this Examinant further saith That Mr. Rumbald told this Examinant not long since that Major Wildman had shewed him a Paper in the nature of a Declaration or Remonstrance which he intended to have Printed and Dispersed among the People at the time of the intended Insurrection and that he the said Wildman had formerly encouraged the said Rumbald in the attempt upon the King and Duke in their way to or from Newmarket but afterward seemed to discourage him And this Examinant further saith That after the Fire happened at Newmarket and this Examinant Colonel Romzey Walcot Ferguson Rumbald and Richard Goodenough had met twice and resolved to let making any Attempt upon the King and Duke alone The said Ferguson on Saturday or Sunday before the Kings return borrowed Forty Gunies of Colonel Romzey as the said Colonel Romzey and Ferguson have since told this Examinant in order to set the same on work but did nothing in it and hath since repaid Thirty Gunies if not the whole Forty Gunies to the said Colonel Romzey And this Examinant further saith That after the Kings return from Newmarket the said Colonel Romzey this Examinant Ferguson Rumbald Goodenough and Walcot as this Examinant believes met at the George and Vulture Tavern on Ludgate-hill where the Arms in this Examinants former Examinations mentioned and the Sorts and Sizes thereof were agreed upon And the said Ferguson told the Company that one was employed to see for some Convenience between Hampton-Court and Windsor to make the Attempt upon the King and Duke but he never made any Report of the Message though he was pressed to it by this Examinant and others being then wholly intent as this Examinant perceived upon Managing the Scotch Insurrection And this Examinant further saith That soon afterward there were several Meetings between all or most of the Parties abovementioned at the Castle Tavern in Fleetstreet and Green Dragon Tavern on Snow-hill but this Examinant doth not remember any particular Discourse at any of the said Meetings other than concerning the Progress of the Scotch preparation towards an Insurrection And this Examinant further saith That there was since proposed making an Attempt upon the King and Duke in their return from the Dukes Play-House in the narrow part of the Street but the same was wholly rejected and this Examinant never heard of any Attempt designed to be made upon the King and Duke at a Bull-Feast nor never heard that a Bull-Feast was to be had till about Ten or Eleven days since And this Examinant further saith That the said Ferguson told this Examinant that the Insurrection in England intended to second that in Scotland would be in this manner viz. That one Party should be up in the West at Bristol Taunton and thereabout another in Yorkshire at York another in Cheshire at Chester and if it could be done another in Devonshire at Exeter in every of which places some Persons of Quality would appear but named them not and that the main Push was designed at London and was ordered thus viz. That several parties should at once Attack the Tower the Guards and the Exchange the Mews the Savoy and White-Hall and one at Westminster should fall upon the back of White-Hall that a Party of Horse should be laid at Staines Bridge to way-lay the King and Duke if they went towards Windsor and another Party of Horse to way-lay them in their Road to Portsmouth if they went thither that the Mayor and Sheriffs should be seized but the Design was not to be Communicated till it was ripe for Action and added that he hoped the Duke of Monmouth and Lord Russel might be prevailed with to appear in London And this Examinant further saith That after the Scots were disappointed of the Money promised to them the said Ferguson would have had this Examinant to have met and discoursed with Sir Thomas Armstrong but this Examinant refused to do so and he once asked this Examinant to wait upon the Duke of Monmouth but this Examinant refused that also And this Examinant further saith That though the said Ferguson was shie of Naming Persons of Quality to this Examinant yet he always believed he meant the Duke of Monmouth Lord Russel Lord Grey Colonel Sidney Mr. Charleton Major Wildman and others but this Examinant never Discoursed with any of them himself And Colonel Romzey about two or three Months since to the best of this Examinants remembrance told this Examinant that the Lord Howard of Escrick Colonel Sidney Mr. Hampden Junior Major Wildman and others whom this Examinant hath forgotten were Managers of the Design And this Examinant further saith That Richard Rumbald was commonly called Hanibal by reason of his having but one eye and that it was usual at the Meetings above-mentioned to Drink a Health to Hanibal and his Boys and this Examinant believes the Ninety three Guineys in this Examinants former Examination mentioned to be paid to him by the said Ferguson for the Arms were given to him by Mr. Charleton for that the said Ferguson had before told this Examinant that he should have the said Money when Mr. Charleton came to Town and when the said Ferguson paid the said Guinies to this Examinant he told him he had not them in his Custody above half an hour and this Examinant met the said Charleton going from him when this Examinant came to him And this Examinant further saith That about five Weeks since after the said Treaty with the Scots seemed to be broken off this Examinant Colonel Romzey Mr. Walcot Mr. Wade Mr. Norton Richard Goodenough and Iames Holloway met at the Young Devil Tavern between the two Temple Gates where it was agreed to divide the City into several Parts and to give the several Parts to several Persons to examine what Force might be Raised in every one of them and if 3000 Men could be Raised for the first Onset it was thought sufficient encouragement to venture upon an Insurrection and it was not doubted but 20000 Men would fall in if the first Onset had any success and in order to this a large Map of the City and Suburbs was bought and hung up in this Examinants Chamber where Mr. Wade Holloway and Mr. Francis Goodenough divided the City and Suburbs into Twenty Divisions which were to be Managed thus One principal Man in each Division should employ Fourteen or Fifteen under him and give them their particular Walks so that they might not interfere one with another and be deceived in their Numbers These were to provide Ten men apiece at least so that 150 Men in each Division would make 3000 out of the Twenty Divisions and what was over might be kept for a Reserve but there was no particular Method as this Examinant remembers agreed upon to use these Men but was deferred till the Number was certain after which Division so made the said Richard Goodenough by reason of his general Acquaintance undertook to find out Men to act accordingly
but that the Earl of Shaftsbury broke that Designe not consenting to pay the Money This Examinant never heard any thing of this Design until the said West Norton and Goodenough did tell him thereof And this Examinant further saith That Mr. Nelthrop and Mr. Wade did always oppose the Murthering of the King and the Duke and so did Captain Walcot but at last the said Walcot consented And this Examinant further saith That Mr. Bourn and Mr. Goodenough's Brother were at some of the last Meetings about the raising of the Men This Examinant saith That to the best of his Memory he hath here set down every thing that was said or Transacted in the Debates when he was there but he was absent from some I. Romzey Colonel Romzey's further Information THis Examinant further saith That being sent by the Earl of Shaftsbury about the beginning of November last to Mr. Shepard's a Merchant near Lombard-street where was the Duke of Monmouth Lord Russel Lord Grey Sir Thomas Armstrong and Mr. Ferguson this Examinant told them my Lord Shaftsbury had sent him to tell them it was high time to come to some Resolution about the Rising They made him this Answer by Mr. Ferguson and afterwards my Lord Grey said words to the same effect that Mr. Iohn Trenchard had promised and assured them at his first coming to Town that Term that he could in four hours time have a Thousand Foot and Two or Three Hundred Horse but now they had sent to him to know the certainty he had returned to them this following answer That Men would not be got from home on two or three days warning but that when such a thing as a Rising should be he must know it sooner that he might acquaint Men to make Provision of Settlements for their Families so they could not go on at this time any further And for this reason and that they heard Sir William Courtney would not stir my Lord must be contented This Message I returned to my Lord On this my Lord resolved to leave England This Examinant further saith That there was a Project of Government drawn up by Mr. West and Mr. Wade which they delivered to this Examinant and he gave it to Mr. Ferguson who told them that he heard Colonel Sidney had drawn one that he would compare them together and reduce them into one intire one And this Examinant further saith That Mr. Nelthrop told him that my Lord of Essex my Lord Russel Colonel Sidney and young Mr. Hamden were the persons that did Treat with the Scotch Gentlemen and so did Mr. West and I think Mr. Ferguson Mr. Nelthrop and Mr. West during the time I did not see Mr. Ferguson told me that now they were resolved to raise Ten Thousand pounds for the Scots and that next week it should all be paid in that was about a Month since But they had been with Mr. Shepard the Merchant and he told them there was none paid This Money was to buy Arms in Holland Mr. Ferguson told this Examinant the Rising must be in Scotland before Harvest or else their people would not be got together and that in four days after the Scots were up we should have the first Intelligence and that then we must Rise in this Town and in Taunton My Lord Howard was at first one with my Lord Essex and the rest but he told Captain Walcot and Mr. West what passed amongst them for which reason he was lâ—fâ— out of the meetings Further this Examinant saith that Mr. Wade and Holloway told him how they had fixed the matter for Bristol that they were sure of Three Hundred Men and that they would Post them in all the cross Streets so that none of the other party should get together in a Body or out of their Houses By this means they should be Masters of the Town without spilling one drop of Blood And this Examinant further saith that Goodenough told Wade West and this Examinant that about twenty five Hundred Arms would be wanting for the Men that would Rise here for without they were Armed that were on the first to Rise here we should be beat therefore West and this Examinant did acquaint Mr. Ferguson from the rest that did meet of the necessity of having so many Arms. He replied Money should not be wanting but how so many Arms could be bought without a discovery Mr. West did undertake that if Money were given the Arms might be had and some person of the Company did name a Gun-smith that was an honest Man that might without suspition have two or three Hundred Arms and other Gun-smiths might if enquired after be found that might lodge proportionable quantities in their Shops and the Men should be led to these Shops and Armed It was said by Goodenough that six Hundred Arms were together in the Artillery Ground which might be easily seized on Many debates we had about the Tower some proposed the taking of it by day-time by sending some Men onely with Pocket Pistols and when the Sign was given they were to fall on the Guard but this was left off as not agreeing with a Rising by night and then the other way was to clap two or three hundred Fagots to the Gates and set them on Fire which would make those within surrender and that Ships should come and lie before the Tower and batter it at the same time the Fagots were on fire I. Romzey Colonel Romzeys Letter to the Earl of Rochester concerning the Scotch Pedlars My Lord WHen the Rising was to have been in November Mr. Ferguson did say that he could promise for Three Hundred Scots in this Town that would be ready at a days warning and that there was in England Twelve Hundred that might be depended upon that Three or Four Hundred did always abide here the rest were scattered throughout England with Packs on their Backs for the Maintenance of themselves that a great many of them were Gentlemens Sons and all of them had been at Bothwel-Bridge and betook them to this way to get and carry Intelligence as well as a living J. Romzey Another Letter from Colonel Romzey to the Earl of Rochester My Lord I Do not know whether I have already in any of my Papers where I mention Mr. Roe acquainted the King of one passage he told me but I think I have that Gibbons the Duke of Monmouths Footman did tell him that nothing but taking off the Two Brothers would do the business and if he would go with him he would shew him the place to do it he carried him to my Lord of Bedfords Garden where I think he told me is a Mount to look into Covent Garden and said no place can be like this to lodge Men in to do the feat and shewed him the Garden-door where they might make a Sally on the Coach if they mist with their Fire Mr. Roe asked him but how will you bring the Men in He told him my Lord was long in
Carolina but he believed that was only a pretence and that the real truth was to Concert Matters in order to some Design in Scotland for the Lord Shaftsbury had sent for him upon pretence of some Command in Carolina but when he came the Lord Shaftsbury was very cool in it And this Examinant further saith That the said Mr. Walcot refused a long time to act in any wise in the Attempt upon the King and Duke in the Newmarket Journey but at length by the perswasion of Ferguson as this Examinant believes he undertook to Command the Party who were to Fight the Guards or to be one of them but refused to act in the Assassination it self And this Examinant further saith The said Ferguson told this Examinant that when the Earl of Argâ—le was in England last Year he had offered to make a sturdy Commotion in Scotland if he might have had but 6000 l. for so low he came down from his first demand of 30000 or 40000 l. but our Great Men were jealous of him then and would not trust him though he offered that they should employ whom they would themselves to lay out the Money in Arms which he said was a great Oversight and Opportunity lost And this Examinant believes the Assassination of the King and Duke designed in October last was Projected and Abetted by the late Earl of Shaftsbury and that the Money in one of this Examinant's former Examinations mentioned to be advanced for that Design was advanced by the said Earl because this Examinant had heard but cannot say positively from whom that the said Earl complained of having been ill used in that Matter in the Money not being returned though it was not laid out Information of Carleton Whitlock 5 July 83. MR. West some time in Easter-Term last in the Court of Requests told me That some desperate Fellows had designed to have killed the King or would have killed the King as he came last from Newmarket if they had not been afraid that the Duke of Monmouth would have Hanged them Upon which I told him That it had been a villanous Action and that all Mankind would have detested the Action and the Murderers and that if it ever had been in the Duke of Monmouth's Power he would certainly have Hanged them for it if they had done it He told me afterwards That there was a Design of raising a considerable Sum of Money to buy Arms as I remember in Holland and that Major Wildman Col. Algernoon Sidney and Ferguson managed the Business and that my Lord Russel was very active in it or Words to that effect And that Writings were drawn or drawing or to be drawn for the taking up of the Money as I remember he said Ferguson was to manage on the behalf of the Scots This he told me at his House one Day when I Dined with him but upon my not Examining him to Particulars he said nothing to me but thus generally Only at his House he said That some of them were for a Commonwealth and others for Monarchy At Mr. Shute's Funeral in the publick Room Nelthorp came to me and asked me for something for poor Ferguson as he called him and told me He was doing a good Work for all Honest Men. I told him I would give nothing to any Man for doing a Work I did not know of C. Whitlock Mr. Edmund Waller's Confession I Did once meet Mr. West I do not know the certain time and he rail'd so much at those he called Protestant Lords that I asked him if he would have them be Rebels and told him That such Men as he and nothing else could ruine the Kingdom This was in the Temple before the Hall The last and only other time that I ever spoke with him in private that is alone for we walked in the Temple-Cloysters I met him there and he told me That some People not naming himself as one had had a Design to set upon the King I am not certain whether he named Newmarket but he said It was over I went from him hastily and only said These things will Hang you and undo a great many other People As I remember when he said There had been such a Design I told him I did not believe it and then he said It was to have been done as the King came from Newmarket and was going on to say more but I interrupted him and went away and I believe he was jealous of me for he called after me and said There was no Danger This was as I think the Saturday before this Conspiracy was spoke of in Westminster-Hall Iuly 6th 1683. Edm. Waller Information of Zachary Bourn RIchard Goodenough bringing Mr. Ferguson alias Roberts for that Name he used to go by to my House it was a great while ' ere I understood any thing at all of the Design but so many coming to him daily as did made me jealous I did imagine something of it Upon which he took an occasion one Day to ask What I thought about the Gentlemen that came so often to him and then says Admit there should be a Design on foot for the Good of the People of England Would you be against it To which I answer'd If I can do it with a safe Conscience I could not tell well what I should be perswaded to As to that says he I shall easily satisfie you And then went on to prove a mutual Covenant between the King and the People that his Majesty had broke it on his side so the People were again at Liberty But to the Matter says he as indeed I will be plain with you If you love your self you must come in for there is a Design on foot so laid and so far gone that it is impossible it should fail Then I desired him if he thought it convenient to let me know some Particulars which he said He would provided I would promise him Secrecy but especially I should say nothing to my Father or Wife for he thought I would not speak to any Body else Upon which I said I would And then he was plain as he said and told me as follows That there was not a County in England but had prepared for the Business less or more but especially in the North and West and that they were sure of most Places of Strength throughout the Kingdom but especially Bristol and Newcastle And that they were then a considering how to secure Portsmouth but were afraid they should not the Garrison was so strong And that the Scots were to stir at the same time we were and that we were to lend them 10000 l. to be remitted into Holland to buy Arms for them and that he was to go over with the Bills of Exchange That he found out a Person could deposite the Money upon good Security which the Lords had promised should be given That there was a Dutch-Merchant or two that he had got to provide the Arms for the English could not do
forfeit the opinion was had of them that I must be allowed the â—iberty to discourse with them about it and till then to suspend as well my Censure of them as the Resignation of my self to him in the matters propounded by him upon these terms I parted from him promising to see him again within a day or two The next day I went to Moor-Park where the Duke of Monmouth then was and in short acquainted him with what I had heard as well concerning himself as the Lord Russel c. He absolutely denied that he or as he believed my Lord Russel had ever made any such appointment with my Lord Shaftsbury that they were altogether Ignorant of what was doing by the said Earl who for some time upon what Capricio he knew not had withdrawn himself from them and acted upon separate Councils of his own grounded as he feared upon the hasty Conceptions of some Hot-headed Men who might lead him into some untimely undertaking which in all probability would prove fatal to himself and all the Party For prevention of which he said he would be glad if he knew where to give him a Meeting and to resettle a better understanding with him Having had this Account from the Duke I made a sâ—cond Visâ—t the next day being Thursday the 3d or 4th of October to the said Earl to whom I communicated what had passed the day before betwixt the Duke and me and thereupon took occasion to strengthen my self with Arguments of the absolute necessity of a speedy Conâ—erence betwiâ—t him and the other Lords as well for the removing the present misapprehensions they had of each other as also for the Consolidating them into such an Union and Concert of Councils as might render them all joyntly helpful to the Common Interest by an harmonious and uniform Acting to the same end in which they did all agree however they might differ in the means This I urged upon him with all the vehemency that the nature and importance of the thing required but he still persisted in a refusal of a Meeting saying with some more than ordinary warmth That he had long discovered in the Duke a backwardness to Action by which they had lost great opportunities that he had cause to suspect that this artificial dilatoriness of the Duâ—e proceeâ—ed from a private agreement betwixt his Father and him to sayâ—â—â—ne another That People so he termed that Imaginary Army in the City were impatient of longer delays having advanced so far already that they could not safely retreat The intention of an Insurrection being commnnicated to so many that it was morally impossible to keep it from taking Air if it was not speedily brought into Act that one of his Friends whom I afterwards understood to be Rombald had drawn almost an Hundred Horse into London by small and unobservable Parties a little before Michaelâ—as Day who after they had câ—ntinued here a good while at their Expence were again retired to their respective places of Abode That such frequent Disappointments would weary the Party and flat their Spirits and make them at last resolve to sit down in a total Despondency But it was much to be feared the Duke acted with a Prospect very different from theirs he designing nothing more than the Advancing himself whilst they could not hope that ever their Liberties should be well secured for the future but under the Government of a Commonwealth That for these Reasons he was fully determined to be no longer expectant upon the Duke's Motions but would pursue his former intentions of Attempting the deliverance of his Country by the help of an honest Brisk party in the City with whom if the rest of the Lords would be co-operating they might share with him in the glory of so honourable an Undertaking but if they would not he hoped he should be able to effect the Work without them Howard Iuly 11. 83. This was the Substance of the second Confereâ—ce I had witâ— him which I reported the next day to the Duke who desired me to make one Assay more to procure an Interview This occasioned my going to the said Earl a thiâ—d time upoâ— Saturday the 5th or 6th of October at which time I did prevaâ—â— with him to give me a promise of meeting the Duke and â—y â—ord Râ—ssel the next day in the Evening but in stead of coming he sent his Excuse both to the Duke and me the next Morning by Colonel Romzâ—y and streightway removed to another Lodging where he continued to secret himself till the time of his departure out of England During the time of his Concealment divers intimations were given some to me by Captain Walcot others by others to the Duke of Days appointed for their intended Insurrections One appointment was about the later end of October at which time the Kings return from Newmarket was expected but this was prevented by the Duke who prevailed with them to put it off to a longer day in expectation of a Concurrence of the Country with them This Adjournment as I remember was for a Fortnight at which time returns from the Country gave Discouragement to the proceedings After this the second of November was made a day peremptory as I have been informed but that also was put off I know not upon what Disappointmâ—â—t which often Failures caused the said Earl to take Resolutions of Conveying himself beyond the Seas which he did accordingly Whilst these things were in Agitation I have several times had some dark Hints given me from Captain Walcot from Goodenough from West from Ferguson of Striking at the Head of shortning the Work by removing two Persons by which I did apprehend that there was a design of making some Attempt upon the King and the Duke or one of them but when and where and by whom and in what manner and place this was to be acted I never saw This ends the Transactions during the Life of the Earl of Shaftsbury the rest shall be made a Second Part. Howard Iuly 11. 1683. A Continuation of my former Narrative AFter the Death of the Earl of Shaftsbury it was considered That as there had appeared both in City and Country a very prompt and forward disposition to Action so it might justly be feared that either the minds of Men might in time stagnate into a dull Inactivity unless proper Acts were used to keep up the fermentation or which was equally dangerous that the unadvised Passions of a Multitude might precipitate them into some rash and ill-guided undertakings unless they were under the steering and direction of some steady and skilful hand For prevention of both these Evils it was thought necessary that some few persons should be united into a Cabal or Council which should be as a concealed Spring both to give and to guide the motion of the Machine The persons designed to this general Care were the Duke of Monmouth the Lord Russel the Earl of Essex Mr. Algernoon Sidney Mr. Hambden Junior
without the Bloodshed of one man it being our Design to shed no Blood if possible but this we resolved not to acquaint any of our Friends with till the Day and Method was resolved of which he said we should have ten or fourteen days notice and having soon considered of a Method waited in expectation of further Advice but none came till November then we heard that some dis-appointment happening they were forced to delay it though there was more and more cause for it The end of December or beginning of Ianuary had advice that it was deferred to the beginning of March The third of March I came to London and meeting with Mr. Wade asked him how things went who answered that he could not tell what to make of it for he could find nothing done more than was nine Months before The Great Persons who were the Managers having done nothing but talkt of things but now there was some others appointed to manage it who were Men of Business naming them to me viz. The Earl of Essex the Lord Howard of Estrick the Lord Gray the Lord Russel Colonel Sidney Major Wildman Mr. Hambden the younger and Mr. Charlton who he did suppose would make something of it and not do as the others had done make a years talk to ensâ—are many thousands of people to no purpose for these had already sent Messengers into Scotland and Ireland to know their minds naming one Aaron Smith sent into Scotland and at the return of the Messengers would come to a resolution as to time and method but he was confident they could not be ready before Midsummer by reason they had done so little in order to it Mr. Wade was then design'd into the West upon the Earl of Stamford's Business and said if he could understand any thing more before he left London he would take Bristol in his way and acquaint us with it This Journey he brought me to Colonel Romzey with whom we had little discourse he being going forth with his Lady The sixth of March I left London and went directly for Bristol about the twelfth of March Mr. Wade came to Bristol but then could say no more than as above the Messengers being not come back from Scotland nor Ireland and was of his former opinion that if any thing were done it could not be before Midsummer he then expected to be about two Months in the West and said that if any thing was agreed upon sooner one Mr. West a Councellor had promised to write to him in the name of Inglestone and direct his Letter to be left at his Brothers in Bristol who Wade ordered that if any such Letter came to open it and if any thing material in it to send it by a Messenger to him into the West About the 17th of March came a Letter for him from West in the name of Inglestone which his Brother opened and not understanding the Stile brought it to me but I knew not the meaning thereof The Contents was to desire Mr. Wade to get his Clients together the next Saturday come Fortnight for that was the day appointed to Seal the Writings and neither of us understanding it his Brother sent it by a Messenger after him who found him at Taunton and his Answer by the Messenger was that he knew not the meaning of it but should be within ten Miles of Bristol the next Saturday desiring that if any other Letter came to send it to him About three days after came another Letter as above desiring him not to call his Clients together for the time of Sealing was put off which Letter was also sent to him but he understood it not saying it was some rash business or other and so went back again The fifth of April I came to London and that evening went to Mr. Wests Chamber in the Temple where I found him who then did not know me but when I told him my Name from whence I came and mentioned the two Letters Mr. Wade received from him he began to be somewhat free in Discourse with me I then told him that Mr. Wade and his Friends were surprised at the Letters not knowing what he meant by them and did desire to know concerning which he seemed a little shie but after a little Discourse began to tell me saying There was a Design to take off the King and Duke coming from Newmarket which they expected would have been that Saturday mentioned in his Letter had not the Fire happened which caused them to come sooner Nay said he had we known they would have stayed so long as they did their business should have been done I then asked him what he meant by desiring Mr. Wade to get his Clients together by that day and what he could propose they should have done to which he could say little only that they might be ready I then told him that I thought it a very rash thing and that few in England would approve of it that I was sure none about us would being a most Cowardly dishonourable action besides the basest sin of Murther Then said he what is designed by the General Design but to take them both off and if it had been done that way it would have prevented a great deal of Bloodshed in the Nation No said I no such thing is designed as I know of the General Design being only to get the King off from his evil Counsels who had advised him to put a stop to Proceedings against Popish Plotters by Dissolving of Parliaments c. and to bring all Popish Offenders to Justice and such who had betrayed the Liberty of the Subject and this I think was all the Discourse we had at that time being the first of my acquaintance with him that night I went with him to a Tavern in Fleetstreet where was Captain Norton Richard Goodenough and one Mr. Aylif who to my knowledge I never saw before nor since whilst I was with them there was no Discourse of any Business but I soon left them together The next day Mr. Roe of Bristol brought me to Mr. Ferguson at the House of one Mr. Bourne a Brewer but was not admitted to see him himself Ferguson then went by the Name of Roberts who when I had told my Name and from whence I came was pretty free in Discourse with me and told me the Design went on very well that there were some Scotish Gentlemen come up who were treating with the Managers and did hope they would agree in fews days and come to a Resolution both as to time and method of which we should have timely notice but by all his Discourse at that time I could not perceive that he knew any thing of the Newmarket Design That day I had some discourse with Colonel Romzey at his house who I found was privy to the Newmarket Business and his Opinion was that the General Design would come to nothing for he did not approve of the Managers actings and said there was
nothing like the other Design for that would put an end to all in a little time when I told him that I thought none in our parts would be for it which I think was all the Discourse we then had only he promised that if any thing was agreed before Mr. Wade came up I should hear of it so I took leave and went for Bristol the next morning About ten days after hearing nothing from them Ferguson having told me that he thought all would be agreed in four or five days and promiâ—ed to advise I wrote to Mr. West desiring to know how they went on who wrote me that they still met with delays and were come to no Conclusion after that I heard no more till May. About the beginning of May I came up to London again in Company with Mr. Wade and some other Bristol men but when we came up my Business being in the City and theirs about the Temple we parted after two or three days I met with Mr. Wade and asked how he found things who told me he doubted all would prove a Sham for he thought there was nothing intended finding nothing materially done in order to what had been so long discoursed Then we went to Mr. West and discoursed him fully about the Contents of his Letters who told us they were resolved to kill the King and Duke as they came from Newmarket in order to which he had provided Arms for fifty Men Pistols Carbines and Blunderbusses and that they were promised the House of one Rumbald a Malster which lay in the Road and the King must come by his Door there the men should have been Lodged Then we asked who was to have acted it to which he could give but a slender Answer and could or wâ—â—ld name but two Men who were Rombald and his Brother saying if they could have raised six or eight hundred pounds to have bought Horses and something to encourage men they should have 〈◊〉 men enough so that we found they had few men if more than two and no Horses only a parcel of Arms which afterwards he shewed us at a Gun-smiths House in a little Lane near Temple-Bar Then we asked him what they designed if it had taken effect to which he answered that the men should have come up with all speed to London and dispersed themselves immediatly declaring for the Duke of Monmouth and that the King and Duke being dead no opposition could be made then we asked who were for this Design he named Colonel Romzey and Richard Goodenough and as far as I can remember no more so we found it was carried on by them contrary to the knowledge or approbation of those who managed the General Design then we declared our great dislike of it telling him it was a base Dishonourable and Cowardly Action and would seem odious to all the World that any pretending themselves Protestants should be concerned in such a Bloody Action and that we thought it was his Cowardize put him upon it to which he said that he could not Fight but would be as forward with his Money as any of his Capacity Then we went to Colonel Romzey who we found to be wholly of Wests Opinion saying that except something be done that way I know nothing will be done at all for he knew the other Managers would do nothing so we had little Discourse at that time After this we went to Ferguson who told us how things stood we then found that he knew of both Designs but was only for the Insurrection and told us that the Managers had been Treating with some Scotch Gentlemen that they were almost agreed and the Money they were to be supplyed with would be ready in three or four days being ten thousand pounds which was to be returned to Holland to buy Arms c. for Scotland He also told us that the Scotch Gentlemen had made another proposal to the Managers thus If they would supply them with thirty thousand pounds they would begin it in Scotland first which they could soon have and then would Invade England desiring the Managers only to get a Party in the North of England ready to oppose any Force from coming out of England against them before they had setled Scotland but this was not approved of the Managers chusing rather to supply them with 10000 l. and to begin it in England the same time Then we daily expected to hear when the Mony would be paid but still found nothing but delays the Managers not agreeing how to raise the Mony and that if the Mony had been ready they were come to no Conclusion as to any method more than they were nine months before having done nothing â—â—t talked to ensnare people reporting about in all parts how the Liberties of the people were daily more and more infringed and that Arbitrary Government and Popery was coming in apace which incensed people very much and made such a grumbling in all parts that we fear'd lenger delays would make the common people in many parts mutiny it being as we thought so gen'rally known except something was suddainly done it was impossible it should remain undiscovered so the next time we met with Romzey and Ferguson tho never together we declared our dissatisfaction by Reason of such long delaies and spoke it so as that it might come to the managers Ears as we suppose it did being to this effect That we thought they had only a design to betray people drawing many thousands into a snare for their actions shewed little otherwise being so long discoursing a thing of that nature and done so little towards it few days after meeting with Romzey again he told us they were of different opinions concerning a method some for beginning the Insurrection only in London and Scotland some for it in all places at once as at first proposed others for several places in England and Scotland and not in London saying that if it was not begun in London but in other places there would be forces raised in London to send out against them which would take out most of their strength and that then London might be easily secured somtimes they were for beginning it only in London and Scotland and to have people come up to London from all parts of England to which we answered that we though no way better than what was first proposed viz. the beginning of it in many places at once as before mentioned for although we had engaged none in or about Bristol nor should not endeavour it till all things were concluded yet with the assistance we were promised from Taunton did not doubt but to get men enough to secure it and that we knew not where to get ten men that would come for London and supposed it might be so in other places men might be willing to secure their own Country who would not be willing to leave all and come for London Romzey then said if he knew where to get at the
they came the Bristol Men to Lodge themselves and Arms with Arms for the Taunton Men in an House as near as possible to their Posts and to send one out from each Post between Three and Four of the Clock in the Morning to observe the motion of the Watch and to advise as soon as they were gone off that they might all immediately repair to their respective Posts calling the Taunton Men and as soon as they had gained their Posts to send out a File of musquetiers to fetch in such and such men in each of their Divisions as they should have had an account of before and convey them to the main Guard which in the fourteen Divisions would have been about Sixty Persons Commission-Officers and others then to fetch in all the Arms and Ammunition they could find which two things being done as we supposed might be in a little time and without any opposition the Posts being so near each other that it would have been impossible for any Number to get together we resolved next to declare the reasons for our taking up Arms and to encourage all to come in to us that we could trust not doubting but we should soon have had many Thousands in the City and out of the adjacent Counties Glocester Somerset and Wilts The Reason why I did not come in c. When the News of the Discovery first came to Bristol and some time before I was in some trouble by my Creditors and forc'd to abscond tho' thought I had sufficient to pay them only desired time to get in my effects their Mercy I feared more than your Majesties and thought if I should come in and find mercy with your Majesty I could at first expect no better than a Prison and if from it discharged by your Majesty to be kept in by them upon account of my Debts Secondly hearing there was very many in and about Bristol supposed to be concerned and I tho' knowing so much being able to prove so little against any Man but such against whom there was sufficient proof without me feared that if I should come in more would be expected from me than I could prove and so might faâ—l of Mercy it having been our resolution not to discover the Design to any of our Friends till the Managers had agreed both upon time and method therefore considered how to make my escape there being then a strict search in all Ports thought best to continue in England for some time till the heat might be over and so got an ordinary habit and a little Horse about 40 Shillings Price and travell'd the Country as a Man dealing in Wool in Gloucester-shire Oxford-shire and Summerset-shire till about the middle of August then repaired towards Bristol and by Letter with my Wifes Assistance all other Friends thereabout fearing to act for me prevailed with a Poor Man who had a small Boat about Ten Tuns for Twenty Pounds reward and the like per Month for six Months to go with me for France and from thence to the West-Indies or where I would my Name being then in no Proclamation or Declaration if it had I should not have prevailed with the Man to go with me So the Twenty third of August Sailed from Kings-Road for Rochell the 25th proving bad whether crackt our Mast and so put into St. Ives in Cornwall where we stayed till the fourth of September then put out again for Rochell but meeting with contrary Winds was forced into several places in France and gained not our Port till the Seventeenth In Rochell I loaded her with Brandy and other Goods and the fourth of October Sailed from thence for the West-Indies being willing to know how my Concerns lay there that my Creditors might have their own tho' I knew I might be much safer in France and arrived at Barbadoes the eleventh of November there I heard of my Name being in the Gazette therefore stayed but two Days landing part of my Cargo from thence I went to Antigua where I landed and disposed of the remaining part staying there about ten Days but it being too soon for the Crop and my charge being the same lying still or going farther also thinking it not safe to lie long there resolved to see the rest of the Caribby-Islands and so went down to Mounserat Nevis S. Christophers S. Estatia and Anguilla and so back again to S. Christophers supposing that to be the safest place I being known to none there where I stayed about three Weeks About the fourteenth of Ianuary I wrote to my Factor in Nevis about what was due to me who on receit of my Letter discover'd me so that Sir William Stapleton presently sent his Warrant to St. Christophers to Apprehend me but before it came I was gone down to St. Estatia expecting to meet my Vessel there which I had sent up to Barbadoes and it being known where I was gone the Deputy-Governor of St. Christophers sent five Men with his Warrant after me to whom on sight thereof I submitted tho' had an Opportunity and might have escaped but was rather willing to cast my self at His Majesties Feet for Mercy than live such a Life any longer not daring to appear where there was need of me among my Factors who I doubt will take too much Advantage by my Troubles for my Creditors Interest In Nevis I was kept a Prisoner 13 Days where I promised Sir William Stapleton that I would make what Discovery I could giving him the Names of some who I had acquainted with it in Bristol which I suppose he hath given an Account of desiring him that it might be kept private for if it was known they would have Advice of it but it was not kept so private as I expected for the Night I came off I was told of it therefore suppose they were advis'd by a Bristol Ship that came away before us by which I wrote not a word I suppose she might be at home long before us we being nine Weeks and five Days All that I can say against any of them except William Wade who is before-mention'd is That I Acquainted them with the business as I believe many Thousands in England were and do suppose they would have been concern'd Hereunder is an Account of many other Persons that I have heard were concerned in the Design for an Insurrection which is all that I can call to mind of any thing material that ever I heard concerning the Plot. A Paper found in Mr. Charleton's Custody Worthy Sir THe particulars underwritten are a brief Account of what Service was done since May the 15th 1680. during which time Six Pound per annum hath been paid for Rooms most what for that Service besides Wages to two Servants amounting to upwards of Ten Pounds which is not at all charged to the Account And all Earn'd and Charged on that Account is but 56 l 10 s. for Paper and Print viz. Â l. s. d. The Black Box First Impression
or thereby and that he was brought there from his own House by one Io. Nisbet whom the Declarant knows not further than that he is a West-Country-man about Glasgow and that Io. Nisbet is another Io. Nisbet that wrote a Letter to him to Holland under the notion of Trade relating to the Rising and Rebellion in England And farther That about a year and half ago he met with another Convention consisting of fourscore persons or thereby in the Fields within five miles of the former place near Inner-Kirk and that very few of them had Swords to which Meeting he was advertised to come by a Letter sent to his House subscribed by Mr. Iames Kennick who is Clerk to the Convention and heard of no Ministers being amongst them at either of these times and says there were people there from all the Districts in the several Shires of the Kingdom which Districts he was informed were fourscore and that he knew none of the persons in either of these Meetings except Mr. Iames Kennick the Clerk the said Io. Nisbet who came from a District besides Glasgow and William and Iames Stewarts who came out of Galloway and Robert Speir who came from the Lothians and one Forrest who came from the Upperward of Cluyd and that at these general meetings they produced their Commissions from the several Districts to the Clerk that it might appear that they were commissionate to get relief for the distrest in their bounds that the business of the Convention was to provide for those amongst them were in want and for their own security against the dangers they were in being denounced Fugitives from the Laws and in hazard to be catcht by the Governours and that he heard nothing treated or spoke amongst them as to rising in Arms nor knows of any Correspondence these of the Convention had with any in Ireland and as to England he supposes there was a Correspondence there but knows not these that managed it except the said Io. Nisbet he having shewn the Declarant a Letter he had from Michael Sheills one of the Clerks of the Convention which he saw in the end of March or beginning of April last To the second Interrogator the reason why he accepted of the Commission produced declares He accepted it upon the account to see if there could be a way found for the distrest Brethren to go abroad or to have something from abroad to maintain them there To the third Interrogator declares He remembers no more persons were present but these condescended upon in the first Interrogator which he says was occasioned by his being so long abroad and although upon seeing their faces he might know several of them yet knows not their Names nor the places of their Residence To the fourth declares The said general Conventions were composed of persons sent from the several Districts of which there were as he heard about fourscore in number in which fourscore Districts he was told there would have been six or seven thousand men but knows not of any Gentlemen or leading Men amongst them As to the Commission it was sent him to Newcastle by a common Receiver whom he knows not directed to him at his Lodging at the Sign of the Vine in the Gateside in Newcastle his Landlords Name being George Marshal a publick Inn-keeper and addrest to him under the Name of La Graveil being the Name he went by and that the same was under a Cover of Iames Kennick their Clerk who subscribed it To the last Interrogator repeats his answer made to the first Interrogator and knows no further Being further interrogate upon the Interrogators given in anent the Conspiracy in England declares The the first time he heard of any design of rising in Arms was at the time when the Competition was anent the Sheriffs at Midsummer was a year and then he heard the Duke of Monmouth was to Head the Rebels and this he had from Io. Nisbet and one Mr. Murray a Scotch-man then at London and declares That in Ianuary last the Declarant being in Holland he heard by general report that the late Earl of Argile was to raise some thousand Highlanders to assist the Rebels in England by making a diversion and was to get a Sum of Money for that effect and that in March last he having received a Letter from Io. Nisbet in Holland he came over to London where he met with the said Nisbet and Murray who told the Declarant they designed to rise presently in England and to Rendezvous in Six or Seven places at one time paâ—ticularly at Coventry and London and that they computed several Thousands in York-shire who were to joyn with them That Murray desired the Declarant to go along with him to meet with the late Lord Russel and Gray and the Lord Wharton but of Wharton they sayed they were not very sure of him being a feared Man and with Mr. Ferguson and spoke of several old Officers of Cromwels that were to be there but the Declarant not being for the present Rising shunn'd to meet with these persons or any of them and both Nisbet and Murray told the Declarant that Sir Iohn Cokram was with them and heard from these Two Persons that both the Cessnocks were concerned in that business As to the Letter written by Io. N. of the 20th of March and directed for the Declarant at Rotterdam Declares that Io. Nisbet sent the said Letter and that under the Metaphor of Trade throughout the whole Letter is meant the design of Rising in Arms and a Rebellion and that by the Words dispatching the old rotten Stuff is meant either the excluding the Sectaries from joyning with them or destroying the Government both Civil and Ecclesiastick which last the Declarant supposes rather to be the Words and that by the Factors are meant their Emissaries for carrying 〈◊〉 the Rebellion and for that strange thing that was to fall out that â—eek as the next the Declarant thinks is meant the suddain Muster of the Rebels In the close of the Letter which says things are full as high as I tell you is meant that the Rebellion was instantly to break out and having met with Io. Nisbet after his coming from Holland the said Nisbet explained to him that the sense of the said Letter was as is abovesaid As to a Letter direct to the Declarant under the name of Pringle of the 2 May 1683 declares That the Name of the Subscriber which is blotted out was so blotted before it came to his Hand but by the Contents of it he knows its from one Rob. Iohnston a Tenant or Vassal to the Lord Gray on the Border and that the Traders and Trading there spoke of is the designed Rebellion and that the said Robert Iohnston offered to come to Scotland with the Declarant to have seen some of our disaffected people here and to have met with them And that A. T. mentioned in the said Letter which the Letter
says laboured to undervalue the disaffected party in Scotland which he calls your Goods is the Name of Andrew Young who stays about Newcastle whom he supposes to be a suspect Person because he was feared that Colonel Struthers would apprehend him And that he supposes the way that that Letter came to his Hand was from some Persons that were at a Meeting at Midsummer about that time where was present several of those People that had Commission from the several Districts but that he himself was not at that Meeting Examination of Mr. Steil and Andrew Oliver anent Mr. Aaron Smith's coming to Scotland his going to Sir J. Cockram's House at Ochiltree Edenburgh 11th of December 1683. MR. Thomas Steil in Iedwart-Forest declares that in February last an English Gentleman coming to Iedwart being recommended to the Declarant by one David Sheriff Stabler in Newcastle only that he might direct him to Ochiltree spoke only to him of â—arolina Business anent which he was to transact with Sir Iohn Cockram and that the Declarant got him one Andrew Oliver in Iedwart-Forest for hire to be his guide to Douglass and that the said Oliver went with him from that to Sir Iohn Cockrams and declares he knew not his name and had no knowledge of him but that he was called when he was at Iodwart Clerk but afterwards heard he was called Smith Andrew Oliver in Barwick Tenant to the Marquess of Douglass being Examined declares a little before Seed-time last the Declarant met with Mr. Thomas Steil at Linalie the Marquess's House of purpose to bring hom his Wife from Douglas to Iedburgh-Forest and the Declarant being upon his way and coming to Provost Ainslie's House in Iedburgh and there being a Stranger there an English man ready to take Horse to go to the West the said Mr. Thomas Steil having told the Deponent there was a Stranger who knew not the way and would be desirous of his company and the Deponent having called for the Stranger in the House he and he took Horse together and rode to Peebles that night and the next day came to Douglas and the Stranger upon the way told his Name was Samuel Clerk which he thinks was the next day after they came from Iedburgh and the next day the Stranger not being able to get a Guide to convey him to Ochiltree at the desire of Mr. Thomas Steil's Wife did go along with him from Douglas to Ochiltree and the Stranger went into the House of Ochiltree to call for the Laird the Deponent not having gone in with him where he staid about one quarter of an Hour and came back to a House in the Town where the Deponent was to Lodge That de Deponent heard from the Stranger that his business with the Laird of Ochiltree was concerning Carolina business and of their design to send Families there in the Spring to Plant and that he commended the Country And. Oliver Io. Edenburgen Edenburgh Sederunt and Iournals of Council 20 Dec. 1683. MR. Thomas Steil Chamberlain to the Marquis of Douglas being Prisoner as alleadged Entertaining and Corresponding with Aaron Smith when he was in Scotland and providing him a Guide to Sir Iohn Cokram's House of Ochiltree who being Examined with the said Guide and all that appears is That the said Aaron Smith under the Name of Clark was Recommended by one David Sheriff Inn-keeper and Stabler of Newcastle to Steil as being his Acquaintance when he came to Iedburgh to help him to one that should guide him the way being a Stranger without any suspition or knowledge of his being a person guilty of any Crime or evil Design The Lords upon consideration of the Bill appoint a Letter to be written to the Secretaries to cause Examine Aaron Smith upon the time of his coming to Iedburgh and what past betwixt him and Steil and any other Interrogator proper seeing it 's said that the said Aaron Smith denied he was ever in Scotland and that another Letter be written to the Mayor of Newcastle to Examine the Inn-keeper and in the mean time allows Steil to be at liberat on Caution to appear when called under the penalty of 2000 Marks and that he shall not go off the Country without Licence to prevent any practizing with the Inn-keeper Alexander Gordon of Earlston his Deposition before a Committee of His Majesties Privy-Council and two of the Iustices Edenburgh the 25th of September 1683. ALexander Gordon being further interrogate upon the Interrogators given in anent the Conspiracy in England declares That the first time he heard of any Design of rising in Arms was at the time when the competition was anent the Sheriffs at Midsummer was a year and then he heard the Duke of Monmouth was to head the Rebels and this he had from Iohn Nisbet and one Mr. Murray a Scotch-man then at London and declares That in Ianuary last the Declarant being in Holland he heard by general report that the late Earl of Argile was to raise some thousands of Highlanders to assist the Rebels in England by making a diversion and was to get a sum of money for that effect and that in March last he having received a Letter in Holland from Iohn Nisbet then in London he came over to London where he met with the said Nisbet and Murray who told the Declarant they designed to rise presently in England and to Rendezvous in six or seven places at one time particularly at Coventry and London and that they computed several thousands in Yorkshire who where to joyn with them That Murray desired the Declarant to go along with him to meet with the late Lords Russel and Gray and the Lord Wharton but of Wharton they said they were not very sure being a fearful man and with Mr. Ferguson and spoke of several old Officers of Cromwels that were to be there but the Declarant not being for the present rising shunned to meet with these persons or any of them and both Nisbet and Murray told the Declarant that Sir Iohn Cochran was with them and heard from these two persons that both the Cessnocks were concerned in that Business As to the Letter written by Io. N. of the 20th of March and directed for the Declarant at Rotterdam declares that Iohn Nisbet wrote the said Letter and that under the Metaphor of Trade throughout the whole Letter is meaned the design of rising in Arms and a Rebellion and that by the word Dispatching the old rotten stuff is meaned either the excluding the Sectaries from joyning with them or destroying the Government both Civil and Ecclesiastical which last the Declarant supposes rather to be the meaning of the words and that by the Factors are meaned their Emissaries for carrying on the Rebellion And for that strange thing that was to fall out that Week or the next the Declarant thinks is meaned the sudden muster of the Rebels In the close of the Letter which says Things are full as high
Stuart Brother to the Laird of Cultness wrote a Letter to him from Holland importing that if any considerable sum of Money could be procur'd from England that something of Importance might be done in Scotland The which Letter the Deponent had an Inclination to inform Shepard in Abb-Church-lane Merchant in London of but before he could do it he wrote to Mr. Stuart above-nam'd to know from him if he might do it and Mr. Stuart having consented he Communicat the said Letter to Mr. Shepard who told the Deponent that he would Communicat the Contents of it to some persons in England but did at that time name no body as the Deponent thinks Some time thereafter Mr. Shepard told the Deponent that he had Communicat the Contents of the Letter above-named to Colonel Sidney and that Colonel Danvers was present and told the Deponent that Colonel Sidney was averse from imploying the late Earl of Argile or medling with him judging him a man too much affected to the Royal Family and inclined to the present Church-Government yet Mr. Shepard being put upon it by the Deponent still urg'd that one might be sent to the Earl of Argile but as Mr. Shepard told him he was suspected upon the account of his urging so much yet afterwards he press'd without the Deponents knowledge that the Deponent being to go to Holland however might have some Commission to the Earl of Argile which he having inform'd the Deponent of the Deponent told him that he himself would not be concern'd but if they would send another he would introduce him but nothing of this was done upon which the Deponent went over without Commission from any body to Holland never meeting with Iames Stuart above-named He was introduced to the Earl of Argile with whom he had never before convers'd and did there discourse what had past betwixt Mr. Shepard and him and particularly about remitting of Money to the said Earl from England of which the said Mr. Stuart had written to the Deponent namely of 30000 pounds Sterling and of the raising of 1000 Horse and Dragoons and the securing the Castle of Edinburgh as a matter of the greatest importance The method of doing this was propos'd by the Deponent to be one hour or thereby after the relieving of the Guards But the Earl did not relish this proposition as dangerous and that the Castles would fall of consequence after the work abroad was done Iames Stuart was of the Deponents Opinion for seizing the Castle because it would secure Edinburgh the Magazines and Arms. As to the 1000 Horse and Dragoons my Lord Argile was of Opinion that without them nothing was to be done and that if that number was raiss'd in England to the said Earl he would come into Scotland with them and that there being so few Horse and Dragoons to meet them he judg'd he might get the Country without trouble having such a standing Body for their Friends to Rendezvouz to and the said Earl said he could shew the Deponent the convenient places for Landing if he understood and as the Deponent remembers where the Ships could attend The Deponent remembers not the Names of the Places The Deponent spoke to the Lord Stairs but cannot be positive that he nam'd the Affair to him but found him shie but the Earl of Argile told him he thought Stairs might be gain'd to them And that the Earl of Lowdoun being a man of good Reason and disoblig'd would have great influence upon the Country and recommended the Deponent to Major Holms with whom the Deponent had some acquaintance before and had brought over a Letter from him to the Earl of Aâ—gile but the Deponent had not then communicate any thing to the said Holms Iames Stuart laid down a way of correspondence by Cyphers and false Names and sent them over to Holms and the Deponent for their use which Cyphers and Names are now in the hands of His Majesty's Officers as the Deponent supposesâ— and did desire the Deponent earnestly to propose the 30000 pound Sterling above-named to the Party in England and did not propose any less for as the Earl told the Deponent he had particularly calculate the Expence for Arms Ammunition c. But Iames Stuart said that if some less could be had the Earl would content himself if better might not be but the Earl always said that there was nothing to be done without the body of Horse and Dragoons above-mentioned During the time of the Deponent his abode in Holland tho he had several Letters from Shepard yet there was no satisfactory account till some time after the Deponent parted from the Earl of Argile and was making for a Ship at Rotterdam to transport himself to England Iames Stuart wrote to him that there was hopes of the Money The next day after the Deponent came to England he met with Sir Iohn Cochran who with Commissar Monro and Ierviswood was at London before he came over and depones That he knows not the account of their coming more than for the perfecting the Transaction about Carolina and having acquainted Sir Iohn 〈◊〉 with the Earls demands of the 30000 pound Sterling and the 1000 Hoâ—s◠〈◊〉 Dragoons Sir Iohn carried him to the Lord Russel to whom the Depâ—nent proposed the Affair but being an absolute Stranger to the Dâ—ponent had no return from him at that time but afterwards having met him accidenly at Mr. Shepards house where the Lord Râ—â—sel had come to speak to Shepard about the Money above-named as Mr. Shepard told the Deponent The Deponâ—â—â— whâ—â—â— they were done speaking desired to speak to the Lord 〈◊〉 which the Lord Russel did and having reiterate the 〈…〉 for the 30000 pound Sterling and the 1000 Horse and 〈◊〉 he the Lord Russel told the Deponent they could not get so 〈◊〉 raised at the time but if they had 10000 pound 〈…〉 would draw People in and when they were 〈…〉 soon be brought to more but as for the 1000 〈…〉 he could say nothing at the present for tha◠〈…〉 upon the Borders The Deponent made the same 〈…〉 Ferguson who was much concerned in the 〈…〉 the promoting of it This Mr. Ferguson had in 〈…〉 before as the Deponent remembers in a Conversation 〈…〉 in Cheap side or the Street somewhere 〈…〉 for the saving of Innocent Blood it would be 〈…〉 few insinuating the King and Duke but cannot be positive whether he named them or not To which the Deponent 〈…〉 for our wild People in Scotland my Conscience does not serve me for such things after which the Deponent had never any particular discourse with Ferguson as to that matter but as to the other Affair Ferguson told the Deponent that he was doing what he could to get it effectuate as particularly that he spoke to one Major Wildman who is not of the Deponent his acquaintance Fergâ—son blamed always Sidney as driving designs of his own The Deponent met twice or thrice with the Lord Melvil Sir Iohn
Your MAIESTY will Consider that whilst I was Under the Apprehensions of great Anger and Violence against Me it might easily Corrupt my Judgment and by seeing Things in a wrong Light Betray Me into very Fatal Mistakes But now that I have had Time to Recollect my Self every thing like a Fault towards Your MAIESTY appeareth to Me in such a Reproaching Terrifying Shape that I have a Remorse for it which could it be seen I assure my Self it would Move Your Compassion to Me. I Humbly beg SIR to be Admitted to Your Feet and to be Disposed of as You Direct not only now but for the Remainder of my Life And though my Resignation is too full to admit any Reserve Your MAIESTY will permit me to offer to You Whether You will let pass any thing as a Penalty upon Me which may lay a Stain upon my Innocent Children Whether You will make Me Undergo the Ignominy of a Tryal before You give Me Your Pardon And of what Use or Satisfaction can it be to You to Forgive Me and yet give Me the Cruel Punishment of hearing my Self Arraigned for Treason against such a KING and such a FATHER And whether my being carried to the Tower in case You be pleased to Excuse my â—ryal câ—n have any Effect but an unnecessary Mortification of One who God knoweth is already enough Afflicted and some kind of Blemish too to my Family as well as an useless Limitation of Your MAJESTIES Mercy SIR I lay these Things before You in the most Submitting Manner that is Possible with an Entire Resignation to what You shall Determine Neither do I Imagine to Receive Your Pardon any otherwise than by the Intercession of the DUKE whom I Acknowledge to have Offended and am Prepared to Submit my Self in the Humblest Manner and therefore beg Your MAIESTY would Direct how I am to Apply my Self to Him and I shall do it not as an Outward Form but with all the Sincerity in the World If what I have said can Move You to Forget my past Faults it will be a Grace I shall Endeavour to Deserve by all the Actions of my Life And I am so sensible how Ill a Guide my Own Will hath been to Me that I am Resolved for the Future to put it Entirely into Your MAJESTIES Hands that I may by that Means never Commit a Fault but for want of Your Directions or Your Commands Dear SIR be pleased to Revive by a kind Answer the most Miserable Disconsolate Creature now Living Monmouth The Copy of a Letter to the KING Signed by the Duke of Monmouth mentioned P. 155 of the foregoing Account I Have heard of some Reports of Me as if I should have â—essen'd the Late Plot and gone about to Discredit the Evidence given against Those who have Died by Justice Your MAIESTY and the DUKE know how Ingenuously I have Own'd the Late Conspiracy and though I was not Conscious of any Design against Your MAJESTIES LIFE yet I Lament the having had so Great a Share in the other Part of the said Conspiracy SIR I have taken the Liberty to put this in Writing for my Own Vindication and I beseech You to Look Forward and Endeavour to Forget the Faults You have Forgiven Me I will take Care never to Commit any more against You or come within the Danger of being again Mislead from my Duty but make it the Business of my Life to Deserve the Pardon Your MAIESTY hath granted to Your Dutiful Monmouth FINIS * Nota That this week His MAJESTY was expected from New-Market but came eight days sooner by reason of the â—ire * Carâ—â—â—res †Scotland * Sâ—â—tland †〈◊〉 * Dissâ—nting Lords * Scotland * England †Carstares * Diâ—â—enting Lords