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england_n	daughter_n	king_n	margaret_n	4,048	5	11.3412	5	false

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A26169	The fundamental constitution of the English government proving King William and Queen Mary our lawful and rightful king and queen : in two parts : in the first is shewn the original contract with its legal consequences allowed of in former ages : in the second, all the pretences to a conquest of this nation by Will. I are fully examin'd and refuted : with a large account of the antiquity of the English laws, tenures, honours, and courts for legislature and justice : and an explanation of material entries in Dooms-day-book / by W.A.	Atwood, William, d. 1705?; Atwood, William, d. 1705? Reflections on Bishop Overall's Convocation-book.	1690 (1690)	Wing A4171; ESTC R27668	243,019	223

the Crown is settled subject to such Conditions as the King should make according to the Power there given first upon Prince Edward and the Heirs of his Body the Remainder in like manner upon the Ladies Mary and Elizabeth and the Heirs of their Bodies successively without taking off their Illegitimations And the same Power is given of disposing by Letters Patent Vid. 28 H. 8. sup 35 H. 8. or by Will as by the Statute 28. for which a memorable Reason is given in both Acts Lest if such Heirs should fail and no Provision made in the King's Life who should Rule and Govern this Realm for lack of such Heirs as in those Acts is mentioned that then this Realm should be destitute of a Lawful Governour E. 6. succeeded according to both those Acts After him Queen Mary by the last who at her coming to the Crown could not be looked on as of the Right Line because of the Acts which Illegitimated her and besides she was but of the Half-blood to E. 6. to whom she succeeded But in the first of her Reign the same Parliament takes off her Illegitimation and repeals the Acts 25 28 H. 8. And in this the Parliament seems rather to provide for the Honour of her Descent Hist of Succession f. 34. than as Dr. Brady would have it to declare the Succession to be in Inheritance by Right of Blood Whatever might be the secret Intention 1 2 P. M. c. 9. I am sure there is no such authoritative Declaration And the Acts 28 35 H. 8. seem to say quite the contrary 1 2 P. M. though there is no direct Settlement it is made Treason to compass the Deprivation or Destruction of K. P. during the Queen's Life 1 Eliz. c. 3. or of the Queen or of the Heirs of her Body lawfully begotten Queen Elizabeth succeeded by vertue of the Limitation 35 H. 8. And though Bastardiz'd by the Statutes 28 H. 8. and 1 M. and but of the Half-blood both to E. 6. and Queen Mary yet her first Parliament declares That she is Rightly Lineally and Lawfully descended and come of the Blood Royal of this Realm to whom and the Heirs of her Body the Royal Dignity c are and shall be united And Enacts That the Statute 35 H. 8. shall be the Law of the Kingdom for ever But the Fee of the Crown not having been disposed of according to the Power given by the Statute 28 and repeated 35 H. 8. And the 25 whereby it was limitted in Remainder to the Heirs of Henry the 8th being repealed upon the Death of Edward the 6th and the Queens Mary and Elizabeth without Issue there remaining no Heirs of the Body of H. 8 in the Judgment of two Parliaments the Realm was destitute of a Lawful Governour Indeed according to the Act of Recognition 1 J. 1. 1 Jac. 1. c. 1. the Crown came to him being lineally rightfully and lawfully descended of the Body of the most Excellent Lady Margaret the eldest Daughter of the most Renowned King Henry the Seventh and the High and Noble Princess Queen Elizabeth his Wife eldest Daughter of King Edward the Fourth The said Lady Margaret being eldest Sister of King Henry the Eighth Father of the High and Mighty Princess of Famous Memory Elizabeth late Queen of England Thô this pompous Pedigree to avoid all Objections goes as high as E. 4. the Derivation of Title as appears above can be no higher than from the Settlement 1 H. 7. Nor does this Act 1 J. make any additional Provision but indeed seems to flatter the King into a Belief that there was no need of any telling him That they made that Recognition as the First-fruits of their Loyalty and Faith to him and his Royal Progeny and Posterity for ever But neither then or ever after till that in this present Parliament did the People make any Settlement of the Crown but it continued upon the same Foot as it did 1 H. 7. when it was entirely an Act of the People under no Obligation but from their own Wills Sir Robert Filmer's Power of Kings f. 1. And if we should use Sir Robert Filmer's Authority Impossible it is in Nature for Men to give a Law unto themselves no more than it is to command a Mans self in a Matter depending of his own Will There can be no Obligation which taketh State from the meer Will of him that promises the same Wherefore to apply this Rule Since the People that is now Vid. Pufend. de Interregn sup p. 288.289 in common presumption is the same with that which first settled the Succession and so are bound only by an Act of their own Will they have yet as arbitrary a Power in this Matter as Sir Robert and his Followers contend that the Prince has whatever Promises or Agreements he has entred into But not to lean upon such a broken Reed nor yet to make those many Inferences which this plain State of the Settlements of the Crown might afford Three things I shall observe 1. If the Settlement made 1 H. 7. who was an Usurper according to the Notion of Dr. Brady and his Set of Men was of no force then there being no Remainders since limited by any act but what are spent and no descendants of the whole Blood from Elizabeth Daughter to E. 4. and Wife to H. 7. but by Daughters the eldest of which was Married into Scotland If Acts of Settlement could not alter the Right of Descent of the Crown neither Queen Mary nor Queen Elizabeth had Right but after the death of E. 6. it belonged to the Scotch Family And if Acts of Settlement could dispose of the Crown and it should appear that from the time that the limitation came to a Foreigner not nam'd in the Settlement nor the immediate issue of a King or Queen of England it was spent in the eye of the Law then of necessity the People must have had Power of Chusing or there could have been no lawful Government since Queen Elizabeth's time when the last Settlement was spent except what is now made 2. The Declarations of two Parliaments 28 and 35 H. 8. fully ballance the Declaration 1 Jac. 1. if they do not turn the Scales considering that the Judges in the later Times seem to have had less Law or Integrity than they had in H. the Eighth's I will not take upon me to determine which was the Point of Two that they might go upon 1. That a Government shall not pass by Implication or by reason of a dormant Remainder But there having been so many Alterations since the Settlement 1 H. 7. and the whole Fee once disposed of nor ever any express Restitution of the Settlement 1 H. 7. the People were not to think themselves obliged to a Retrospect 'T is evident at least that they did not Or 2. Perhaps they might question whether they were oblig'd to receive for Kings the Issue

cause of Complaint being removed and his Estate in Ireland having received great damage from his Enemies he left Leolin to Treat for himself and his Friends and went over to Ireland where he was slain by Treachery The Treaty went on and among the terms it was provided That all Men on the one side or the other Rot. Claus 18. H. 3. N. 17. dors Homines etiam illi qui hinc inde recesserunt a fidelitate dominorum suorum se tenuerunt ex adversa parte libere revertantur Rot. Claus 18. H. 3. N. 20. dors who had receded from the fealty of their Lords and adher'd to the adverse Party should return with freedom And in the Credential Letters which were sent to Leolin with them that managed the Treaty on the side of King Henry He gives him to understand That before that he had restor'd the Lands to all people who had been disseiz'd by occasion of the War between him and the Earl Marshal where 't is far from being call'd a Rebellion on the Marshal's side and at the time of the Treaty the King found himself obliged to protest that he was clear of any consent to the Death of the Marshal and that his Seal was by the great importunity of his evil Counsellours set to Letters which encouraged the Treachery against him and pronounc'd him a Traytor But that he was wholly ignorant of the Contents of them Vid. Matthew Paris The Clergy the Historians the People of that Age in all things extol the Marshal would never allow him to have been a Traytor and were not his own Defence of himself too long to transcribe I should add it as an embelishment to these Remarks Dugdale's Baronage o Vol. 1. f. 752. Simon 16. H. 3. bore the Title of the Earl of Leicester and obtain'd from Almaric his Brother then bearing the Title of Constable of France a grant of all the Lands in England with the Stewardship of England This came to the Earls of Leicester with the Honour of Hinkley in Leicestershire from Petronil Daughter of Hugh de Grentesmenil Vid. Mat. West 20 H. 3. Simon Montfort holding the King's Bason at his Nuptials as Steward of England The Fourth War was that under the Great Simon Montfort Earl of Leicester another Tribune of the People as he was hereditary High Steward by Purchase from his Brother Almaric Constable of France the Stewardship of England having descended from their Mother Amicia eldest Sister to Robert Fitz Parnel Earl of Leicester who died without Issue Mat. Par. f. 1302. Whoever reads the History of H. 3. must needs conceive a mean opinion of him his Cowardise was as remarkable as that of one of his Successors who is said not to have been able to contain at the sight of a drawn Sword nor could H. bear the terrour of Thunder and Lightning yet when Simon Montfort endeavoured to remove one of his frights Quod scilicet Comes Leycestriae virilius perstitit ferventius in persequendâ provisione ut saltem Regem omnes adversantes suis astare consiliis cogerent c. he confest to him That he fear'd him most Which was suspected to proceed from Montfort's warm and strenuous pursuing the Provisions at Oxford at least his being for compelling the King and all opposers to stand to the Counsel of his Barons Simon thinking the execution of the Oxford Provisions to be well secur'd Fol. 1314. went beyond Sea upon which Richard the King's Brother prepar'd to come into England with intention and hopes as it should seem to get them vacated as being made without consulting him But the rest of the Barons tho' they were in great fear because of Simon 's absence Ib. f. 1315. Juramentum quale Barones Angliae reipub Zelatores exigebant would not suffer Richard to Land till he had oblig'd himself under his hand to take such an Oath as the Barons of England who were zealous for the Commonweal or Publick-good required the form of which follows I Richard Earl of Cornwal will be faithful and diligent to reform the Kingdom of England with you hitherto too much deform'd by the Counsel of Evil-men And I will be your effectual helper to expel the Rebels and disturbers of the said Kingdom Notwithstanding the seeming agreement between the King and People and Security taken for his performance Foreigners invited and supported by him became an intolerable burden and the King being kinder to them than to his People obtain'd from the Pope an Absolution from his Oath Mat. Par. F. 1322. to make good the establishment at Oxford But the Barons resolutely insisted upon the Establishment and when the King sent Itinerent Justices into Herefordshire Ibid. the Barons of that County would not suffer them to execute their Office there as being contrary to the Provisions at Oxford which contrariety seems to lye in the King 's directing enquiries of misdemeanours to be judged of in the Countries when according to what was then Enacted the Inquisitions were to be return'd before the Parliament or at least such Council as was chosen in a Parliament But the King having procur'd an Absolution from his Oath thought himself free to act by the Counsels of Foreigners which his Great men would not bear Wherefore the Earl of Leicester and others met together in Arms at Oxford resolving either to dye for the Peace of their Country F. 1323. or to drive out the Foreigners The Foreigners met at the same place but finding themselves out-number'd and that the Lords were resolv'd to call them to account for their violations of the Government and make them swear to observe with them the Provisions made for the profit of the Realm they fled away by Night but were pursued by the Barons and forc'd to quit the Land Yet soon after this the King as the Historian says Anno 1260. 44 H. 3. 45 H. 3. by the evil Counsel of some fell from the pact which he had made with his Great Men betook himself to the Tower of London and compell'd the Citizens to swear to be true to him without regard to the terms before setled and rais'd what Forces he could Whereby it is evident That he began the War and that it was an open violation of his Contract made with the people at Oxford The Barons took Arms against him in their own defence F. 1331. Communiter prestitum and sent Messengers to him to entreat him to observe the Oath which had been sworn to by all Which Message he slighted at first but afterwards was prevail'd upon to consent that he should chuse one and the Barons another to arbitrate their differences the Arbitrators having power to chuse an Vmpire but that this should be respited till the King's Son Edward came from abroad When his Son came home he was so fully convinced of his Father's being in the wrong that he joyn'd with the Barons and they resolv'd together to drive

THE Fundamental Constitution OF THE English Government PROVING KING WILLIAM and QUEEN MARY our Lawful and Rightful KING and QUEEN In Two Parts In the First is shewn The ORIGINAL CONTRACT with its Legal Consequences allowed of in former Ages In the Second All the Pretences to a Conquest of this Nation by Will 1. are fully examin'd and refuted With a large Account of the Antiquity of the English Laws Tenures Honours and Courts for Legislature and Justice And an Explanation of material Entries in Dooms-day-Book By W. A. Author of the first Answer to the late Chief Justice Herbert on the Dispensing Power Errat siquis existimat tutum ibi esse Regem ubi nihil à Rege tutum est securitas securitate mutuâ paciscenda est Sen. London Printed by J. D. for the Author 1690. To the Right honble AUBREY DE VERE Earl of Oxford Baron of Bolebec Sandford and Badlesnere Lieutenant General of their Majesties Forces Colonel of the Royal Regiment of Horse-Guards Lord Lieutenant for their Majesties in the County of Essex Knight of the most honourable Order of the Garter and one of His Majesty's most honourable Privy-Council My LORD THEY who observe what License has been given as well as taken to blemish the Instruments under God and our King in the greatest Deliverance with the most immediate appearance of God in it perhaps of any next to that of his chosen People of old would think the Nature of things to be inverted Triumph to belong to the Conquer'd and the most desir'd Deliverance to be worse than the deprecated Bondage or to lose its Nature because it was the return of Prayers and Tears and not purchas'd by Rivers of Blood And after-times I have seen an exact Pedegree o● the Earl's Family from Syford a noble Norman Gothick Extraction Vid. Pref. who was eminent under Rollo who Anno 912 obtain'd Normandy by Treaty with Charles the Simple and marrying his Daughter This Syford made the like bargain with Arald the first Earl of Flanders from which Marriage the Earls of Flanders and the Veres Earls of Guisnes in Flanders descended Alberic or Aubrey de Vere or Ver as he stands enter'd in Dooms-day Book is suppos'd to have come into England with W. 1. 'T is certain at the time of the great Survey he was a Proprietor in several Counties particularly in Essex and Humphrey the Son of Alberic had at that time several Mannors in Norfolk and Suffolk 'T is probable that this Son of Alberic dy'd in his Father's Life-time I should take the Comes Albericus who is enter'd in Dooms-day Book in several Counties as a Proprietor from before the reputed Conquest to have been Alberic de Ver and the rather because otherwise he and his Descendents from that time are wholly lost and besides no place in England can be found of which any Alberic or Aubrey was Earl till the time of H. 2. when Aubrey the third of his Name was created Earl of Oxford But before that time the Office of High Chamberlain belonged to the Family and as appears by Records which I have seen in the Tower was annex'd to their Barony But that of Bolebec belong'd not to it till about the time of King John when Earl Robert married the eldest Daughter of the Lord of Bolebec the Barony of Sandford came by another Marriage about the time of H. 3. the Barony of Badesmere came not till the time of E. 3 with the eldest Sister and Co-heir of Bartholomew Lord Badlesmere in which your Lordship 's Great Name will flourish taking root downwards as it has spread upwards to the first Ages will treat their Memories with Contempt who would inure the Brand of Disloyalty and Unchristian Behaviour upon your Lordship and the Followers of so bright an Example Selden Dissert ad Flet. f. 519. speaking of the time of Will. 2. sub idem tempus c. eminentissimus erat pristini planè commatis juris sine ullâ Caesarci intermixtione peritus atque exercitatissimus apud nos Albericus de Ver. Nor was your Ancestor Earl Aubrey more eminent in the time of W. 2. for his Skill in the unmix'd English Laws than your Lordship is and will be to Posterity for your generous Defence of them Certain it is how much soever some pretend to passive Valour they cannot bear the Reproach of such extraordinary Vertue and are forced to shut their weak Eyes at that shining Bravery with which your Lordship strugled with the Flatteries and Threats of Fortune and of Power Becoming in the Language of the Heathen Philosopher a Spectacle most pleasing to the Gods the Effects of which Pleasure your Lordship has felt in the admir'd Tranquillity of your own Mind and in the Glory permitted you of being signally accessary towards the present Happiness of your Country not only by your resolute Vndertaking but even by your Sufferings I must own the Sufferings of others to have contributed to it by accident as those things may well be said to be which happen contrary to the intention of the Agent and nature of the Action But the Nation was glad to find their private Resentments and self-Defence to carry them along with the Publick Interest which some of them had sacrificed to low Ends or stupidly neglected being as unconcern'd at publick Calamities as if their former Exemptions which they seem'd to aim at had made them of another distinct Community Such as these deservedly lost the Credit of their share in this Revolution not only as they had drawn their Sufferings upon themselves and others by tempting those whom they flattered to make Experiment of the force of their Doctrine but as their subsequent Carriage has demonstrated upon what narrow Principles they engag'd not in the Cause of their Country but their Own Their lowness of Spirit makes them resemble those fawning Creatures whom the least Gentleness raises to Familiarity but notwithstanding the Advantages which they enjoy under this Government 't is not to be presum'd that they are given them otherwise than to reclaim and wean them from Notions as destructive as they are useless to this equal Administration They who now pretend to merit by transplanting the Doctrine of the Bow-string into the Service of this Government would do well to consider whether in the late Reign it really profited any but themselves and whether they kept to it any longer than while they found their account in it As it is our Happiness to have a King born and acting for the Good of Mankind it is not to be fear'd that he should cherish what is contrary to their common Sense and Interest or that he will countenance Reflections upon those noble Patriots who ventur'd every thing dear to them in the same Cause with himself while Success was doubtful and whose Reputations next to his own facilitated that Revolution for which late Posterity shall praise those of this Generation One would think that such a Cause should not stand in

of Foreign Princes That this was a Question in Q. Elizabeth's time appears by a Letter from Lethington Secretary of Scotland to Cecil Secretary to Q. Eliz. Appendix to Vol. 2. of the Hist of the Ref. f. 269. This appears farther from the Treatise at the end of the Appendix which seems to admit That the Right to the Crown would have been in the issue of the younger Daughter being born in England if the Birth had been without blemish since there was no means of being sufficiently inform'd of the Circumstances of the Birth neither the Common or any Statute-Law affording any Means of proving it as appears by the Statute 25 E. 3. which for the Children of Subjects only born out of the King's Allegiance in Cases wherein the Bishop has Conusance allows of a Certificate from the Bishop of the Place where the Land in question lies if the Mother pass'd the Seas by the King's License But if our Kings or Queens should upon any occasion be in Foreign Parts 't is to be presum'd that they would have with them a Retinue subject to our Laws who might attest the Birth of their Children and be punish'd if they swear falsly Stat. 25. E. 3. Wherefore 25 E. 3. 't is declar'd to be the Law of the Crown That the Children of the Kings of England ENFANTZ DES ROYS as the Record has it in whatever Parts they be born be able and ought to bear the Inheritance after the Death of their Ancestors Yet this is most likely to be meant of those private Inheritances which any of the Kings had being no part of the Demeasns of the Crown since the Inheritance of the Crown was not mentioned nor as has been shewn was it such as the King's Children were absolutely entitled to in their Order The most common acceptation of Children is of a Man's immediate Issue Vid. 1. Anderson f. 60 61. A Devise to the Wife after her Decease to the Children Vid. Wild 's C. 6. Rep. In Shelley 's C. 1. Rep. f. 103. A Gift to a Man semini suo or prolibus suis or liberis suis or exitibus suis or pueris suis de corpore As where Land is given to a Man and his Children Who can think any remote Descendants entitled to it Nor could it extend farther in the Settlement of a Crown 37 E. 3. c. 10. a Sumptuary Law was made providing for the Habits of Men according to their Ranks and of their Wives and Children ENFANTZ as in the former Statute of the same Reign Now altho' this should extend to Childrens Children born in the same House it could never take in the Children of Daughters Vid. Sir James Dalrimple's Institutions of the Laws of Scotland f. 52. forisfamiliated by Marriage nay nor to those of such Sons as were educated in a distinct Calling from their Parents Farther the very Statute of which the Question is cuts off the Descendants from Females out of the number of a King's Children when among other Children not of the Royal Family it makes a particular Provision for Henry Son of John Beaumond Vid. Dugdale 's Bar. 2. Vol. Beaumont who had been born beyond Sea and yet Henry was by the Mother's Side in the Fourth Degree from H. 3. for she was Daughter to Henry Earl of Lancaster Son of Edmund Son to H. 3. Had this Henry been counted among the Children of a King 't is certain there had not been a special Clause for him among other Children of Subjects Nor does the Civil Law differ from ours in this Matter for tho under the name of Children are comprehended not only those who are in our Power but all who are in their own either of the Female Sex or descending from Females yet the Daughters Children were always look'd on as out of the Grandfather's Family Just Inst lib. 1. tit 9. So Bracton l. 1. c. 9. Greg. Tholos Syntagma juris universi f. 206. Spiegelius tit Liberi Non procedere in privilegiis quae generaliter publicae utilitati derogant Vid. Antonii Perezi Inst Imperiales p. 21. Vid. Cujac ad tit de verborum significatione p. 147 230. according to the Rule in the Civil-Law transcribed by our Bracton They who are born of your Daughter are not in your power And Privileges derogating from Publick Vtility were never thought to reach them as a Learned Civilian has it A Daughter is the end of the Family in which she was born because the name of her Father's Family is not propogated by her And Cujacius makes this difference betweene Liberi and Liberi Sui Sui he says is a Legal Name the other Natural The former are only they who are in a Man's power or of his Family and Liberi strictly taken he will have to go no farther But in truth Considering the purview of the Statute which we are here upon Children in it seems to be restrain'd to Sons and Daughters without taking in the Descendants from either the occasion of the Law being the Births of several ENFANTZ in Foreign Parts which could be but Sons or Daughters to the immediate Parents whether Kings or Private Persons 3. But however this may be enough for my purpose That there is no colour of any Settlement in force but that 1 H. 7. And admitting that to have continued till J. 2. had broken the Original Contract yet that being broken the present Assembly of Lords and Commons had full as much Authority to declare for King WILLIAM and Queen MARY as the Parliament 1 H. 7. had to Settle the Crown For H. 7. could give them no Power but what he had received immediately from them Nor is it material to say He was Crown'd first since as I have shewn the Crown Confers no Power distinct from what is deriv'd either from an immediate or prior Choice But if there is reason from what I have shewn to believe that even the limitations in Henry VII th's Settlement were all long since spent then at least it is not to be doubted but the interest of J. II. being determined the People of England might lawfully and rightfully declare for King William and Queen Mary as being the most deserving of the Blood Royal which if they were free to do not to submit to be Gover'n'd by Their present Majesties would have been the highest Ingratitude that could be CHAP. X. The Fifth Head of Positive Law The effect of the Dissolution of the Contract The Vse of the Triennial-Act 16 Car. 1. against the necessity of Common Form The Form and proceedings of the Convention assembled upon the death of H. 3. The Dilemma used by the Formalists Answer'd with a Distinction Pufendorf's Answer to Hobbs Another passage of his applied to a passage in a late excellent Treatise against Sir Robert Filmer And to a Letter upon this Juncture Tho what Dr. Brady says against the Rights of Lords and Commons were true yet it is shewn that the Acts of