was reason that Hannibal should lose when he would not have lost In later times Hannibal's follies have made wise men Hannibal's evil fortune hath taught others to beware of the like Fortune Hannibal's losses have given his posterity occasion to take heed by his examples lest following his steps they chance to fall into his miseries Now Princes measure their strength by their adversaries power they rate their charges by the distance of places into which they are to convey their Armies they furnish their company according to the time for which they purpose to use the same they cast their accompts before they enter into wars they consider the casualties which are accustomed to follow wars they note the dispositions and affections of their neighbours they mark and observe the provision of their enemies they provide for longer time then they intend to spend in wars they have their carriage to attend upon their Armies their victuallers to follow them their confederates to supply their wants their Messengers to bring them word of their necessities and their Officers both at home and abroad to make provision as soon as any thing is found to be defective or wanting in their Armies So if they go far from home they seem always to be at home if they want their wants are presently supplied if they chance to decrease their number is immediately increased and although they may happen to languish yet they are never suffered to perish True it is that other mens harmes have made men both in these dayes and in former times to be wise and wary And the Prince is reputed to want the discretion and wisdom requisite in a Prince who undertaketh wars without due consideration of all the circumstances above mentioned and yet neither Hannibals ill fortune nor his example nor common experience nor fear of inevitable accidents can make men so wary as it behoveth them to be but in later times they have been and will be subject unto the self same Inconveniences which men in former times endured Have Armies in times past going far from home perished in their journies by reason of the intemperature of the air the heat of the weather and the intemperance of the Souldiers who seed too much of noisom and hurtful fruits or drank too much of hot Wines in hot seasons and in hot countries as did the Army which Marcus Antonius led from Italy to Parthia whereof better then 20000 Foot-men and 4000 Horsemen perished by such casualties before he came to his Journies end And do not or have not some miscarried by the same means in our dayes or within our memories Have many Christian Armies led out of Christendom into Turky not lost the greaâ—est part of their number before they came unto the place whereunto they were sent Did not the first Army that ever the Romans sent by Sea against the Carthiginians perish in the Sea and almost so dismayed the Souldiers that they were utterly discouraged to commit any more men or ships to the unmerciful Tempests of the raging Seas And did not the like befal unto the Navy that Charles the fifth sent in his time unto Algire whose lamentable overthrow is pitifully described by a Spanish Historian in the life of Paulus tertius sometimes Pope of Rome Did a plague consume so many of the Souldiers of Radagasius King of the Gothes that as Saint Augustine reporteth one day deprived better then an hundred thousand of their lives And did not the like happen unto Francis the first his Army in his Wars for the Kingdom of Naples Did better then 30000 of that Army which Iohn Duke of Lancaster carryed out of England into Portugal perish by the way for lack of victual and necessary sustenance and might not the same misfortune betide the small company which went out of late from England into Poâ—tugal Was the huge Army which Darius had against Alexander overthrown for want of water and other inconveniencies occasioned by their long aboad in a strange and unable country to receive so big an host and can it seem strange or marvelous that Charles the fifth's Army brought out of Spain to Marselles and passing by the most barren and unfruitful countries of France felt the like calamities Plagues Pestilence Famine Tediousness of the way Want of water Tempests by Sea and sudden Sickness have always and will continually lessen the number weaken the Forces and not spare the mighty multitudes that have been or shall be sent far from home by any Prince whatsoever There is no policy can prevent it no wisdom that can foresee it no fore-sight that can withstand it they be Scourges which it pleaseth the Almighty to send and therefore it behoveth him that hath urgent occasion to send an Army into forraign
king hearing that the Duke of Lancaster was returned out of Portugal and that in England fâ—r greater Forces were prepared to resist his invasion then Iohn of Vienna had mentioned withdrew his Forces from Sluce unto the places from whence they came and as the Spaniards would cover their dishonour received in their attempt against England by the Duke of Parma his not joyning with them in convenient time as it was decreed in Spain before they departed out of Spain so they laid the fault of not proceeding in the journey upon the Duke of Berry who knowing the Forces of England as undoubtedly the Duke of Parma did far better then those that took upon them to make report thereof came not unto the French king at Sluce until the dead of Winter when it it was too late to depart thence to invade England And as the Frenchmen falsly charged the Duke of Berry that he had received Bribes of the king of England to divert his king from his intended enterprise against England So the Spaniards more indirectly then justly blame the Duke of Parma that in consideration of some reward either received or promised from us he held not his promise to joyn his power with the Spanish strength against us And lastly as of the French vain enterprises and all the preparations thereof there came nothing else into England but certain great Tents and lodgings of Wood capable as their Authors report of all their kings huge Army So of the Spanâ—sh invincible Navy and of their mighty Army nothing was seen in England but the spoil of their strong Armado and the flags of their tallest ships which were brought to Paulsâ—Cross â—Cross and there shewed unto the People as notable monuments of their wonderous overthrow Now followeth the death of the Queen of Scots a Queen in whom God had joyned some vertues with many vices a happy Queen if she had not been too much affected unto the Pope of Rome too much lead and counselled by the Spanish King a Pope and a King that have overthrown more noble Families in England France Flanders and Scotland then they have true and good Noblemen within their Realms and Dominions Of this Queen because she was nobly descended and the mother of a most noble King I forbear to set down what Buchanan hath written And yet because her Majesty is charged to have done her to death wrongfully I cannot but relate what another reporteth of her Another that was neither an Englishman nor a Scot but a German Another that writeth of her as Cornelius Tacitus doth of his Emperors Sine ira studio without hatred or affection for she was unto him as those Emperors were to Tacitus neither known for any good turn that ever he received of her nor hated for any wrong that ever she did unto him This Queen saith my Author being weary of her second husband whose life was often sought and at length unhappily shortned not long after his death married James Hepborn Earl of Bothwel whom during her Husbands life she had used most fumiliurly Certain Noblemon of Scotland being greatly moved with the indignity of so wicked a deed and desirous to revenge so horrible a Parricide raised an Army against the Queen and forced her to resign her Kingdom unto her young Son But they confined her unto a certain Island whence escaping the next year by corrupting her Keepers and the Hamiltons Forces which fought in her defence but overthrown by the Lord Protector of Scotland she meaning to go unto her Mothers friends into France took her journey by England where she was detained and when as certain Treasons intended by the instigation of the Pope against the Queen of England her State for the delivery of the Scottish Queen and establishing her in both Kingdoms were revealed and discovered she was more straightly kept and lookt unto until at length because she had used many means to deprive the Queen of her life she was condâ—mned to death in the year 1586. by the Lords and Commons of the Parliament House and executed the same year accordingly Against this Sentence and his execution there are made these exceptions First it is said That the late Queen of Scotland being an absolute Prince as well as the Queen of England could not be condemned to death by her because Par in parem non habet potestatem Next it is alleadged that if a Prince should so much forget himself as not onely to pronounce but also to execute a sentence of death upon his Equal over whom he hath no manner of Jurisdiction or Authority other Princes will be greatly offended with this Sentence and never endure that it should be put in execution To these Reasons there is added a Third That since there is no Law as yet written to punish a Prince with death they think it unlawful to make new Laws new Statutes for the punishment of a Prince and in case it were lawful it is not known who should make these Laws who should adminster them who should execute them and therefore sithence there is no law against Princes there can be no great punishment inflicted upon Princes and because there was never any custom known or practised to proceed so severely against Princes Lives it must needs be against all good Custâ—m to call their Behaviour in question or their Lives into danger The favourers of this cause proceed further and look upon the malice and wickedness of Subjects who as soon as they begin to hate their Prince unjustly and for no occasion would quickly by themselves or by other Princes by open violence or by secret conspiracies be rid of their Princes So say they would it come to pass that by whom Princes ought to be preserved by them they should perish and by whose help they mould be delivered against all others through their hatred they should be destroyed by themselves The Patrons and Advocates of this Queen bring another reason to confirm their opinion For say they if a Prince fall willingly into another Princes hands or if it happen that flying from his malicious Subjects or from his foreign Enemies or being driven by Tempest or other casualty into one Kingdom when he meant to go into another or that being in the field one Prince is detained by another the detainer that shall not ransom but execute such a Prince shall break and violate the Laws of Arms of Humanity or of Hospitality Lastly the Laws of Nations require that Princes Ambassadors even in the hottest broils and most bloody contentions that are betwixt Princes shall have free ingress and egress into and out of the Kingdoms into which they are sent But if the Laws permit or rather command Ambassadors who do but represent the persons of Princes to be free from all dangers what honest or just pretext can there be to violate or wrong their Lords and Masters For it is against all reason against common practâ—ce and experience to spare the
quiet Government at home to confer the necessities of her Predecessors with the urgent occasions that her Grace hath had to use much ready money they shall finde that her Ancestors never had so just occasions of necessary expences as her Majesty had of late years yea almost for the whole time of her reign For albeit her Majesty hath not had continual open Wars as some of them had yet her charge hath been nothing inferior unto theirs For first Wars are now adays as I have said far more chargeable then they were wont to be Then her Grace hath had no other Princes to contribute towards her expences as her Predecessors had Next her Loans to foreign Princes as to the Kings of France of Navar of Scotland to the late Duke of Alencon and to the States of the Low Countries have been very great And lastly her charges both by land and Sea could not chuse but amount yearly to infinite sums considering how many times her Highness hath been constrained to send her Navy to the Seas and her Land Souldiers forth of the Realm Besides her Predecessors charges were for the most part voluntary being undertaken to conquer and not to defend their Realms to get other Princes Dominions and not to conserve their own to revenge forein injuries and not to repulse domestical invasions briefly their Wars were for their own profit and hers for her Subjects benefit considering therefore that whatsoever her Grace hath levied not granted unto her by her Parliament without any contradiction without any accusing her of Prodigalâ—ty wâ—thout any such exception taken against her demands as hath been taken against other her Predecessors without any suspition of hâ—r evil Government therefore without any consigning the managing and government of the same unto others then unto them who by her Majesties appointment have the custody thereof it is a manifest argument that her Subjects were always most willing to yeeld to all manner of contributions that her Highness in her Princely Wisdom and Discretion did take to be necessary for the defence of her Realm And if these malicious Accusers would look upon the governments upon the Exactions upon the extortions of such Princes in whose Realms they either live by Alms or wander up and down as Vagabonds their own consciences if at least they have any would condemn them of malice of untruth or of gross ignorance for the wisest amongst them may and are well able to make large volumes of such Subsidies Taxes Impositions and Grievances as are levied in France Italy Spain of which the hundreth parts are unknown much less practised in England and this must needs appear to be most true and manifest since it cannot be denied that in some Dukedoms of Italy the Circuit of which is not comparable unto one Shire of England the yearly Revenues of the Duke far exceed the Revenues and Rents of the Crown of England Moreover if it may please this Viperous generation of Fugitives to call to mind the Interest that Princes have in their Subjects Goods and the great power that is given unto kings in the Old Testament over the Lands and Possessions of as many as live under their Obedience and also to remember that Princes the longer they live the more absolute Imperious and self-conceited they are in the Execution of their Government and the more Experienced in their proof they must rather commend then condemn her Majesty whom neither continuance of time nor fulness of Authority nor presumption upon the good Wills of her people nor confidence upon the Equity of her Cause nor the consideration of her Subjects weal wholly depending upon her welfare nor briefly the remembrance of her gentle and sweet-Government hath ever imboldened to be over-chargable unto the Realm or over-burthensome unto her Subjects This grievous accusation is more truly then briefly refelled Now leaving the rest of these Fugitives suggestions unto another place wherein I shall have occasion to handle them more fitly I will end this point with condemning the King of Spain for being too light in crediting these Rebels in two principal points For first he ought to have considered that neither the vain Pamphlets disspersed by his lying Ambassador Mendoza nor the malicious book written by Cardinal Allen was able to alter remove or shake the natural and dutifull affections of our English Subjects they were too well acquainted with the Ambassadors old and inveterate malice with his hostile practices and his desperate intents They knew the Cardinal to be a Religious Fugitive to sell his tongue and the use thereof for money to be like unto Richard Shaw that was hired to preach at Pauls-Cross and there publickly to justifie the wrongfull usurpation of Richard the third to resemble the Duke of Buckingham who neither feared nor blushed to commend the same cause for just and most lawfull in the Guildhall London to imitate Iohn Petit a Preacher of France who for a far less bribe then a Cardinalship allowed approved and commended in Pulpit and in writing the most horrible murther committed by the Duke of Burgoigne on the person of the Duke of Orleans And lastly to follow his example who without all example was not ashamed to write a large volumn against the late king of France and therein to deduce many reasons many causes for and by which he maintained that the said King might be lawfully deposed and another set up and established in his place Secondly he might have considered that those Fugitives are for the most part peevish and discontented Schollers fitter to mannage a Pen then a Lance to dispute of Philosophy then to discourse of War to be partial in their own conceits then to be prodigal in their assurance briefly to be ready to say more then they know especially when they are either assured or in good hope by saying much to obtain much he might have remembred that Iohannes Viennensis sent into Scotland by Charles the sixth of France although he was a man of great experience a Captain of long continuance aud one that by his long abode in Scotland knew England and her Forces far better then our Fugitives do deceived his King at his return out of Scotland in reporting unto him the strength of our Nation he had fought with many of our Armies had seen 60000 Footmen 8000 and Horsmen of ours in the Field was of opinion that our Country was easie to be conquered within the Realm howsoever it prevailed and conquered abroad And lastly he both knew and signified unto the king that the Duke of Lancaster was absent in Portugal with the Flower and chief Youth of England These reason moved the French king to determine to invade England presently to carry an huge Army to Sluce in Flanders to assemble all the Nobility and Peers of his Realm for that voyage and to proâ—â—se unto himself an assured victory against England But what event had this Journey What effect followed of this perswasion The
and Antonio Peres his voluntary confession which is a slender kind of proof and especially against a King for exceptions may be made and taken against it As that Antonio Peres bewrayeth his own filthiness and therefore is not to be heard That he is but one witness That he is as Socius Criminis and therefore his accusation of little force and many other like which for brevity I omit and will dispute tanquam ex concessis and have two principal reasons to induce me thereunto The first because I presume that no man will be so impudent as to accuse a King and his own Soveraign to his face and to the view of all the world of a horrible murther unless his accusation were true and tended rather to purge himself then to defame and discredit his Prince The second cause I find that the Spanish Kings friends and favourers have not made any conscience or difficulty to calumniate our Princess her life and actions upon far more slender presumptions then we have of this murther The Author of that seditious Book which was written against the late King of France delivereth it for his resolute opinion That the said King deserved to lose his Crown because he not only consented but also commanded the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal his Brother to be murthered He aggravateth his murther by three principal reasons and instances The first Because they were innocent The second Because they were allied unto the King And the third Because they were massacred by common murtherers These reasons have already been sufficiently reproved Their innocency hath been shewed to be horrible treasons their alliance unto their King not worthy of pardon or commiseration and their death to be warrantable by Law and equity It resteth to make a brief comparison betwixt them and Escovedo and the comparison may be this Escovedo practised with friends they with foes He for the King's Brother they against the King his Brother and all his blood He to the benefit of his Prince and Country they to the hurt and ruine of the King and his realm He with the consent and command of the King's Lieutenant they against the will and pleasure of all the King 's loving and faithful Officers He to reduce the King's subjects to their obedience they to alienate their Princes subjects from their allegiance He to submit strangers unto his Princes Dominions and they to subject their Prince and Country unto strangers He to â—oyn other Countries with the Spanish Kings they to dismember and distract many provinces from the French Crown He was never admonished to desist they were oft-times required to depart from their unlawful League and Confederacy He was cut off before he came to any open action they lived after they had committed many notable and notorious treasons He was accused but of presumption they were convicted by divers and evident proofs He perished because it was thought he would or might have done evil they were not executed before it appeared that they had done too much evil He living could not endanger his Kings life and they if they had not been slain when they were would have shortned their King's days and utterly have subverted his Realm and their Country Briefly his death did the Spanish King no good their punishment had freed the French King and his Country of many troubles and dangers had not a factious and wicked Fryer ended his life before he could see an end of those troubles If ergo the King of France deserved to be excommunicated and deposed for murthering them much more deserveth the King of Spain the like punishment for massacring him although they far excelled him in honour and dignity And if great crimes are to be punished with great penalties small offences with small correction and such as the fault is such is the chastisement I shall not need to prove my opinion with more arguments And if the common and Ecclesiastical Laws have no greater punishment then degradation and excommunication and both of them are equal unto deposition unto death in the Civil Law and if for what faults they may be afflicted by an Ecclesiastical Judge deposition and death may be imposed for the same crimes by a Civil Magistrate Murther being punished with degradation and excommunication in an Ecclesiastical Court Murther must needs be capital before a Temporal Judge But what need I stand any longer upon the proof of my opinion The Author of the before-named seditious Book easeth me of that pain Ergo since the Law saith Such Judgement as a man giveth against another such must he expect and look for himself and he that approveth a witnesses honesty and integrity when he is produced to testifie in a matter for him cannot refuse to take exceptions against his person if he chance to be brought forth afterwards for a witness in another cause against him The Leaguers were the Spanish King's friends who by the mouth of this author have condemned the French King for a murtherer and have thought him worthy to be deprived for those murthers must needs allow the same reasons the same Law the same judgement against the Spaniard Thus the third question is cleared Now followeth the fourth in the handling whereof I shall likewise be eased by the same author for the same examples which fortifie his opinion may serve to confirm my assertion He mentioneth many Princes who were deposed or excommunicated or censured by the Pope for murther The Princes deposed were Ptolomeus Phisco King of Egypt Tarquinus superbus King of Rome Philip King of Macedonia Herdanus King of Castile and Edward and Richard both the second Kings of England The Kings excommunicated by the Pope were Peter King of Castile whom Pope Urban excommunicated because he killed Blanch the daughter of the Duke of Barbon and divers Peers of his Realm Maganus Nicholas King of Denmark who was likewise excommunicated for the murther committed by his sons procurement on the person of Canutus his Nephew And lastly King Iohn of England who incurred the like punishment for causing his Nephew Arthur to be murthered without any desert without any due observance of Law or Equity The same author aggravateth again the French King's murther because the Cardinal was an Ecclesiastical man and a man of great Calling and Dignity and proveth again his opinion by the example of Henry the eighth King of England whom the Pope excommunicated and absolved his subjects from the oath and duty of obedience which they owed unto him because he cause Fisher Bishop of Rochester to be done to death And by the example of Bolislaus King of Poland whom Gregory the seventh not only excommunicated but also deprived him of his Crown and Dignity because he had killed holy Stomlaus But it may be said that the French King killed two and the Spaniard but one that Escovedo was a man of no such quality as the Duke and the Cardinal that their death alone was not the only crime that
THE TRVE EFFIGIES OF Sr HENRY WOTTON K T EMBASSADOVR IN ORDINARY TO THE MOST SERENE REPVBLIQVE OF VENICE AND LATE PROVOST OF EATON COLLEDG Anno Aetat is Suae 72 THE STATE OF CHRISTENDOM OR A most Exact and Curious Discovery of many Secret Passages and Hidden Mysteries of the Times Written by the Renowned Sr HENRY WOTTON Kt. Ambassadour in Ordinary to the most Serene Republique of VENICE And late Provost of EATON COLLEDG LONDON Printed for HUMPHREY MOSELEY and are to be sold at his Shop at the Prince's Arms in St Paul's Church-yard 1657. To the Judicious Reader THe Author of these Politique and Polite discourses knew the world so well and the world him that not to know Sr Henry Wotton were an ignorance beyond Barbarism in any who have been conversant in the least measure with any transactions of State A Knight he was of choice Intellectuals and noble Extraction who may be said to have King'd it abroad half his age in Embassies by representing the person of his Soveraign Prince in most of the Courts of Christendom amongst the severest and most sagacious sort of Nations for he was thrice sent Ambassadour to the Republique of Venice from the most serene Prince James the first King of Great Britain by whom the Order of Knighthood was conferred upon him Once to the States of the United Provinces Twice to Charls Emanuel Duke of Savoy Once to the United Princes of Upper Germany in the Convention at Heylbrun Lastly He was sent Extraordinary Ambassadour to the Archduke Leopold the Duke of Wittenberg Imperial Cities Strasburgh and Ulm and to the Roman Emperour himself Ferdinand the second And however it may be thought by some that after so many great and noble employments the Provost ship of Eaton was a place not considerable enough for a personage of his merit yet if we consider the sedateness of his temper and spirit he being of a speculative and quiescent disposition it seems to have been rather his own choice then any want of regard in those times to a man so highly deserving of the Commonwealth and consequently it appears that those weighty affairs he manag'd both at home and abroad with so much honour and reputation were rather the effects of his zeal to the service of his King and Country then of any aspiring or ambitious thoughts seeing he forsook the highest places of honour and profit which he merited at the hands of a great King for the more contenting enjoyments of a solitary and studious retirement Had he been never known unto the world until the publishing of his late works called Reliquiae Wottonianae there is in them contained that which may abundantly demonstrate how admirably he was accomplish'd both in the severer and politer Arts. Not to insist upon the many Elogiums deservedly fixt upon his fame by the most learned and judicious persons both Native and Forraign I shall only insert what the most vogu'd Poet of this age hath sung of his skill in Tongues He had so many Languages in store That only Fame can speak of him in more It were but needless therefore to premise any thing concerning these following discourses written by a person of such a known and celebrated worth but only this that by the high quality of his negotiations in soveraign Courts he had the greatest advantage that could be to feel the pulse of Government and make inspections into those Arcana Imperii those mysteries of State which he communicates here to the world in many choice and judicious Observations whereby the discerning Reader may be will acqnainted with the state of Europe and the interest dependencies and power of most Princes together with the occasions and motives of most of the Wars that hapned the last century whereof some came from slight quarrels for he tells you that Charls the Hardy Duke of Burgundy made a war for a Cart-load of Sheep-skins in which he breath'd his last With these Modern observations he intermingles many ancient passages both of Greeks and Romans which may much conduce to rectifie and enrich the understanding of the Reader The Contents of the Several Discourses I. THe Occasion of Sir Henry Wootton 's undertaking this Treatise p. 1. II. His Opinion both in general and particular concerning Princes their means and designs 5 III. That notwithstanding the Invasion of the Turks the Civil Wars among Christian Princes cease not 10 IV. That Princes aiding of Rebels is no new thing but hath been practised in former Ages 13 V. That it was not without just cause that the Flemmings rebelled against the king of Spain 16 VI. The several rebellions of the Frenchmen against their King and the causes thereof 19 VII The practises of Sejanus Pompey Crassus Piso and Curio with a comparison between the Duke of Guise and them and also other great Rebels 23 VIII That the Salique Law of France did not infringe the Title of former Kings of England to that Crown and the Frenchmens Objections concerning the same answered 29 IX That Kings have often dis-inherited their eldest sons and given their Kingdoms either to strangers or to their younger sons 37 X. Reasons why the Kings of England having a right to the Crown of France and having had so good success in former times in demanding of their right do not still continue to presecute their demands and the causes and means of their losing all France 42 45. XI How the Kings of Spain Came to arrive to this height of Power which they enjoy at present from so small a beginning 52 XII That the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily have been fatal to most Nations of Europe 54 XIII By what means the Spanish King obtained Naples and Navar. 58 XIV The Spanish King 's Title to the Kingdom of Portugal 59 XV. The Authors opinion concerning the claim of the several Competitors to the Crown of Portugal 60 XVI The Spanish King's Title to the Indies 61 XVII The Spanish Kings Title to Milan 62 XVIII The Spanish Kings Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy and how he retaineth all those States which he possesseth 63 XIX VVhat inconveniences Armies have bin subject to going far from home with the causes of Hannibal's ill fortune 69 XX. The manner of the king of Spain's dealing with the Turk 71 XXI The manner of the Spanish King 's proceeding with the French 73 XXII The Spanish King 's proceeding with the Princes of Germany 79 XXIII VV hat account the Spanish king maketh of the Princes Italy 80 XXIV Queen Elizabeth proved to be the most considerable enemy of the Spaniard 82 XXV Divers examples shewing that what God hath decreed cannot be prevented by any foresight of man 87 XXVI Queen Elizabeth justified in her attempts against Spain and Portugal 91 XXVII Several examples in what manner Princes have demeaned themselves toward those that have fled to them for succour 95 XXVIII That Princes have oft broken Leagues with their confederates upon occasion given or upon some
and Experience in Forraign Affairs 3 B BAgeus his Magnanimity and Resolution p. 161 162 Lords of Bearn heretofore of great power in France 37 The Duke of Bedford refuseth to meet the Duke of Burgundy 47 Bellemarine a Saracen marrieth the Daughter of Peter King of Spain and turneth Christian 140 Bernard King of Italy cruelly used by Lewis the Meek 163 Bernardin Mendoza the Spanish Ambassadour sent away not without just cause p. 211 His practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 212 213 He is compared to Richard Shaw and John Petit 189 Blemishes of divers great Captains p. 142 143 Brennus maketh war against the Romans 210 The Britans excuse the breach of their League with the Picts 99 The Duke of Britain refuseth to restore the Earl of Richmond to Edward the fourth and Richard the third 95 The Duke of Burgundy murthered by the Dolphin of France 38 Buchanan 's opinion concerning subjects taking up Arms against their Prince 202 203 C CAesar his prodigality in his youth p. 24 His four great Competitors ibid. His cunning practises to attain his greatness 25 The King of Calecut driveth the King of Cochin out of his Realm 95 Caligula 's cruelty 231 Caius Marius the Founder of Cities 5 Cambyses being jealous of his brother Smerdis murthereth him p. 89 The pattern of a cruel Governour 5 Campobasso forsakes the Duke of Burgundy in the fight against the Prince of Lorrain 253 Duke Casimire cometh into Flanders with an Army p. 155 A peace concluded between him and the French Ibid. Catholiques of England the Spaniards chief Enemies at the Invasion of eighty eight 218 Charls the Great the son of Fortune 5 Charls the fifth his policy to keep the Kingdom of Aragon p. 68 What Forces he had in his chief wars p. 121 122 His endeavour to subvert Luther and the Protestant Princes proves fruitless p. 224 225 His Civility to them afterwards p. 226 A deep Dissembler 252 253 Charls the sixth King of France his intention to invade England p. 190 The cause of his not proceeding falfly charg'd upon the Duke of Berry ibid. He is civilly treated by Henry the fift 34 Charls the seventh dis-inherited for his disobedience to his Father 36 37 Charls the eighth King of France his claim unto the Kingdom of Naples 56 Charls Prince of Tarento crown'd King of Sicily by Pope Clement 54 Charls Earl of Flanders cruelly murthered by rebels 124 Charls Duke of Burgundy slain by the treachery of Nicholas Campobasso 253 A brief Character of the chief Princes and States of Christendom 4 A Character of the Spanish Monarchy 84 85 Cinibaldo Ordelafi obtaineth the Cities of Furli and Cesena 53 Pope Clement favoured by the French against Pope Urban 54 Clement the seventh's practises against the Emperour Henry the fourth 177 Cleomenes his trechery toward Ptolomy King of Egypt 200 The Climate not the only proof of VVits 259 260 The King of Cochin harboureth the King of Calecut 's enemies 95 A Comparison between the Duke of Guise and other great Rebels of other Countries 23 26 27 Conrade the Emperour's Law the Emperours Law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 Conradin of Suavia vanquish'd and beheaded by Charls brother to the King of France 55 Constantinople taken in the time of Frederick the third 252 Contention about the Kingdom between Alphonsus of Castile and Garcias of Navar p. 135 Between Artobarzanes and Zerxes ibid. Between John Baliol and Robert Bruce of Scotland p. 136 A contention between Alonzo de Vargas and Julio Romero 116 Conversation allow'd between men of different opinions in Religion 130 132 133 Councels chosen to rectifie the mis-government of Princes 206 207 Cruel Governours the destruction of many brave Nations p. 126 And the occasion of sundry Rebellions 127 Cruelty of the French where they have the upper hand 34 35 Cyrus his Birth and Fortune p. 87 88 89 He is stiled the Father of Common People p. 5 His humanity to Astyages and to Croesus 200 D DAgobert leaveth the Kingdom of France to his youngest son Clouis p. 39. He commandeth all those of a different Religion to depart the Kingdom within a time limitted 129 Darius his policy in revenging the injury of Oretes 161 Signior Darrennes his commendation of Henry the third of France 170 Kings Deposed in several Nations 203 204 The Diet at Auspurgh a politique pretence of Charls the fifth 253 Dionysius the pattern of a Tyrant 5 Disobedience to Parents severely punished p. 40 The Disobedience of the Spanish Souldiers 116 Dissentions and troubles easily revived in France 261 262 The Dolphiny bequeathed to Philip de Valois 50 Dunorix spared by Caesar for his brother Divitiacus his sake 162 209 E EDward the third his success in France p. 10. He taketh his advantage to invade the Scots notwithstanding the League between them p. 98 He is favoured by the common people of Flanders against Philip de Valois 261 Edward the fourth's suspition of Henry Earl of Richmond p. 68 His politique proceedings to regain the Kingdom of England 221 Queen Elizabeth of England blamed for making a League with France and the United Provinces p. 3 The most considerable Enemy of the Spaniard p. 82 83 Her Vertues and Power extolled and compared wiâ—h the mightiest Princes of former ages 85. The attempts of many against her life p. 86 Her attempts against Spain and Portugal justified p. 91 93 Her assisting of Don Antonio justified p. 94 And her protection of the Low Countries p. 102 103 Her intercepting the Spanish money going into Flanders excus'd p. 105 The English Fugitives answer'd who charge her with the raising of new Subsidies and Taxes 183 Divers Emperours have admitted Haeretiques in their Realms to preserve quietness among their subjects 133 134 Embassadors justly slain upon some occasions 210 Enemies not suppressed but augumented by Caligula's cruelty 231 England 's Title to France how it came to be neglected p. 43 45 46 47 c. It s strength and security above other Nations p. 219 The last of the Romans Conquests 220 English Armies coming into France compared by du Haillan to wild Geese resorting to the Fens in winter 83 84 Englands possessions in Forraign parts 44 Ericus King of Norway demandeth the Kingdom of Scotland in right of his daughter 198 Duke Ernestus the fittest match for the King of Spain 's daughter 257 Escovedo 's murther censured p. 3 His credit greater upon the Burse of Antwerp then the King of Spain 's 112 The Duke of Espernon rendred suspected to the French King p. 157 He discovereth the practises of the Guises 165 Eude Earl of Paris made King of France instead of Charls the Son of Lewis 42 Eumenes his stratagem to preserve his life 65 The Excommunications of the Pope invalid 171 The Expences of divers Princes and States in their Wars and Buildings and other occasions 113 F FAbius Ambustus the Roman Ambassadour the occasion of the war between Brennus and the Romans 210 Fabius Maximus the
Buckler of the Commonwealth 5 Ferdinand King of Spain layeth claim unto the Kingdom of Naples p. 56 57 He excuseth the breach of the League between France and Spain p. 98 His ingratitude to Gonsalvo 238 Flanders distressed by plurality of Religions 6 Flemmings that they had just cause to rebel against Spain p. 16 17 The Flemmings and French more boldly then justly accused of rebellion 2 Earls of Foix heretofore of great power in France p. 37 The Earldom of Foix given to the Earl of Candale by the King of France 38 France divided into many opinions p. 6 France hath in former times rebelled against their Kings p. 19. The principal Kingdom of Europe for antiquity good Laws c. p. 19. Not subject to the Roman Empire p. 35 36. Hath been dispos'd of by Will and Testament as well as other Nations p. 35 36 Anciently divided into four Kingdoms p. 53 Cannot be lawfully Excommunicated by the Pope p. 248 249 France and England 195 Francis the first of France entreth into a League with the Turks 139 Francis Sforza is won by promises to take part with Philip Maria Duke of Milan 242 Frederick King of Naples entertained by Lewis the French king 95 Frederick Duke of Austria unlawfully chosen to the Empire 251 The Emperours Frederick the second and the third oppose the Pope and are excommunicated p. 174 Frederick the third freed from the Castle of Vienna by George king of Bohemia 252 The French king's prodigality in spending the Revenues of the Crown excus'd p. 168 His imputed wantonness proceeded from corrupt education 169 G GAleotto Malatesta made Lord of Armino Pescaro and Fano by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Gantois rebel against Lewis the last Earl of Flanders p. 229 They take Bruges and put the Earl to flight 230 Gargoris king of Crete his several cruelties to his Grandchild Atis 89 90 Gaston Lord of Bearn maketh the Earl of Foix his sole Heir 37 Gavel-kind a Law peâ—uliar but to some parts of Kent 29 Germany pestered with sundry religions 6 A German Writer's testimony alleg'd concerning the vices of Mary Queen of Scots 190 191 Geytel de Veronio hath la Marca given him by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Golden Bull forbiddeth the choosing of above four Emperours in one House 254 Gonsalvo beateth the French out of Naples 57 Government strangely interchanged amongst several Nations 9 The Government of the Low Countries taken upon him by the Duke of Alenson 106 Great to whom given as an attribute or Sir-name 8 Guicciardine as well a Lawyer as Historian 30 Guido Earl of Flanders denied his liberty by the King of France 123 Guido Polenti made Duke of Camerino by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Duke of Guise chief head of the Leaguers in France p. 20 His proceedings and policies p. 21 His subtle practices against the French King p. 157 He is murthered in the Kings presence 158 The Guisards of France condemned of ambition and treason p. 140 141 The probability of their ruine p. 144 145 Their rash proceedings after the Duke's death p. 146 147 Their accusations of the French King refuted 151 152 H HAnnibal the pattern of an expert General p. 5. His praise p. 69 His oversights ibid. He fights the Romans with a very inferiour number 78 Harold 's injuries to William Duke of Normandy the occasion of his invading England 220 221 The Emperour Henry the third restoreth Peter King of Hungary his enemy to his Kingdom 95 Henry the second King of England his humiliation to the Pope for the death of Thomas Becket 180 Henry the third King of England sollicited by the Pope to aid him against Conrade the King of Sicily p. 55. 56 His complaint against Pope Innocent to the General Councel at Lyons 180 181 Henry the fifth King of England his Title to the Crown of France p. 29 The Frenchmens objections answered p. 30 31 32 c. His success in France 10 Henry Base Brother to Peter King of Castile aided by the Kings of France and Portugal p. 15 He driveth his Brother from the Kingdom 60 61 Henry Earl of Richmond recovereth the Kingdom of England 221 222 Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour his eyes plucked out by William King of Sicily 209 Sr Henry Cobham 's opinion concerning Henry the third King of France 189 170 Hephestion the pattern of a faithful Counsellor 5 Herculâ—s the Chastiser of Tyrants and Defender of the weak and helpless 108 Hugh Capet by what means he attained the Crown of France p. 25. His practises imitated by the Duke of Guise 150 Hugh Pudley Bishop of Durham his great riches 185 The Hugonots subversion endeavoured by the Guisards 158 165 I AJacobin Fryar murthereth King Henry the third of France 159 Jamâ—s king of Aragon and Sicily leavâ—h his kingdoms to his second Son Alphonsus 39 James Prince of Scotland detained prisoner by Henry the first king of England 209 Jealousie the overthrow of divers great Princes 238 Imbert leaves the Dolphiny to Philip de Valois 50 The great Injuries done by the House of Austria to other Princes 254 255 Interviews between Princes many times dangerous 209 Joan Queen of Sicily adopteth Lewis of Anjou 54 John king of England first an enemy afterwards reconciled to the Pope p. 178. He enjoyeth all the Benefices Bishopricks and Abbeys of his Realm p. 187 He is questioned by the French king for the death of his Nephew Arthur p. 199 And forfeits his Estates in France for not appearance 199 John Balliol 's Title to Scotland preferred before Robert Bruce by Edw. the first king of England 196 The Italian Princes hardly able to help the Spaniard 138 Pope Julius cited by the Colledge of Cardinals to appear at the Councel of Pisa 206 Justifiers of bad causes for gain or bribery 189 Justinian the Emperour his ingratitude to Narses 238 K KEmitius king of Scotland by what means he prevailed with his Nobles to fight against the Picts 50 L LAdiflaus king of Hungary dissembleth his grief for the murthering of the Earl of Cilia 161 A League with Turks more allowable then with the Guisards of France p. 140 141 Leagues may be broken upon just cause given p. 98 And are usually broken upon advantages p. 98 99 101 The League between the Pope Spain and Venetian against the Turk 137 The Leaguers in France their proceedings and policy 19 Lewis the Meek his war against Bernard king of Italy unjust p. 28 His cruel usage of him 163 Lewis Do-nothing deposed by the Nobles of France 41 Lewis Oultremer condemned for his discurtesie to Richard Duke of Normandy 97 Lewis the Emperour his humanity to Frederick his Competitor 200 Lewis the eleventh king of France payeth a yearly revenue to the king of England and his Counsellors p. 43 he chose rather to satisfie the demands of his Nobles then to hazard a war with his subject 236 Lewis king of Bohemia brought up by the Marquess of Brandenburgh in all kind of delights 169
Lewis Prince of France repuls'd from England with dishonour 217 Lewis of Anjou adopted by Joan queen of Sicily 54 Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan maketh use of an Army of Turks 139 Lewis Adolistz hath the Cities of Faenza and Imola conferr'd upon him by the Emperour 53 The Low Countries a considerable advantage to the king of Spain 123 M MAhomet how he grew to the credit and reputation of a God 50 Manlius being in trouble the Romans put on mourning weeds 5 Marcus Aurelius leaveth the Empire to his son Commodus unwillingly 39 Marcus Coriolanus reconciled to the Senate of Rome by the mediation of his wife and mother p. 1 His death bewailed ten moneths by the Roman Dames p. 5 His reconcilement to his Country proposed to the Guises for imitation 148 Marcus Marcellus the Sword of the Country 5 The Marquess of Mantua won by promises to take part with the Duke of Milan 242 The Marquess of Pescara hardly disswaded from siding with Charls the fifth The Marquess of Villona rebelleth against the king of Aragon and is aided by Alonzo of Portugal 16 Martin Scala made Lord of Verona and Vincenza by the Pope 53 Mary Queen of Scots her practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 107 Several arguments made in her behalf by her friends p. 191 Answered p. 192 193 c. Masistias death greatly bewailed by the Persians 5 Matthew king of Hungary striveth for precedency with Ladislaus of Bohemia 195 Maximinus his great strength 231 The Duke of Mayne displeased with his brother the Duke of Guise 's proceedings p. 22 He and the Marquess du Pont Competitors 146 The Country of Mayne quitted by the king of England 45 Menemus Agrippa's discreet Oration appeaseth the rage of the common people 235 Merouingians Charlemains and Capets the three races of the French kings 36 Monastical Lives voluntarily assumed by divers Princes 215 The Murthering of the Duke of Guise excused 160 161 162 c. N NAtions have their several qualities according to the Climate they inhabite 9 The Nature of the Italian and Spanish Souldiers 114 Navar conquered by the King of Spain p. 58 A member of the Kingdom of France 59 New exactions cause rebellion in the place where they are levied 6 Pope Nicholas the third useth all means to diminish the French King's power 276 247 Mr de la Noves opinion concerning the strength of the French King 77 O THe Obizes and Estentes made Dukes of Ferrara by the Pope 53 Olaus and Eustus kill the Ambassadour of Malcolm King of Scots 209 Open Enemies less dangerous to Princes then deceitful friends 106 Othagarius King of Bohemia refuseth the Empire p. 249 The Electors offer it to Rodolph Master of his Palace ibid. Othagar maketh war against him and is slain by reason of Milotas trechery 251 Otho the third the wonder of the world 5 Otho Duke of Saxony subdueth Berengarius and is made Emperour 173 Otho 's law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 The Oversight of the King of France after the murthering of the Duke of Guise 145 P THe Duke of Parma politiquely diverted from claiming his right in Portugal 68 Pope Paul the third's distaste against the Emperour Charls the fifth 100 101 The Persians poll themselves and their Beasts for the death of their King Masistias 5 The Marquess of Pescara disswaded from following Charls the fifth 243 Philip the long bestoweth upon the Duke of Burgundy the County of Burgundy 29 Pipin 's politique designs to gain the Crown of France 26 Pius quintus entreth into a League with Philip of Spain and the Venetians against the Turk 137 Poictou quitted by the King of England 45 Poland infected with sundry heresies p. 6 The kingdom of Poland after much entreaty accepted by the French king Henry the third p. 151 152 The Polanders chuse another king in his absence 154 The Pope 's power small at the beginning p. 172 By what means advanced to such a height p. 172 173 c. He flies to the king of France for aid against the Lombards p. 173 A perpetual sower of dissention between the princes of Christendom p. 177 A procurer of much bloodshed in France and England p. 178 179 Not able to yeild the Spaniard any great help 137 Portugal how it cometh of right to belong unto the kingdom of Spain p. 59. The several Competitors for that kingdom p. 60 The Author's opinion concerning this claim 60 A Prerogative belonging to Princes to sit Iudge in their own causes 213 Pride of the House of Austria by what means it might be pull'd down 255 The Prince of Conde and the King of Navar joyn with Duke Casimir 155 Princes degenerating from their Ancestors may easily be driven from their Crowns p. 6 Princes ought to submit to the observance of their own laws p. 41 They ought to revenge injuries done to private subjects p. 163 Princes of small jurisdiction as absolute as those of greater 164 The Prodigality of divers Emperours 168 Publique Declarations the usual means of promoting or justifying any designe 241 Q QUarrels with Neighbour Princes to be composed before new enterprises are undertaken 216 R REbels favoured and maintained by Princes of other Nations 13 15 Rebellions upon what small occasions they have broke out 239 Richard the first ransomed by the Clergie and Commonalty of England p. 5. He is taken prisoner by Leopold Archduke of Austria 208 Richard the third's suspicion of Henry Earl of Richmond 68 Robert King of France leaveth his Kingdom to his second Henry 39 Robert Rudolphy his practises against Queen Elizabeth at the suggestion of Spain and Rome 106 107 Rodolph of Hapspurgh bestows the Kingdom of Austria upon his son Albert p. 53 He obtaineth the Empire by cunning p. 249 Divers great Competitors at the same time p. 249 He resigneth the Exarchat of Italy to the Pope 254 Romans in enlarging their Dominions what colourable pretences they had p. 15 Courted or feared by all other Princes or States p. 64 65 Their many and mighty victories 74 75 Romulus his policy to augment the City of Rome 65 S THe Salique Law belonged only to Salem a Town in Germany where it was made p. 29 No lawful pretence to exclude Edward the third and Henry the fifth from the Crown of France 28 29 The Earl of Salisbury 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 Sardanapalus the pattern of a lecherous and effeminate Prince 5 The Saxons and Danes conquer England rather by subâ—ilty then force 220 Scipio the pattern of a chaste Captain 5 The Scots and Picts invade Britain in the absence of Maximinian 98 Sejanus his greatness and authority under the Emperour Tiberius 23 Servilius judgeth gentle means the best to appease the peoples rage 233 Sigibert eldest son of Dagobert contented with the small Kingdom of Austrasie 39 Sir-names given to Princes upon several occasions p. 8 The Sir-name and Title of a God given to Demetrius by the Athenians 5 Wicked or foolish Sons succeed wise
and good Fathers 7 The Soveraignty of the Kings of England over Scotland proved by Records p. 195 The Scots objections answered 197 Spain 's large Dominions abroad how it became united with the House of Austria 54 The Spaniard 's policy commended and admired p. 2 The Spaniard censured p. 3 The Spaniards and French compared with the Romans and Carthaginians p. 76 The designs of the Spaniard against the person and state of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 By what means his power may be diministed p. 240 241 Oftner conquered then any Nation of Europe p. 219 The twelve Kingdoms of Spain united in Ferdinand and Isabel 54 The Spanish King's Title to the Indies p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Milan p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy p. 63 By what means he preserveth his Dominions p. 63 His proceedings with the Turk p. 71 With the French King p. 73 With the Princes of Germany p. 79 With the Pope p. 80 With the Venetians and the rest of the Princes of Italy p. 81. With the Queen of England p. 82 Supposed more strong and wealthy then he really is p. 111 His Errours in Governing the Low-Countries p. 125 His League with the Guisards condemned p. 136 137 140 141 His intention to invade England proved vain and indiscreet p. 171 172 c. His light credit to the false reports of English Fugitives p. 171 183 The Tyranny and Cruelty of his Government 237 The Count of Saint Paul proclaimed Traytor by Lewis the eleventh 165 Subjects frame their lives and manners to the example of their Princes 8 Subsidies and Taxes levied by former King of England 184 185 186 Succour refus'd to divers Princes out of politique interests 96 Suchin made Vicount of Milan by Pope Benedict the twelfth 52 The Earl of Surry 's resolute answer to the Iudges 184 Switzers defrauded of a debt due from France p. 42 To what height they are grown from a low beginning 260 T TEacha Queen of Slavonia causeth a Roman Ambassadour to be slain 209 Temporal Princes to intermeddle in spiritual affairs 182 Theodorick the first of France deposed by the States of the Realm 41 Theseus his policy to augment the City of Athens 65 Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury slain by four Assassinates 179 180 Titus the delight and love of the people 5 Towns not well inhabited a main cause of penury among the Inhabitants 6 Trajan the pattern of a good Emperour 5 The Treason of the Duke of Bourbon renders him odious to a Spanish Grandee p. 139 He is proclaimed Traytor by Francis the first 165 Turain quitted by the King of England 45 The Turks aid implored by divers Christian Princes 139 The Turkish Monarchy strengthned by the divisions between France and Spain p. 2 And by the sloth and amâ—bition of Princes and States in several ages 11 12 V VAsoeus his immoderate commendations of Spain refuted 118 119 The Venetians break their League with the Spaniards upon the not delivering of Brescia 100 J. Viennensis his faâ—se relation of Scotland to Charls the sixth King of France 189 190 The Violent proceedings of the Catholique Princes against the Protestants p. 226 227 Makes their party so much the stronger 227 228 The Virgin of Orleans her proceeding in France 49 50 Pope Urban gives the Kingdom of Sicily and Dukedoms of Pulia and Calabria unto Charls Earl of Argiers and Provence p. 53 Afterwards to Lewis K. of Hungary 55 The Duke of Urbin and Andrea Doria take part with Charls upon hopes of preserment 242 243 W WArs waged upon very slight occasions p. 147 148 Upon Injuries offered to prevent greater mischiefs 148 The Earl of Warwick 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 William K. of Sicily plucketh out the eyes of Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour 209 William Gonzaga made Lord of Mantua and Rezzo by the Pope 53 Womens Rule and Government rare 〈◊〉 Cardinal Wolfey 's power with Henry the eight the French King and the Emperour p. 43 His policy in entertaining Henry the eight with all delights 189 Z THe Zeal of the French king to the Roman Catholique Religion 151 160 Table to the Supplement ANtonio Peres forsaketh Spain to live in England p. 1 He writeth a Book called The Fragment of History ibid. He imparteth the transactions between John de Austria and the Pope and Duke of Guise unto the K. of Spain p. 3 He poysoneth Escovedo ibid. Aragonian kings subject to the constitutions of the Country 21 22 c. THe Duke of Britany commandeth Bavilion to murther the Constable of France 10 C CArdinal de Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 Clisson high Constable of France preserved by Bavilion 10 Craesus spared by Cambyses his servants who were commanded to kill him 11 The Prince of Conde an enemy to the Duke of Guise 's party p. 28 He turneth Protestant and freeth Charls the ninth out of prison D THe Danish King not to make war without consent of the States 21 The Pope's Delegate in some cases above the Popes Legate 11 Diego de Meneses unjustly executed by the Spanish King 27 E THe Emperor may be convented by his own subjects before the Pope 25 Escovedo made Secretary to Don John de Austria in the room of John de Soto p. 2 The Duke returning from Spain leaves Escovedo 〈◊〉 him where he is poisoned p. 3 Several questions cleared concerning this fact 4 5 F THe French King deserved to lose his Crown for the murther of the Guises 13 G GHilmesa freeth Antonio Peres out of prison 4 The Duke of Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 H HArpagus saveth Cyrus notwithstanding Astyages his command 11 Hector Pinto a Fryar poysoned by the Souldiers of Castile 27 Henry Perera unlawfully executed by the Spanish King 27 I IAmes de Moronack beaten to death with Souldiers 27 Indignities offered by subjects to their Princes no unusual thing 22 The Inquisition used against all sorts of offenders as well as heretiques 23 John de Soto Secretary to John de Austria p. 2 John de Escovedo put in his room 2 Don John de Austria concludeth a great League of friendship with the Duke of Guise 3 L LAws to be observed by Princes as well as Subjects 21 22 M MOntmorency and Chastilian take part with Vendosm and Conde against the Guises p. 28 Montmorency made Constable of France ibid. N THe Names of several plotters against the life of Q. Elizabeth 23 De la Nuca executed by Alonzo de Vargas at the command of the King Of Spain 16 O OAths not grounded upon a just cause bind not 24 P PEdro Escovedo accuseth Antonio Perez of his fathers death 3 4 Perjury excludeth a man from all preferment 18 The Polish King not to make war without leave of the States 21 The Pope plotteth to make Don John of Austria King of England p. 2 Next to make him King of Tunis ib. Princes deposed or excommunicated for Murther p. 14 15
be a Heretick a Waster of his Revenues a Lover of dishonest women a Murderer of the Duke and Cardinal of Guise and a Prince neither able nor worthy to govern so great and mighty a Kingdom as France I heard the Spaniards attempts and enterprises against England justified because our Queen was excommunicated her people not able nor willing to help and succour her her Subjects overcharged with unaccustomed Subsidies our Forces not sufficient to encounter with his strength and our Realm easie to be subdued by Forraigners I heard again some men condemn the Spaniard of great folly for ruling the Low Countries by strangers for not granting liberty of conscience unto his Subjects in those Countries for taking upon him to enforce them to alter and change their Religion for intending to reduce all Protestants to the ancient profession of Papistry for aiding the Leaguers in France and for attempting to make himself Monarch of the world I heard some think it a thing impossible to subvert him others suppose it to be a very easie matter to overthrow him and many desirous to know the means how to weaken him I heard the tumults of Aragon diversly construed the murder of Escovedo sundry wayes censured and the proceedings against Antonio Perez justified by some and condemned by others To be short I heard many say more then I can well and readily remember and yet not so much as I can be content to hear in praise of my Countrey and in disgrace of Spain in commendation of our Princess and in dispraise of the Spaniard in allowance and approbation of all her actions and in reprehension of all or most part of his Enterprises These things were in substance all that I heard some to my comfort and others to my grief And if in clearing all these things you will vouchsafe me your paines I will warrant your return within a very short while after that you shall have sent me your Treatise Your credit with Cardinal Allen your acquaintance with Morgan your Friendship with Thomas Throgmorton your conversation with Charles Pagett and your long experience in forraign affairs hath undoubtedly enabled you to give me a full satisfaction to all these demands If you run through them lightly you shall rather point at them then please me If you dwell upon them long you may fear to be thought too tedious And yet because you have leisure enough to handle them at large I shall take great delight to see and read them somewhat largely handled Such was his speech and this my short reply In hope of performance of your promise I will undertake your task not because I take my self able to answer your expectation but to shew you that I will hazard my poor credit to recover my dear Countrey and because I trust you will use my labours for your instruction and not to my discredit You may be instructed if you read them advisedly and I discredited if you make them common To be short with assurance of his secrecy I undertook his task if he shall hold his promise I shall think my labours well bestowed if they may procure my return I shall have employed my pains to my contentment And if my pains may pleasure and satisfie the Readers their satisfaction shall double my joyes when I shall attain safe and free access unto the long desired place of my Nativity The singular affection which you bear unto me and the great good opinion which unworthily you have conceived of me have greatly deceived you in making especial choice of me as of one better able then any other of your wise and discreet friends to deliver unto you a sound and sure Judgment of the present Estate of Christendome You see Flanders in trouble France in Arms Scotland in division and the whole remainder of the universal Christian world either as Neutrals idly looking and gazing on their miseâ—ries or as men interessed in the same cause voluntarily ayding and abetting them or their enemies This sight seemeth unto you very strange because that professing one Christ Crucified fighting under one Master and bearing the general name of Christians they give occasion unto the professed enemy of Christianity by taking advantage of their unnatural dissention to to enlarge his already too large Confines and Territories In truth you have some cause to marvel hereat But if it may please you to remember That things in common are commonly neglected that perils which be far off and not presently imminent are little regarded That dangers which are at hand and hang dayly over our heads carry us away with their due confideration from the vigilant care and providence which we ought to have of common Enormities And lastly that this careless negligence or the common Adversary is no new thing but a matter of great Antiquity and long continuance You will leave to wonder thereat and begin to prâ—y unto the Almighty as I do to remove the Causes of our unnatural 〈◊〉 to change the minds of our malicious Christians and to illuminaâ—e the hearâ—s of our lawful Princes that they may with the eyes of Indifferency and 〈…〉 upon the calamity of their loving Subjects Consider the cause 〈…〉 thereof consult upon the ways and means to redress the 〈…〉 deliberation put in present practise those remedies 〈…〉 and singular Wisdom shall seem most meet and convenien◠〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 but silly Ship-Boys in this huge Vessel tossed with the raging Waves of 〈◊〉 unmerciful Seas We may look upon the Masters behold the Pilots â—nd be ready at the Call and Command of the other Officers and this is all that we can do and who so looketh for more at our hands erreth as much in your Opinion as you are deceived in your Choice But the Interest which you have in me and the hopes which I conceive of you make me rather to hazard my poor Credit then to incur your heavy Displeasure You may and I hope you will conceal or excuse my follies but I would not and God forbid I should deserve the least diminution that may be of your accustomed favours towards me In hope therefore of your Secresie I will boldly enter into this Tragical Discourse The chief Actors whereof are The mighty Monarch of Spain The merciful Queen of England The unfortunate Don Antonio of Portugal The valiant King of France The Imperious Prelate of Rome The sleeping and secure States of Germany The Politique and Grave Senate of Venice And the weak but wise Princes of Italy Spain coveteth more then his own Portugal and France would gladly recover their own Rome and England labour and indeavour only to conserve and maintain their own Germany feareth not the peril that is far off Venice temporizeth wisely and the rest of Italy sheweth an outward affection to him that is mightiest but inwardly wisheth his weakness and the good and prosperous success of his Adversaries This is in brief the open and hidden Idea of the present Estate of Christendome wherein the
short time Both ours and the French Histories agree in this Point That either in or immediately after the happy and prosperous Reign of Henry the fifth we flourished and possessed most in France and lost all or most part of all in the time of his Son Henry the sixth The ways how this came to pass were many I have reduced them unto four and twenty the least of every of which was and hath been enough to lose whole Estates and Kingdom not gotten by Conquests which are easily recovered but descending by Inheritance which are hardly lost The first Cause of our loss of whatsoever King Henry the fifth had gotten in France was the death of King Charls the sixth for when he was dead many of the French Nobility which before either for fear of the English puissance or for the love which they bore unto King Charls favoured and furthered our part revolted from us unto the Dolphin his dis-inherited Son and it is usual in Factions the head of one side being dead or suppressed the residue be so weakned or feared that either all or the most part either fly unto their Adversaries or else make their peace with them with as reasonable conditions as they can possibly as was seen by the death of Pompey whose Adherents fled unto Caesar or sought his favour after their principal Ring-leader and Guide was slain The second Cause was the sparkles of sedition and strife which began betwixt us and the Duke of Burgundy our principal Aider and Abettor who was highly discontented with us because that Humphry Duke of Glocester either blinded with ambition or doting with the love of the Lady Iaquet sole Heir unto the County of Holland had married her notwithstanding that her Husband Iohn Duke of Brabant and Brother to the Duke of Burgundy was then living The third Cause was the liberty of Iames King of Scotland who being Ransomed with courtesie and having sworn Loyalty unto the young King Henry the sixth was no sooner in his own Country then he forgot his Oath and allyed himself with the French King The fourth was the Revolt and departure of the Duke of Britany and his Brother from us unto the French King The fifth Cause was the dissention betwixt the Bâ—shop of Winchester and the Duke of Glocester who governed the young King for appeasing whereof the Duke of Bedford Regent of France was called home The sixth the liberty of the Duke of Alancon who being Ransomed in the Regents absence did greatly strengthen the Dolphins power The seventh the death of the Earl of Salisbury and of the worthiest and most fortunate Captain that ever England bred at Orleans After whose decease the English good and prosperous fortune presently began to decline The eighth was the refusal of the Duke of Bedford to suffer Orleans to yeild to the Duke of Burgundy Of which refusal there proceeded two great inconveniencies The one That they of Orleans offering to yeild themselves unto the said Duke because they held it less dishonourable to yeild unto a Frenchman then unto an English Prince although it were to the behalf and use of the King of England and seeing their offer refused grew as many both before and since have done upon the like occasion so wilful obstinate and desperate that we could never get their Town but suffered great losses in laying and continuing our Siege thereat a very long time and indured such shame by departing thence without taking the same that even until this day as I saw of late years my self they yearly celebrate this day as Festival to our great dishonour whereon they compelled us to withdraw thence our overwearied and bootless Forces The other That the Duke of Burgundy thinking by this refusal that we envyed his Honour too much who had rather lose a Town of such strength and importance as Orleans was then to suffer it to yeild unto him although it were as I have said to our own use and advantage began by little and little to remove his affection and unfeigned friendship and furtherance from us The ninth The often conveying of Forces out of England into Holland and in succour of the Duke of Glocester against the Duke of Brabant who as mortal enemies warred one upon the other for the cause above mentioned and also into Bohemia by the Bishop of Winchester for the Pope Martin who intended to make a Conquest of Bohemia The tenth The Dolphins policy who refused divers times to put tryal of his cause to the hazard of a Battel The eleventh The mistrust and jealousie which the Regent had of the Parisians for fear of whose wavering and unconstant minds a fault whereto they have always been greatly subject the said Regent left divers times very good and advantagious occasions to fight with the Dolphin and return to Paris The twelfth The variance and strife betwixt the Duke of Bedford then Regent and the Cardinal of Winchester proceeding of this cause especially for that the Cardinal presumed to command the Regent to leave off that name during the Kings being in France affirming the chief Ruler being present the Authority of the substitute to cease and to be derogate The thirteenth The death of the Dutchess of Bedford Sister unto the Duke of Burgundy with whom dyed the true friendship between the two Dukes The fourteenth The foolish pride of the Duke of Bedford who coming from Paris of purpose to St Omers a Town belonging to the Duke of Burgundy and appointed and chosen a convenient place for them to meet and end all contentions betwixt them both thought that the Duke of Burgundy should have come to his Lodging to have visited him first as Son Brother and Uncle unto Kings And the Duke of Burgundy being Lord of that place would not vouchsafe him that Honour but offered to meet him half way which the Duke of Bedford refusing they departed the Town discontented and without seeing one another and never after saw and conâ—erred together The fifteenth The Duke of Burgundy displeased with this occasioâ— and won partly by the outcries of his own people overwearied with wars and partly by the general councel held at Arras for the according and agreeing of the two Kings joineth with the French King The sixteenth The death of the Duke of Bedfore who being a man throughly acquainted with the humors and wars of France by reason of his long continuance in the one and conversation with the other died the fourteenth year of Henry the 6. his Reigne and presently after many French Noblemen and worthy Souldiers who followed the said Duke with-drew themselves from the English Faction The seventeenth The Duke of York his Successors so long stay in England occasioned by the malice of the Duke of Somerset that before his coming into France Paris and many other good Towns of France had yeilded unto the Dolphin The eighteenth The sending over but of hundreds yea of scores where before thousands were sent to keep
only true and faithful unto him but also so discreet and wise that they both foresee and prevent all occasions of rebellion These Governours have their eyes alwaies open and watching not only over the Subjects committed to their charge in holding them low and in continual fear of severe punishment for every small offence but also over the Princes which confine with the Governments in keeping them from all opportunities of invading their States These Governours are assisted by grave and wise Counsel by whose advice they are directed in matters of great weight These Governours are accompanied by many under-officers who are employed in gathering such intolerable taxes as are layed upon the common people upon which officers the fault is layed if any offence be taken against the extremity of the taxes and somtimes the Governour upon complaint made unto him if no excuse can pacifie the complainants mitigateth the rigour of the exactions or sendeth them unto his and their king for relief and remedy who if he shall see no other way to content them or to continue and contain them within the bounds of their wonted obedience yeildeth somwhat to their petition and so laying the blame either upon the necessity of the time or the extremity of his expences or the severity of their officers dischargeth himself of the fault which was imputed unto him and sendeth the Petitioners away in some measure well pleased and satisfied But I shall have occasion to handle this point more largely in another place when I shall speak of such exactions as were levied in particular estates in this our age And therefore reserving the residue of that which I have to say for that place I will proceed in declaring unto you other means which the Spaniard useth for preservation of his Estates in peace in quietness and in dutiful obedience It is written that his Father Charls the fifth fearing that Ferdinando Duke of Calabria and the only remainder of Ferdinando late King of Aragon might in time find some friends to help him or his issue if he should so marry that he might have any to the Crown and Kingdom of Aragon married him unto Germana widow unto the said Ferdinando but barren and past children reaping of this marriage two benefits and both of great weight and consequence For whereas the said Duke by refusing the Crown when it was offered him by the people and by perswading them to accept and receive the same Charls for their King had made the Emperour somwhat beholden unto him he did not only seem in some measure to recompence that good turn by honouring him with the marriage of a Queen but also he assured that Kingdom unto himself and his heirs by bestowing a barren wife upon him who was rightful heir thereunto and by that marriage was utterly disabled to have any lawful Issue The Spaniard not by mariage but by employment of the late Duke of Parma in such wars as were somwhat pleasing and answerable to his humour kept him alwaies so busied that he could never attend to the conquest of Portugal which of right belonged unto his Son rather then unto the King of Spain And as the Emperour rather deprived the above-named Ferdinando by giving him a barren wife of all possibility to have any lawful issue and so consequently of all earnest desire to recover that Kingdom which should end in himself for want of a childe to whom it might descend So the Spanish King deprived the said Dukes son of all hope to recover his right in Portugal by procuring and counselling him to match in such a Family as never can be able to yeild him any competent aid for the recovery of his said right Again it is written of Richard the third and also of Edward the fourth Kings of England that they both fearing lest that Henry Earl of Richmond who lived in exile with the Duke of Britany by whom he was only sustained and succoured might in process of time find some Friends at home or purchase the favour of some Forraign Prince abroad to help him to recover the Crown of England whereunto he always laid claim did seek all means possible to have the said Earl delivered unto them by the Duke but they could never prevail and therefore never lived secure or assured of their Estate And Richard the third according as he doubted was deprived of his Royal Dignity by the said Earl In like manner the Spaniard hath sought all ways possible to have Don Antonio delivered unto him and hath made him divers great and fair offers of great livings and dignities if he would return into his Country and acknowledging him for King live under his obedience but he could never prevail and God knoweth to what end it hath pleased the Almighty to preserve and reserve the said Don Antonio from many great and almost inevitable dangers and hazards of his life He is not now so low so poor so bare so destitute of all friends so void of all hope but that Henry Earl of Richmond was in all degrees and measure of need and poverty equal unto him It is an infallible rule in policy that no Usurper hath any firm hold or strong assurance of his Estate as long as any pretending right thereunto liveth but the Spaniard hath sufficiently foreseen and provided for any manner of harm or detriment that may arise unto him or unto any of his by Don Antonio or by his children For as the loss of the Battel at Canna deferred the Victories that Hannibal might have had against the Romans and his abode at Capua where his Souldiers learned to be effâ—minate and forgot to be right Souldiers took away all hope to subdue the Romans so the overthrow received by Dâ—n Antonio within his own Kingdom when he was possessed thereof made it very difficult for him to re-gain or recover the same And the late repulse taken at Lisbona when he was before the Town with the small and weak Forces of England hath put him out of all hope to attain his purpose And yet it is held for a sure and most sound opinion by many martial men that not with much great strength then he had then from hence it would be an easie enterprise to recover that Kingdom which opinion I list not to controll for that men of my profession may not conveniently contend with Souldiers especially in matters concerning martial affairs And yet I fear me that if any second enterprise should be attempted against Portugal with an English Army of greater strength of better provision of sounder bodâ—es and of more convenient furniture then the last was the Commanders of such an Army should be subject to no less inconveniencies then the other was and so long as those incommodities are found in an Army so long the like success as hapned unto the first will follow the latter You seldom hear or have read of any Army that went far from home that hath not been subject unto
by the on-set which he gave upon France and by the great Power and Authority which he had even then in Italy that he went about to make himself Lord of the most part of the world And seeing that Francis the first King of France had lately won Milan from the said Emperour they entred into League with the French King against Charls the fifth as secretly as they might possible You have heard before how Leo the tenth taking the kindness shewed unto him by the Emperour at the Diet of Worms very kindly was moved thereby to leave the French party and to become one of the Emperours Faction Now you shall hear how Pope Paulus the third having the Cardinal Farnesius for his Embassadour with the said Emperour and finding that his Majesty had proclaimed a Diet to be held at Wormes touching the deciding of certain matters and controversies of Religion took it in so evil a part that the Emperour would intermeddle with the hearing of spiritual causes the cognizance whereof belonged unto the Pope that he commanded the said Cardinal to depart from the Emperors Court without taking leave of his Majesty and to leave the Cardinal Marcello Corvino in his place which was an indignity never offered unto any Prince unto whom either the Embassadour or his Majesty bear any love or affection This evil conceit of the said Paulus Tertius towards the same Emperour was encreased by three special Causes The first because the Emperour to strengthen himself against the above named French King had lately entred into League and Alliance with Henry the eighth King of England who was then fallen from that obedience which the See of Rome looked for at his hands The second because Caesar had so quickly forgotten the wrong done unto his Aunt lately divorced from the same King The third because the Emperor would neither sell unto him the Dukedom of Milan nor make his Son Pier Lewis Duke of Parma and Placentia I might proceed in the recital of many other Examples like unto these but from these you may sufficiently gather that the wisest both Popes Emperors and Kings that ever lived of late years have made it a matter of small or no conscience to break their Leagues for very small occasions especially if they found that any King or Emperour by reason of their League presuming to finde no resistance able to withstand his intent and purpose went about to incroach upon other Princes and to make himself Lord of the world You may also perceive by the mutability and inconstancy of the Princes of Italy and of their falling from France to Spain and again from Spain to France how greatly they fear the greatness of the one or the other in Italy how ready they have been to supplant him that waxeth great amongst them and how careless negligent and secure they are now since they notwithstanding not as their predecessors always did before them the aspiring Ambition of the Spaniard Moreover these Examples may teach you what opinion was conceived of Charls the fifth what jealousie and suspition other Princes had of him and what an high and aspiring mind he carryed The which having left as an Inheritance to his Son with a number of precepts forged in so dangerous and ambitious a conceipt no marvel though he do somewhat imitate his Father But great marvel it is why the Princes of our Age do not foresee and fear in him the same minde the same desire the same ambition and the same purposes which were in his Father But the more careless other Princes are herein the more commendations our Gracious Soveraign deserveth who for better then these thirty five years hath as I have said often and cannot say too often mightily crossed his endeavours without the help of any other that ever would vouchsafe to joyn with her Majestie in so honorable an Action Neither may it be imputed to her Highness as a fault that she hath forgotten the ancient league which was betwixt the house of Burgundie and her Predecessors but rather as he amongst private men is highly commended who forsaketh his dearest friends in their unjust causes and when they go about to oppress and overthrow their Neighbours so her gracious Majestie is worthy of everlasting praise and fame because it hath pleased her Highness to prefer the justice and equitie of good causes before the iniquity of any League or confederacie Besides since that the League that was betwixt England and Burgundy was as it may be gathered by the Chronicles of both Nations rather with the people subject unto the Princes of Burgundy then with the Princes themselves her Majestie continuing in Amitie with the States and People of the United Provinces and being ready to do the like if the like occasion were offered with the other of the seventeen Provinces doth not any thing in the prejudice of the Antiquitie of that League but as her Predecessors have done before her as namely Edward the third and Richard the second her Majestie hath thought it meet and convenient to stand with the poor and afflicted people against the unkind and unnaturall crueltie and oppression of their Soveraign The which action being most commendable and such as might be approved by infinite Examples they do her Highness great wrong who not considering the indignities wrongs and injuries done unto her by the late house of Spaine and not remembring the first occasion of displeasure between the Crowns of England and Spain to have risen from Spain blame her Majesty as the first breaker of that ancient League These men besides many other things which are already refuted or remain to be fully answered hereafter in their several and fit places more maliciously then wisely object unto her Majesty that about the year 1569. her Ships intercepted 59 chests full of Ryals of Spain amounting unto the sum and value of eight hundred thousand Ducats which were sent unto the Duke of Alva out of Spain to pay his souldiers withal the which wrong gave as they affirm the first or greatest occasion of breach of amity and friendship betwixt Spain and England For by the intercepting of this money the Souldiers were disappointed of their pay and the Kings credit and authority was greatly impaired and weakened in the Low Countries But those men neither consider that Spain had long before this time offered great wrong unto England nor remember that when the Spaniard complained unto her Majesty hereof that it was wisely and sufficiently answered That her Majesty understanding that the said money was sent to pay certain debts of the Spanish Kings which he owed unto divers Merchants of Genova who being well able to spare the same and her Highness having urgent occasion to use so much thought she might be so bold as the Spaniard had been to borrow the said money for a small time paying them as he did some yearly consideration for it Which Answer might well have contented the King of Spain
since the said Merchants at no time had any cause why they should not credit her Highness as well as him Nor did they weigh the violent and extraordinary dealing of the Duke of Alva who as soon as he heard the news of the intercepting of the said money commanded all our English Merchants that were then in Antwerp or elsewhere in Brabant and Flanders to be detained as prisoners seized upon their goods and Merchandizes and willed that the English house should be kept by a Guard of High-Dutchmen and presently wrote unto the King his Master to detain all our Merchants in Spain and further knowing that there were divers English Ships in Zeland laden with Cloth and other Merchandize of great worth and value he caused them likewise to be stayed and neither they nor our Merchants in Brabant Flanders Zeland or Spain were dismissed before the king of Spain was fully satisfied which might easily be done the very Cloth it self which was transported out of England into those Countries being almost worth the sum that was pretended God knoweth how truly to be taken away from the Spâ—niard For although we should grant that this money was wrongfully taken and detained by her Majesty yet the order which the Duke of Alva took for the recovery thereof was not to be justified He ought first to have acquainted his Master with the taking thereof Then an Embassadour should have been sent from him into England to demand restitution thereof And lastly if her Grace had denied the restoring of the same or not sufficiently satisfied the taking of it the course which was taken had not been amiss But here the Cart went before the Horse and judgment was given before the Cause was heard Now because our Merchants lived quietly in the Low Countries as well before as after the taking of this money because they enjoyed their Priviledges as largely as ever they did because we had daily Traffique with Spain and the Kings Embassadours remained then and many years after in England All which are Arguments and probable Conjectures that there was peace betwixt us and Spain the intercepting of this money will still seem unlawful unless it be shewed that the Spaniard hath given her Majesty some just occasion of discontentment before the time of taking thereof Truly it cannot be denied that our Merchants had Traffique as it is said in Spain and elsewhere under the Spanish Dominions but not for any love to our Prince or Nation but in regard of the great benefit that they brought unto the King and to his Countries which could not well stand or at the least wise as late experience hath shewed flourished as they did without them Witness the misery of Antwerp at this present the poverty of Burges and the calamity of many other Towns both in Brabant and in Flanders which as long as they were haunted and frequented by Englishmen yeilded to few Towns and Cities of Christendom for wealth and prosperity Witness again Middleboroug Vlushing Amsterdam and other Towns in Holland and Zeland which before the departure of our Englishmen from those Towns which are now under the King of Spain and before their Traffique in Holland and Zeland had not the tenth part of the wealth or resort of Merchants thither which they have at this present in so much that many Towns in these two Provinces are of late years made larger yea twice as big as they were wont to be Witness lastly the great wealth power and strength which the States of the United Provinces are grown unto since they have cast off the yoke of Spanish Tyrannical Government entred into strait League with our most gratious Queens Majesty and hath had Traffique with her loving Subjects for which the small aid which they have had from us small indeed in comparison of their great charges and with the yearly Revenues which they gather by the resort of Merchants thither it is seen of late that they are become so mighty as that for provision of Wars for strength by Sea for Munition for all kind of furniture for Wars both by Sea and Land and especially by Sea they may almost compare with the mightiest Prince in the world Have they not of late years boarded the Spaniard did they not when he sent his Invincible Army into England stand us in great stead Have they not won many Towns which were lost and betrayed in the time of the late Earl of Leicesters being there when they had far greater help and countenance by us then they have had of late Briefly have they not and do they not carry themselves so of late years that it may not only grieve the Spaniard but also all the Princes of Christendom that he hath given them so just and good occasion to know and to use their own strength For if the chiefest Towns of France which are grown to such an humor and liking of encantonizing themselves as it hath been thought meet to publish many reasons in print to shew the great inconveniences and difficulties which they should incurre and find in so doing if I say these Towns should enter into consideration of the wealth and prosperity of the said States and their Subjects and after due examination of their happiness follow their examples and so in time cast off the yoke servitude and obedience which time out of mind they have owed and most dutifully shewed unto their Kings would it not be a very ill president a dangerous imitation and a most pernicious example Should not other Princes have just cause to suspect and fear the like change and alteration in their kingdomes And were it not greatly to be doubted and feared that other Subjects would be as ready as forward as desirous as they of liberty of alteration and of a new kind of Government Nay was there not a time when almost at one time all the Subjects of Europe not seeing so much as they may now see jumped so well in one desire to free themselves from their subjection unto Kings and Princes as that all Kings and Princes were enforced to joyn together in strength and in good will to suppress them The danger therefore of this inconvenience only being well and wisely considered all the Princes of Europe have great occasion to be offended with the Spaniard who by his unjust severity hath in some manner endangered all their States and royal Principalities But hereof more conveniently hereafter in another place Now again to my purpose The Subjects of the United Provinces travell dayly into Spain they carry thither and fetch thence many commodities they only abstain from carrying and bringing of things necessary and profitable for the maintenance of Wars May any man considering the premises and seeing how they and the Spaniards fight dayly one against another at home and within their own Countries say truly that there is no War betwixt them No verily it is not the entercourse of Merchants nor the residence of Leaguers and Embassadours that
alwayes proveth peace betwixt Princes The one is permitted and entertained for commodities sake and for the benefit of the Subjects on both parts yea for the better maintenance of the Wars And the other is used and practised for his great advantage whose Embassadour can carry himself most wisely and most cunningly for Embassadours are as Phil. de Comines said very well but honourable Espies and therefore it is usual to let them remain and reside in Princes Courts not only after the rupture and breach of peace but also sometimes when they are at mortal Wars that they may be Mediators of peace Send therefore saith de Comines Embassadours unto thine Enemies even when thou art at most deadly feud with them For though thy charges in sending be great and thy Adversaries be wary and circumspect in foreseeing they shall do nothing to their prejudice yet if those whom thou sendest be wise they cannot chuse but learn somthing that may be very beneficial unto them and countervail their expences The reading of Histories hath taught me that Embassadours are sent from one Prince to another even in the hottest times of their Wars sometimes to demand a convenient place of parley So Caesar sent unto his enemy Ariovistus to require him to appoint some convenient place where they might meet and confer of matters concerning the profit of himself and of Ariovistus sometimes to require and offer conditions of peace So Divito was sent Embassadour unto Caesar to desire peace at his hands sometimes to spie and sound the affections of Subjects So Hannibal when he was coming into Italy sent certain Embassadours unto the French King being then subject unto the Romans to enquire of their affections and to see how they might be disposed and perswaded o suffer him to pass the Alpes quietly and to behold where he might pass them with least danger But I shall have occasion to handle this matter more largely hereafter And therefore from it again to my purpose The taking of the fore-mentioned money is the matter that is most urged and therefore must be more sufficiently answered This is the sore that gauleth the wound that grieveth the corroâ—ive that groweth To this therefore I will adde another Plaister It shall not suffice that the money intercepted was taken and esteemed not to be the King of Spains but to belong unto certain Merchants of Genoa that Allegation shall not go for sufficient and lawful payment but it shall be added yea and proved for an Embassadour was sent by her Majesty into Spain of purpose that her Highness complained unto the King of Spain of the great wrong that was done by the Duke of Alva unto her Majesty and unto her Subjects upon an unjust occasion of displeasure taken against her Grace and them for that money which if the King although it was certain it appertained unto those Merchants would needs have it it was offered unto him by the said Embassadour that it should be restored so that her Highness Subjects might enjoy their ancient Liberties and Priviledges within the Spanish Dominions and also a restitution might be made by the Duke of Alva for all that was wrongfully detained from them And the same Embassadour added further that it was never her Majesties mind to offend the Catholick king nor to provoke him to wrath and anger whose Friendship the knew might be a great help and honour unto her What might her Majesty have said more lovingly or what better satisfaction could the king of Spain demand Was he displeased because her Majesty gave no better audience unto the Duke of Alva his Secretary who was sent to admonish her Majesty not to meddle with any matter belonging to his Master Why his cross and rash dealing deserved no favour at her hands and made his Masters Subjects fare far worse then otherwise they should have done in England For her Highness hearing that the Duke had made stay of her Merchants and of their Goods to be even with him commanded that all the Merchants strangers that then lived in England and were Subjects to the King of Spain should likewise be arrested and their Goods attached and strait Commandment was given unto our Merchants that they should forbear to traffique into any place subject unto the Spanish Dominion until the Kings pleasure was fully known what should become of our Merchants Here you see that the unordinary and unkind proceeding of the Duke of Alva was occasion of greater unkindness then should have proceeded of so small a matter For if he had forborn to arrest our Merchants and to attach their Goods until his Masters pleasure had been known his Kings Embassadours had had better audience and his Subjects had been free from inconveniences and harms as they suffered by his default For after he had rashly and unadvisedly layed hands upon our Merchants and their Merchandizes her Grace could do no less then she did especially since the Lawes of her Realm have provided that her Subjects being restrained in the like manner shall have recourse unto her Highness as unto her chief Justice and there demand that the Subjects of a forraign Prince who hath offered wrong or violence unto them and their Goods be presently attached in England until our Merchants and their Goods be released and set at liberty by that Prince So the blame in this case must lye upon the Duke of Alva who when this occasion of rupture and variance was growing betwixt our Queen and his King should have wisely dissembled the same and quickly have extinguished the flames of the displeasure and discontentment that was likely to burn betwixt them For a Servant and Counsellor may offend as well in being too forward as in being too â—low in his Masters business as I shall have occasion to shew more at large hereafter the which when I shall handle will give light unto this matter and fully and throughly cleer the same Now to the proof that the King of Spain did before the intercepting of this money give her Majesty just occasion to â—eize upon the same and to detain it although it had been much more then it was for her own use and benefit It is since the taking of this money some four and twenty years agoe and therefore if it may be proved that long before that time the Spaniard hath dealt more like an enemy then a friend with her Majesty I think it will follow that she might justly have done him even then and before then far greater despight then ever she did When the late French King suffered the Duke of Alencon his Brother to take upon him the Title of the Duke of Brabant and the defence of those Countries he sent an Embassadour into Spain to excuse his Brothers going thither and to signifie unto the Spanish King that all that was there done was done without his Counsel and Privity The Spanish King was highly displeased with this Message and answered the Embassadour that he
had rather have the French King a profess'd enemy then a dissembling friend And not satisfied with the indignity of this disdainful Answer he sent presently after him another Embassadour into France to tell the King thereof That the Spaniards were not so foolish and so unwise as not to see and perceive that whatsoever the Duke of Alencon did was done by permission counsel consent and furtherance of the King his Brother Out of this Answer and this Embassage I gather thus much That it is better for a Prince to have an open enemy then a deceitful friend And to prove the Spaniard to have been always such a friend unto the State of England I use these Demonâ—trations First It is not unknown as I have said before all the Treasons and Conspiracies which have been attempted intended and practised against her Majesty ever since her first coming to the Crown have had their beginning or their comfort their counsel or their furtherance their countenance or their invention from Spain Witness to omit others of lesser moment and yet of most dangerous consequence the Treasons of the late Duke of Norfolk since whose death it is better then twenty years and more then forty since he first began to be a Traytor Is it not more then twenty one years ago that Robert Rudolphy a Florentine Merchant who had lived many years in England departed out of England for fear that the Duke being committed to prison should reveal the practises and means which he had used by the solicitation of the King of Spain and of the Pope to draw the Duke unto those Treasons which he afterwards intended and had executed had he not been happily discovered did not the same Redolphy go from hence to Rome and there communicated with the Pope how the Duke was apprehended and thereby their Plot and device broken and prevented Was he not sent from Rome into Spain there to make the same relation and to consult with the Spanish king what means might be used for the liberty of the said Duke and if that might not be happily wrought and effected for some other kind of of annoyance to be done to England Was it not publiquly noised and certainly beleeved that the Duke of Alva should have joined with the said Duke and have done us more wo then I may boldly speak of and my heart can even without extream grief to relate or remember Witness again the most unnatural practises of the late Queen of Scots unnatural because she was a Queen as her Majesty was because she was her neer kinswoman and her Vassal beholding unto her Highness for her life and for the life of her own only child which unto good and loving Parents is always more dear then their own life Lived not this unthankful ungracious and unfortunate Queen more then twenty years prisoner in England and which of all those years lived her Majesty free from some Treason or other But hereof in another place Now let it suffice that it is apparent to all the world that she had secret Messengers secret help and counsel from Spain as well before as after her Imprisonment to animate encourage and set her forward in all her mischievous endeavours and purposes against our gracious Sovereign and her Realms Is not then the Spaniard a deceitful friend unto England Is he not then by his own confession more to be feared and more to be disliked then an open enemy Or are not we so wise as the Spaniard to see and perceive such deceitful proceedings and seeing them shall it not not be lawful for us to think of him as he thought of the king of France and to deal so with Spain as he dealt and dealeth with France such justice as a Magistrate useth unto others such must he expect himself saith the Emperour Iustinian He that seeketh dayly to increase his own power purchaseth to himself envy and batred So Said Sabellicus The Prince that desireth Cities that are far off cannot but covet those which are near at hand So said Leo Aretinus and it is hard and difficult to beware of such friends which secretly play the part of enemies So said Dionifius Hallicarnesus If therefore the king of Spain hath nourished civil dissention in France if he hath been so ready to maintain the Rebels thereof against their King that rather then the Realm should be without troubles he hath relieved and succoured the very Protestants of France and the heads of their Faction against their Sovereign and other their professed enemies And if he hath done all this to the end the French king might not be able to encroach upon him in Italy Flanders or any other of his Dominions Why may not our Queen who as a woman is fearful and timerous and as a Prince ought to be careful and provident for the safety of her Realm and of her Subjects relieve the States of the United Provinces being her ancient friends and Allies to the end that he Spaniard being busied in those parts may have no time leisure or commodity to work any manner of open or secret prejudice unto her Realm and her Subjects Dinothus a true Historiographer of the civil Wars in Flanders reporteth That when the King of Spains Embassador said unto the late French King that it was neither seemly nor convenient for his Majesty to receive the States who were Rebels unto his Master The French king Answered him that he neither received nor harboured them as Rebels unto his Master but as men wrongfully oppressed and that Christian Princes have always used to grant and give help and succour unto the oppressed And further that the States had assured him that they had oftentimes sent many supplications unto their King therein submiting themselves unto his mercy and humbly beseeching his Majesty to remit their offences and to receive them into his favour yea and when they might have any commodity they delivered themselves such supplication unto the Kings own hands but could never have any reasonable Answer from him And that therefore it was lawful for them to appeal from him that denyed them justice and to seek aid against him where they might hope to find the same If then the king of France a Prince of contrary Religion unto the States a Prince of as neer Alliance and of later Affinity unto the Spanish king then our Queen is a Prince that in his own Realm could never endure Protestants because he thought it very dangerous to suffer two Religions in one Kingdom held it the part of a Christian Prince to succour the oppressed and to be their Protector unto whom justice was openly denyed Why should it be a fault imputed unto our Queen that she releeveth her oppressed neighbours since she doth it not in malice towards the Spaniards but in mercy towards the afflicted not so much to offend him as to defend them not to enlarge her Dominions but to preserve her Realms and Subjects for how can she
him for a man of great wealth and of great care to maintain his credit been of greater worth upon the Bourse then the Kings their necessities had not been supplyed and therefore in the end of his Letter he beseecheth his Majesty to have an especial care of the payment of those small sums which were then taken up lest that Escovedo his credit failing for want of due payment they might fail of their purpose when they should have the like occasion to borrow at another time Besides his Father by reason of the great Charges which his continual Wars put him unto when he dyed left him greatly in debt and he himself ever since his Fathers death hath been at exceeding great charges either by building Castles and Citadels or by making houses of pleasure and Monastries or by maintaining continual Wars or by keeping many Garrisons or by buying and building Ships to withstand our Navy or by paying part of his Fathers debts or by entertaining our Fugitives or by upholding the Rebels of France Now as private men being left in debt by their Parents and living always at great charges cannot not possibly be rich and wealthy So Princes being not only charged with their Fathers debts but also overcharged with ordinary and extraordinary Expenses cannot have great store of wealth in their Treasure-houses And Alphonsus Duke of Ferrara as Paulus Iovius reporteth in his life held opinion that the Prince was not worthy the name of a Prince and was always likely to be contemned and wronged who had not in his Treasure great store of ready money laid up against he should have need thereof But to the end that all which I have said touching this last Point may carry the more likelyhood of truth and probability I take it not to be amiss to let you understand the proportion of some Princes expences in their Wars in their Buildings and in other occasions by which you may conjecture what the Spanish King hath expended of late years voluntarily and necessarily beyond his usual and ordinary charges The Bishop and Town of Colen in their Wars against Charls Duke of Burgundy spent every Month an hundred thousand Crowns as Philip de Comines avoucheth The Florentines in their Wars against the King of France undertaken by the Commandment of Pope Leo the tenth spent eight hundred thousand Ducates in the taking of the Dukedom of Urbin In their Wars against Caesar six hundred thousand and in other occasions depending upon the Wars against France after the said Pope Leo his death three hundred thousand Ducates And the same Pope spent in the said Wars against the Duke of Urbin eight hundred thousand Ducates as Guiccidine reporteth Clement the seventh spent in the Wars against Tuscany for the restoring of his Family ten hundred thousands Crowns as Paul Iovius reporteth Paulus tertius consumed in fifteen years in needless Wars above twenty Millions of gold as Illescas in his life affirmeth The Duke of Alva for the building of the Castle of Antwerp exacted of the Citizens thereof four hundred thousand Florins as Dinothus testifieth Cosmus de Medicis being first a private man and then Duke of Florence spent in private and publique buildings better then forty Millions of Crowns and ten Millions in Gifts and Rewards as Paulus Iovius averreth Edward the Third King of England spent in an idle Journey into France nine hundred thousand pounds as Thomas of Walsingham reporteth The Frenchmen in the time of Richard the second King of England spent a thousand Marks every day from Easter until Michlemas in maintaining but thirty seven Gallies and eight other Ships as the same Authour affirmeth Henry the third spent in a Journey which his Brother Richard made into Germany when he was chosen Emperour above seven hundred thousand pounds as Mathew Paris saith in his Chronicles But to come more neer to our purpose The King of Spain offered unto Don Iohn Duke of Austria three hundred thousand Crowns every Moneth to maintain his Wars in the Low Countties as Dinothus setteth down in his History The same King above sixteen years ago had spent better then fifty Millions of Crowns in his Wars of Flanders as Marco Antonio Arrayo testifieth And the States of the said Countries gave unto the Duke of Alencon yearly four and twenty Tuns of Gold to maintain their Wars both by Land and Sea against the King of Spain as David Chaytraeus reporteth Now if mean States in small and short Wars if petty Princes in private and publique buildings if the French king in the maintenance of a few Ships but for a few Moneths if our Kings in idle Journeys if the duke of Alva in building one Castle if the State of the Low Countries in their Wars and if the king of Spain himself so many years ago spent so much as is before mentioned What have his Citadels his Castles his Monasteries his Journeys his provisions by Sea his Ships and his Wars not in one place but in many not against one Prince but against divers not for short time but of long continuance cost him And as these wonderful Expences are Arguments that he had much so they be witnesses that he now wanteth And as his long and continual Wars in Flanders do shew that he is malicious prone to revenge and desireous to recover his own so they prove that his might his puissance and his power is not so great as it is taken to be For he that withal his strength cannot master one poor Nation that in many years cannot recover his own Patrimony shall any man take him to be able to bring to pass all that he attempteth Shall we deem him sufficient to subdue others Countries common sence and reason teacheth us that he which is not able to do little things is far unable to bring to pass matters of great weight Titus Livius divideth men into three sorts Some are so wise that they counsel themselves and others Others be not wise enough to advise themselves and yet to conceive and follow such advice as is given them And the third sort can neither take nor give good counsel So some Princes are able to help themselves and others Others can defend themselves but not assist their friends And there is a third kind that can neither defend their own States nor others I know not in which of these three sorts to place the king of Spain The last sort too base for him the second not high enough and the first in truth scant fit for him for he that cannot help himself how may we judg him sufficient to succour others and yet we see that there are no Wars where he hath not somewhat to do where he sendeth not some helps either of men or money or of both which argueth that he loveth to be always doing although he do nothing worthy his labour always troublesome although his troubles avail him little
Rome that a petty Duke of Ferrara hath presumed to withstand the Popes Ordinances and Commandments that the Florentines warred many years against him that the Venetians make no account of his Forces that the nigher any Prince joyneth unto him the less he esteemeth him and lastly that a very small Army of Charles the fifth sacked not many years ago his Pontâ—fical Seat and put him to such a ransom as best liked the victorious and conquering Emperor But his Excommunications are more feared then his Forces and he hath much more money then might I must needs confess that many Princes have been excommunâ—cated by him but because I shall have occasion to shew what slâ—nder accompt both Kings and meaner Potentates have made of his turbulent and thundering Excommunications I will leave them and come unto his demean unto his treasure For the better determination whereof I think it convenient to declare unto you what kinde of men our Popes are of late dayes some of them are poor Inquisitors of base parentage brought up in beggery advanced by corruption and preferred unto that Dignity by Bribes Rewards aud Simony And they who have been of best birth amongst them have been but the younger brothers of Dukes of Florence of Ferrara of Mantua or of some like mean Prince and all of them have most commonly spent their poor patrimony and the small gains of their former life in the attaining of their Pontifical Dignity Besides when they come unto the height of that Authority either they spend their Revenues prodigally as did Paulus Tertius who in less then fifteen years wasted 25 millions of Gold or spare the same thriftily to buy some estate for their children as did Gregory the 13th so that what with prodigal spending what with extream covetousness tending to the advancement of their posterity the Popes have not much money otherwise to help their Allies and Confederates Moreover who so shal consider that their yearly Revenues are mightily decreased by by reason that Bohemia Hungary Denmark Sweden Scotland Holland England and most of France Flanders and Germany are fallen from their Obedience and vouchsafe not to send them yearly such Tributes Pensions Tenths and other Commodities as they were wont to receive from them must needs understand and confess that there can arise no great profit from their Alliance and Confederacy The terrour of their interdictions of which some Princes more Religious then wise have in times past made some small accompt The regard of their Authority of which when their vertues were more then now they are greater reckoning was made then is at this present the converting of their Crociados which were wont to be imployed in holy Wars into profane uses are the onely means and benefits wherewith they are now able to pleasure their best friends Leaving them therefore to their passions and extreme sorrows conceived for the small hope which they have to recover their losses which is in no respect answerable to the extremity of their desire I will descend unto the â—rinces of Italy as from a mountain unto a Molehill These Princes if they were to give aid and succour unto a King of France unto an Emperor or to any other Prince or Potentate pretending some Right Title or Interest unâ—o some Dukedom of Estate of Italy may perhaps yeeld such help and Assistance as happily may further such a Princes Enterprise But as for such a League and such forces as shall be sufficient to hasten the utter overthrow and subversion of all Protestant Princes or to revenge the great injuries and indignities lately endured by the Spanish king they are far unfit and unable to gather together any such strength and he is greatly deceived that caâ—rieth such an opinion of their might and power The best guard that they have is the reciprocal fear which one of them hath of another the continual and great jealousie which is betwixt them and the small and slender Love which one of them beareth unto another every one of them not onely enveighing but also withstanding by all means possible the advancement of the other be it in wealth or in credit in power or preheminence Their Subjects are not warlike their best Souldiers are as you have heard of no great value or estimation their Courage is soon cooled their Armies are quickly defeated there best Captains by reason of their long Peace are of mean experience and their is scant any Town City or Country that is not a witness of their Cowardise Adversity bondage and servitude you shall hear hereafter what discommodities may arise unto those Princes of Italy which have unadvisedly entered into this League and therefore from them unto the Peers of France These Princes are no other then Traitors Rebels and Conspirators against their Prince and Country And therefore detestable before God odious unto the world and execrable unto their Postâ—rity For although Princes according to the Common saying like such Treason as any wise is beneficial unto them yet all men hate and abhor Traitors especially such as these be who having received great honour pleasure and prefermen of their King did by all meanâ— possible endeavour to deprive him of his Crown Scepter and Life Their taking of many Towns their purpose to seize upon the Kings own person their desire to bring him to Paris as a Prisoner their carriage towards him there and their preparation Army and Hostility against him after his departure from thence do abundantly testifie and declare their Treason now what honour can it be unto the King of Spain to joyn and associate himself with such men as the world detesteth all men abhor and his own Spaniards will not onely hate but also be ashamed to receive them into their Company or to harbour them in their houses For I find in the Histories of France Italy and Spain that whenas the Emperor Charles the fifth intending to honour the Duke of Burbon who had revolted from his King unto his service prayed one of the chief and principal Dukes of Spain to lodge him in his Palace the Duke shewing himself therein a greater Enemy to Traitors then a Friend to Treason answered the Emperor that both he and his house were at his Majesties commandment but if that it pleased him to lodge the Duke therein he would set fire thereon as soon as the Duke should be out of it as on a house infected with the Treason of Burbon But Francis the first King of France used the like help of the Turks and Infidels to be revenged upon his Enemies and Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan to make himself the better able to withstand their violence which went about to deprive him of his Estate brought an Army of Turks into Italy and it is commonly said that the Queen of England was in the League with the Great Turk Why then may not the king of Spain imploâ—e and use the help of his Friends in France of whom because they
are Christians and Catholicks he may have far better assurance and confidence then of Turks and Infidells Truly I have heard the befoâ—e mentioned French king greatly blamed for entring into League with the Tuâ—k and his honour and reputation hath been and still is so much blemished thereby that a very wise and grave Author of our time to cover his fault with some honest pretence hath been enforced to distinguish how and in what manner a Christian Prince may be at league with the Turk The causes for which a Christian Prince may as he saith enter into League and Amity with this common Enemy of Christians are either to obtain Peace or Truce or to end a contenâ—ioâ— and quâ—rrel for any Dominion or Seigniory to have reparation and amends for wrong done unto him or to entreat leave for his Subjects to trade traffick iâ—to his Countries and not to yeeld him any aid against his Enemies And the same Author addeth that the said Francis being continually assaulted by the Emperor Charles the 5th and by the king of England within his own Realm and not being able to make his party good against them and other enemâ—es who at their instigation and request did put him ofttimes in great manifest danger to lose his whole estate was counselled by his wisest Friends for his better defence to joyn in amity with Sultan Solimon who was better able then he to interrupt and cross the violent course which Charles thâ— 5th took to make himself Lord and Monarch of all the world Necessity therefore enforced Francis the first to enter into this League without the which he had been in great pâ—rill and hazard of losing his whole Kingdom For conservation whereof I read in Histories that a Predecessor of the Spanish King called Peter confederâ—ted himself with the King of Bellemarine a Sariziâ— married his Daughter and renounced his Faith and profession of a Christian. Considering therefore that necessity hath no law that Commoditie and sweetness of Rule and Governmenâ— maketh many good Christians to forget themselves and their Duties that extreame malice conceived and borne against an Enemy hath constrained many Princes to seek to be in League with their very Adversaries and that a noble and valiant heart detesteâ—h nothing more then to yeild unto his Enemies and laboureth by all meanes possible to avoid that dishonor No man can can justly condemne Francis the first or the Duke of Milan Now touching the Queen of England her Majesty having alwais the feare of God before her eyes and walking in his waies as much as any Prince of Christendome hath alwaies thought no better of the Turk then he deserveth as well because she hath nothing to do with him as for that by reason of the great distance that is betwixâ— her and him she hath less occasion to stand in fear of his forces then any oâ—her Prince of Europe True it is that in regard of the late Traffick which some few of her Merchants have into Turky to their great benefit and advantage her Majestiâ— hath suffered them to have their Agent there who carrieth not the nâ—me of Ambassador as the Emperors the French Kings the Spanish Kings the Venetians and other Christian Princes Ambassadors do and yet his Credit is such that either with favours or with presents wâ—ereof the Turke is very desirous and coveteous he might have broken the League of peace and Truce which is betwixt Spain and hâ—m to the Spanish Kings great hurt detriment But heâ— Majestie had â—ather that the Hâ—stories of our timâ— should mention her vertues then declare her policies and thinketh it far better that as all men of our Age commend her Beautiâ— her bountiâ— and her goodness so her after-Commers should have occasion to pâ—aise and exâ—oll her constancy and Religious affection towards God and the Common wealth of Christendome But to returne to the Spanish league with the Peeres of France I think no good Christian can think bâ—tter of them then of a Turk and I am of opinion that the League and Amâ—ty of Turkish Infidels is more to be esteâ—med then the friendship of these Leaguers more profitable and advantageous unto him that shall stand in need thereof and more assured and firmâ— unto any one that have occasion to rely thereupon For since that these Rebels have deserved to lose their Lands and possessions have incurred the odious and detestable Crime of Treâ—son and have worthily merited the name of Traytors and Conspirators there can be no other League or Amitie with them then is with Theeves and Felons the societie and conversation with whome hath been in all Ages and in all places accounted as most odious and execrable yea by how much a Traitor is more odious and wicked then a Thief by so much his Infamy shame and dishonour is greater who asâ—ociateth himself with a Conspirator be iâ— that he conspireth against his Prince or against his Country or against both Such as a mans Companions are such shall he be held to be in all mens opinions and he that converseth daily with wicked men shall hardly be reputed an honest man The great and large Priviledges which belong unto Princes appointed by God to rule and governe his people make me forbeare to say so much as I might say in this place and yet I may not spare to reprehend and condemne the bad Consciences of those Consciousles Councellors who have perswaded the King of Spain to forget and forgo his honour his Reputation his blood and his Parentage to joyne himself with those who may increase the number but not the Forces of his Allies I have oftentimes heard say that the end honoureth all the rest of a mans life that the elder a man is the wiser he should be that the Actions of al men that are placed in high degree and dignity are subject to the view the sight the censure and judgement of all men that a man may easily fall from the top of honor and glorie unto the bottom of shame and infamiâ— and briefly that all men with open mouth speake boldly and freely that of Princes when they are dead which they durst not muter whilest they lived I could with therefore that either the vertues of the late French King or the affinitie conjunction and parentage that was betwixt these two Crownes or the conformitie of their religion or the remembrance of the greatness and power of France might have been able to have diverted and withdrawn the mightie Monarch of Spain from the Amitie of those Traitors and Felons of France to live in peace League and Amitie with his deare and beloved Brother of France But the detestable vice of Ambition which misleadeth the greatest and wisest Princes of the world with a vaine hope of good success and prosperous fortune in all their enterprises hath turned his love into hatred and covered the spots and blemishes of true dishonor with a Cloak of false honor and repuâ—ation And
taken an oath to keep the Statutes of his Country without breaking the same or without departing from the true sense and literal meaning of them may violate them if the iniquity of the time will not give him leave and leasure to confer with his superiour or to ask his opinion or if there be manifest dangers like to follow of the delay which he shall use Besides if a Judge be commanded yea sworn not to do any thing against the Lâ—wes of God or nature or of his Country yet if he be urged by some great occâ—sion or if necessitie enforce him thereunto or if some notable danger scandall or inconvenience is like to follow of the strict observance of those Laweâ— he may lawfully violate them And shall a Judge have Authority to break Lawes and shal not an absolute Prince have the like liberty A Provost Marshal taking a Theif in the fact of committing a robberie may hang him up presently with out any forme of Judgement and shall not a King cause a notorious Traytor to be murthered without a solemn Sentence The Governor of a City taking an Homicide an Adulterer a ravâ—shâ—r of Women upon the Fact may chastise and punish them according to the Rigor of the Law wâ—thout any forme of Law and a King taking a Traytor beâ—ng abouâ— to deprive him of his life of his Crown apd Scepter shall he not do him to death without asking the opinion of his Judges without imploring the helpe of his Magistrates and without imparting his Treason unto his Counsellors or unto the Friends and Allies of the Traytors especially when as he may escape whilst these things shall be doing when bee is so strong so backed with friends so guarded with Souldiers that if he be not executed upon a suddain the respiâ—e and leisure which shall be given him shall gâ—ve him time and meanes not only to escape the punishment which he hath deserved but also to put in great hazard the life of his Prince and the weale of his Country to be short when either the Prince or the Traytor must die presently It is written of Iehu the Judge and King of Israell that he fearing the great multitude of Baals Priests and doubting that if he should put them to death by the way of Justice there would follow some great Inconvenience or scandal to himself he feigned that hee himself wouâ—d do sacrifice unto God Baal and by that pretence and colour he caused them all to come together and when they were all assembled hee willed them all to be murthered Who hath heard the Historie of Ladislaus king of Bohemia commendeth him not for his wisdome and discretion in dissembling the grief which he took to see the Earle of Cilia his faithfull and assured Friend and Vncle killed almost in his presence so â—uningly that he not only seemed not to be grieved with his death but also to think that he was lawfully killed because hee presumed to come Armed into the Court where all others were unarmed The Bohemians seeing how lovingly hee entertained Ladislaus Humiades the Author of this Murther how kindly he used his Mother how wisely hee suffered Ladislaus and his Brother Matthias to bring him into Beuda and how resolutely when he had him where hee was stronger then hee he commanded him to be done to death for the murther committed on his Vncles person took it for a manifest Argument that he would prove as indâ—ed hee did a very wise just and valiant Prince siâ—ce in his youth he was so subtile and so resolute and gave them so notable an Example and President of his Justice Who hath read the policy which Darius king of Persia used in revenging the injury of Oretes who was grown to be so mightie so proud and so well backed with friends that hee neither could nor durst do him to death by the ordinary Course of Justice and prayseth him not for inventing a way to induce 30 of his Gentlemen to undertake his death And who commendeth not the Magâ—animitie and resolution of Bageus who when it fell out to his lott to be the first of the 30 that had vowed to hazaâ—d their live foe their king went no less hastily then cuningly about his enterprise and within a very short while murthered Oretes who had beaâ—ded and braved his King many years Briefly who readeth and alloweth not the History of David who when a man câ—me to him from Saul his Camp and told him that he had kilâ—ed Saul commanded his Sâ—rvant to kill him presently and said unto him Thy blood bee upon thine owâ— head for thine own mouth hath spoken against thee And yet every man knoweth that Saul killed himself and that this poor simple man thought to have had a reward of David for bringing him the first news of Sauls death These premissâ—s therefore being duly considered it must follow that the late king had great reason aâ—d just cause to command the Duke of Guise to be killed But his friends say nay They have caused it to be imprinted that he was one of the Peers of France one of the greatest of that Realme one of the best beloved Subjects of Europe and one that was allied unto great Kings and Princes And that therefore the King causing him to be murthered as he was migâ—t well think and justly feare that in doing him to death he should highly offend his best friends and give just occasion unto as many as suffered any loss or detriment by his death to revenge the same As therefore Iulius Caesar winked at the Treason committed by Dunorix and called him not into question for the same for feare to offend his Brother Divitiacus who was an assured and faithful Friend unto the people of Rome and a man of great credit and Authority in his Country even so the King should have spared the Duke of Guise and not have used such câ—ueltie towards him as he did for feare to displease and discontent his dearest and best friends and as Henry the 4 King of England deprived the Dukes of Anmarle of Exceter and Surrey of the Lands and possessions which Richard the second gave them and yet spared their lives so the king had done well if he had taken away the lands and livings and not the life of the Duke of Guise Truly if hâ—s kingdom should have received no greater loss or dammage by the Duke of Guise his life then the commonwealth of Rome received by Dunorix the king should not have greatly done amiss to have suffered him to live But since that the Duke did alwaies aspire unto the Crown and since he desired sought and laboured by all meanes possible to usurpe the same the King played as his Mother said the right part of a King whâ—â—â— as he resolved and exâ—cuted his death with all convenient speed For the same Caesar which had pitâ—y and compassion on Dunorix because his life could not greatly hinder or cross his dâ—signes and purposes first banished
I will briefly examine that which hath been already said and by his own Acts and Demands convince and prove his intention It is said that the foot shall not presume to rule the head no more should a Subject take upon him to controll the King or to prescribe unto him what hee shall do And yet the Duke of Guise not once but many times rebuketh his Kings proceedings against she Protestants blameth him of Negligence and telleth him more boldly then wisely that hee must not spare them but subvert them And what was that but to spoile his kingdom The Counsellor is commended which rather refuseth as Office and charge with modesty that is laid upon him then affecteth the same before he be thought worthy thereof and yet the Duke of Guise staieth not untill he was moved by the King but nâ—med himself for his Lieutenant And what was that but to appoint the Kings Officers Wee read of Saul that it grieved him greatly when it was said that David had killed Twenty thousand Enemies and Saul but ten Thousand and yet the Duke of Guise after that he had overthrown the Germans is termed an other Gideon and he termeth his King a loiterer and what was that but to disgrace his Soveraign It is commonly said that where there is no offence committed there needeth no pardon and yet the Duke of Guise would seem not to have offended although hee desireth to have all that was said or done to bee pardoned and buried in Oblivion And what was that buâ— to betraâ— a guilry conscience and an unwilling minde to acknowledge and confess his offence The Subject that armeth multitudes without his kings commandment when there is no fear of a Forreign Enemy or any other in arms within a Realm giveth many presumptions and arguments of a Rebellious minde And yet the Duke of Guise doth not onely arm Multitudes but also proteâ—teth that he and they will lay down his and their arms until the king yeeldeth unto his demands and what was that but to threaten and menace his king The Count of St. Paul High Constable of France was held a Traytor by Lewis the eleventh and so executed because he betrayed his counsel and kept certain Holds and Towns of strength from the king and yet the Duke of Guise must be no Traytor who revealed the kings secrets and withheld many Towns and Cities from him and drave him out of the principal City of his Realm Francis the first proclaimed the Duke of Bourbon to be a Rebel and a Traytor because he fled to Charles the fifth and bore arms in his quarrel against him and yet the Duke of Guise is no Traytor who favoureth the Spanish king more then his own Prince and bringeth Spaniards into France to murther and massacre the kings loving Subjects He saw that his conspiracies and secrets were discovered by the Duke of Espernon and therefore he must be banished the Court He saw that the king of Spain prevailed not against England because he had no Towns in France to harbour his wearied and Sea-beaten Souldiers and therefore at his next coming he must have Normandy at his devotion for that was his purpose when he demanded that Normandy should be given to the holy League What meant he when he required that his brother should be made great Master of the Kings Pallace and the Cardinal of Lorrain Governour of all France Why demanded he no office for himself Forsooâ—h because it was not yet time for him to say he must be king France could not brook two kings The late king must be first deposed and was it not his meaning to procure him to be depoâ—ed and deprived of his Crown at the Parliament which he required to be presently called and assembled That was the matter of great wait the cause of such consequence whereof they must consult an to bring the matter to pass there must be two great Armies in readiness the one in Picardy and the other in Dolphine to bridle those who were most likely to withstand hâ—s Coronation and not to admit and receive him for their king The Hugonets also must be all subverted They were the Oratoâ—s that preserved Athens they were the Geâ—se that saved the Roman Capitol they therefore must be taken away or else he must fail of his purpose That Nation whose king hath the honour to be called the most Châ—istian king may not brook an Heretick for their king and therefore the king of Navarr must be taken away he must not live any longer the Prince of Conde next heir to the Crown after him was already dispatched by poyson and his young infant was not fit to rule But if the king of Navarr's death might have contented him if his overthrow might have set France at Liberty and utterly have subverted the Protestants why was not this king of Navarr's offer accepted Why refused he the combat whereunto he was challenged Such a Champion as the Duke was should not have refused such a challenge such a Gideon that flew so many Germans should not have been afraid to encounter with one Man especially with such a man as forgat the name and state of a King to fight with a Rebel as debased himself to contend with a Traitor as if he won the battle could not but lose some of his honour because he had encountered with an infamous person and if he lost the field lost both his life and Scepter Such a Father and Protector of his Country should not have denied to hazard his life in such a quarrel as might have saved the lives of many of his best friends who have been killed since the time of that challenge But he thought it best to sleep in a whole skin and he knew how to be king without such a hazard he had preferred many and therefore they would and should prefer him But of him enough And from him to the rest wherewith the late king was more vainly then truly charged It followeth in the Accusation that he prodigally wasted the Revenues of the Crown and gave himself to all kinde of vice and wickedness This wastfull spending of the Revenues of the Crown is a fault that exceedeth all other faults a fault that offendeth a kings Subjects much more then any other vice because when Princes Treasures are wasted they flie to their subjects Coffers and empty their Chests to fill their own Exchequers Subjects therefore for their ease require that their king should be a good husband It was a commendation that Tully gave to king Demetriâ—s It is a quality that is required in a good Steward it is a property by so much more requisite in a Prince by how much his charge is greater then other mens but a though they desire that their Prince should be thrifty yet they would not have them covetous and as they can be contented that they should be liberal so they like not that they shall be prodigal Thrift maketh them able to live with their
partakers of it foolish in a King and Capital in a Subject Eumenes was King but of a poore Castle and yet he would not accknowledge mightie Antigonus for his Superior Pompey was a Subject and yet he could not endure any one man to bee above him Caesar a Citizen of Rome and yet he could not brooke an equall And the late Prince of Orange a Prince of no great Power or Wealth and yet he held himself for as absolute a Prince as the mightie Monarch of Spain This again is proved by a notable example of the Emperor Charles the 4. who coming into France in the time of Charles the 5. King of France to end all debates and quarrells betwixt him and our King was mett upon the way by the French King which is a ceremony observed by them who acknowledge themselves to bee inferior unto him whom they meet but the Emperor as soon as they were mett would have yeilded the highest place unto the King and accepted it not without great ceremony and it was written that it was given him but of Curtesie a Curtesie usuall among Princes aswell as amongst private men for as private men in their own houses and at their own Tables will of Curteâ—ie sett meaner men then they are before themselves so Princes when strange Kings come into their country will preferr them before themselves It is ceâ—tain that the Emperor precedeth of right all the Princes of Christendom And yet when Francis the first King of France was brought from Pavia where he was taken Prisoner into Spain at their fiâ—st meeting the Emprror and he embraced one another on horseback with their Capps in their hands and in covering their heads there passâ—d great ceremony betwixt them each of them striving to bee the last that should bee covered and after that they had talked a while they both covered their heads at one very selfesame time And after that there was a new strife betwixt them for the right hand This again is proved by the Emperor Sigismond who when hee would have made the Earle of Savoy as you have heard upon an other occasion Duke at Lyons hee was commanded by the Kings Attorney not to attempt any such thing in France aswell because it was thought that being in an other Kings Country he lost his Authority and Power to create a Duke as for that it seemed unto the French King that he was not to suffer him to use any Royall Authority within his dominions The Queen of Scotts therefore when shee was in England was inferior unto the Queens Majesty and this inferioritie is proved by three other principal Reasons The one because there is an inequalitie betwixt Kings one of them being better then an other The other because she was her Majesties Vassall and the third because she was deposed and so no longer a Queen First for the inequality it is certain that the Kings of Spain and of France be both resolute Princes and yet France challengeth precedency before Spain for five principal causes The first because the consent and opinion of the learned is for France and not for Spain The second because the French Kings have a long time had the honor to be Emperors and not the Kings of Spain The third because the French Kings have been called most Christian Kings these many hundred yeares and Ferdinando the fift was the first and that but lately that was called the Catholick King of Spain The fourth because at the Feast of St. George in England France even in Queen Maries time was preferred before Spain The fift because the house of France is more ancient then that of Spain which raigned long before the Castle of Hapsburg was builded The sixt and last because the book of ceremonies which is kept at Rome preferreth France before Spain Next to France is England as appeareth by the same book which putteth England in the second place and Spain in the third Again those Kings are best which are Crowned and by the same book it is evident that France England and Spain only have Crowned Kings Next it seemeth that the meaner sort of Kings also strive for Precedency and one of them will be accompted better then another For it is written that Matthew King of Hungary thinking himself better then Ladislaus King of Bohemia when they met once together Matthew went bare-headed and tyed about the head with a green Garland because hee would not put off his Capp unto the Bohemian but have him put off his unto him which the King of Bohemia perceiving deceived his expectation by tying his own Capp so fast unto his head that when they met hee could not put it off and so the Hungarian being bare-headed saluted the Bohemian that was covered But to leave these Inequalities and to come unto the second point which being proved it must needs follow that the Scottish Queen was farr inferior unto our Queen uâ—â—o whom shee owed honor homage and obedience Many of our Kings have challenged the Soveraignity over Scotland but none prosecuted the same more eagerly then Edward the first who because hee would be sure that his right thereunto was good caused all the Monasteriâ—s of England and Wales to bee searched to see what evidences or bookes he could finde in them to prove his Title The King found in the Chronicles of Mariamis Scotus of William of Malmesburg of Roger of Hoveden of Henry of Huntingdâ—n and of Radolph of â—ucet that King Edward his Predecessor in the yeare of our Lord nine hundred and ten subdued the Kings of Scotland and Câ—mberland and that the Subjects of both these kingdoms in the nine hundred and eleventh year chose the said Edward for their Soveraign Lord. He found further that Adeslaus King of England subdued in the yeare nine hundred twenty six Scotland and Northumberland and that the People of both Countries submitting themselves unto him swore unto him both fidelity and homage Hee found again that King Edgar overcame Rinad the son of Alphinus King of Scots and that by that victory he became King of Four kingdoms namely of England Scotland Denmarke and Norway He found also that St. Edward gave the kingdom of Scotland to bee held under him unto Malcolm son unto the King of Cumberland and that William the Conqueror in the sixt year of his raigne conquered the said Malcolm and took an oath of homage and fidelity of him The like did William Rufus unto the same Malcolm and unto his two Sons who raigned one after another Besides it appeareth unto the said Edward that Alexander King of Scotland succâ—eded his brother Edgar in his kingdome with the consent of Henry the first King of England that David King of Scots did homage unto King Stephen and William unto King Henry the second unto Henry the third unto King Richard and unto King Iohn It appeared again by the Chronicles of St. Albans that Alexander King of Scots in the thirty year of King Henries
for considering we finde many Texts in the Holy Scripture whereby we are commanded to obey Princes to be subject unto them to honour them to pray for them since they are called Fathers and we Children they Shepherds and we their Flocks they Heads and we their Feet it is an hard Resolution and in my opinion an heavy sentence that Children should disobey their Parents a Flock to Rebel against their Shepherd or the Feet to presume to command and direct the Head This question notwithstanding that it is dangerous and difficult is largly discussed by George Buchanan in his Book de Iure Regni apud Scotes and also by him who was ashamed to put his name unto the Book that was lately written against the French king In these two authors you shall finde every point of this third Objection sufficiently debated You shall finde the Text alledged out of St. Paul in the behalf of Princes and other places of the Scripture learnedly answered You shall finde many examples of profane and Ecclesiastical Histories of Princes that have been done to death Briefly you shall finde more to move others perhaps then there is to move me to subscribe to their opinion For Buchanan argueth in such manner as I may rather commend his subtilty then his conscience And he that writeth against the French king sheweth himself too partial too malicious too injurious to Princes And Buchanan giveth too great Authority unto Subjects and the other too much power unto the Pope It cannot be denied that Princes received their first Authority from the consent of the people It is likewise certain that this Authority was given them to be used to the benefit of the people And no man will deny that Countries can subsist and stand without kings But shall every man that receiveth a benefit of another be alwayes subject unto him that once pleasured him Shall either a rude multitude or a few contentious Rebels judge when a King useth his Authority to the benefit of the people And because Countries have flourished and may still flourish without a king shall therefore every Country reject their king when they dislike their king It â—eemeth that Buchanan is of this opinion because he approveth the death of king Iames the third and alloweth the approbation that was made thereof by some of the people and Nobility of Scotland who were the principal Actors in the Rebellion against the same king and the chief Authors of his death The causes which moved those Rebels to bear Arms against their King were but two The one that he had made certain base money and called it not in again at their pleasure The other that he had advanced certain base Personages unto high places of great credit and dignity if these two faults might be amended the Rebels offered to submit themselves to their King The King yeelded not unto these motions Why The History giveth a good reason for the King They made these demands being in Arms. It seemeth that they would not entreat but inforce their King and the King thought it convenient to chastise their insolency and boldness who presumed to War against him at home when he and his Kingdom stood in manifest danger of foreign Enemies There was amongst them namely the Duke of Albania who affected the kingdom who to further his Traiterous purposes had joyned with the King of England against his native Country and animated his lewd confederates to continue in their obstinate and unlawful demands They considered not that extream necessity and want compelled their King to use that money and when they had taken these base persons from the King for which they seemed to rebel and had hanged them contrary to all Law and Equity they laid not down their Weapons but followed the poor King and so followed him that at length they flew him And why My Author giveth this reason Because they knew that they had so highly offended him that they feared that if they should have spared him as some better minded then the rest purposed to have done he would have been revenged of them This murther the States of Scotland saith Buchanan allowed and ordained that no man should be called in question or troubled for the same But what States are these Those saith my Author that had born Arms against him and for whose sake he was murthered And they had good cause to decree that no man should be accused of his death But what will some man of Buchanans opinion say unto me Shall Princes do what they list and no man censure them Are they not subject unto the Laws May they not be called to an accompt Shall the people from whence they derive their Authority have no manner of authority over them And hath it not been always held very dangerous in a State to have any man so mighty that no man may or dare controle him Truly I allow not that liberty unto Princes that their pleasure shall stand always for a Law I limit their Wills unto Reason I tie their commandments unto the Word of God I fasten their Decrees unto the Laws of Nature unto Equity and unto the Weal of the people And if these things be not regarded I take their Laws to be unlawful their Commandmenâ—s unjust their Decrees â—â—ique I know that good Princes are so far from nor subjecting themselves unto their Laws that they suffer themselves and their causes to be tried daily by their Laws And if any of them by negligence or wilfulness by folly or ignorance by malice or forgetfulness begin to contemn their Laws I think it convenient that they should be modestly rebuked but not utterly rejected be in a mannerly sort checked but not violently condemned be gently admonished but not straight ways furiously and turbulently punished Is there no way but down with them depose them kill them Must we cry against the Lords annointed with the Jews as they did against Christ Crucifige Crucifige and not rather learn by the Jews that the common people is no competent Judge to determine matters of great weight and consequence I am not such a stranger in the course of Histories but that I know that some Princes have been deposed for their insufficiency as in France Theodorick and Chilperick others for their negligence as again in France Lewis sirnamed Do nothing some for poysoning the next Heir of the Crown as Martina Empress of Constantinople others for perjury and not keeping promise with their Enemies as Iustinian the Son of Constantine the Fourth some for not tendring the Weal and publick Welfare of their Subjects as Richard King of England others for murthering them which reprehended their vices as Boleslaus King of Polonia some for usurping things not belonging unto their Crown as Sumberlanus King of Bohemia others for their extream rigor and cruelty as Sigismond King of Hungary some for their childrens Adultery as Tarquine King of Rome others for Tyranny as Archilaus Son to Herod some for unreasonable
no great Armies subdued the same and why may not the like fortune happen to the Spainard Truely if it might be inferred as a necessary consequent that the Country that hath been conquered many times and by many Nations should always be very easily conquered This inference might be far better made and used against Spain then against England For Spain was first governed by Tuball the Son of Iapheth the Son of Noe and by his posterity who were deprived of the Possession and Government thereof by the Sidonians and they by the Thracians and they by the Rhodians and they by the Phrygians and they by the Phenicians and they by the Cypriots and they by the Aegyptians and they by the Miletians and they by the Phocentians and they by the Chaldeans and they by the Carthaginians and they by the Romans and they by the Gothes and they by the Vice-Gothes and they lastly by the Spainards whom the Saâ—azens had driven out of their Country had not the Frenchmen holpen them to repel and expel the Sarâ—zens England was undoubtedly subdued by the Romans but not before they had conquered all the rest of the World because they reserved as it may be well supposed the conquest thereof as Conquerors most commonly do in great Enterprises for the last and greatest Exploit which they had to do or for the best reward that they could attain or expect of their long and tedious Wars And it is written that they boasted more of the Conquest thereof then of all the Victories which they had obtained in their dayes because they supposed that England which was divided from the rest of the World by the Sea was no part of the World and therefore they made two Triumphs thereof the one of the main Land and the other of the huge and merciless Sea The Danes and Saxons likewise subdued England but they enjoyed their Conquest but a very few years And how subdued they England Not by main force as Spain was always conquered but by cunning and deceit for Vortiger King of England being continually molested by Pirates and by the Scots was constrained to require Aid of the Saxons who sent him a great Army under the Conduct of two Brethren Engistus and Orsus of which Engistus having cunningly obtained of the King a convenient place for his people to dwell in fortified the same secretly got more thereunto covertly politickly perswaded the King to send for more forces out of Saxony and lastly Married his Daughter unto the King by whose means he brought his Countrymen in great credit with his Majesty made him banish the chief Nobility from the Court caused the King by this means to incur the hatred of his Subjects and when he perceived that our Country-men began to suspect and fear his over-growing Greatness he suddenly entred into league with the Picts the Antient Enemies of England and with their helps made an easie conquest thereof William the Conqueror became Master of England in this manner Edward King of England dying in the year 1065. made by his last Will and Testament William Duke of Normandy his sole and lawful Heir with the consent and counsel of the cheif Peers and Barons of his Realm But afterwards being wone thereunto by the flattery and sweet words of his Wife he changed his maid and adopted Harrold his Brother for his Heir whereupon there grew a great variance and contention betwixt the said VVilliam and Harrold who having some occasion to go into Flanders was by contrary winds driven into Normandy where he was presently intercepted and carried unto the Duke as a Prisoner before whom when he came fearing that he should not be set at liberty in a long time nor without a great Ransom unlesse he used some cunning device for his present delivery He said unto the Duke Other Princes Noble Duke when they have occasion to require Helps or any thing else of their Neighbours or Confederates use to demand the same by their Ambassadors But I contrary to this Custom knowing that there is no better way to end this contention and competency which is betwixt you and me then for me to marry your Daughter am come in person to pray your good Will that I may have her for my Wife The Duke yeeldeth to his desire Harrold with his new Spouse returneth speedily into England commandeth all Normans upon pain of death to depart out off his Realm within three dayes prostituteth his wife unto his meanest servants cutteth of her nose and her ears and sendeth her back unto her Father in a Fisher-mens Boat This Injury and Indignity may seem grievous unto you that hear it No marvel then if it so grieved her poor Father that to be revenged thereof he presently implored the help of his Friends who what for pitty of the distrested Princess what in hope of high rewards what in regard of the love and duty that some bare unto the Duke were so many that the greatest part of the Nobility of France with all the power that they could possibly make accompanied him in his journey But from him unto those kings of England who being driven from their Kingdoms recovered the same with small difficulty And not to be over tedious it shall suffice to mention unto you but two Princes of that kinde namely Edward the fourth and Henry the seventh And first to Edward who being deprived by his own Subjects of his Royal Diadem fled unto the Duke of Bugundy of whom obtaining an Army but of two thousand men onely he returned into England and finding that very few favoured him so long as he demanded the Crown he caused it to be proclaimed and published that he required nothing but the Dukedom of York whereunto every man knowing that he had Right many began to favour him and no man at his first landing in Yorkshire would resist him and yet he was not received into the City of York before that he had sworn faith and obedience unto the King This Oath being solemnly taken he goeth forward towards London Some few of his Friends came unto him upon the way The Earl of Warwick his Brother who was incamped neer about York to intercept him on the way either for fear or through ignorance suffereth him to proceed on his journey and so without so much as one stroke he came to London where he was received by the Citizens with great joy and gladness because divers of the richest sort doubting that they should never have again such sums of money as they had lent him whiles he was their king unless he recovered the Kingdom had purchased him the favour and friendship of the greatest part of the City of which being once Master he increased daily in power and strength and his Brother the Duke of Clarence and others leaving the Earl of Warwick and his Faction made him so strong that he daily subdued the rest of his Enemies Thus prevailed he Now from him unto Henry the seventh who
and during the minority of his son he had caused Ferdinando his brother to be elected King of the Romans yet he used all the cunning he could possibly to perswade him to relinquish and resign that Title unto his Son Philip now and then King of Spain and also he sent for Maximilian his Son in Law and Nephew King of Bohemia to pray him to be content to condescend and yeeld unto his Fathers resignation and the Queen of Hâ—ngary and Gravilla the Emperors Chancellor made many Voyages into Hungary to intreat Ferdinando to yeeld unto this motion unto which neither the King of Hungary nor Maximilian his Son would vouchsafe their consents These three points being thus cleared it resteth to speak somewhat of Charls the Fifths Successors as Ferdinando Maximilion and Rodolph but their actions are fresh in memory And if the Law of the Emperors Creation called the Golden Bull which expresly forbiddeth to chuse above four in one house to succeed one after another in the Empire were as it should be in full force and strength none of them should be accounted or held lawful Emperors Now if the breach of this sacred and inviolable decree I mean the golden Bull which hath been infringed by making not four but seven or eight at the least of the House of Austria Emperors together shall nothing at all incense and instigate the Princes of Christendom against this ambitious and aspiring generation It shall be needful to revive the loathsom memory of many great and grievous indignities and ingratitudes unkindly and unjustly shewn by the late Emperors of the house of Austria unto divers great and mighty Princes of Germany and unto the Empire it self It must therefore be shewed unto them that Rodolph the first Emperor of this Race to assure unto himself and his Heirs the Dukedom of Austria and the States of Stiria and Suevia which were united unto the Empire for fault of Heirs Males resigned the Exerchat of Italy unto the Pope and freed as many Cities of Italy from the homage and obedience which they owed unto the Emperors as would buy their freedom and liberty of him for ready money Albeit his Son when he was Emperor fought many Battels and got many Towns with the Forces and Expences of the Empire but reserved all the profit arising by those Battels to his proper use and to have better and more easie entrance into Bilencia he usurped the State of the Marquess of Menia And Albert the Second enriched himself greatly although he ruled not long by troubles and divisions Is it not the House of Austria that hath wrongfully deprived many Princes and divers Electors of the Empire of their States and Dignities Is it not this house that hath unjustly compelled the greatest Princes of Germany to flie for succour and to seek the protection of the French King Is it not this House that hath unlawfully confiscated the States and Digninities of Iohn Fredrick Duke of Sexony Is it not this House that hath most cruelly razed the Walls and destroyed the Forts of the most noble and vertuous Prince the Lantsgrave of Hess Is it not this House that hath violently sacked destroyed and utterly overthrown the great and goodly Dukedom of Wittenberge Is it not this House that contrary to all humanity hath confiscated the greatest part of the Duke of Cleur his goods and made him too deer for a Wise that brought him Dowry Is it not this House that to make the Princes of Germany their Servants and Slaves have contrary to the Laws of the Empire erected a new Councel in the City of Spires Briefly Is it not this House that useth them most unkindly of whom they have received most Curtesie Have they ever had greater aid greater helps of any Princes of the Empire then of the Duke of Saxony Who sought for Frederick Duke of Austria against Lewis Duke of Bavaria more willingly and valiantly then Rodolph Duke of Saxony Ernest Duke of Saxony was the only cause and means that Maximilian was chosâ—n Emperor And Iohn Duke of Saxony went unto the Assault of Aba in Hungary and never departed thence until he made Maximilian Lord and Master of the whole Countâ—y Frederick of Saxony refused the Empire when it was offered unto him and procured it to be given unto Charles the Fift And yet the same Charls omitted no Art no cuning no way nor means that he could possibly devise to â—subvert and â—vinate the House of Saxony He set up Maurice and Agust his Brother against Iohn Frederick And Maximiliam stirred up the Sons of Iohn Frederick one against another Rodolph Count Palatine bore armes in the behalf of Frederick of Austria against his own brother Lewis Duke of Bamera and Frederick Count Palatine who was Recompenced for this pleasure by Frederick the Third who procured all the States and Princes of the Empire to be his mortall Enemies Briefly who favoured and furthered the Election of the last Maximilian so much as Frederick Count Palatine And yet not long after he gave so hard a sentence against him at Auspurghe that all the Princes of the Empire reversed the same in his Presence Now to speak of the Spanish Kings abuses towards the Princes of Germany and others were infinite labour and either that which I have already said is sufficient to cause him to be generally hated or the late Apologies of the Prince of Aurange of the State of the Low Countries of the now King of France of Don Antonio and of others will supply whatsoever I either for modestie or for brâ—vitiesake forbear to discover Then to conclude this point If France might be moved to set on Foot for the Kingdome of Navarre the Dukedom of Burgondy and all or part of the Lowcountries If the Pope might be intreaâ—ed to bestow the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily upon som Prince of worth and estimation If the Venetians and other Princes of Italy would be content to divide and share the Dukedom of Milan betwixt them If the States and Princes of the Empire would be pleased to reconcile the Kingdomes of Bohemia and Hungary with the Dukedom of Austria unto the Empire If the Duke of Parma or Don Antonio might be seated in Portugall And lastly England Holland and other States and Pâ—inâ—es that are mighty upon the Seas would either stop the Spaniards passage into the Indies or intercept his Treasure when it cometh from thence the proud and insolent House of Austria should quickly be reduced unto their old and pristine Estate and the Princes of Christendome when they should have no Adversary to fear but the common Enemy of Christians should undoubtedly live in great security peace and Amity For then are Kingdomes most safe when their Neighbours Forces and their own strength are not greatly unequall And then should our English Island be the strongest and happiest Kingdom in Christendom But in taking this course it behooveth to be somwhat Circumspect least that the overthrow and downfall of
Earl of Flanders whose Nobility and Subjects were often reconciled unto them and yet returned to their former disobedience and discontentment And France in my simple opinion although the King that now raignneth and his discontented Subjects were never so well reconciled would quickly return again into Civil Dissentions For the King being most honest frank open-hearted free-minded sometimes somewhat hasty so earnest of that which is laid before him that he hath less regard of that which is passed and also unto that which he must follow and lastly so much presuming upon his good hap and fortune that he can neither conceive nor careth to prevent far fetched practises these his conditions will easily renew some occasions of discontentment even perhaps in his best and his most loving Subjects Every man that hath deserved little will demand much when his Kingdom is frank and free And will it not be impossible to content all that shall and will beg of him An open-hearted man cannot dissemble his grief nor conceal an injury and is it not likely that he shall have many griefs many injuries offered him An hasty man never wanteth wo and doubtless he shall have many occasions to shew himself hasty And then if he shall either neglect that which he ought to follow or not be carefull to prevent such practises as may be devised against him he that hath but one Eye may see that he cannot long continue in Peace and Amity with such Subjects as shall be still encouraged by other Forraign Potentates to rebel against him And that which hath been said already maketh it most manifest that his Subjects shall not want this encouragement Thus have I satisfied your Request in every point that it pleased you to give me in Charge In some things I have been somewhat briefer then I would and in other perhaps longer then I should The length may be excused because all things being done for your pleasure I hope you will give me leave to please my self in some things wherein I was carried away with the great delight that I took in handling the same And the brevity is excusable because when I saw that my Treatise was grown to be somewhat long I thought it convenient to hasten to an end Excuse both and tender my credit and accuse me of unkindness if I be not ready to yeeld you better contentment in the like Task hereafter when years shall have encreased my slâ—nder Experience and Experience shall have perfected my simple Knowledge FINIS To the Reader A Libel whose substance cannot be changed after it is once given into a Civil or Ecclesiastical Court may in some sort be declared or amended before a replication be made thereunto A witness which after Publication is once granted cannot justly be received may be lawfully examined upon new Articles depending upon the former and a Iudge after the Deposition of Witnesses are communicated to both parties may by vertue of his office and to inform his own Conscience re-examine a witness If Additions and Declarations may be allowed in matters of Iudgement and Iudicial Courts and especially in the examinations of witnesses which may easily be corrupted I hope it shall not be offensible in me to make a Declaration of some things not sufficiently declared and expressed in any precedent Treatise especially since this addition serveth rather to illustrate then any way to enlarge my Discourse and all or the most part of that which I have thought good to add in this place came to my mind or my knowledge since my task was finished Farewel and judge so of my labours that you discourage me not to labour for you again in any thing wherein my pen and my pain may yeild you pleasure and contentment A SVPPLEMENT TO THE HISTORY OF THE State of Christendom AFter that I had thorowly as I thought finished my task and had discoursed upon every point thereof in such manner as you see of some briefly and of divers more at large I hapned upon a Book called Podaces de Historia that is to say The Fragments of an History The which was lately Imprinted and Written as it is supposed by Antonio Peres somtimes Secretary unto the King of Spain and now residing in London not as a rebellious Fugitive as many of our Countrymen live in Spain but as a Gentleman that thought it better to forsake his lands and livings then to live under the tyrannie and injustice of a cruel and ungrateful King This Book containing much matter fit to clear and declare some points lightly handled in my Treatise in regard whereof and for that divers men both speak and think diversly as well of the maker as of the matter thereof I have thought it meet and convenient with the substance of this book May it therefore please you to understand that whereas Don Iohn was sent by the Spanish King to Govern the Low-Countries he had a Secretary appointed him by the King called Iohn de Soto a man that endeavoured himself by all means possible as wise and worldly servants most commonly do first to know and then to feed his Masters humour and by feeding thereof to seek his own profit and preferment In which his endeavours he proceeded so far that the Spaniard fearing lest that his Brothers ambitious nature receiving both nourishment and encouragement from his wise and politique Secretary might in time adventure to attempt somthing to the prejudice of his Kingdoms and Dominions thought it convenient not to suffer so dangerous a servant to attend any longer upon so ambitious a master But because he doubted that if Iohn de Soto were removed from Don Austria's service and not preferred to some place better then the Secretaryship was it would not only discontent the servant but also displease the Master for the better contentment and satisfaction of both he advanced him to an office of greater countenance and commodity and with advice of his Council placed in his room Iohn Escovedo a man of a milder nature and in the Kings opinion not so fit at that time as the other was to favour and further his brothers aspiring and audacious enterprises This man advertised the King his master of all Don Iohn de Austria his doings and sought rather to please the King then the young Duke his Master But at length he followed the footsteps of his Predecessor and yeilded nothing unto him in feeding his Masters humours he found quickly that his Master loathed the name of Duke and longed to be a King that the Pope and Princes of Italy were as desirous as he to make him King that the best way to induce the Spanish King to yeild his consent thereunto was to entreat the Pope to write unto his Brother in his behalf and that England was a Kingdom for his purpose and worthy the conquering A plot is laid how to invade England and conquer it and the Pope is entreated to recommend the enterprize to the Spanish King and Don
crime worthy of death unless his Princes State be greatly endangered by his fault and folly Let all the ancient and new Histories be perused that handle matters of State All the large Volumns of Civilians be read that ever writ of points of Treason and all the Negotiations that have passed betwixt Prince and Prince be well and duly considered and it will appear that never any Princes servant or minister hath lost life for practising with his Masters Friends and Allies unless it were proved that through his fault of Friends they were made enemies For the Laws take not any man to be a traytor by whom his Princes State is not weakned or endangered or his Countries adversaries strengthned or assisted in deed or in counsel by advice or by action Then since it was not proved that Escovedo his practises with the King of France or with the House of Guise tended to the disadvantage of his Prince to the loss of his Realms the diminution of his Friends but rather to the advantage of the Kings Brother the benefit of the Low Countries and the continuance of the League and Amity betwixt France and Spain For Don Iohn de Austria his League with the Duke of Guise was concluded for the benefit and defence of both Kingdoms I see no reason why Escovedo should lose his life for contracting with France openly or secretly with the Kings pleasure or without his commission especially if it were not shewed that he had some express commandment not to deal in any matter of what nature soever with France without his privity For although it be a fault in a servant to be over-busie in his masters affairs into which divers servants fall many times either because they are desirous to be always doing somthing or for that they think they cannot be too careful and vigilant in any thing that concerns their masters yet it is an offence pardonable And the fault that proceedeth from temerity and rashness deserveth rather commiseration then cruelty pardon then punishment especially unless it be such a fault that hath no certain kind of chastisement appointed out by the Law But Escovedo was once well affected unto the Kings service and afterwards changed that affection But how will this be proved Bartell in his Book de Guelphis Gibellinis setteth down four causes or changes or signs of a changed affection and of a mans mind estranged and departed from that faction which he once liked and followed The first If he have any sudden occasion of quarrel and contention with a man that is mightier then himself amongst his own faction The second If any inheritance or great commodity be fallen unto him which he cannot enjoy unless he leave his old friends and lean unto their enemies The third If he be lately joyned in affinity with the contrary faction And the fourth and last if moved with any of these causes he departeth from one side unto another Of these four signs which was found in Escovedo Had he any quarrel with any one about his King that was greater then himself It appeareth not and Don Iohn de Austria testifieth unto the King that he was generally well liked and loved of all men Had he any league of kinred or affinity in Rome or France It was never urged against him and he never sought any occasion of any such alliance Left he his Masters service to serve the Pope or the French King There was nothing further from his heart Had he any pension of the Pope any fee of the French King any yearly reward of the House of Guise The intelligence that was given against him mentioneth no such matter and although he had some benefit by all these yet it maketh him no traytor For servants and Kings Counsellors may and do usually receive rewards of their Princes enemies much more of their friends which are given to the end they should do some good offices about their King and what Counsellor can be greatly blamed if he take a reward of an enemy to effect that which he knoweth his master would have effected Or who can justly think evil of that Counsellor who when an enemy seeketh a peace that will be both honourable and profitable to his Prince receiveth some notable reward to be a mediator of such a peace Is it not good to ease an indiscreet enemy of his money And have you not heard of Philip de Commines that divers great Officers of England had yearly Fees of the French King and yet were held and taken and that not wrongfully for good and faithful Counsellors unto their own King and Country It is noted for indiscretion and a great over-sight in the Seignory of Venice that when they send their Generals into the Field against their enemies they give them express charge and commandment not to fight a Battel without leave of the Senate because while they are sending for that leave they many times lose very good opportunities to overthrow their adversaries For that oft times it falleth out that the time the place and other circumstances give him opportunity to do better service then he should be able to do if he were precisely fastned unto his Instructions And undoubtedly the late Duke of Parma might have benefitted the Spaniard much more then he did in the Low Countries had he not been constrained to let slip many good occasions whilst he attended for advice and resolution out of Spain And it is certain that Don Iohn de Austria after his Victory at Lepantâ— might have done great service unto all Christendom had he not refused when he was requested by the Venetians to follow the victory because he had no warrant out of Spain to go further then he did And the Duke of Medina might as common fame reporteth in the late Spanish enterprize against England have annoyed our Realm much more then he did had he not stood so nicely to his Commission If therefore Flanders which in those days was very tumultuous and subject to divers accidents if France which favoured not England at that time so much as it doth at this present if the Pope who wanted not a number of fugitives to incense him against England if the House of Guise which had their secret friends and their privie practises in England if England it self which was the mark whereat the Pope the Spaniard and Don Iohn de Austria did shoot Briefly if all these together might minister many sudden occasions speedy resolutions and better furtherance from France from Rome then from Escovedo's practises were tolerable and his secret dealings gave the Spanish King no just occasion to put him to death It remaineth to see whether the cause of his death being unjust the King had any reasonable excuse to extenuate the murther He that cannot escape death but by killing another shall not be punished by death if he kill another because it is lawful to repel force by force The husband or father that killeth an adulterer in
Iulius Caesar. So did Peter King of Castile murther Rubaeus King of Granado for the greedy desire which he had of the infinite Treasure which Rubaeus brought into Castile with him So did Ptolomy imprison Antiochus who trusting him rather then his Brother Seleucus whom he had many ways and times grievously offended fled unto him from the heavy displeasure and persecution of King Eumenes So briefly did Henry the fifth King of England detain Iames afterward King of Scotland prisoner many years who flying from the unnatural persecution of his Uncle who had deposed his Father and usurped the Crown was driven by tempest into England These Examples varying much from the former And these Princes observing a quite contrary course unto that which the before-named Kings observed maketh this question very doubtful Whether it be lawful and commendable in Princes to receive and harbour another Prince who flyeth unto him for succour But if humanity deserveth always more commendations then cruelty if it be true that the Poet saith Turpius ejicitur quam non admittitur Hospes If Princes were first ordained and instituted to yeild relief to as many as were distressed If God most commonly blessed them who yeilded such relief and contrariwise punished those who exercised no kind of humanity towards them Briefly if wiser Princes have received them then have rejected them this doubt is easily dissolved and this difficulty quickly removed Now that humanity which is incident unto men is to be preferred before cruelty which is proper unto bruit beasts is a thing so apparent to common sense that I hold him for senseless that doubteth thereof and what is he who blameth him not for incivility who having received his friend into his house and being very well able to relieve him excludeth him without any occasion of discontentment offered by him Or who is so ignorant that knoweth not there is nothing more answerable unto the principal cause and motive of the first institution of Kings then it is to succour as many as have need of their help And our Chronicles do testifie that God plagued the posterity of Henry the fifth for his extremity used unto the poor distressed Prince of Scotland and the French Histories do declare that God never prospered Lewis sirnamed Oultremer King of France because he had dealt discourteously and unkindly with the Infant Richard Duke of Normandy whom he had received into his safe custody and protection And to be short the wisdom of those Princes who have harboured their Neighbours and Allies are commended beyond all measure by the Writers who mention them whereas their folly is reprehended and their cruelty blamed who rejected those of whom I lately made mention and all histories shall sooner perish then their infamy be forgotten But to reconcile the contrarieties of the precedent examples and to clear the difficulty of this question I think it not amiss to descend from the general argument to a particular supposition for so the controversie will soon be determined Suppose therefore for example sake that the Kings of France and Spain being in fast League of friendship together there ariseth a variance betwixt the Kings of France and Navarra from this variance they fall to wars of these wars follow the overthrow of the Navarrois after that overthrow he flyeth unto the King of Spain for refuge May the Spanish King in this case receive and harbour him To this demand it is not possible to make a good and an absolute answer unless the cause of the Wars betwixt France and Navarra and the kind of Alliance betwixt France and Spain be well and sufficiently known for the nature and quality of the one and the other may make the receipt and entertainment of the Navarrois lawful or unlawful If the French King had just occasion to war against the Navarrois because he was wronged by him or by some of his and the League betwixt Spain and France bound the Kings of both places not to receive one anothers enemies but that the one should hold him for his foe which was or is adversary to the other Then doubtless except the King of France of his part had first committed some Act contrary and repugnant unto the conditions of the Alliance whereby the same was broken and violated the Spaniard could not lawfully receive the Navarrois But contrarywise if the aforenamed Wars were unjust and the League not so streight as Alliance which are both offensive and defensive are then might the Spaniard without breach of his duty harbour the Navarrois especially if the French King had before the receipt violated the conditions of the League for as Bonds and Obligations betwixt private men tye not the Obligee to other things then are mentioned in the conditions so Leagues betwixt Princes do not prohibite them to do any thing that is not expresly or by implication forbidden by the Articles of those Leagues Besides as the world is now adayes Leagues are of no longer continuance then there is some profit or commodity arising or proceeding from them and as soon as the breach of them may be certainly and assuredly profitable and advantagious unto the breaker they are not so religiously observed as they have been in times past but some colour or other is presently pretended to justifie their unlawful violation You have heard what a strait League was concluded betwixt the French King and Ferdinando King of Spain touching the Kingdom of Naples and also what occasion was taken to break the same as soon as Gonsalvo surnamed the great Captain had the French General at an advantage But I think I have not as yet acquainted you with the colour and pretence which was used to excuse the breach thereof the which because it now cometh fitly to the purpose I purpose to declare unto you Ferdinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain being accused by the French King that they had unlawfully broken the League of Friendship which was straitly concluded betwixt Spain and France against all enemies whatsoever that should attempt any thing against the Kingdom of Naples being equally divided as you have heard betwixt the two Crowns alledged for their excuse that amongst other Articles of their League and Agreement this clause was inserted That they should not be bound to any thing that might be prejudicial unto the See of Rome and that therefore the Pope having required them as Sovereign Lord of that Kingdom to succour the distressed Kingdom of Naples they could do no less but yeilded unto his request and with this Cautele contrary to their former promise made unto the French King the said King and Queen entred into confederacy and league against France with the Pope with the Venetians and with the Duke of Milan and the Duke of Ferara would not openly enter into this League but cunningly and with an Italian devise and subtilty he suffered his Son to serve the Duke of Milan as his Lieutenant
General with 150 men at Armes A few more Examples like unto this will give some better light unto the obscurity and doubtfulness of this question and therefore I will afford you some such examples Edward the third King of England espying a time of great advantage to invade Scotland because he might be the less blamed if he should take the same occasion publikely protested that he was not in League with the Scot because the League betwixt them was fully agreed and concluded upon in his minority and while he being under Age had not the capacity to perceive the disadvantage and great harm that grew unto him by the same League The Scots and Picts being in League with the ancient Britanes and spying a convenient time to molest them whilest Maximinianus the Emperour was absent invaded the Realm and pretended that they were not bound to the League concluded betwixt them and Maximinianus if he were once out of the Kingdom The same people notwithstanding their League invaded the Brittanes another time saying that the League was at an end by the death of Placitus the Roman Lieutenant who had concluded the same League The Brittans in the time of King Arthur entred into League with Lothus King of the Picts and bound themselves to receive Aludred a Pict for heir and successour unto King Arthur but when Arthur was dead contrary to the Convenants of this League they made Constantius and not Aludred their King and being accused of the said Picts for breach of the said League they answered that the League betwixt Lothus and Arthur was fastened unto this condition that as soon as the one or the other dyed the Subjects of neither of them should be tyed any longer thereunto adding further that it stood not with policy to admit a Stranger to bear rule and government over them The examples are infinite that might be alledged to this purpose but these few may suffice to shew the proneness and ready good will of Princes to falsifie their Faith and to colour the breach thereof with some reasonable shew and pretence when they found it not commodious or convenient for them to hold every Covenant and Article of their Agreements Now having seen by this that hath been said already that Leagues are lightly broken it resteth for the better strengthening of my purpose that I declare unto you by such examples as shall presently come unto my memory what occasions one Allie hath taken to be offended with another and how upon such occasions offered of great friends they have become mortal enemies For hereby you shall see that since Princes are most commonly led and ruled by examples insomuch that they hold all things to be well done which not being apparently unjust or dishonest are done by example that our Queen notwithstanding the ancient continuance of the League that hath been between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy of which the King of Spain pretendeth himself to be lawful Heir may most lawfully fall from the same and by many and infinite Presidents justifie the receipt of the King of Portugal and the aid given unto him I find many causes in such Histories as I have read which have moved princes who were conjoyned together in a very straight League of Amity and Friendship to fall at variance and either to war one upon another or to associate themselves each one with the Foes and Adversaries of the other Iulius Caesar although the Romans were in League with the people which were anciently called Lingones yet he held them yea and used them as Enemies because they aided the Helvetians which are now called Swizzers with corn and other provision Other Princes have taken occasion of offence against their Allies and Confederates because they have fallen to Agreement with their common Enemies and Adversaries without their consent of privity So was Pope Sextus the fourth highly displeased with Ferdinando King of Naples because he not making him privy thereunto had agreed all matters of variance and controversie betwixt himself and Laurence de medicis and the City of Florence So did Lewis the twelfth of France justly complain of Pope Iulius the second because at what time France stood in most need of him he compounded the differences betwixt the Church and their common Enemies and for this injury offered unto him published bills and books of greivous complaints against him saying that he was worthy to be deprived of his Popedom Illescas in the life of Pope Leo the tenth reporteth That the Venetians being in League with the King of Spain against the French King departed from their Alliance with the Spaniard and allied themselves with the French King for no other occasion but because Prospero Colona one of the Captains of the Spanish Army did not presently give unto them Bressia which he had taken from the French King and should as it seemed have been restored unto the Venetians as soon as it was taken Sometimes it falleth out that many occasions meet at one time to move a Prince to relinquish and leave the side and party of his confederate Many causes enforced Pope Leo the tenth to leave the French King and to join with Charls the fifth First his unsatiable desire to recover Parma and Placentia The pity he took of Italy to see what misery it endured under the French Thirdly The good will he had to gratifie the Emperor for the great love which he shewed at the Diet holden at Wormes unto the See of Rome Fourthly his indignation and displeasure conceived against Monsieur Lotreth Governour of Milan because he did not only molest and trouble the poor Millanois with a thousand vexations and grievances but also gave all the Benefices Bishopricks and other Ecclesiastical Livings within the Dukedom of Milan without the Popes leave and licence And further because he had had given commandment that no man should appear upon any Citation sent from Rome nor should go thither to follow any Suit or Process begun or moved there And lastly the remembrance of those injuries which were done by the King of France unto his Predecessors and especially unto Peter and Laurence de Medicis his Father and his Brother Here you see the Pope whom the rest of Italy most commonly followeth partly moved with a just hatred against the Frenchmen and partly fearing their overgrowing power in Italy to prevent the hateful increase of their greatness leaveth them and joyneth himself unto their enemies Now you shal see another Pope named Clement the seventh and with him also the Venetians finding that Charls the fifth with whom Leo the tenth allied himself against the French King yeildeth not accordingly as he was bound the investiture of the Dukedom of Milan unto Francis Sforza who promised to give him for the same six hundred thousand Ducates and to marry with whomsoever it should please him and also to hold the Dukedom at his devotion And further conjecturing