which comes next An Evil therefore which hath issued not so much from the Personal Disposition of the Prelates themselves as from the innate Quality and Nature of their Office and Prelatical Hierarchy which did bring forth the Pope in Ancient times and never ceaseth till it bring forth Popish Doctrine and Worship where it is once rooted and the Principles thereof fomented and constantly followed They tell us here that this Conformity with Rome is an Evil that issues not so much from the Personal Disposition of the Prelates themselves as from the innate Quality and Nature of their Office Conformity with Rome in any Error or Superstition is doubtless an Evil but that it issues from the Nature of a Bishop's Office cannot be For that Office is to Preach Christ and to govern the Church of Christ according to his Laws If any Bishop break this 't is his Personal Error and most unnatural to his Office to which if he adhere he can neither teach nor practise Superstition Therefore certainly what Error soever comes is from his Person not his Office And 't is great Ignorance to call this Evil an innate Quality of the Office when the Office is a thing of Institution not of Nature and therefore cannot possibly have any innate Quality in it But since they will needs have it thus let us invert it a little and see how it will fit them against their King more than it can fit the Bishops for the Pope For if we should say as perhaps we may too truly that the dangerous Positions which too many of the Presbyterian Faction publickly maintain and in Print proceed not so much from the Personal Disposition of the Presbyterians themselves as from the innate Quality and Nature of their Presbyteries and their Antimonarchical Party I believe it would trouble them to shape a good Answer to it unless they will admit of that which I before have given But then if they do this they Charge themselves with falshood in that which they lay upon the Bishops Office Next they tell you that this Prelatical Hierarchy did bring forth the Pope in Ancient times But truly I think they are thus far deceived The Hierarchy cannot be said to bring forth the chief parts of it self Now the Patriarchs of which the Bishop of Rome was one if not Prime in Order were the Principal parts of the Hierarchy Therefore the Hierarchy cannot well be said to bring them forth But suppose it be so that the Pope were brought forth by the Bishops what fault is there in it For the Pope was good both Nomine Re in name and in being as they were at first For thirty of them together were Martyrs for Christ And the Church of Rome was famous for her Faith over the World in the very Apostles times Rom. 1. And if either the Popes or that Church have degenerated since that is a Personal Crime and not to be imputed to the Office And therefore these Men do very ill or very ignorantly to affirm that this Office of Episcopacy never ceases till it bring forth Popish Doctrine and Worship For in all the time of these thirty Popes there was no Doctrine brought forth which may justly be accounted Superstitious or called Popery For the last of those thirty died in the Year 309. ..... And they cannot be ignorant that Bishop Jewell on the behalf of the Church of England challenged the Current of the Fathers for full Six Hundred Years to be for it against Rome in very many and main Points of Popery And therefore I may well say there was no Popery in the World when the Thirtieth Pope died Well if this Evil do not arise from the Hierarchy yet it doth From the Antipathy and Inconsistence of the two Forms of the Ecclesiastical Government which they conceived and not without Cause one Island joyned also under one Head and Monarch was not able to bear The one being the same in all the Parts and Powers which it was in the time of Popery and still is in the Roman Kirk The other being the Form of Government received maintained and practised by all the Reformed Kirks wherein by their own Testimonies and Confessions the Kirk of Scotland had amongst them no small Eminency Sure these Men have forgotten themselves For they tell us immediatly before that this Evil of bringing forth Popish Doctrine and Worship proceeds from the very Office of a Bishop And now they add and from the Antipathy of these two Forms of Church Government Doth the Bishops Office produce Popery And doth the Antipathy between the Presbytery and Episcopacy produce Popery too So then belike in these Men's Judgments both Bishops and they which oppose Bishops produce Popery And if that be true Popery must needs increase that is produced on all sides An Evil then there is though perhaps not this which issues from that Antipathy and Inconsistence of these two Forms of Ecclesiastical Government which they say we Prelates of England conceived and not without Cause one Island joyned also under one Head and Monarch was not able to bear And that Evil was as I conceive the continual Jarrs and Oppositions which would daily arise among His Majesties Subjects of both Kingdoms concerning these different Forms of Government And these would bring forth such Heart-burnings and Divisions among the People that the King might never be secure at home nor presume upon united Forces against a Foreign Enemy And this is Evil enough to any Monarch of two divided Kingdoms especially lying so near in one Island Now if the Bishops of England did conceive thus and as our Adversaries here confess not without Cause Then certainly by their own Confession the Prelates of England had Reason to use all just endeavours to remove and take away this Inconsistence that the Form of the Ecclesiastical Government might be one in one Island and under one Monarch that so Faction and Schism might cease which else when they get Opportunity find a way to rent the Peace of Kingdoms if not Kingdoms themselves And this Island God of his Mercy preserve it is at this time in great hazard to undergo the fatality of it in a great measure The next is a manifest untruth For though there be as is said an Inconsistence between the Governments which makes one Island under one King unable to bear both in the different parts of the Island or at least unsafe while it bears them Yet neither is Episcopacy in all the Parts and Powers of it that which it was in time of Popery and still is in the Roman Church And this is most manifest to any Man that will but look upon what Power the Prelates had before and what they have since the Statute of the Submission of the Clergy in Hen. 8. time Beside all those Statutes which have since been made in divers Particulars to weaken their Power Nor is the other Form of Government received
Subsidies in a Year my Error if it were one was pardonable So we parted I went to my Lord Duke and acquainted him with it lest I might have ill Offices done me for it to the King and the Prince Sic Deus beet me servum suum laborantem sub pressurà eorum qui semper voluerunt mala mihi So may God bless me his Servant labouring under the pressure of them who alway wished ill to me April 16. Friday My Conference with Fisher the Jesuit Printed came forth April 18. Sunday I Preached at Paul's Cross. April 27. Tuesday My very good Friend Dr. Linsell cut for the Stone Circiter horam nonam ante Meridiem About Nine a Clock in the Forenoon May 1. Saturday E. B. Marryed The Sign in Pisces May 5. Wednesday Ascension-Eve The King's Speech in the Banquetting House at Whitehall to the upper House of Parliament concerning the Hearing of the Lord Treasurer's Cause which was to begin the Friday following This day my Lord Duke of Buckingham came to Town with his Majesty Sick And continued Ill till Saturday May 22. May 13. Thursday Lionel Earl of Middlesex Lord Treasurer of England and Master of the Wards Censured in Parliament for Bribery and Extortion and Deceiving the King c. To lose his Offices To be ever disinabled to bear any Fined to the King in 50000 l. Imprisoned in the Tower during the King's Pleasure Never to sit again as a Peer in Parliament Not to come within the Verge of the Court. May 15. Saturday Whitson-Eve The Bill passed in Parliament for the King to have York-House in exchange for other Lands This was for the Lord Duke of Buckingham May 16. Whitsunday night I watched with my Lord Duke of Buckingham This was the first Fit that he could be perswaded to take orderly May 18. Tuesday night I watched with my Lord Duke of Buckingham he took this Fit very orderly May 19. Wednesday The Bishop of Norwich Samuel Harsnet was presented by the House of Commons to the Lords His Cause was referred by the House to my Lord's Grace of Canterbury and the High Commission May 22. Saturday My Lord Duke of Buckingham missed his Fit May 26. Wednesday He went with his Majesty to Greenwich May 28. Friday E. B. came to London He had not leisure to speak with me though I sent and offered to wait all opportunities till June 16 being Wednesday May 29. Saturday The first Session of Parliament ended And the Prorogation was to the Second of November June 6. Second Sunday after Trinity I Preached at Westminster June 8. Tuesday I went to New-Hall to my Lord Duke of Buckingham and came back to London on Friday June 11. June 16. Wednesday I took my lasting leave of E. B. The great dry Summer My Dream June 4. Wednesday night 1623. In this Dream was all contained that followed in the carriage of E. B. towards me and that Night R. B. Sickned to the Death May 29. Saturday night 1624. I was marvellously troubled with E. B. before they came to London That there was much declining to speak with me but yet at last I had Conference and took my lasting leave And this so fell out Respice ad Maij 28. See May 28. July 7. Wednesday night My Lord of Durham's quarrel about the trifling business of Fr. N. July 23. Friday I went to lye and keep House and Preach at my Livings held in Commendam Creek and Ibstock That Friday night at St. Albans I gave R. R. my Servant his first Interest in my Businesses of moment July 27. This I confirmed unto him the Wednesday Morning following at Stanford August 7. Saturday while I was at Long Whatton with my Brother my passion by Blood and my fear of a Stone in my Bladder August 8. Sunday I went and Preached at my Parsonage at Ibstock and set things in order there August 26. Thursday My Horse trod on my foot and lamed me which stayed me in the Country a week longer than I intended Septemb. 7. Tuesday I came to London Septemb 9. Thursday My Lord of Buckingham consulted with me about a Man that offered him a strange way of Cure for himself and his Brother At that time I delivered his Grace the Copies of the two little Books which he desired me to write out Septemb. 16. Thursday Prince Charles his grievous fall which he had in Hunting Septemb. 25. Saturday My Lord Duke's proposal about an Army and the Means and whether Sutton's Hospital might not c. Octob. 2. Saturday In the Evening at Mr. Windebanks my Ancient Servant Adam Torless fell into a Swoon and we had much ado to recover him but I thank God we did Octob. 10. Sunday I fell at Night in Passionem Iliacam which had almost put me into a Fever I continued ill fourteen days Octob. 13. Wednesday I delivered up my Answer about Sutton's Hospital Novemb. 21. Sunday I Preached at Westminster Decemb. 6. Munday There was a Referment made from his Majesty to my Lord's Grace of Canterbury My Lords of Durham and Rochester and my self to Hear and Order a Matter of Difference in the Church of Hereford concerning a Residentiaryship and the Lecturer's place which we that day Ordered Decemb. 13. Munday I received Letters from Brecknock that the Salt-Peter Man was dead and buried the Sunday before the Messenger came This Salt-Peter Man had digged in the Colledge-Church for his work bearing too bold upon his Commission The News of it came to me to London about Novemb. 26. I went to my Lord Keeper and had a Messenger sent to bring him up to answer that Sacrilegious abuse He prevented his punishment by Death Decemb. 21. Tuesday Fest. Sancti Thomae Mr. Crumpton had set out a Book called St Augustins Summe His Majesty found fault with divers passages in it He was put to recall some things in Writing He had Dedicated this Book to my Lord Duke of Buckingham My Lord sent him to me to overlook the Articles in which he had recalled and explained himself that I might see whether it were well done and fit to shew the King This day Mr Crumpton brought his Papers to me Decemb. 23. Thursday I delivered these Papers back to Mr. Crumpton The same day at York-House I gave my Lord Duke of Buckingham my Answer what I thought of these Papers The same day I delivered my Lord a little Tract about Doctrinal Puritaenism in some Ten Heads which his Grace had spoken to me that I would draw for him that he might be acquainted with them Decemb. 31. Friday His Majesty sent for me and delivered unto me Mr. Crumpton's Papers the second time after I had read them over to himself and commanded me to correct them as they might pass in the Doctrin of the Church of England Januar. 3. Munday I had made ready these Papers and waited upon my Lord Duke of Buckingham with them and he brought me to the King There I was about an hour and a
Epiphaniae dies Veneris nocte 〈◊〉 avi Matrem meam diu ante defunctam lecto meo astitisse deductis paululum stragulis hilarem in me aspexisse laetatus sum videre eam aspectu tam jucundo Ostendit deindè mihi Senem diù ante defunctum quem ego dum vixit novi amavi Jacuisse videbatur ille humi laetus satis sed rugoso vultu Nomen ei Grove Dum paro salutare evigilavi Januar. 8. Dies erat Lunae 〈◊〉 visum Ducem Buck. Gavisus est in manus dedit Chartam de Invocatione Sanctorum quam dedit ei Mater Illi vero nescio quis Sacerdos Jan. 13. Dies erat Saturni Episcopus Lin. petiit reconciliationem cum 〈◊〉 Buckinghamiae c. Januar. 14. Die Solis versùs manè somniavi Episcopum Lin. nescio què advenisse cum catenis ferreis sed redeuns liberatus ab iis equum insiluit abiit nec assequi potui Januar. 16. Die Martis Somniavi Regem venatum 〈◊〉 quòd quum esuriit abduxi eum de improviso in Domum Fran. Windebanck Amici mei Dum parat comedere ego dum alii aberant Calicem ei de more porrigebam Potum attuli non placuit Iterum adduxi sed poculo argenteo Dicit Serenissimus Rex Tu 〈◊〉 me semper è vitro bibere Abeo iterum evigilavi Januar. 17. Die Mercurij Ostendi Rationes Regi cur Chartae Episcopi Winton defuncti de Episcopis quòd sint Jure Divino praelo tradendae sint contra illud quod miserè in maximum damnum Ecclesiae Anglicanae Episcopus Lincoln significavit Regi sicut Rex ipse mihi antea narravit Febr. 7. Dies erat Cinerum Concionatus sum in Aulâ ad White-Hall Feb. 9. Die Veneris nocte sequente somniavi me morbo scorbutico laborasse repentè Dentes omnes mihi laxos fuisse unum praecipuè in inferiori maxillâ vix digito me retinere potuisse donec opem peterem c. Feb. 20. Die Martis Incaepit Jo. Fenton 〈◊〉 pruriginis 〈◊〉 c. Febr. 22. Die Jovis Iter suscepi versus Novum Mercatum ubi tum Rex fuit Martij 3. Dies Saturni erat Cantabrigiam concessi unà cum Duce Buckinghamiae Cancellario istius almae Academiae alijs Comitibus Baronibus Incorporatus ibi fui sic primus qui praesentatus fuit Illustrissimo Duci tum sedenti in domo Congregationis ipse fui Habitus ibi fuit ab Academicis Dux insignis Academicè celebriter Redimus Martij 6. Die Martis Rediit Rex è Novo Mercato ego versùs Londinum Martij 8. Die Jovis Veni Londinum Nocte sequente somniavi me reconciliatum fuisse Ecclesiae Romanae Hoc anxiè me habuit miratus sum 〈◊〉 unde accidit Nec solum mihi molestus fui propter Errores illius Ecclesiae sed etiam propter scandala quae ex illo lapsu meo multos egregios doctos viros in Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ onerarent Sic turbatus insomnio dixi apud me me statim iturum confessione factâ veniam ab Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ petiturum Pergenti obviam se dedit Sacerdos quidam voluit impedire Sed indignatione motus me in viam dedi Et dum fatigavi me morosis cogitationibus evigilavi Tales impressiones sensi ut vix potui credere me somniâsse Martij 12. Die Lunae cum Rege concessi Theobaldas Redij die proximo Martij 13. Martij 17. Die Saturni Vigiliâ Palmarum Horâ noctis ferè mediâ sepelivi Carolum Vicecomitem Buckinghamiae Filium natu maximum tum unicum Georgij Ducis Buckinghamiae AEtdtis 〈◊〉 fuit Anni unius ferè quatuor mensium Mortuus est Die Veneris praecedente Anno 1626. March 26. Sunday D. B. sent me to the King There I gave to the King an account of those two Businesses which c. His Majesty thanked me March 29. King Charles spoke to both Houses of Parliament but directed his Speech chiefly to the Lower House both by himself and by the Right Honourable the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal in the Palace at White-Hall He also added much concerning the Duke of Buckingham c. In the Convocation held that Day there was much debating concerning the Sermon which Gabriel Goodman Bishop of Glocester had Preached before the King on the Sunday preceding being the fifth Sunday of Lent April 5 Wednesday The King sent in the Morning commanding the Bishops of Norwich Litchfeild and St Davids to attend him I and the Bishop of Litchfeild waited upon him the Bishop of Norwich being gone into the Country We received the King's Commands about c. and returned April 12. Wednesday at 9. in the Forenoon we met together viz. the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Bishops of Winchester Durham and St Davids being commanded by the King to consult together concerning the Sermon which Dr Goodman the Bishop of Glocester had Preached before his Majesty on the 5th Sunday in Lent last past We advised together and gave this Answer to the King That some things were therein spoken less cautiously but nothing falsely That nothing was innovated by him in the Doctrine of the Church of England That the best way would be that the Bishop should preach the Sermon again at some time to be chosen by himself and should then shew how and wherein he was misunderstood by his Auditors That Night after 9. a Clock I gave to the King an account of what I had received in command on the 5th of April and of other things relating thereto Among the rest concerning restoring Impropriations The King spoke many things very graciously therein after I had first discoursed of the manner of effecting it April 14. Friday The Duke of Buckingham fell into a Fever April 19. Wednesday The Petition of John Digby Earl of Bristol against the Duke of Buckingham was read in the House of Lords It was very sharp and such as threatens Ruin to one of the Parties April 20. Friday King Charles referred the Cognisance of that whole matter as also of the Petition of the Earl of Digby to the House of Parliament April 21. Saturday the Duke of Buckingham sent to me to come to him There I first heard what Sir John Cook the King's Secretary had suggested against me to the Lord Treasurer and he to the Duke Lord be merciful to me thy Servant April 22. Sunday The King sent for all the Bishops to come to him at 4. a Clock in the Afternoon We waited upon him 14. in number Then his Majesty chid us that in this time of Parliament we were silent in the Cause of the Church and did not make known to him what might be Useful or was Prejudicial to the Church professing himself ready to promote the Cause of the Church He then commanded us that in the Causes of the Earl of Bristol and Duke of Buckingham we should follow the direction of our own Consciences being led by Proofs
second Particular is an excellent one 'T is about the Adoration of the Bread in the Blessed Sacrament Cap. 6. 6. And 't is implyed as if this Superstition were condemned in the Copies sent by their Prelates but left out by me Good God! how shameless are these Church-Men for they drew up these Articles against me though the Lay-Commissioners delivered them And was there neither Clergy nor Lay-Man among them so careful as to compare the words of the Charge with the words of the Canon before they would venture to deliver them into so great a Court as the Parliament of England Would not Mr. Alexander Henderson who was the Prime Leader in these Church-Affairs be so careful for himself and his own Reputation as not publickly to deliver in a most Notorious Untruth For most manifest it is that these words As therefore the Adoration of the Bread is condemned c. stand still in the Copy Revised by me as is to be seen in the Printed Copy of those Canons and in the same place by them quoted and in a different Character that I wonder how any Man's Eye could miss them So here I am accused for putting that out which I left in The third Particular is That their Prelates call the Absoluteness of Baptism an Error of Popery Cap. 6. 2. Which is 〈◊〉 out too they say in my Edition as they will needs call the Printed Copy The Truth is this we did think fit to leave out Because the Absolute necessity of Baptism in the Ordinary way of the Church leaving God as he is most free to save with Baptism or without as himself pleases is no Popish Error but the true Tenet of the Catholick Church of Christ and was by their good leave an Error in your Prelates to call it so And I provided both for Truth and their Credit by keeping it from the view of Christendom Nor could you expect other from me in this Point being an Arch-Bishop of the Church of England which maintains the Necessity of Baptism such as is above mentioned As appears in the Rubrick before Publick Baptism in the Service-Book confirmed by Act of Parliament The Words are these Though it be fittest to Administer Baptism on Sundays and other Holy-days c. Nevertheless if Necessity so require Children may at all times be Baptised at Home And again in the Rubrick before private Baptism thus When great need shall compel them to Baptise their Children at Home it shall be Administred on this fashion And farther the Church of England takes care to have such Ministers Punished as shall defer Baptism if the Child be in Danger So that I could not let this Clause stand in the Scottish Canons but I must Charge my Mother the Church of England as guilty of maintaining an Error of Popery and the Parliament of England for confirming it 5. Our Prelates have not the boldness to trouble us in their Canons with Altars Fonts Chancels Reading of a long Liturgy before Sermons c. But Canterbury is Punctual and Peremptory in all these When I met so often with this Phrase Our Prelates do not this and that in which Canterbury is Punctual and Peremptory It made me hope at first these Men had some good Opinion of their own Prelates But so soon as they had once gotten the Power into their own Hands they made it presently appear that though their Prelates had not the boldness to trouble them yet they had the Impudence to cast the Prelates out of all the Means they had and without any the least Mercy to themselves their Wives and Children And that in a most Ignorant and Barbarous manner calling them the Limbs and Members of Antichrist But what 's the Crime which your Prelates had not the boldness to trouble you with and in which Canterbury that strange Man is so Punctual and Peremptory O! Grave Crimen Caie Caesar 'T is a Charge indeed A mighty Charge A Novation of above Thirteen Hundred Years old For after the Church was once formally setled under the Christian Emperours nay and for some Years before I challenge these Men to shew any Church under Heaven without that which was promiscuously called The Holy Table or Altar Or without a Font or a Chancel or a formal set Liturgy before Sermon c. And therefore if I were punctual in these I did but my Duty But Peremptory I am sure I was not as well knowing the difference between things of Decency and Uniformity and things of Necessity to Salvation But the Charge must go on for all this 6. For although the words of the 10 Canon Cap. 3. be fair yet the wicked Intentions of Canterbury and Ross may be seen in the point of Justification of a Sinner before God by comparing the Canon as it came from our Prelates and as it was returned from Canterbury and Printed Here 's a Confession that the words of the 10 Canon Cap. 3. are fair And so they are indeed The Canon runs thus It is manifest that the Superstition of former Ages is turned into great Prophaneness and that People for the most part are grown cold for doing any good esteeming that Good Works are not necessary Therefore shall all Presbyters as their Text gives occasion urge the necessity of Good Works to their Hearers These words they say are fair and sure they are so What 's amiss then What Why the wicked Intentions of Canterbury and Ross. God bless us Wicked Intentions under such fair words Now God forbid I hope Ross had none I am sure Canterbury had not But how come they to be Judges of our Intentions How Why they say they may be seen in the point of the Justification of a Sinner before God That 's a high Point and a dangerous for any Man to have Wicked Intentions about it How then may our Wicked Intentions be seen Why by comparing the Canons so they say And I desire nothing more than that the Book which I perused may be produced And upon sight of it I will acknowledge and make good whatsoever I did or humbly crave Pardon for what I cannot make good And though I cannot get to see the Book yet you shall hear the Comparison Our Prelates say thus It is manifest that the Superstitions of former Ages are turned into a great Prophaneness and that People are grown cold for the most part in doing any good thinking there is no place for Good Works because they are excluded from Justification Therefore shall all Ministers as their Text gives occasion urge the necessity of Good Works as they would be Saved and remember that they are Via Regni the Way to the Kingdom of Heaven quamvis non sint Causa Regnandi howbeit they be not the Cause of our Salvation How the Canon goes now is manifest in the words preceeding How it went before in the Copy which their Prelates sent is now expressed And if it be fairly related here are two things Charged to
of his and the King's Enemies Out of doubt this Petition proceeds from Devotion not from Malice And if the Scots when they Invaded England upon a Treacherous Plot and Conjuncture with the like Faction here that so both might have their Ends against the King and the Church were not God's Enemies and the Kings the Prayer meddles not with them If they were as for my part I must believe if I judge by their Actions they deserve all that can be prayed against them so long as they continue in that Disobedience And yet the Prayer was not as 't is said against their Nation by Name No God forbid their Nation hath I doubt not very many devout Servants to God and Loyal Subjects to their King But it was aginst that prevailing Faction among them which in that great Rebellious Action became Enemies both to God and the King Now follows the Conclusion Whosoever will Impartially Examin what hath proceeded from himself in these two Books of Canons and Common Prayer what Doctrine hath bin Published and Printed these Years past in England by his Disciples and Emissaries What gross Popery in the most material Points we have found and are ready to shew in the Posthume Writings of the Prelates of Edinburgh and Dunblaine his own Creatures his nearest Familiars and most willing Instruments to advance his Counsels and Projects shall perceive that his Intentions were deep and large against all the Reformed Kirks and Reformation of Religion which in his Majesties Dominions was Panting and had by this time rendred up the Ghost if God had not in a wonderful way of Mercy prevented us The Conclusion is like the rest much said in it and nothing proved Where first I desire no favour but an Impartial Examination of a Discreet Pious and Judicious Reader of all things done by me in the one Book or the other Next for the Doctrine which hath been Printed these Years past though little or none hath been Published by any Disciple or Emissary of mine I perswade my self the Intelligent and Impartial Reader will find it to be as sound and Orthodox as any that hath been Printed in any so many Years since the Reformation And if they whom I was necessarily to trust in that Business have slipped any thing they are subject to answer the Laws in that behalf Thirdly what gross Popery they have found in the Posthume Writings of the Prelates of Edinburgh and Dunblaine I know not This I know 't is an Easie but a base thing to abuse the Dead who cannot answer for themselves And they which are so over-bold with the Living may easily and justly enough be suspected not to hold over-fair quarter with the Grave But whereas it is said that these worthy Men for such they were were my Creatures my nearest Familiars my willing Instruments and the like This I do here avow for truth I was a meer Stranger to Dr. Forbys late Prelate of Edinburgh The first time that ever I saw him was when I attended as a Chaplain in Ordinary upon King James of blessed Memory in the Year 1617. At which time I heard him Preach very learnedly before his Majesty After that time I never saw him till I attended his Majesty that now is as Dean of his Chappel into Scotland in the Year 1633. In the mean time I had contracted no Friendship no Letters had passed between us Then he Preached again very Learnedly and his Majesty resolved to make him Bishop of Edinburgh which was done accordingly and to my Remembrance he lived not above a Year after or very little more And this was all the near Familiarity that was between him and me With the Bp. of Dunblaine Dr. Wedderborne I confess I had more and longer Acquaintance for he lived some Years in England and was recommended unto me as a Man that had very good parts and Learning in him He lived long with Mr. Isaac Casaubon who was not like to teach him any Popery and who certainly would not have retained him so long or so near unto him had he not found him a deserver After I came acquainted with him I wished him very well for his worth sake and did what I could for him to enable him to live But sure if my Intentions were so deep as they are after said to be he could be no fit Instrument for me he being a meer Scholar and a Book-Man and as unfit for as unacquainted with such Counsels and Projects as these Men would make me Author of And if my Intentions were so deep out of doubt I had Brains enough to make a wiser Choice of Instruments to advance them This for the Men. But for the Matter if any posthume Papers of theirs be other than they ought their Credit must answer for them to the World as their Conscience hath already done to God And for my own part I protest I do not nor ever did know of any such Papers which they had or left behind nor do I believe they left any behind them but such as were worthy their Learning and Integrity But my Intentions they say were deep and large against all the Reformed Kirks Surely the deeper the worse if they were so ill But as I cannot be so vain to assume to my self any such depth So I humbly thank God for it I am free from all such wickedness The worst thought I had of any Reformed Church in Christendom was to wish it like the Church of England and so much better as it should please God to make it And the deepest intention I had concerning all or any of them was how they might not only be wished but made so As for the Reformation of Religion in his Majesties Dominions which they say was panting and had given up the Ghost if God had not in a wonderful way of Mercy prevented them First this is under Favour most untrue and a base and most undeserved Scandal put upon his Majesty's Government Secondly I shall take leave to Prophesy that unless after all this Tumbling the People can be 〈◊〉 that all stand for matters of Religion both Doctrine and Discipline and that rather with addition to the Churches Power than detracting from it as they then did when these Men say the Reformation was pantting and giving up the Ghost I much doubt that neither they nor their Childrens Children after shall see such Happy Days again for all things as these were which they so unthankfully to God and their King murmured against and as these Men yet snarl at And for the Spirit which prevented them in this Action in such a wonderful way of Mercy if ever they awake out of this Lethargy for better it is not they will then see whence he is and whither he tends They add to this That if the Pope himself had been in his place he could not have been more Popish nor could he more Zealously have Negotiated for Rome against the Reformed Kirks to
reduce them to the Heresies in Doctrine the Superstition and Idolatry in Worship and the Tyranny in Government which are in that See and for which the Reformed Kirks did separate from it and came forth of Babel From him certainly hath issued all this Deluge which almost hath overturned all What not the Pope himself now surely he could do little then For as I told you in the very last Passage I never intended more to the Reformed Churches than to wish them in Doctrine and Discipline like the Church of England And I hope that was neither to Negotiate for Rome nor to reduce them to Heresie in Doctrine nor to Superstition and Idolatry in Worship no nor to Tyranny in Government All which are here most wrongfully imputed to me And this comparing of me with the Pope himself I could bear with more ease had I not Written more against Popish Superstition than any Presbyter in Scotland hath done And for my part I wou'd be contented to lay down my Life to Morrow upon Condition the Pope and Church of Rome would admit and confirm that Service-Book which hath been here so eagerly charged against me For were that done it would give a greater blow to Popery which is but the Corruption of the Church of Rome than any hath yet been given And that they know full well And whereas they say that for these things the Reformed Churches did separate from it and came forth of Babel That is true that they did separate and for these things But not till for the maintaining of the contrary to these things they were Excommunicated and Thrust out Then indeed they separated but not till they were forced by a double necessity of Truth from which they might not depart and of that Punishment which would not suffer them to enter And yet the Reformed Churches all and every of them had need look well to themselves For if they came out of Babel to run down into Egypt they 'll get little by the Bargain Now they end in Confidence We are therefore confident that your Lordships this they speak to the English Commissioners who were to deliver this their Charge against me into the Lords House will by your means deal effectually with the Parliament that this great Fire-brand may be presently removed from his Majesties Presence and that he may be put to Tryal and have his deserved Censure according to the Laws of the Kingdom Which shall be good Service to God Honour to the King and Parliament Terror to the Wicked and Comfort to all good Men and to us in special who by his means principally have been put to so many and grievous Afflictions wherein we had Perished if God had not been with us Decemb. 14. 1640. Ad. Blayer They were and they might well be confident upon their Lordships For all or some chief of that Committee were in league with them And some of them the principal Men which brought the Scots in to have their ends upon the King And they did deal effectually with the Parliament For as appears by the Date this Charge was delivered to the English Commissioners Decemb. 14. It was Read in the upper House and transmitted to the House of Commons and such haste made of it there that they though they had no Articles drawn yet came up in haste and accused me to the Lords of High Treason desiring my Commitment and Promising the bringing up of their Articles and Proof against me in convenient time So upon this Accusation only I was upon Decemb. 18. committed to Mr. James Maxwell the Officer of the House and so removed from his Majesty's Presence which was the great aim against me For they conceiv'd I wou'd speak my Conscience if I came near him And they could not with any Colour of Justice take me from him but by an Accusation of High Treason of which I would not for all the World be as Guilty as some of them are which Accused me This was their desire for my Commitment Their next desire was That I might be brought to Tryal and receive my Censure according to the Laws And this hath been and yet is my desire as well as theirs For I long for nothing more than a Tryal and I can fear no Censure that is according to Law and am as free from the Breach of any Law that can make me guilty of Treason as I was when my Mother bare me into the World And when I was thus far on upon my Answer I had remained at Mr. Maxwell's and in the Tower Eleven Months so many it was when I writ this But before I came to my Hearing I had been Thirteen Months in Prison and neither brought to Tryal no nor so much as a Particular Charge brought up against me that I might prepare for an Answer in so heavy a Business And I am somewhat farther of my Accusers Mind That to bring me to a just Tryal according to Law would be good Service to God Honour to the King and the Parliament who cannot but suffer in the Judgment of Moderate Men for laying a Man of my Place and Calling so long in Prison a thing without all Precedent and yet charging me with no particular Nay and I think in a good Sense too it would be a Terrour to the Wicked to see an Innocent Man brought to such a Tryal Yea and yet a Comfort to all Good Men too when they see that an Innocent Man shall not be let lye and languish to Death in Prison which may be my Case for ought I see but that in some time they may hope for Tryal Yea and to them the Scots in special For this Bold and most true Word I 'll speak The Scottish Nation in general the City of Edinburgh in special and very many particular Men of good Worth and some Men of Honour besides Clergy-men of all sorts during the time I had Interest in Court have been more beholding to me than to any ten English Subjects of what rank and condition soever And this his Majesty knows and I dare say will Witness And for their present Afflictions which they speak of the Current of this Discourse will shew to the indifferent Reader what a Principal means I have been of them In the mean time I little deserved from them the Name of This great Firebrand for many of them have warmed themselves at me but yet I never Fired any of them Nor can I make any doubt but that God will deliver me out of the midst of this Fire which he knows I kindled not Howsoever letthem take heed for as sure as they now make themselves in the Conjuncture of a great Party in which one Wave seconds and keeps up another yet though these Waves of the Sea are mighty and rage horribly the Lord that dwelleth on High is Mightier And under him I rest and I hope shall till their Waves be broken against some Rock or other
CAP. IV. NOW follows Adam Blair the second with a Codicil or a Corollary to this Charge And this though it concerns my Brethren the Bishops as much as me yet because it charges upon the Calling and was delivered in with the Charge against me though under another date of December 15. I shall express what I think of that too For I think the Scotch Commissioners took another day in upon advice that they might have a fling at the whole Calling And I cannot but think it was upon design among them when I consider how eagerly the House of Commons hath followed Episcopacy ever since This Codicil to their last Will and Testament concerning me begins thus We do indeed confess that the Prelates of England have been of very different humours some of them of a more hot and others of them Men of a moderate Temper some of them more and some less inclinable to Popery yet what known Truth and constant Experience hath made undeniable we must at this Opportunity express And so must we For we as ingenuously confess that the Presbyters of Scotland have been of very different humours some of them of a more hot and others of them Men of a moderate Temper And the more moderate for Temper and the more able for Learning among them have ever declared for the Episcopacy of England But whereas they say some of the Bishops of England are more and some less inclinable to Popery that may seem to imply that all of them are more or less inclinable to Popery which I dare say is a loud untruth Perhaps that which some of them call Popery is Orthodox Christianity and not one whit the worse for their miscalling it though they much the worse for disbelieving it But now you shall hear what that known truth is which constant experience they say hath made undeniable That from the first time of the Reformation of the Kirk of Scotland not only after the coming of King James of Happy Memory into England but before the Prelates of England have been by all means uncessantly working the overthrow of our Discipline and Government A little change in the words answers this For from the very first of the Reformation of the Church of England as well before as after the coming in of King James of Happy Memory the Presbyters of Scotland have been by all means uncessantly working the overthrow of Episcopacy our Discipline and Government As appears most manifestly in Archbishop Bancroft's Works So then either this is a loud untruth if our Prelates did not so practise against them Or if it be truth our Bishops had altogether as much reason if not more the justice of the Cause considered to work the overthrow of their Discipline than they had of Episcopacy But they tell us It hath come to pass of late that the Prelates of England having prevailed and brought Vs to Subjection in point of Government and finding their long-waited-for Opportunity and a rare Congruity of many Spirits and Powers ready to co-operate for their Ends have made a strong Assault upon the whole External Worship and Doctrine of our Kirk Surely for their Doctrine 't is too large a Field to beat over at this time Yet many Doctrines are on foot amongst them which are fitter to be weighed than swallowed would they permit them to be brought to the Sanctuary and Balanced there And for the whole External Worship which they speak of I have heard it said they have none at all and out of doubt 't is very little they have if any And therefore if the Prelates of England had gotten an Opportunity and a Congruity of Spirits and Powers to co-operate which yet is not so they had been much to blame if they had not pursued it till they had brought both the one and the other to a better Condition than they stand in at present And if they had such an Opportunity they were much to blame that deserted it And if they had not these Men are unworthy for asserting it But what End had the Prelates of England in this Why sure By this their doing they did not aim to make us conform to England but to make Scotland first whose weakness in resisting they had before experienced in Novations of Government and of some Points of Worship and therefore England conform to Rome even in those matters wherein England had separated from Rome ever since the time of Reformation These Men out of doubt have or take on them to have a great insight into the Hearts and Souls of the Prelates of England They know that we did not aim to make them conformable to England but to make Scotland first and then England conformable to Rome But I know the contrary and will leave the Book it self to be judged by the Learned in all parts of Christendom for it is carefully Translated into Latin whether it teach or practise Conformity with Rome or not which trial is far beyond their unlearned and uncharitable Assertion And if any other of my Brethren have had this aim they should do well to name them But they are so void of Charity that they cannot forbear to say that we aim to make them Conformable to Rome even in those things wherein England had separated from Rome ever since the Reformation Which is so monstrous an untruth that I wonder how Impudence it self dare utter it considering what the Bishops of England have written in defence of their Reformation against Rome and how far beyond any thing which the Presbyters of Scotland have written against it As for the Reason which is given why we began with Scotland namely because we had experience of their weakness in resisting Novations of Government and of some Points of Worship I know not what they mean by their weakness in resisting unless it be That they did not prevail against King James of Blessed Memory for resist they did to their power when he brought in Bishops which it seems they call Novations in Government and the Articles of Perth which they stile Novations in some Points of Worship And if this be that which they mean there is no Novation in the one or the other And for their weakness in resisting you may see what it is For no sooner have they gotten the Opportunity which they speak of in the beginning of this Codicil but they cast out all their Bishops reversed all the Articles of Perth all the Acts of Parliament which confirmed both brought back all to the rude draught of Knox and Buchanan saving that they have made it much worse by admitting so many Lay-Elders with Votes in their General Assemblies as may inable the Lay-men to make themselves what Religion they please A thing which the Church of Christ never knew in any part of it Nor have they stayed here but made use of the same Opportunity to cry down the Bishops and Church-Government in England As you will see by that
Persons to Ecclesiastical Dignities Promotions and Benefices belonging to his Majesty and divers of the Nobility Clergy and others and hath taken upon him the Nomination of Chaplains to the King by which means he hath preferred to his Majesty's Service and to other great Promotions in the Church such as have been Popishly affected or other wise Vnsound and Corrupt both in Doctrine and Manners I did never wittingly abuse the Power or Trust which His Majesty reposed in me Nor did I ever intrude upon the Places of any great Officers or others to procure to my self the Nomination of Persons Ecclesiastical to Dignities Promotions and Benefices belonging to His Majesty the Nobility or any other And though here be no Particular named yet I guess at that which is meant and will clearly set down the Truth His Majesty some few Years since assumed to himself from the Right Honourable the Lord Coventry the Lord Keeper that then was and from my Lord Cottington then Master of the Court of Wards the disposing of all such Benefices as came to the King's Gift by Title of Wardship of what value soever they were The Reason which moved His Majesty to do this was The Lord Keeper and the Lord Cottington became humble Suitors to him to end a Contention between them about the giving of those Benefices both for their own Quiet and the Peace of other His Majesties Subjects For the Course was when any thing fell void in the Gift of a Ward he of these two great Officers which came first to know of the avoidance gave the Living This caused great and oft-times undue Practising among them which were Suitors for the Benefices And many times the Broad-Seal and the Seal of the Court of Wards bore Date the same Day And then the Bishop which Clerk soever he Instituted was sure to offend the other Lord. And these Lords too many times by the earnest putting on of Friends were not well pleased one with another in the Business Upon this Suit of their own His Majesty gave a Hearing to these Lords and in Conclusion of it took the Disposal of all such Benefices into his own Hands and for ought I know with both their liking and content In the disposing of these Benefices to such Men as had served His Majesty at Sea or otherwise I was trusted by the King and I served him in it faithfully but proceeded no farther nor otherwise than he directed and commanded me But I never took the Nomination of any one to my self or my own disposing And the Truth of this as His Majesty knows so I am Confident my Lord Cottington who is yet living will Witness For the Nomination of Chaplains to the King if I had done it I think the work was as proper for the Arch-Bishop as for any Man Yet because by Ancient Custom it was conceived to belong in a great part to the Lord Chamberlain who was then the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembrook I never Named any to His Majesty but I did fairly acquaint the Lord Chamberlain with it and desired his favour But in all my time I never was the means to prefer any Man to His Majesties Service as a Chaplain or to any Promotion whom I knew to be Popishly affected or any way Corrupt in Doctrine or Manners 9. He hath for the same Trayterous and Wicked intent chosen and employed such Men to be his own Domestical Chaplains whom he knew to be Notoriously disaffected to the Reformed Religion grosly addicted to Popish Superstition and Erroneous and unsound both in Judgment and Practice And to them or some of them he hath committed Licensing of Books to be Printed By which means divers false and Superstitious Books have been Published to the great Scandal of Religion and to the seducing of many of His Majesties Subjects I never chose any Man to be my Chaplain who I knew or had good Cause to suspect was Popishly affected Nor any that was unsound in Judgment or Practice Nor did I commit the Licensing of Books to any such but to those only who I then did and do still believe are Orthodox and Religious Divines and Men of very good Judgment for that Necessary and great Service And if they or any of them have by negligence or otherwise suffered any Erroneous and Dangerous Books to pass the Press they must answer both the Church and the State for whatsoever they have done amiss in that kind for it is not possible for the Archbishop to perform all those Services in Person And in the committing of them to my Chaplains and other Divines of Note I have done no new thing but that which my Predecessors have done before me This I am sure of I gave often and express and strict Command to all and every of them that they should License nothing that was contrary to the Doctrine and Discipline Established in the Church of England or might Personally or otherwise give Offence or Distaste And I hope they have Obeyed my Directions If not they must Answer for themselves 10. He hath Trayterously and Wickedly endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome And for the effecting thereof hath Consorted and Confederated with divers Popish Priests and Jesuits and hath kept secret intelligence with the Pope of Rome And by himself his Agents and Instruments treated with such as have from thence received Authority and Instruction He hath permitted and countenanced a Popish Hierarchy or Ecclesiastical Government to be Established in this Kingdom By all which Trayterous and Malicious Practices this Church and Kingdom have been exceedingly indangered and like to fall under the Tyranny of the Roman See The Article is now come of which I spake before and in my Answer to which I promised to set down the substance of that which I spake in the Parliament House to the Lords when this General Charge was brought up against me and I shall somewhat inlarge it yet without any Change of the Grounds upon which I then stood And now I shall perform that Promise And I shall be of all other least afraid to answer all that is here said concerning Religion For my Heart I bless God for it is sound that way to the uttermost of my Knowledge and I think I do well understand my Principles And my Old Master Aristotle hath taught me long since that Qui se bene habent ad divina audaciores sunt they which are well and setledly composed in things pertaining to God that is in Religion are much the bolder by it And this not only against Slanders and Imputations cast upon Men for this but in all other Accidents of the World what ever they be And surely I may not deny it I have ever wished and heartily Prayed for the Unity of the whole Church of Christ and the Peace and Reconciliation of torn and divided Christendom But I did never desire a Reconciliation but such as might stand
I ever pressed the Argument alike against both as I can prove by good Witness if need be And I pray God this Faction too little feared and too much nourished among us have not now found the Opportunity waited for 3. That they live here and enjoy all freedom and yet for the most part scorn so much as to learn the Language or to converse with any more than for advantage of Bargaining And will take no Englishman to be their Apprentice nor teach them any of their Manufactures which I did then and do still think most unreasonable 4. That for Religion if after so many descents of their Children born in the Land and so Native Subjects these Children of theirs should refuse to Pray and Communicate with the Church of England into whose bosom their Parents fled at first for succour I thought then and do still that no State could with safety or would in Wisdom endure it And this concerning their Children was all that was desired by me As appears by the Act which my Vicar General made concerning those Churches at Canterbury Sandwitch and Maidstone in my Diocess and the Publication of this Act in their Congregations by their own Ministers in this Form following I am commanded to signifie unto you that it is not his Majesty's intent nor of the Council of State to dissolve our Congregations And to that end his Majesty is content to permit the Natives of the first degree to continue Members of our Congregations as before But the Natives in this Church after the first descent are injoyned to obey my Lord Arch-Bishop his Injunction which is to conform themselves to the English Discipline and Liturgy every one in his Parish without inhibiting them notwithstanding from resorting sometimes to our Assemblies And my Lord Arch-Bishop of 〈◊〉 means notwithstanding that the said Natives shall continue to contribute to the Maintenance of the Ministry and Poor of this Church for the better subsisting thereof And promiseth to obtain an Order from the Council if need be and they require it to maintain them in their Manufactures against those which would trouble them by Informations Now that which I injoyned the French and Dutch Churches was to a syllable all one with this in all parts of my Province where these Churches resided As at South-hampton and Norwich And I have a Letter to shew full of thanks from the Ministers and Elders of the French and Walloon-Churches at Norwich All which is far from an endeavour to suppress any just Priviledges and Immunities which these Churches had in England or ought to have in any well-governed Kingdom And since this time I have not only seen but gotten the very Original Letter of Queen Elizabeth of Happy Memory written to the Lord Treasurer Pawlet specifying what Order she would should be taken with and for these Churches The Letter is Signed with her Majesty 's own Hand and Signet and gives them not half so much Liberty I do not say as they take but as I have been ever most content to give them For the Queen in these Letters allows them nothing contrary to her Laws and therefore nothing but our Liturgy in their own Language not another Form of Divine Service and Discipline much different from it This was the Wisdom of those times which I pray God we may follow The Queen's Letter follows in these words Elizabeth RIght Trusty and right well-beloved Cozen we greet you well Whereas in the time of our Brother and Sister also the Church of the late Augustine Fryars was appointed to the use of all the Strangers reparing to the City of London for to have therein Divine Service considering that by an Universal Order all the rest of the Churches have the Divine Service in the English Tongue for the better edifying of the People which the Strangers Born understand not Our Pleasure is that you shall Assign and Deliver the said Church and all things thereto belonging to the Reverend Father in God the Bishop of London to be appointed to such Curates and Ministers as he shall think good to serve from time to time in the same Churches both for daily Divine Service and for Administration of the Sacraments and Preaching of the Gospel so as no Rite nor Use be therein observed contrary or derogatory to our Laws And these our Letters shall be your sufficient Warrant and Discharge in that behalf Given under Our Signet at Our Palace of Westminster the ...... of February the Second Year of our Reign To our Trusty and right well beloved Cousin and Counsellor the Marquess of Winchester High Treasurer of England 13. He hath maliciously and Trayterously Plotted and endeavoured to stir up War and Enmity betwixt his Majesty's two Kingdoms of England and Scotland and to that purpose hath laboured to introduce into the Kingdom of Scotland divers Innovations both in Religion and Government all or the most part tending to Popery and Superstition to the great Grievance and Discontent of his Majesty's Subjects of that Nation And for their refusing to submit to such Innovations he did trayterously Advise his Majesty to Subdue them by Force of Arms And by his own Authority and Power contrary to Law did procure sundry of his Majesty's Subjects and inforced the Clergy of this Kingdom to contribute toward the Maintenance of that War And when his Majesty with much Wisdom and Justice had made a Pacification betwixt the two Kingdoms the said Arch-Bishop did presumptuously censure that Pacification as Dishonourable to his Majesty and by his Counsel and Endeavours so incensed his Majesty against his said Subjects of Scotland that he did thereupon by Advice of the said Arch-Bishop enter into an offensive War against them to the great 〈◊〉 of his Majesty's Person and his Subjects of both Kingdoms I did not Endeavour to stir up War between his Majesty's two Kingdoms of England and Scotland but my Counsels were for Peace As may appear by the Counsel which I gave at Theobalds in the beginning of these unhappy Differences For there my Counsel only put a stay upon the Business in hope his Majesty might have a better Issue without than with a War And if I were mistaken in this Counsel yet it agreed well with my Profession and with the Cause which was differences in Religion which I conceived might better be composed by Ink than by Blood And I think it cannot easily be forgotten that I gave this Counsel For my Lord the Earl of Arundel opposed me openly at the Table then and said my Grounds would deceive me And my Lord the Earl of Holland came to me so soon as we were risen from Counsel and was pleased to say to me that I had done my self and my Calling a great deal of Right and the King my Master the best Service that ever I did him in my Life And Mr. Patrick Male of his Majesty's Bed-chamber when he heard what I had done came and gave me
of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury be hereby Sequestred by and unto the Parliament And William Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Suspended ab Officio Beneficio omni omnimodâ Jurisdictione Archiepiscopali until he be either Convicted or Acquitted of High Treason for which he stands now Accused and whatsoever Livings Dignities or Ecclesiastical Promotions in the said Arch-Bishop's Gift or Collation are or hereafter shall be void shall henceforth be Instituted and Inducted unto by the Arch-Bishop's Vicar General or any other having Authority in this behalf upon the Nomination and Recommendation of both Houses of Parliament during the time of the Suspension and Seque stration aforesaid And upon this Ordinance it is Ordered and be it so Ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament that the said Ed. Corbet be and is hereby Nominated and Recommended forthwith upon sight hereof to be Admitted Instituted and Inducted by the Vicar General aforesaid or any other having Authority in this behalf into the said Rectory of Chartham Ratione suspensionis Domini Gulielmi Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis Temporalium Archiepiscopatûs in Manibus Supremae Curiae Parliamenti jam existentium the same belonging unto their Gift And it is hereby farther Ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament that during the Suspension and Sequestration aforesaid the Jurisdiction of the said Arch-Bishop shall be Executed and Exercised by his Vicar General and other his inferiour Judges and Officers as formerly the same hath been This Ordinance was laid as a great Punishment upon me But I humbly thank both Houses for it as for the greatest Benefit they have bestowed on me since my Troubles especially since the Sequestration of my Jurisdiction Novemb. 2. 1641. For it appears before in this History how ever since that time I have been troubled for every Benefice which hath fallen in my Gift disinabled to prefer any Friend or Chaplain of my own were he never so worthy And which is worse by much forced to admit such Men how unworthy so-ever as were by them Nominated to me or else fall under a Contempt of their Ordinances and such Arbitrary Punishment as they shall thereupon load me with Whereas now I am freed both from the Trouble and the Sin of admitting unworthy Persons into the Church-Service and leave them to the Business and the Account for it On Sunday Junij 11. One came and Preached at the Tower his Name I could not learn In his Sermon after he had liberally railed on me he told the Auditory that Mr. Pryn had found a Book in my Pocket which would discover great things This to inflame the People against me Et si non satis insanirent suâ sponte instigare This is Zealous Preaching God forgive their Malice An Ordinance passed on Munday Junij 12. that the Synod of Divines formerly Named by both Houses not chosen by the Clergy should begin to sit on the first of July following And they did begin to sit that day Dr. Twiss in the Chair and he made the Latin Sermon The Names of these Synodical Men are to be seen in the Ordinance Printed Junij 12. Where any Man that will may see a great if not the greater part of them Brownists or Independents or New-England-Ministers if not worse or at the best refractory Persons to the Doctrine or Discipline or both of the Church of England Established by Law and now brought together to Reform it An excellent Conclave But I pray God that befal not them which Tully observes fell upon Epicurus Si quae corrigere voluit deteriora fecit He made every thing worse that he went about to mend I shall for my part never deny but that the Liturgy of the Church of England may be made better but I am sure withal it may easily be made worse And howsoever it would become this Synod well to remember that there is a Convocation of the English Prelates and Clergy lawfully Chosen and Summoned and by no Supream or Legal Authority as yet dissolved And can there be two National Synods at one time but that one must be irregular Belike we shall fall to it in the Donatists way They set up Altare contra Altare in Africk and these will set up Synodum contra Synodum in England And this without God's Infinite Mercy will bring forth a Schism fierce enough to rent and tear Religion out of this Kingdom Which God for the Merits and Mercies of Christ forbid A Committee of the House of Commons sent Mr. Dobson my Controwler to me to the Tower to require me to send them word under my Hand what Originals I had of the Articles of Religion Established 1562 1571. This was on Wednesday July 12. And I returned by him the same day this Answer in Writing with my Name to it The Original Articles of 1571. I could never find in my Paper-Study at Lambeth or any where else And whether any Copy of them were ever left there I cannot tell The Original Articles of 1562. with many Hands to them I did see and peruse there But whether the Bishops Hands were to them or not I cannot remember This Answer satisfied them but what their Aim was I cannot tell unless they meant to make a search about the two first Lines in the twentieth Article concerning the Power of the Church in these words The Church hath Power to decree Rites or Ceremonies and Authority in Controversies of Faith Which words are left out in divers printed Copies of the Articles and are not in the one and twentieth Article of Edw. 6. nor in the Latin Copy of the Articles 1571. But in the Original Articles of 1562. the words are plain and manifest without any Interlining at all If this were their Aim 't is probable we shall see somewhat by what their Synod shall do concerning that Article On Tuesday August 3. my Servant Mr. Edw. Lenthrop came to me and told me that the day before he met with Sir K. Digbye who had the leave to go out of Prison by the Suit of the French Queen and to Travel into France But before he took his Journey he was to come before a Committee and there he said he had been It seems it was some Committee about my Business for he told Mr. Lenthrop and wished him to tell it me that the Committee took special notice of his Acquaintance with me and Examined him strictly concerning me and my Religion whether he did not know that I was offer'd to be made a Cardinal and many other such like things That he Answer'd them That he knew nothing of any Cardinal-ship offer'd me And for my Religion he had Reason to think I was truly and really as I professed my self for I had laboured with him against his return to the Church of Rome Which is true and I have some of my Papers yet to shew But he farther sent me word that their Malice was great against me though he
hated it perhaps it might have been better with me for worldly safety than now it is But it can no way become a Christian Bishop to halt with God Lastly If I had any purpose to blast the True Religion Established in the Church of England and to introduce Popery sure I took a very wrong way to it For my Lords I have stayed as many that were going to Rome and reduced as many that were already gone as I believe any Bishop or other Minister in this Kingdom hath done and some of them Men of great Abilities and some of them Persons of great Place And is this the way my Lords to introduce Popery I beseech your Lordships consider it well For surely if I had blemished the True Protestant Religion I could not have setled such Men in it And if I had purposed to introduce Popery I would never have reduced such Men from it And though it please the Author of the Popish Royal Favourite to say That scarce one of the swaying Lord Prelats is able to say that ever he Converted one Papist to our Religion yet how void of Charity this Speech of his is and how full of Falshood shall appear by the number of those Persons whom by Gods Blessing upon my Labours I have setled in the True Protestant Religion Established in England And with your Lordships leave I shall Name them that you may see both their Number and their Condition though I cannot set them down in that order of time in which I either Converted or Setled them 1. And first Hen Birk-head of Trinity Coll. in Oxford was seduced by a Jesuit and brought up to London to be conveyed beyond the Seas His Friends complained to me I had the happiness to find him out and the blessing from God to settle his Conscience So he returned to Oxford and there continued 2. 3. Two Daughters of Sir Rich Lechford in Surrey were sent to Sea to be carried to a Nunnery I heard of it and caused them to be brought back before they were got out of the Thames I setled their Consciences and both of them sent me great thanks since I was a Prisoner in the Tower 4. 5. Two Scholars of St John's Coll. in Cambridge Topping and Ashton had slipped away from the College and here at London had got the French Embassadour's Pass I have the Pass to shew I found means to get them to me and I thank God setled both their Minds sent them back to their College Afterwards hearing of Topping's Wants I allowed him Means till I procured him a Fellowship And he is at this time a very hopeful Young Man as most of his time in that University a Minister and Chaplain in House at this Present to the Right Honourable the Earl of Westmerland 6. 7. 8. Sir William Web my Kinsman and two of his Daughters and the better to secure them in Religion I was at the Charge their Father being utterly decayed to Marry them to two Religious Protestants and they both continued very constant And his Eldest Son I took from him placed him with a careful Divine maintained him divers Years and then setled him with a Gentleman of Good Worth 10. 11. The next in my remembrance was the Lord Maio of Ireland who with another Gentleman whose name I cannot recal was brought to me to Fulham by Mr. Jefford a Servant of his Majesty's and well known to divers of your Lordships 12. The Right Honourable the Lord Duke of Buckingham was almost lost from the Church of England between the continual cunning Labours of Fisher the Jesuit and the Perswasions of the Lady his Mother After some Miscarriages King James of ever Blessed Memory Commanded me to that Service I had God's Blessing upon me so far as to settle my Lord Duke to his Death And I brought the Lady his Mother to the Church again but she was not so happy as to continue with us 14. The Lady Marchioness Hamilton was much solicited by some Priests and much troubled in Mind about it My Lord spake with me of it and though at that present I was so overlaid with Business that I could not as I much desired wait upon that Honourable Person my self yet I told my Lord I would send one to his Lordship that should diligently attend that Service and that I would give him the best direction I could And this I did and God be thanked she dyed very quietly and very Religiously and a good Protestant And my Lord Marquess told me he had acknowledged this Service of mine to an Honourable Lord whom I now see present 15. Mr. Chillingworth's Learning and Abilities are sufficiently known to all your Lordships He was gone and setled at Dowaye My Letters brought him back and he Lived and Dyed a Defender of the Church of England And that this is so your Lordships cannot but know For Mr. Pryn took away my Letters and all the Papers which concerned him and they were Examined at the Committee 16. 17. Mr. Digby was a Priest and Mr. James Gentleman a School-master in a Recusant's House This latter was brought to me by a Minister as far as I remember in Buckinghamshire I converted both of them and they remain setled 18. Dr. Hart a Civilian Son to a Neighbour of mine at Fulham He was so far gone that he had written part of his Motives which wrought as he said that Change in him I got sight of them shewed him wherein he was deceived had God's Blessing to settle his Conscience and then caused an able Divine to Answer his Motives and give him the Copy 19. There were beside these Mr. Christopher Seburne a Gentleman of an Ancient Family in Hereford-shire and Sir William Spencer of Yarnton in Oxfordshire The Sons and Heirs of Mr. Wintchome and Mr. Williscot whom I sent with their Friends good liking to Wadham-College in Oxford and I received a Certificate Anno 1638. of their continuing in conformity to the Church of England Nor did ever any of these relapse again to Rome but only the Old Countess of Buckingham and Sir William Spencer that ever I heard of And if any of your Lordships doubt of the Truth of any of these Particulars I am able and ready to bring full proof of them all And by this time I hope it appears that one of the swaying Prelats of the time is able to say he hath Converted one Papist to the Protestant Religion And let any Clergy Man of England come forth and give a better account of his Zeal to this present Church And now my Lords with my most humble Thanks for your Lordships favour and patience in hearing me I shall cease to be farther troublesom for the present not doubting but I shall be able to Answer whatever shall be particularly objected against me After I had ended this Speech I was commanded to withdraw As I went from
a poor Evasion was this Were there no other Lawyers for him because Mr. Solicitor was for me The Truth is all that ever I did in this Business was not only with the Knowledge but by the Advice of my Councel which were Mr. Solicitor Littleton and Mr. Herbert At last this Gentleman submitted himself and the Cause and if as he says Dr. Eden perswaded him to it that 's nothing to me As for the Fine I referred the moderation of it wholly to my Councel They pitched upon Sixteen Hundred Pounds and gave such Days of Payment as that a good part is yet unpaid And this Summ was little above one Years Rent For the Parsonage is known to be well worth Thirteen Hundred Pound a Year if not more And after the Business was setled my Lord Wimbleton came to me and gave me great Thanks for preserving this Gentleman being as he said his Kinsman whom he confessed it was in my Power to ruin For the raising of the Rent Sixty Pounds it was to add Means to the several Curats to the Chappels of Ease And I had no Reason to suffer Sir Ralph Ashton to go away with so much Profit and leave the Curats both upon my Conscience and my Purse And for his Fine to St Pauls I gave him all the Ease I could But since his Son will force it from me he was accused of Adultery with divers Women and confessed all And whither that Fine went and by what Authority I have already shewed And thus much more my Lords at Mr. Bridgman's Intreaty I turned this Lease into Lives again without Fine But since I have this Reward for it I wish with all my Heart I had not done it For I am confident in such a Case of Right your Lordships would have left me to the Law and more I wou'd not have asked And I think this though intreated into it was my greatest Error in the Business 6. The last Instance was about the conversion of some Money to St. Pauls out of Administrations By Name Two Thousand Pounds taken out of Wimark's Estate and Five Hundred out of Mr. Gray's First whatsoever was done in this kind I have the Broad-Seal to Warrant it And for Mr. Wimark's Estate all was done according to Law and all care taken for his Kindred And if I had not stired in the Business Four Men all Strangers to his Kindred would have made themselves by a broken Will Executors and swept all away from the Kindred Secondly for Mr. Gray's Estate after as Odious an expression of it as could be made and as void of Truth as need to be the Proceedings were confessed to be Orderly and Legal and the Charge deserted Then there was a fling at Sir Charles Caesar's getting of the Mastership of the Rolls for Money and that I was his means for it And so it was thence inferred That I sold Places of Judicature or helped to sell them For this they produced a Paper under my Hand But when they had thrown all the Dirt they could upon me they say they did only shew what Probabilities they had for it and what Reason they had to lay it in the end of the Fourth Original Article and so deserted it And well they might For I never had more Hand in this Business than that when he came to me about it I told him plainly as things then stood that Place was not like to go without more Money than I thought any Wise Man would give for it Nor doth the Paper mentioned say any more but that I informed the Lord Treasurer what had passed between us CAP. XXVIII THis day ended I was Ordered to appear again April 4. 1644. And received a Note from the Committee under Serjeant Wild's Hand dated April 1. That they meant to proceed next upon the Fifth and Sixth Original Articles and upon the Ninth Additional which follow in haec verba The Fifth Original He hath Trayterously caused a Book of Canons to be Composed and Published and those Canons to be put in Execution without any lawful Warrant and Authority in that behalf in which pretended Canons many Matters are contained contrary to the King's Prerogative to the Fundamental Laws and Statutes of this Realm to the Right of Parliament to the Propriety and Liberty of the Subjects and Matters tending to Sedition and of dangerous Consequence and to the Establishment of a vast unlawful and presumptus Power in himself and his Successors Many of the which Canons by the practice of the said Arch-Bishop were surreptitiously passed in the late Convocation without due consideration and debate others by fear and compulsion were Subscribed unto by the Prelats and Clerks there assembled which had never been Voted and Passed in the Convocation as they ought to have been And the said Arch-Bishop hath contrived and endeavoured to assure and confirm the Vnlawful and Exorbitant Power which he hath Vsurped and Exercised over his Majesty's Subjects by a Wicked and Vngodly Oath in one of the said pretended Canons injoyned to be taken by all the Clergy and many of the Layety of this Kingdom The Sixth Original He hath Trayterously assumed to himself a Papal and Tyrannical Power both in Ecclesiastical and Temporal Matters over his Majesty's Subjects in this Realm of England and in other places to the Disherison of the Crown Dishonour of his Majesty and Derogation of his Supream Authority in Ecclesiastical Matters And the said Arch-Bishop claims the King 's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as incident to his Episcopal and Archiepiscopal Office in this Kingdom and doth deny the same to be derived from the Crown of England which he hath accordingly exercised to the high contempt of his Royal Majesty and to the destruction of divers of the King's Liege People in their Persons and Estates The Ninth Additional Article That in or about the Month of May 1641. presently after the dissolution of the last Parliament the said Arch-Bishop for the ends and purposes aforesaid caused a Synod or Convocation of the Clergy to be held for the several Provinces of Canterbury and York wherein were made and established by his Means and procurement divers Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical contrary to the Laws of this Realm the Rights and Priviledges of Parliament and Liberty and Property of the Subject tending also to Sedition and of dangerous Consequence And amongst other things the said Arch-Bishop caused a most Dangerous and Illegal Oath to be therein made and contrived the Tenor whereof followeth in these words That I A. B. do Swear that I do approve the Doctrine and Discipline or Government Established in the Church of England as containing all things necessary to Salvation And that I will not endeavour by my self or any other directly or indirectly to bring in any Popish Doctrine contrary to that which is so Established Nor will I ever give my consent to alter the Government of this Church by Arch-Bishops Bishops Deans and Arch-Deacons c. as it
for Mr. Greece who hath laboured much against me in all this Business God forgive him and while he Inherits his Father's ill Affections to me God preserve him from his Father's End From Cambridge he went to the Cathedrals and first to Canterbury Here the Charge is Bowing versus Altare the two Witnesses two Prebendaries of that Church Dr Jackson and Dr Blechenden And first Dr Jackson says the Bowing was versus Altare So not to but toward the Altar and Dr Blechenden says it was the Adoration of the High Majesty of God to whom if no Altar were there I should Bow Dr Jackson says this Bowing was to his Grief Strange I avow to your Lordships and the World no Man did so much approve all my Proceedings in that Church as he And for this Particular he never found the least fault with it to me and if he conceal his Grief I cannot ease it He says this Bowing was not in use till within this Six or Seven Years Sure the Old Man's Memory fails him For Dr. Blechenden says the Communion-Table was railed about and Bowings before it when he came first to be a Member of that Church and saith upon his Oath that 's above Ten Years ago And that it was practised before their new Statutes were made and that in those Statutes no Punishment is infticted for the Breach or not Performance of this Reverence I could tell your Lordships how often Dr Jackson hath shifted his Opinions in Religion but that they tell me their Witnesses must not be Scandalized As for the Statutes my Secretary Mr Dell who copied them out testified here to the Lords that I left out divers Superstitions which were in the Old Book and Ordained many Sermons in their rooms The next Cathedral he instanced in was Winchester But there 's nothing but the old Objections Copes And the wearing of them is warranted by the Canon and Reverence at coming in and going out of the Church And that great Kings have not in better Ages thought much to do And they did well to instance in the College of Winchester as well as the Church for 't is confessed the Injunction sent thither requires that the Reverence used be such as is not dissonant from the Church of England So this may be a Comment to the other Injunctions But for the Copes in Cathedrals Mr. Brown in his last Reply was not satisfied For he said the Canon mentioned but the wearing of one Cope Be it so But they must have that before they can wear it And if the Canon enjoyn the wearing of one my Injunction might require the providing and using of one Besides if there be no Popery no introduction to Superstition in the having or using of one then certainly there can be none in the having of more for the same use The Superstition being lodged in the misuse not in the number From the Cathedrals Mr. Serjeant went to view some Parish-Churches And First 't is Charged That in a Parish-Church at Winchester two Seats were removed to make way for Rayling in of the Communion-Table But for ought I know this might have been concealed For it was liked so well that they to whom the Seats belonged removed them at their own Charges that the other might be done The next instance was in St Gregory's Church by S Pauls The Charge was the Placing of the Communion-Table Altar-wise To the Charge it self Answer is given before The Particulars which are new are these The Witness Mr Wyan He says the Order for such placing of the Table was from the Dean and Chapter of S Pauls And S Gregory's is in their peculiar Jurisdiction So the Holy-Table was there placed by the Ordinary not by me He says next That the Parishioners appealed to the Arches but received an Order to Command them and the Cause to the Council Board That it was a full Board when the Cause was heard and his Majesty present And that there I maintained the Queens Injunction about placing the Communion-Table In all this here 's nothing Charged upon me but maintenance of the Injunction And I had been much to blame if I should not have maintained it He says Sir Henry Martin came and saw it and said it would make a good Court Cupboard If Sir Henry did say so the Scorn ill became either his Age or Profession though a Court Cupboard be somewhat a better Phrase than a Dresser God forgive them who have in Print called it so He says That hereupon I did say that he which spake that had a Stigmatical Puritan in his Bosom This Man's Memory serves him long for Words This was many Years since and if I did speak any thing sounding this way 't is more like I should say Schismatical than Stigmatical Puritan But let him look to his Oath and which Word soever I used if Sir Henry used the one he might well hear the other For a prophane Speech it was and little becoming a Dean of the Arches He says that soon after this Sir Henry was put out of his Place Not very soon after this for I was at the time of this Business as far as I remember Bishop of London and had nothing to do with the disposing of his Place After when I came to be Arch-Bishop I found his Patent was void neither could Sir Henry himself deny it And being void and in my Gift I gave it to another He says farther That it was urged that this way of Placing the Communion Table was against the Word of God in Bishop Jewel and Mr Fox his Judgment and that I replied it were better they should not have these Books in Churches than so to abuse them First for ought I yet know and in these straights of time the Books I cannot come at their Judgment rightly understood is not so Secondly Though these two were very worthy Men in their Time yet every thing which they say is not by and by the Doctrine of the Church of England And I may upon good reason depart from their Judgment in some Particulars and yet not differ from the Church of England As in this very Particular the Injunction for placing of the Table so is the Act of the Queen and the Church of England And I concieve the Queen then upon the Act of Reformation would not have enjoyned it nor the Church obeyed it had it been against the Word of God Thirdly if I did say That if they could make no better use of Jewel and the Book of Martyrs it were better they had them not in the Churches They gave too great occasion for the Speech For they had picked divers things out of those Books which they could not master and with them distempered both themselves and their Neighbours And yet in hope other more Modest Men might make better use of them I never gave Counsel to have those Books removed nor is that so much as Charged but said only thus That if no better use
for that 2. Yet the Second Witness Mr. Tomlyns says also that I did justifie this Picture God forgive him the Malice or Ignorance of this Oath be it which it will He might have been as wary as Mr. Caril and added as he remembers For so many Years since as this Hearing was he may easily mistake But if I did say any such thing why are not my own Papers here produced against me I had that written which I then spake and the Paper was in my Study with the rest and came for ought I know into their Hands which follow the Charge against me I ask again why is not this Paper produced Out of all doubt it would had there appeared any such thing in it He says also that I said then that if the Idol of Jupiter were set up yet it were not lawful to pull it down in a Popular Tumult but by Order and Authority I did say so or to that effect indeed and must say it still For I find in St. Augustin almost the very words And Bishop Davenant a Man very Learned 〈◊〉 this place of St. Augustin and approves it And they both prove this Doctrine from Deut. 12. Where the Command given for destroying of the Idols when they came into the Land of Canaan was not left at large to the People but setled in Moses the chief Magistrate and his Power And according to this Rule the Temple of AEsculapius though then grown very Scandalous was not pulled down but by 〈◊〉 Command Which place I then shewed the Lords But this Witness added that Mr Sherfeild had Authority to do this from the Vestry If he had that 's as good as none for by the Laws of England there is yet no power given them for that or any thing else And all that Vestries do is by usurpation or consent of the Parish but reaches not this The Bishop of the Diocess had been fitter to be consulted herein than the Vestry Here as if these Witnesses had not said enough Mr Nicolas offered himself to be a Witness And told the Lords he was present at the Hearing of this Cause and that four Witnesses came in clear that the Picture broken down was the Picture of God the Father and that yet the Sentence of the Court passed against Mr Sherfeild First if this be so it concludes against the Sentence given in the Star-Chamber not against me and he calls it here the Sentence of the Court. Secondly be it that it were undoubtedly the Picture of God the Father yet he ought to have taken Authority along with him and not to go about it with violence which he did and fell and brake his Leg in the Business Thirdly by his own description of the Picture it seems to me to be some old Fabulous Picture out of a Legend and not one of God the Father For he then told the Lords it was a Picture of an Old Man with a Budget by his side out of which he was plucking Adam and Eve And I believe no Man ever saw God the Father so Pictured any where Lastly let me observe how Mr Nicolas takes all parts upon him wherein he may hope to do me mischief The Sixth Charge was concerning a Bible that was Printed with Pictures and sold. The Witness Mr Walsal a Stationer Who says That this Bible was Licensed by Dr Weeks my Lord of London's Chaplain not mine so thus far it concerns not me Yes says Mr. Brown in his last Reply For it appears in a List of my Chaplains under my own Hand that Dr Weeks was one 'T is true when I was Bishop of Bath and Wells he was mine but my Lord of London had him from me so soon as ever he was Bishop And was his not mine when he Licensed that Book And Mr. Brown knew that I answer'd it thus to the Lords He says that I gave him direction that they should not be sold openly upon the Stalls but only to discreet Men that knew how to use them The Case was this As I was at Prayers in the King's Chappel I there saw one of them in Mrs. Kirk's Hand She was far enough from any affection to Rome And this being the first knowledge I had of it many were vented and sold before I could prevent it Upon this I sent for one whether to this Witness or another I cannot say and acquainted the Lords of the Council with it and craved their direction what should be done It was there Ordered that I should forbid the open Sale of them upon their Stalls but not otherwise to Learned and Discreet Men. And when I would have had this Order stricter no Man stuck to me but Mr Secretary Cook So according to this Order I gave direction to Mr Walsal as he witnesses Here Mr. Maynard replyed that I ought to have withstood this Order in regard it was every way faulty For said he either these Pictures were good or bad And if they were good why should they not be Sold openly upon the Stalls to all that would buy And if they were bad why should they be Sold privately to any To this Reply I was not suffer'd to Answer But when I heard Mr. Brown charge this Bible with Pictures against me then I answer'd the thing as before and took occasion thereby to answer this Dilemma thus Namely that this kind of Argument concludes not but in things Necessary and where no Medium can be given For where a Medium can be given the Horns of this Argument are too weak to hurt And so 't is here For Pictures in themselves are things indifferent not simply good nor simply bad but as they are used And therefore they were not to be sold to all comers because they may be abused and become evil and yet might be sold to Learned and Discreet Men who might turn them to good And that Images are things indifferent of themselves is granted in the Homilies which are against the very Peril of Idolatry He said there was some inconvenient Pictures among them as the Assumption and the Dove Be it so the Book was not Licensed by me or mine And yet as I then shewed the Lords they were not so strict at Amsterdam against these Pictures For the Book which Mr. Walsal shewed me was Printed and sent thence before it was Printed here Besides our old English Bibles in the beginning of the Queen were full of Pictures and no fault found As for that which is added at the Bar that one of these Bibles was found in Secretary Windebank's Trunk and another in Sir John Lambs That 's nothing to me The last Charge of this day was that something about Images was Expunged out of Dr Featly's Sermons by my Chaplain Dr Bray before they could be suffer'd to be Printed But first he himself confesses that I told him he might Print them so nothing were in them contrary to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England
from the Press both Old and New and expunging some things out of them 1. The first Instance was about the English Bibles with the Geneva Notes The Bibles with those Notes were tolerated indeed both in Queen Elizabeths and King James his Time but allowed by Authority in neither And King James said plainly That he thought the Geneva Translation was the worst and many of the Notes very Partial Vntrue Seditious and savouring too much of Dangerous and Traiterous Conceits And gave Instance This passage I then read to the Lords And withal told them that now of late these Notes were more commonly used to ill purposes than formerly and that that was the Cause why the High-Commission was more careful and strict against them than before Here Michael Sparks the Elder came in as Witness and said he was called into the High Commission about these Books But he confesses it was not only for them He says the restraint of those Bibles was for the Notes But he adds as he supposes And his Supposal is no Proof Besides he might have added here also that the restraint was not for the Notes only For by the numerous coming over of Bibles both with and without Notes from Amsterdam there was a great and a just fear conceived that by little and little Printing would quite be carried out of the Kingdom For the Books which came thence were better Print better Bound better Paper and for all the Charges of bringing sold better Cheap And would any Man Buy a worse Bible Dearer that might have a better more Cheap And to preserve Printing here at home as well as the Notes was the Cause of stricter looking to those Bibles And this appears by a Letter of Sir William Boswell's his Majesty's Agent in the Low Countreys the Letter written to me and now produced against me But makes for me as I conceive For therein he sends me word of two Impressions of the Bible in English one with Notes and the other without And desires me to take care to regulate this business at home What should I do Should I sleep upon such Advertisements as these and from such a hand Especially since he sends word also that Dr. Amyes was then Printing of a Book wholly against the Church of England So my Care was against all underminings both at home and abroad of the Established Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England for which I am now like to suffer And I pray God that point of Arminianism Libertas Prophetandi do not more Mischief in short time than is expressible by me 2. The Second Instance was about the New Decree of the 〈◊〉 concerning Printing Four Articles of this Decree were read namely the 1 2 18 24. What these are may be seen in the Deecree And as I think that whole Decree made Anno 1637. useful and necessary So under your Lordships Favour I think those Four Articles as necessary as any Mr. Waly and Mr. Downes two Stationers Witnesses in this Particular say That they desired some Mitigation of the Decree and that Judge Bramston said he could not do it without me I saw my Lord Chief Justice Bramston here in the Court but the other Day why was not he examined but these Men only who oppose all Regulating of the Press that opposes their Profit And sure that grave Judge meant he could not do it alone without the consent of the Court. Or if he would have me Consulted it was out of his Judicious Care for the Peace of this Church almost Pressed to Death by the Liberty of Printing The Chief Grievance they Expressed against the new Licensing of Books was only for matter of Charges But that is provided for in the Eighteenth Article And Mr. Downes takes a fine Oath which was that he makes no doubt but that all was done by my Direction and yet adds that he cannot say it So he swears that which himself confesses he cannot say And manifest it is in the Preface that this Decree was Printed by Order of the Court and so by their Command sent to the Stationers Hall And the end of it was to suppress Seditious Schismatical and Mutinous Books as appears in the First Article 3. The Third Instance was That I used my Power to suppress Books in Holland This was drawn out of a Letter which John le Mare one of the Prime Preachers in Amsterdam writ to me expressing therein that since the Proclamation made by the States no Man durst meddle with Printing any Seditious Libels against either the State or Church of England Where 's the Fault For this Gentleman did a very good Office to this Kingdom and Church in procuring that Proclamation For till this was done every discontented Spirit could Print what he pleased at Amsterdam against either And if he had any Direction from me about it which is not proved I neither am nor can be sorry for it And the Fear which kept Men in from Printing proceeded from the Proclamation of the States not from any Power of mine 4. The Fourth Instance was in the Book of Martyrs But that was but named to Credit a base Business an Almanack made by one Mr. Genebrand In which he had left out all the Saints Apostles and all and put in those which are named in Mr. Fox And yet not all them neither for he had left out the Solemn Days which are in Fox as Feb. 2. Feb. 25. Mar. 25. And Cranmer Translated to Mar. 23. In this Particular Mr. Genebrand Brother to this Almanack-maker witnesseth that the Queen sent to me about this New Almanack If her Majesty did send to me about it as 't is probable she would disdain the Book is that any Crime in me Could I prevent her Majestys sending who could not know so much as that she would send He says his Brother was acquitted in the High-Commission but charged by me that he made a Faction in the Court If I did say so surely my Lords I saw some practising by him in this new-found way He says the Papists bought up a great number of these Almanacks and burnt them It seems he could not hinder that nor I neither unless it shall not be Lawful for a Papist to buy an Almanack For when he hath bought him he may burn him if he please But since the Book of Martyrs was named I shall tell your Lordships how careful I was of it It is well known how easily Abridgments by their Brevity and their Cheapness in short time work out the Authors themselves Mr. Young the Printer laboured me earnestly and often for an Abridgment of the Book of Martyrs But I still withstood it as my Secretary here present can Testifie upon these two Grounds The one lest it should bring the large Book it self into disuse And the other lest if any Material thing should be left out that should have been charged as done of purpose by me as now I see it is in other Books
Right yet was Committed This is more than I know or believe yet if it were so it was done by the High-Commission Court not by me He says next that he could never be quiet But I am sure my Lords the Church for divers Years could never be in quiet for him and his Associates Lastly they say some Passages against Arminianism were left out of two Letters one of Bishop Davenants and the other of Bishop Halls sent to be Printed First here is no Proof at all offer'd that I differ'd in any thing from the Doctrine expressed in those Letters And Secondly for the leaving out of those passages it was it seems done to avoid kindling of new flames in the Church of England And it appeared on the other side of the Paper which was produced against me and so Read to the Lords that these Passages were left out by the express Order from those Bishops themselves under Bishop Hall's own Hand and with Thanks to Dr Turner then my Chaplain for his Letter to them And here this days Business ended And I received Command to attend again the Twentieth of the same Month. CAP. XXXVII The Fifteenth Day of my Hearing THis day I came again to the House A day or two before as now also the Landing place at Westminster was not so full of People and they which were there much more civil towards me than formerly My Friends were willing to perswade me that my Answer had much abated the edge of the People saving from the violent and factious Leaders of the Multitude whom it seems nothing would satisfie but my Life for so I was after told in plain terms by a Man deeply interessed in them when I presently saw Quaterman coming towards me who so soon as he came fell to his wonted Railing and asked aloud what the Lords meant to be troubled so long and so often with such a base Fellow as I was they should do well to Hang me out of the way I heard the Words with grief enough and so left them and him in the Hands of God My Servants were earness to have me complain to the Lords I remembred my late Complaint about the Pamphlets had no redress and so forbare it They notwithstanding out of their Zeal complained to Mr. Lieutenant of the Tower who presently went forth and said he would school him But I hearkned no more after it When I came to the Bar Mr Nicolas began with great violence and told the Lords the business grew higher and higher against me What the Business did will after appear but I am sure he grew higher and higher and from this time forward besides the violence of Expression gave me such Language as no Christian would give a Jew But God I humbly thank him blessed me with Patience and so I made my Ears Obedient That which made him say the Business grew higher and higher was this Upon my often calling to have the Oaths at the Coronation of King James and King Charles compared some of them repaired again to my Study at Lambeth to search for all such Copies of Coronation-Books as could there be found In this diligent and curious search For Mr. Pryn's Malice made it they found some Papers concerning Parliaments no other I praise God for it than such as with indifferent construction might I hope well pass especially considering what occasion led me and what Command was upon me And as I have been told by Able and Experienced Men they would have been nothing had they been found in any but this troublesom and distracted time about the Rights of Parliaments as 't is said Howsoever I was most unfortunate they should be now found and I had not left them a Being but that I verily thought I had destroyed them long since But they were unhappily found among the heaps of my Papers And so An Answer to the Remonstrance made June 17 1628. which is Sixteen Years since was made the First Charge against me And the Second Charge was A Paper concerning a Declaration Jan 28 1628. To both which I then Answer'd but because these are urged more than once to help fill the People with new Clamour and because they are more closely pressed against me at the last day of my Hearing and because Mr. Brown in his Summary Charge laid and charged all these Papers together to avoid tedious repetition I will also make my whole and entire Answer together when that time comes The Third Charge of this day was A Letter of a Jesuit to his Superiour found in my Study dated Mar 1628. Let the Letter be dated when it will I hope the Arch-Bishop may get and keep the Letters of any Jesuits or others How shall I be able to know or prevent their Plots upon the Religion by Law Established if this may not be done Yet this I desire all Men to take notice of that this Letter was not directed to me I was then Bishop of London The Letter was found in a search But when by all possible care taken by the High-Commission the Author could not be found I had as I humbly conceive great Reason to keep it And I then humbly desired the whole Letter might be Read There was in it that Arminianism as 't was urged was their Drug and their Plot against us c. The Jesuit seeing a Fire kindling about these Opinions might write what he pleased to help on his Cause Yet this Drug which he says is theirs is the received Opinion of all the Lutherans and they too Learned Protestants to use their Drugs And if it be their Drug why do the Dominicans so Condemn it Nay why doth the Master of the Sentences and the School after him for the most determin rigidly against it And whereas 't is said That these Men had Instruments at the Duke's Chamber Door That belongs not to me I was not Porter there As for that Power which I had called by Mr. Nicolas the Command of his Ear I used it as much as I could to shut such Instruments thence Beside 't is barely said no Proof at all offer'd that such Instruments were about the Duke's Chamber-Door Other Papers were found in my Study above sixty at the least expressing my continued Labours for some Years together to Reconcile the divided Protestants in Germany that so they might go with united Forces against the Romanists Why are not these produced too Would not Christianity and Justice have my Innocence cleared as well as my Faults accused The Fourth Charge was Bishop Mountagues Preferment The Parliament they say called him in Question and the King called in his Book yet in Affront to the Parliament that he was preferr'd by me No It was then publickly known in Court whether now remembred or no I cannot tell that he was preferred by my Lord Duke but being a Church Business the King Commanded me to signifie his Pleasure to the Signet Office And the Docket which is
put in were Persons disaffected to the Discipline if not the Doctrine too of the Church of England 3. Thirdly because no small part was given to School-Masters to Season Youth ab Ovo for their Party And to Young Students in the Universities to purchase them and their Judgments to their side against their coming abroad into the Church 4. Fourthly because all this Power to breed and maintain a Faction was in the Hands of Twelve Men who were they never so Honest and free from Thoughts of abusing this Power to fill the Church with Schism yet who should be Successors and what use should be made of this Power was out of Humane reach to know 5. Because this Power was assumed by and to themselves without any Legal Authority as Mr. Attorney assured me He farther said that the Impropriation of Presteen in Radnorshire was specially given to St Antolins in London I say the more the pity considering the poorness of that Country and the little Preaching that was among that poor People and the plenty which is in London Yet because it was so given there was care taken after the Decree that they of St Antolins had consideration and I think to the full He says that indeed they did not give any thing to the present Incumbents till Good Men came to be in their Places Scarce one Incumbent was better'd by them And what then In so many places not one Good Man found Not one Factious enough against the Church for Mr White to account him Good Yet he thinks I disposed these things afterwards to Vnworthy Men. Truly had they been at my disposal I should not wittingly have given them to Mr. White 's Worthies But his Majesty laid his Command upon his Attorney and nothing was done or to be done in these things but by his direction For Dr. Heylin if he spake any thing amiss concerning this Feoffment in any Sermon of his he is Living to Answer it me it concerns not Mr. Brown in the Summ of the Charge omitted not this And I Answer'd as before And in his Reply he turned again upon it that it must be a Crime in me because I projected to overthrow it But under favour this follows not For to project though the word Projector sound ill in England is no more than to forecast and forelay any Business Now as 't is lawful for me by all good and fit Means to project the Settlement of any thing that is good so is it as lawful by good and Legal means to project the overthrow of any thing that is cunningly or apparently Evil. And such did this Feoffment appear to my Understanding and doth still As for reducing of Impropriations to their proper use they may see if they please in my Diary whence they had this another Project to buy them into the Churches use For given they will not be But Mr. Pryn would shew nothing nor Mr. Nicolas see any thing but what they thought would make against me Here this day ended and I was Commanded to Attend again July 15. But was then put off to July 17. which day held CAP. XL. The Eighteenth Day of my Hearing THis day they charged upon me the Twelfth Original Article which follows in these words He hath Trayterously endeavoured to cause Division and Discord between the Church of England and other Reformed Churches and to that end hath Suppressed and Abrogated the Priviledges and Immunities which have been by his Majesty and his Royal Ancestors granted to the French and Dutch Churches in this Kingdom and divers other ways hath expressed his Malice and Disaffection to those Churches that so by such dis-union the Papists might have more advantage for the overthrow and extirpation of both The First Charge is That I deny them to be a Church For they say that I say plainly in my Book against Fisher that No Bishop no Church Now 't is well known they have no Bishops and therefore no Church The Passage in my Book is an Inference of 〈◊〉 Jerom's Opinion no Declaration of my own And if they or any other be agrieved at St. Jerom for writing so they may Answer him Mr. Nicolas added that this was seconded by Bishop Mountague's Book which Mr. Pryn carefully witnessed was found in my Study and Licensed by Dr. Braye Is this Argument come again that Bishop Mountague's Book was in my Study Leave it for shame But they have now left me never a Book in my Study so I cannot make them any fuller Answer without viewing the place than themselves help me to by their own Confession Which is that he adds this Exception that none but a Bishop can Ordain but in Casu Necessitatis which is the Opinion of many Learned and Moderate Divines Yet this is very considerable in the Business whether an inevitable Necessity be cast upon them or they pluck a kind of Necessity upon themselves The Second Charge is out of a Letter of mine to Bishop Hall upon a Letter which he had formerly sent me In which it seems is something about the Case of Necessity in point of Ordination which they say I disliked And it seems I disliked upon good ground For he had given me power under his Hand to alter what I would in that which he sent unto me I would not take that power but writ back to him what passages I thought might be better expressed if it could agree with his Judgment also Hereupon he sent me another Letter of Jan. 18. 1639. In which he altered those things which I put to his farther Consideration Could any thing be more fairly carried And this Letter was read to the Lords Yea but they say I disliked the giving of this Title Antichrist to the Pope No I did not simply dislike it but I advised Bishop Hall if he thought it good not to affirm it so positively And the Reason I gave was this That King James being pressed upon a great occasion that he had maintained that the Pope was Antichrist which might much trouble if not quite cross some Proceedings much desired by that Prudent King His Majesty made Answer I maintain it not as a point of Faith but as a probable Opinion And for which I have more grounds than the Pope hath for his Challenge of Temporal Power over Princes Let him recall this Opinion and I 'll recall that This I writ to the Bishop but left him free to do what he pleased Here Mr. Nicolas fell extream foul upon me in so much that I could not but wonder at their patience which heard him Among other Titles bestowed upon me many and gross he called me over and over again Pander to the Whore of Babylon I was much moved and humbly desired the Lords that if my Crimes were such as that I might not be used like an Arch-Bishop yet I might be used like a Christian And that were it not for the Duty which I owe to God and my
own Innocency I would desert my Defence before I would indure such Language in such an Honourable Presence Hereupon some Lords shewed their dislike and wished him to leave and pursue the Evidence Mr. Brown in summing up the Charge made this a great matter The denial of the Pope to be Antichrist But I did not deny it nor declare any Opinion of my own And many Protestants and those very Learned are of Opinion that he is not 'T is true I did not I cannot approve foul Language in Controversies Nor do I think that the calling of the Pope Antichrist did ever yet Convert an Understanding Papist And sure I am Gabriel Powel's Peremptoriness to say no worse in this Point did the Church of England no Good no Honour in Foreign parts For there he affirms That he is as certain that the Pope is Antichrist as that Jesus Christ is the Son of God and Redeemer of the World As for the thing it self I left it free to all Men to think as their Judgment guided them As appears by the Licensing of Dr. Featly's Sermons where he proves the Pope in his Opinion to be Antichrist Where he calls him also the Whore of Babylon Which surely I should never have suffer'd to be Printed had I been her Pander And for Bishop Hall I only told him what King James had said and left him to make what use he pleased of it The Third Charge was out of a Paper which Bishop Hall about the time when he wrote his Book in defence of Episcopacy sent unto me containing divers Propositions concerning Episcopal Government In which either he or I or both say for that Circumstance I remember not That Church-Government by Bishops is not alterable by Humane Law To this I answer'd that Bishops might be regulated and limited by Human Laws in those things which are but Incidents to their Calling But their Calling so far as it is Jure Divino by Divine Right cannot be taken away They charge farther that I say this is the Doctrine of the Church of England And so I think it is For Bishop Bilson set out a Book in the Queen's time Intituled The Perpetual Government And if the Government by Bishops be Perpetual as he there very Learnedly proves thorough the whole Book it will be hard for any Christian Nation to out it Nor is this his Judgment alone but of the whole Church of England For in the Preface to the Book of Ordination are these words From the Apostles time there have been three Orders of Ministers in the Church of Christ Bishops Priests and Deacons Where 't is evident that in the Judgment of the Church of England Episcopacy is a different not Degree only but Order from Priesthood and so hath been reputed from the Apostles times And this was then Read to the Lords And the Law of England is as full for it as the Church For the Statute in the eighth of the Queen absolutely confirms all and every part of this Book of Ordination Where also the Law calls it The high Estate of Prelacy And Calvin if my old Memory do not fail me upon those words of St. John As my Father sent me so send I you c. says thus upon that place Eandem illis imponit Personam ac idem Juris assignat And if our Saviour Christ put the same Person upon the Apostles and assigned to them the same Right which his Father gave him it will prove a sour work to throw their Successors the Bishops out of the Church after Sixteen Hundred Years continuance And in the mean time cry out against Innovation For either Christ gave this Power to his Apostles only and that will make the Gospel a Thing Temporary and confined to the Apostles Times Or else he gave the same Power though not with such Eminent Gifts to their Successors also to propagate the same Gospel to the end of the World as St. Paul tells us he did Ephes. 4. Now all the Primitive Church all along gives Bishops to be the Apostles Successors and then it would be well thought on what Right any Christian State hath be their Absolute Power what it will to turn Bishops out of that Right in the Church which Christ hath given them The Fourth Charge was an Alteration made in a Brief for a third Collection for the distressed Ministers and others in the Palatinat The Queen of Bohemia was pleased to do me the Honour to write to me about this and because two Collections had been before her Majesty desired that this third might be only in London and some few Shires about it I out of my desire to relieve those distressed Protestants and to express my Duty to the Queen became an humble Suitor to his Majesty that this Collection also might go thorough England as the rest had done And 't is acknowledged by all that this I did Now the Witnesses which Accuse me for some Circumstances in this business are two 1. The First is Mr. Wakerly He says that Mr. Ruly who was employed by the Queen of Bohemia about this Collection was roughly used by me upon occasion of this Clause put into the Brief and which he says I caused to be altered This first is a bold Oath for Mr. Wakerly was not present but Swears upon Hearsay Secondly what kindness I shewed him and the Business is mentioned before and if for this kindness he had been practising with Mr. Wakerly about the Brief as I had probable Reason to suspect I cannot much be blamed if I altered my Countenance towards him and my Speech too which yet these Witnesses for the other agrees in this have no Reason to call rough Carriage only upon Mr. Ruly's unthankful Report He says That these words the Antichristian Yoak were 〈◊〉 out First this is more than I remember and the Briefs I had not to compare nor is there any necessity that two Briefs coming for the same thing with some Years distance between should agree in every Phrase or Circumstance Secondly if I did except against this passage it was partly because of the fore-recited Judgment of King James of which I thought his Son King Charles ought to be tender And partly because it could move nothing but Scorn in the common Adversary that we should offer to determine such a Controversie by a Broad Seal I remember well since I had the Honour to sit in this House the naming of Tithes to be due Jure Divino cast out the Bill A Prudent Lord asking the Peers whether they meant to determine that question by an Act of Parliament The other part of the Clause which they say was altered was the Religion which we with them profess Whence they infer because with them was left out that I would not acknowledge them of the same Religion which follows not For we may be and are of the same Religion and yet agree not with them in those Opinions in
which we differ from them And Mr. Wakerly confesses that the Words as alter'd are That they are Persecuted for their Religion and their Religion is the Protestant Religion and so is ours And therefore I could have no intention to make the Religions different but the Opinions under the same Religion For Mr Wakerly he is a Dutchman born and how far the Testimony of an Alien may be of force by the Law I know not And a bitter Enemy to me he hath ever shewed himself since I complained to the King and the Lords that a Stranger born and bred should be so near a Secretary of State and all his Papers and Cyphers as he was known to be to Mr. Secretary Coke A thing which few States would indure And how far the Testimony of such a Canker'd Enemy should be admitted let the World judge Admitted he was 2. The Second Witness was Mr 〈◊〉 He acknowledges my improvement of the Collection and my great readiness therein which doubtless I should not have shewed had I accounted them of another Religion He says there was no Alteration but in that Clause and that implies a manifest difference But that is but in his Judgment in which I have already shewed that Wakerly is mistaken and so is he Beside he comes here as a Witness of the Fact not as a Judge of my Intentions or Thoughts He adds That if he remember well the Alteration was drawn by me But if he do not remember well what then Surely here 's no Evidence to be grounded upon Ifs. Here upon the point of Antichrist Mr. Nicolas stiled me as before and was furious till he foamed again but I saw a necessity of Patience Mr. Brown also in his Summary Ch followed this Business close But I gave it the same Answer The Fifth Charge and the last under this Article was the calling in of a Book An. 1637. shewing the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church in the Palatinat but called in only because against Arminianism The single Witness Michael Sparks He says this Book was called in but he knows not by whom nor mentions he for what But he says The Pursevants which searched for it were mine He means such as belonged to the High-Commission for other than such I had none And there was cause enough for calling in the Book without thinking of Arminianism But what is the Reason why here 's nothing urged against me about Abrogating the Immunities and Priviledges of the French and Dutch Churches which fill the Body of this Article Why I conceive there may be two Reasons of it One because there was taken by Mr. Pryn among other Papers for my Defence a Letter under Queen Elizabeth's own Hand to the Lord Pawlet Marquess of Winchester then Lord Treasurer in which she expresses her willingness that those Strangers distressed in and for point of Conscience should have Succour and free Entertainment but should conform themselves to the English Liturgy and have that Translated into their own Language And they knew I would call to have this Letter produced proved and read And had this Letter been stood unto they had never been able to do the Church of England half the harm they have since done The other was because they found by their own search against me that all which I did concerning those Churches was with this Moderation that all those of their several Congregations in London Canterbury Sandwich Norwich or elsewhere which were of the second Descent and born in England should repair to their several Parish Churches and Conform themselves to the Doctrine Discipline and Liturgy of the Church of England and not live continually in an open Separation as if they were an Israel in AEgypt to the great distraction of the Natives of this Kingdom and the assisting of that Schism which is now broke forth And as this was with great Moderation so was it with the joint Approbation of his Majesty and the Lords of his Council upon the Reasons openly given and debated And all this before I proceeded to do any thing As appears apud Acta Then they went to the Thirteenth Original Article which here follows He hath Trayterously and Wickedly endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome and for the effecting thereof hath Consorted and Confederated with divers Popish Priests and Jesuits and hath kept secret Intelligence with the Pope of Rome and by himself his Agents or Instruments Treated with such as have from thence received Authority and Instruction He hath permitted and countenanced a Popish Hierarchy or Ecclesiastical Government to be Established in this Kingdom By all which Trayterous and Malicious Practices this Church and Kingdom have been exceedingly indangered and like to fall under the Tyranny of the Roman See The Seventh Additional Article That the said Arch-Bishop at several times within these Ten Years last past at Westminster and elsewhere within this Realm contrary to the known Laws of this Land hath endeavoured to advance Popery and Superstition within the Realm And for that End and Purpose hath wittingly and willingly received harboured and relieved divers Popish Priests and Jesuits namely one called Sancta Clara alias Damport a dangerous Person and Franciscan Friar who having written a Popish and Seditious Book Intituled Deus Natura Gratia wherein the Thirty nine Articles of the Church of England established by Act of Parliament were much Traduced and Scandalized the said Arch-Bishop had divers Conferences with him while he was in writing the said Book and did also provide Maintenance and Entertainment for one Monsieur S. Giles a Popish Priest at Oxford knowing him to be a Popish Priest The First Charge they say was to be laid as a Foundation and it was That I was generally reputed a Papist in Heart both in Oxford and since I came thence 1. The first Witness for this was Dr. Featly He says There was such an Opinion of me Thirty Years since there But he says he never heard any Popish Opinion maintained by me So here 's nothing of Knowledge And if I should say that above Thirty Years ago there was an Opinion that Dr. Featly then in Oxford was a Puritan this could make no Proof against him nor can his saying that I was reputed a Papist make any Proof against me He says farther That one Mr. Russel who had been bred in S. John's College told him in Paris That I maintained some Catholick Opinions First Mr. Nicolas would have it that this Mr. Russel was my Scholar But that the whole College can witness it is not so nor had he ever any relation to me in the least Degree After his Father's Death he left the College and went beyond Sea where the Weak Man for such he was lost his Religion Secondly Dr. Featly says expresly that Mr. Russel said I was no Papist which for the Countenance of his own Change he would never have said had he thought me one Thirdly if he did say
Reader And if they do not make themselves of another Religion I shall never endeavour to make them 13. By a Pack of such Witnesses as were never produced against any Man of my Place and Calling Messengers and Pursevants and such as have shifted their Religion to and again Pillory-men and Bawds And these the Men that must prove my Correspondence with Priests 12. In the midst of these upon occasion of the Ceremonies at the Coronation it was pressed against me That I had altered the King's Oath 14. And last of all That I had shewed my felf an Enemy to Parliaments Upon both these I did very much enlarge my self But here also that I may not be a burden in repeating the same thing I desire the Reader to look upon them in their proper places where I doubt not but my Answer will give him full satisfaction that I did not the one nor am the other But my Lords there are other strange Arguments produced against me to prove my Compliance with Rome which I most humbly desire your Lordships may not be forgotten 1. As first my Lords it hath been Charged upon me That I made the Oath recited in the first of the late Canons one Clause whereof is this That I will never give my Consent to subject this Church to the Vsurpations and Superstitions of the Church of Rome Whence the Argument drawn against me must be this and can be no other That I did endeavour to bring in Popery because I made and took a solemn Oath never to give my Consent to subject this Church of England to the Usurpations and Superstitions of the Church of Rome I beseech your Lordships mark the force of this Argument And they which follow are as pregnant against me 2. Secondly My Book against Fisher hath been charged against me where the Argument must lie thus I have endeavoured to advance Popery because I have written against it And with what strength I have written I leave to Posterity to judge when the Envy which now over-loads me shall be buried with me This I will say with St. Gregory Nazianzen whose Success at Constantinople was not much unlike mine here save that his Life was not sought I never laboured for Peace to the Wrong and Detriment of Christian Verity nor I hope ever shall And let the Church of England look to it for in great Humility I crave to write this though then was no time to speak it That the Church of England must leave the way it 's now going and come back to that way of Defence which I have followed in my Book or She shall never be able to justifie Her Separation from the Church of Rome 3. Thirdly All the late Canons have been charged against me and the Argument which is drawn from thence must lie thus The Third of these Canons for suppressing the Growth of Popery is the most full and strict Canon that ever was made against it in the Church of England Therefore I that made this Canon to keep it out am guilty of endeavouring to bring it in 4. Fourthly I have by my Industry and God's great Blessing upon my Labours stayed as many from going and reduced to the Church of England as many that were gone to Rome as I believe any Minister in England can truly say he hath done I named them before and had Scorn enough put upon me for it as your Lordships could not but both see and hear where the Argument lies thus I converted many from Popery and setled them in the Religion established in England Therefore I laboured to bring in Popery which out of all doubt can be no sober Man's way 5. Fifthly The Plot discovered to Sir William Boswell and my self by Andreas ab Habernfield hath been charged against me That Plot for altering of Religion and by what ways your Lordships have heard already and is to be seen at full in Rome's Master-piece Now if this Plot in the Issue proved nothing but a confused Information and no Proof of any Particular as indeed it did What 's become of Rome's Master-piece But if it had any reality in it as it appeared to be a sad Plot not only to me but to all Men that saw the short Propositions which were first sent with an absolute Undertaking to prove them then it appears expresly that I was in danger of my Life for stiffly opposing the bringing in of Popery and that there was no hope to alter Religion in England 'till I was taken out of the way And though in conclusion the Proofs failed yet what was consulted and it seems resolved concerning me is plain enough And then the Argument against me lies thus There 's no hope to bring in Popery 'till I am taken out of the way therefore I did labour to bring it in Do not these things my Lords hang handsomly together 6. Lastly There have been above Threescore Letters and other Papers brought out of my Study into this Honourable House they are all about composing the Differences between the Lutherans and the Calvinists in Germany Why they should be brought hither but in hope to charge them upon me I know not and then the Argument will be this I laboured to reconcile the Protestants in Germany that they might unanimously set themselves against the Papists therefore I laboured to bring Popery into England Now that your Lordships have heard the Arguments and what Proof they make against me I must be bold to put you in Mind of that which was said here at the Barr April 16. 1644. That they did not urge any of these particular Actions as Treason against me but the Result of them all together amounted to Treason For answer to which I must be bold to tell your Lordships That if no Particular which is charged upon me be Treason the Result from them cannot be Treason which will appear by these Reasons following 1. First The Result must be of the same Nature and Species with the Particulars from which it rises But 't is confessed no one of the Particulars are Treason Therefore neither is the Result that rises from them And this holds in Nature in Morality and in Law In Nature and that both for Integral and Essential Parts for neither can the Body of a Bear and the Soul of a Lion result into a Fox nor the Legs of a Bull the Body of a Horse and the Head of an Ass result into a Man In Morality and that is seen both in Vertues and Vices For neither can many Actions of Liberality Meekness and Sobriety rise up into a Result of Fortitude neither can many Actions of Malice Drunkenness and Covetousness result into Treason In Law 't is so too For be there never so many particular Crimes yet there is no Law in this Kingdom nor any where else that I know that makes a Result of different Crimes to be Treason where none of the Particulars are Treason by Law So this imaginary Result is
was my Complaint general that my Papers were Seized but that the Papers prepared for my Defence were taken from me and not restored when I needed them and Petitioned for them He said my Third Complaint was That many of the Witnesses produced against me were Separatists I did indeed complain of this and I had abundant Cause so to do For there was scarce an active Separatist in England but some way or other his Influence was into this Business against me And whereas the Gentleman said the Witnesses were some Aldermen and some Gentlemen and Men of Quality That 's nothing for both Gentlemen and Aldermen and Men of all Conditions the more 's the pity as the Times now go are Separatists from the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England Established by Law And I would to God some of my Judges were not My Fourth Complaint he said was of the excessive Number of the Witnesses And he added that if I would not have so many Witnesses I should not have given occasion for it by Committing so many Crimes But First whether I have committed so many Crimes as are urged against me is yet in Question And Secondly 't is one thing to give Cause and another thing to give Occasion For an Occasion may be taken when 't is pretended as given And so I hope it will be found in my Case But the thing here mistaken is That these are all said to be Legal Witnesses whereas almost all of them have at some time or other been before me as their Judge either at Star-Chamber or Council-Table or High-Commission or as Referee And then I humbly desire it may be considered First how impossible it is for a Judge to please all Men. Secondly how improbable it is that Witnesses displeased should be indifferent in their Testimony And Thirdly how hard it is to convince a Man by such interessed Witnesses now upon the matter becoming Judges of him that Judged them And as S. Augustin speaks Quomodo potest how is it possible for one that is Contentious and Evil to speak well of his Judge From these Generals the Gentleman passed to the Particulars of the Charge and he caused the 7 8 9 10 11. Original Articles and the 7. Additional to be read That done he divided the Charge into two main Heads The one an Endeavour in me to subvert the Laws of the Kingdom And the other a like Endeavour to alter the true Protestant Religion into Popery The Evidence given in the Lords House began at the Laws and ended in Religion but this Gentleman in his Summ both there and here began with Religion and ended with the Laws The Charge concerning Religion he said would bear two Parts the Ceremonial and the Substantial part of Religion 1 And he professed he would begin at the Ceremonial where having First charged in general the Statute of the 3 and 4 of Ed. 6. 6. 10. for the destruction of Images he gave these particular Instances following to shew my Intention to alter Religion 1. The setting up of Coloured Glass with Pictures in the Windows of my Chappel the Communion-Table Altar-wise Candlesticks thereon with Reverence and Bowings 2. A Bible in my Study with the Five Wounds of Christ wrought upon the Cover in Needle-Work 3. Three Pictures in my Gallery The Ecce Homo the Four Latin Fathers and the History S John 10. of the True Shepherd entring in by the Door and the Thief by the Window 4. The Crucifix hung up in the Chappel at White-Hall on Good-Friday And what happened there upon Dr Brown's coming in and doing Reverence 5. The Copes and Bowings used in Cathedral Churches since my time 6. The Ceremonies used at his Majesty's Coronation 7. The Abuses in the Universities especially Oxford 1. The Titles given me from thence 2. Divers Particulars in the new Statutes 3. Images countenanced there by me in divers Chappels 4. The Picture of the Virgin Mary at S Mary's Church-Door 5. Nothing to be done without me in Congregations 8. The Ceremonies in some Parish-Churches and some punished for neglect of them Instances in some of Beckinton some of Lewis and in Mr Chancy of Ware 9. That I preferred no Men but such as were active for the Ceremonies 10. Passages expunged out of Books if contrary to these Courses as that in Dr. Featly's Sermons concerning Images 11. Bibles with Pictures in them 12. The severe Punishment of Mr. Workman of Gloucester only for a Sermon against Images 13. Words spoken to take Bishop Jewell's Works and the Book of Martyrs out of some Parish-Churches 14. The Consecration of Cree-Church and S. Giles in the Fields In all which as I humbly conceive here 's nothing especially my Answers being taken to them that can co-operate to any alteration of Religion Nor is there any Treason were all that is urged true 2 From hence Mr. Speaker this worthy Gentleman passed over from the Ceremonies to those things which he said concerned the Substance of Religion In which the Particulars which he Charged were these 1. A doubtfulness if not a denyal of the Pope's being Antichrist 2. Dislike of the Name the Idol of Rome 3. The alteration of some passages in the Publick Prayers appointed for Novemb. 5. and the Coronation Day 4. The Antichristian Yoak left out of the Brief for the Palatinat with an expression as if we and those Reformed Churches were not of the same Religion 5. That Men were punished for Praying for the Queen and the Prince 6. That the Church of Rome is a true Church 7. That the Communion-Table or Altar is the Chief Place For there 's Hoc est Corpus meum 8. Restraint of all Books against Popery Instances in a Book of Bishop Carleton's One tendred by Sir Edward Hungerford Dr. Clarke's Sermons Dr. Jones None called in but Sales That I my self did expunge some Passages out of a Sermon of Dr. Sibthorp's Popish Books seized re-delivered to the Owners That for these I must answer for my Chaplains since John Arch-Bishop of York was fined for his Commissary's Act against the Bishop of Durham who having a Patent could not so easily be put out of his Place as I might change my Chaplains 9. Three Ministers in my Diocess suspended for not reading the Book of Recreations on the Lord's Day 10. The Feoffment for buying in of Impropriations overthrown to the hindrance of Preaching and Scandal to Religion 11. Incroachment upon the Lord Chamberlain for naming of Chaplains to the King and upon the Master of the Wards for giving of Benefices 12 Familiarity with Priests and Jesuits S. Clara and Monsieur S. Giles 13. The Testimonies of Mr. Challonor Sir Henry Mildmay and his Brother Mr. Anthony what Opinion was held of me beyond the Seas for my cunning introducing of Popery 14. That an Offer was made unto me to be a Cardinal And thus far this Gentleman proceeded in points of Religion But because there hath passed divers things done at
and by the Council-Table the Courts of Star-Chamber and High-Commission and in Convocation and because many more things so done are to come in the next Head concerning the Law I humbly crave leave for avoiding tedious Repetition to say it once for all That no act done by any of these either by full Consent or major Part which involves the rest ought to be charged singly against me And that for these Reasons following 1. First because this is not Peccare cum Multis For they meet not there in a Relation as Multi but as Vnum Aggregatum as Bodies made one by Law And therefore the Acts done by them are Acts of those Bodies not of any one Man sitting in them And in this Sense a Parliament is one Body consisting of many and the Acts done by it are Acts of Parliament For which should any of them prove amiss no one Man is answerable though many times one Man brings in the Bill 2. Secondly because I could sway no Man's Vote in any of those Places though this hath been often urged against me as an Over Potent Member for my Vote was either last or last save one in all these Places So I could not lead Nor is there any so much as shew of Proof offered that I moved or prepared any Man to a Sentence one way or other in any one of these Courts or Places 3. Thirdly because in those Courts of Judicature there was the Assistance of able Judges Lawyers and Divines for direction And how can that be a Treason in me which is not made so much as a Misdemeanour in any of the rest 4. Fourthly because the Act of this present Parliament which hath taken away the Star-Chamber and the High-Commission and bounded the Council-Table looks forward only and punishes no Man for any Act past much less doth it make any Man's Actions done in them to be Treason And I am no way excluded from the Benefit of that Act. 5. Lastly because in all my Proceedings both in the High-Commission and elsewhere I kept strictly to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England Established by Law against both Papist and other Sectaries And under this Government and Doctrine of this Church it hath pleased God now for above Fourscore Years together to Bless this Kingdom and People above other Nations And I pray God if we forsake the one it prove not a Cause to deprive us of the other And now Mr. Speaker I shall follow this worthy Gentleman as he went on to the Second General Head the Subversion of the Laws And here when he had caused the 1 2 3 5 and 14. Original Articles to be read as also the 2 9 and 10. Additionals He then said that I had laboured this Subversion by my Counsels and by my Actions 1. By my Counsels First Of which he gave Three Instances 1. The Vote of the Council-Table to Assist the King in Extraordinary ways if the Parliament should prove peevish and refuse And this out of my Diary at Decemb. 5. 1639. 2. The Passage in the Epistle before my Speech in Star-Chamber Not one Way of Government since the Humours of the People were in continual Change 3. A Speech at Council-Table That now the King might use his own Power c. Witnessed only by Sir Henry Vane the Elder 2. From my Counsels proceed was made to my Actions Where the Particulars were 1. That I attempted to set Proclamations above the Law 2. That I was for all Illegal Projects at the Council-Table Instanced in Inclosures in the Ship-Money and Sir John Corbett's Commitment 3. The taking down of the Houses about St. Paul's with the large Commission for the Repair of the West-End 4. The stopping of Two Brewers in their Trade being in Westminster and pretended to annoy the Court. 5. Things done by me as Referee Instanced in a Case between Rich and Pool and another of one Symmes 6. Obstructing the Course of Law by sending to Judges Instanced in the Parishioners of Beckington in the Case of Ferdinando Adams in Sir Henry Martyn's Case about an Attorney at Law Judge Richardson's Words in Mr. Huntley's Case and Baron Trevers Words in Grafton's Case 7. The punishing Men that came in a Legal Way Instanced in the Case of New-comin and Burrowes that I said in the High-Commission I hoped to see the Clergy exempt again the next hundred Years the two Church-wardens of Chesham with Words concerning Sir Thomas Dacres 8. The Case of Prohibitions and Mr. Wheeler's Note out of a Sermon of mine concerning them 9. That no Pope ever claimed so much Jurisdiction not from the King 10. The Canons and I the main Man the over-grown Member again 11. The Statutes of Oxford enforced a second time Nevill's Case of Merton-College instanced in 12. Books Printed that are against the Law Instanced in Cowell's Interpreter and Dr. Manwaring's Sermons 13. The Alteration of the King's Oath at his Coronation 14. My Enmity to Parliaments To all which as I then gave sufficient Answers so I hope the Courteous Reader hath found them at large in their several Places And for this last concerning Parliaments I humbly and heartily desire that this may be taken notice of and remembred That there is not in any one of these Paper-Proofs produced against me any one thing that offers to take away any Rights of Parliaments rightly understood much less any that offers to take away Parliaments themselves Which is a continued Mistake all along this particular Charge And if any rash or unweighed Words have fallen from me yet these cannot be extended to the disannulling of Parliaments or their Priviledges in any kind which I defended in Print long since before I could foresee any of this Danger threatning me It is in my Book against Fisher. It was read in the Lords House and I humbly desire I may read it here And it was read After this it was inferred by this worthy Gentleman what a great Offender I was and greater than Cardinal Woolsey Mr. Speaker I have seen the Articles against the Cardinal and sure some body is mistaken for some of them are far greater than any thing that is proved against me In which I thank Christ for it my Conscience is at peace whereas the Cardinal confessed himself guilty of them all and yet no thought of Treason committed And a Premunire was all that was laid upon him Then he gave a touch That in Edward III.'s time there was a Complaint That too much of the Civil Government was in the hands of the Bishops and that in the 45th Year of his Reign they were put out and Lay-men put in But first this concerns not me Secondly the late Act of this Parliament hath taken sufficient Order with that Calling for medling in Civil Affairs Thirdly the time is memorable when this was done It was in the Forty and fifth Year of Edward III. That 's enough Mr. Speaker I shall draw towards an end
which it is in truth of Substance But this Word Right is not so used but it is referred more properly to perfection in Conditions And in this Sense every thing that hath a true and real Being is not by and by Right in the Conditions of it A Man that is most Dishonest and Unworthy the Name a very Thief if you will is a True Man in the Verity of his Essence as he is a Creature Endued with Reason for this none can steal from him nor he from himself but Death But he is not therefore a Right or an Upright Man And a Church that is exceeding Corrupt both in Manners and Doctrine and so a Dishonour to the Name is yet a True Church in the verity of Essence as a Church is a Company of Men which profess the Faith of Christ and are Baptized into his Name but yet it is not therefore a Right Church either in Doctrine or Manners It may be you meant cunningly to slip in this Word Right that I might at unawares grant it Orthodox But I was not so to be caught For I know well that Orthodox Christians are Keepers of Integrity so St. Augustin and Followers of right Things of which the Church of Rome at this Day is neither In this Sense then no Right that is no Orthodox Church at Rome IX Epist. Dedicat. circa med For to my remembrance I have not given him or his so much as Course Language But on the other side God forbid too that your Majesty should let both Laws and Discipline sleep for fear of the Name of Persecution and in the mean time let Mr. Fisher and his Fellows Angle in all parts of your Dominions for your Subjects If in your Grace and Goodness you will spare their Persons yet I humbly beseech you see to it That they be not suffered to lay either their Weels or Bait their Hooks or cast their Nets in every Stream lest that Tentation grow both too general and too strong I know they have many Devices to work their Ends but if they will needs be Fishing let them use none but Lawful Nets Let 's have no dissolving of Oaths of Allegiance no Deposing no Killing of Kings no blowing up of States to settle Quod Volumus That which fain they would have in the Church with many other Nets as dangerous as these For if their Profession of Religion were as good as they pretend it is if they cannot compass it by good means I am sure they ought not to attempt it by bad For if they will do evil that good may come thereof the Apostle tells me Their Damnation's just Rom. 3. 8. Now as I would humbly beseech your Majesty to keep a serious Watch upon these Fishermen which pretend S. Peter but Fish not with his Net So c. X. A Passage out of the Conference at Hampton-Court referred to in the preceding History Pag. 28. Upon the first Motion concerning falling from Grace the Bishop of London took occasion to signifie to his Majesty how very many in these days neglecting Holiness of Life presumed too much of persisting of Grace laying all their Religion upon Predestination if I shall Saved I shall be Saved which he termed a desperate Doctrine shewing it to be contrary to good Divinity and the True Doctrine of Predestination wherein we should Reason rather ascendendo than descendendo thus I Live in Obedience to God in Love with my Neighbour I follow my Vocation c. therefore I trust that God hath Elected me and Predestinated me to Salvation Not thus which is the usual course of Argument God hath Predestinated and chosen me to Life therefore though I sin never so grievously yet I shall not be damned For whom he once loveth he loveth to the End Whereupon he shewed his Majesty out of the next Article what was the Doctrine of the Church of England touching Predestination in the very last Paragraph Scil. We must receive God's Promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in Holy Scripture and in our doings that the Will of God is to be followed which we have expresly declared unto us in the Word of God Which part of the Article his Majesty very well approved And after he had after his manner very singularly discoursed on that place of Paul Work out your Salvation with fear and trembling he left it to be considered whether any thing were meet to be added for the clearing of the Doctor his doubt by putting in the Word often or the like as thus We may often depart from Grace But in the mean time wished that the Doctrine of Predestination might be very tenderly handled and with great discretion lest on the one side God's Omnipotency might be called in question by impeaching the Doctrine of his eternal Predestination or on the other side a desperate Presumption might be arreared by inferring the necessary certainty of standing and persisting in Grace XI A Passage out of the Arch-Bishop's Speech in Star-Chamber at the Censure of Pryn Burton and Bastwick referred to in the Preceding History Pag. 36. The Learned make but Three Religions to have been of old in the World Paganism Judaism and Christianity and now they have added a Fourth which is Turcism and is an absurd mixture of the other three Now if this ground of theirs be true as 't is generally received perhaps it will be of dangerous consequence sadly to avow that the Popish Religion is Rebellion That some Opinions of theirs teach Rebellion that 's apparently True the other would be thought on to say no more XII A Passage out of the New Statutes of the Cathedral and Metropolitical Church of Christ in Canterbury drawn by the Arch-Bishop and prescribed to that Church by the King 1636. Cap. 34. de Celebratione Divinorum Statuimus etiam ut nullus Canonicorum aliorum in Choro Ministrantium Divinorum Officiorum tempore absque Insignibus Choro Gradui convenientibus Chorum ingrediatur Singuli verò cujuscunque fuerint Gradûs aut Ordinis in ingressu Chori Divinam Majestatem devotâ mente adorantes humiliter se inclinabunt versùs Altare prout antiquis quarundam Ecclesiarum Statutis cautum novimus dein conversi Decano quoque debitam Reverentiam exhibebunt Quòd si contigerit aliquem ex quacunque causâ de loco in locum transire in Choro Reverentiam similiter in medio Chori tam versùs Altare quà m versùs stallum Decani si praesens fuerit exhibebit tum in eundo tum in redeundo toties quoties XIII A Passage out of Arch-Bishop Parker's Antiquitates Britannicae concerning Prohibitions referred to in the preceding History Pag. 326 327. edit Londin Jamque Juris Regni periti ut sui commodi Causâ Regia for a multitudine litium Infinitate replerent plerasque Causas Controversias ab Archiepiscopali Episcopali Audientiâ ad sua Judicia vocabant Ecclesiasticam Jurisdictionem decimarum
joyneth with him therein in it self though performed in a negligent and so in a sinful manner by the Minister But if that manner be enjoyned the Service it self is to be refused This is my Lord's First Instance from the Services under the Law And I must needs say he hath made it clear what he would have But then he must give me leave to say too that this Instance differs so mainly from the thing in question that it helps my Lord and his Cause in nothing Perhaps it makes it worse than it was The difference is God in the Law did not only prescribe all the Sacrifices and Offerings which he would have and for what But also when and how he would have them And the Poor man which had not Ability to bring the greater Sacrifice might by the express Letter of the Law bring Turtles or Pigeons Levit. 5. But if a Rich Man had brought them his Service would have been rejected and himself punished So says my Lord But the Law says not so He that brought it should have born his Sin and the Priest could have made no Attonement for him which was punishment enough But that he should any other way be punished I find not in the Text of the Law And this Lord which will admit of nothing but Text should not presume to add any thing to it The Rabbins indeed reckon up Six and Thirty kinds of Offenders which for their Sins are threatned to be cut off from their People and some are mentioned Levit. 7. 17. But none of these mentioned in Leviticus or by the Rabbins is the Rich Man's offering Turtles or Pigeons instead of a Bullock or a Ram. Well this was the strict prescription of Sacrifices and Offerings in the Law But in the Gospel though Christ setled his Doctrin and Sacraments yet when and how with other Ceremonial Things were left at large to the Ordering of the Apostles and the Church after them always providing for 〈◊〉 and Order And this Liberty was left as much if not more in Preaching and Publick Prayer than in the Sacraments And therefore my Lord's Instance in this way will not follow from the Law to the Gospel To give instance in his own Words In the Law The poor Man which had nor Bullock nor Lamb might by the express Warrant of the Law bring Turtles or Pigeons but they were to be his own which he bought and the Priest was to make his Attonement accordingly But in the Gospel Men do not bring to the Priest or Minister their own Doctrins or their Prayers but he offers in publick the Sermon to them and the Prayers for them So here the Instance comes not home neither As for my Lord's Aggravation How much more would the Service have been abomination if Men should have taken Authority to themselves and have enjoyned all to bring nothing but Turtles or Pigeons Indeed it would have been full of Abomination because in this Injunction they would have gone quite contrary to God's own Command And let my Lord shew in the Gospel any Precept that commands Men to use Extemporary or Conceived Prayers in the Publick Service or Worship of God or that forbids the use of a Set Form of Prayer and then I will grant the Church's Injunction of such Forms to be in the highest degree unlawful But these cannot be shewed Besides there is a great deal of Pride in this Instance For my Lord all along the Instance makes the Set Forms of the Church Turtles and Pigeons the poor Man's Sacrifice and the Conceived Prayers of his Party to be the Rich and able Men's Sacrifice the Ram and the Bullock the Calf I doubt it is So a very little before his Lordship tells us of a Negligence in those his Men of Gifts which might offer better if they will As if it were a most easie thing for those Men to offer up far better Prayers to God than the Set Liturgy of the Church Whereas my Lord must give me leave to doubt that even of the best of them And so again a little after his Lordship tells us That God will be worshipped with the Fat and the best of the Inwards which he Interprets with the best of Mens Gifts and Abilities and of this there is no doubt Nor doth the enjoning of a Set Form of Publick Prayer hinder any Man from worshipping God with the best Gifts and Abilities which he hath And who should be served with the best if not he that gave them all But here 's the Pride of the Instance again Their conceived tedious and oft-times senseless Prayers must be the Fat and the Inwards with which God is pleased and the Set Forms of the Church Lean Carrion and not fit for the Altar O my Lord that you would in time lay your Hand on your Heart and consider from what and into what you are fallen My Lord concludes this Instance with this That if it be left free to him that Officiates 't is his personal Sin if he be negligent but it may be lawful for another that joins with him in that Service But if that manner be enjoined the Service it self is to be refused And after this great Pride in or of this Opinion my Lord ends with a Fallacy For the Question is not Whether a negligent Set Form of Prayer or a Good Form of Set Prayer negligently and without Devotion offer'd up to God as too often they are God help us be better than other Prayers carefully composed and devoutly uttered But simply Whether a good Set Form of Prayer such as the Liturgy of England is be made so evil only by the enjoyning of it as that therefore the Service it self ought to be refused Now this my Lord may say as boldly as he will but neither he nor any man else shall ever be able to prove it And in this very close I cannot but observe that which in me or another Man would have been great Pride But what it is in this Lord let the Reader judge For he doth not conclude that this Form being enjoyned is the Cause why he refuses to come to our Prayers But absolutely as if all Men were bound to do as he doth He says peremptorily that in this Case of Injunction of a set Form the Service it self ought to be refused So that by this Doctrine he is a Sinner that refuses not the Prayers of the Church of England My Lord in the beginning askt leave to speak a few Words concerning himself but I believe these will be found to concern some body else Well 't is time to consider of my Lord's second Instance and so I will Now in the time of the Gospel God hath appointed the foolishness of Preaching for so the World accounts it to be the Means by which he will save those that Believe I conceive where there are not Gifts enabling Men to Preach there might be a lawful and profitable use of Reading of Printed
they do not differ from us in some Fundamental Points of Doctrine and saving Truth And then consequently whether it be not an Heretical as well as a Schismatical Separation which they make from the Church of England 1. And first there was a Creed Printed by John Turner in this present Year and the Parliament sitting This Turner is a Notorious Separatist or Brownist if you will In this Creed of his he leaves out the descent of Christ into Hell This is an Article of the Apostle's Creed And 't is an Article of the Church of England And so I presume a Fundamental Point of Doctrine Yet herein this Brownist and his Fellows differ from us And I have heard from some present that at a Committee of Lords appointed for Matters of Religion a young Lord should say openly and boldly enough that he did not believe the descent of Christ into Hell And that my Lord the Author of this Speech should second him 2. In the same Creed Turner professes he believes that Christ Instituted by his Apostles certain particular Churches here on Earth and no other So the Catholick Church the Mother of all particular both Men and Churches and out of which there can be no Salvation in the ordinary way is quite thrust out of this Brownist's Creed And this I hope is another Fundamental Point of Doctrine and saving Truth But in this I must do my Lord right and not charge him with this point Because a little before his Lordship tells of a two-fold Separation one whereof he says is from the Vniversal or Catholick Church So the Catholick Church is not yet thrust out of my Lord's Creed But then this appears that the Separatists are not yet agreed upon all the Articles of their Creed Nay some of them call the Apostle's Creed a patched Forgery And Barrow justifies it 3. Thirdly they differ from us in charging gross Corruptions upon the Church of England And these are known to my Lord for he acknowledges them and so gross that should they be true the Church of England must be faulty in Fundamental and Saving Truth As shall farther appear in my Answer to my Lord's next Passage Therefore if their Charge be true they must by my Lord 's own Confession differ from us in Fundamental and saving Truth And if their Charge be false why do they separate from us Besides all Anabaptists and Brownists agree in this that the Church of England is Antichristian And if it be so they must either differ in Fundamentals from the Church of England Or be Antichristian themselves in joyning with them Or grant that Christ and Antichrist have one and the same Foundation 4. Fourthly some of them yet living though they dare not speak it out in all Companies do cunningly insinuate That at Death Soul and Body are extinct together but shall rise again at the Resurrection first or last And that Christ shall come and live here upon the Earth again That the Martyrs shall then rise and live with him a Thousand Years And that Christ once come upon the Earth shall not for any thing they can learn out of Scripure ever depart from the Earth again 5. Fifthly one Brierly and his Independent Congregation are of this Belief That the Child of God in the Power of Grace doth perform every Duty so well that to ask Pardon for failing either in matter or manner is a Sin That it is unlawful to pray for Forgiveness of Sins after their Conversion With divers others some as bad some worse to the number of Fifty 6. Sixthly One Spisberrye yet living and of that Independent Fraternity maintains that God works all things in us and that we are but Organs Instruments and meer empty Trunks Which is to make God the Author of all the Sins which Men commit And therefore Brierly says expresly that if they do at any time fall they can by the power of Grace carry their Sin to the Lord and say here I had it and here I leave it Will not the Devil one day stop the Mouth of this Blasphemy 7. Seventhly Mr. Pryn himself who hath been a great stickler in these Troubles of the Church says expresly Let any true Saint of God be taken away in the very act of any known Sin before it is possible for him to Repent I make no doubt or Scruple of it but he shall as surely be saved as if he had lived to have repented of it And he instances in David in case he had been taken away before he had repented of his Adultery and Murther So according to this Divinity the true Saints of God may commit horrible and carying Sins dye without Repentance and yet be sure of Salvation which teareth up the very Foundations of Religion induceth all manner of Profaneness into the World and is expresly contrary to the whole current of the Scripture 8. In the Eighth place almost all of them say That God from all Eternity Reprobates by far the greater part of Mankind to eternal Fire without any Eye at all to their Sin Which Opinion my very Soul abominates For it makes God the God of all Mercies to be the most fierce and unreasonable Tyrant in the World For the Question is not here what God may do by an absolute act of Power would he so use it upon the Creature which he made of nothing But what he hath done and what stands with his Wisdom Justice and Goodness to do 9. Ninthly One Lionel Lockier now or late of Cranbrooke in Kent among other his Errors rails against teaching Children the Lord's Prayer or other Forms of Catechising And if they differ from the Church of England in the whole Catechism I think the Lord must work a Miracle before he can make his Speech good That they differ from us in no Fundamental point 10. Lastly to omit all those base Opinions in which the Brownists agree with the Anabaptists this in which they differ from them will be sufficient to prove that they differ from us in that which is fundamental unless they will say that to believe the Trinity is not Fundamental For some of them and by name one Glover deny the Deity of the Holy Ghost Which stands condemned for a gross and Fundamental Heresie in the Second General Council held against Macedonius And for the Familists of which there is Store this Day in England they deny the Resurrection of the Flesh turning it as they do many other things into a Mystery or Allegorie Perhaps more particulars might be found upon a narrow search But if there be no more these are enough to make it evident to the World that these Separatists 〈◊〉 from us in some fundamental points of Doctrine or saving Truth And as these are in fault for their Separation so I doubt the Church is to blame for not proceeding against such of them as are altogether incorrigible But whether my Lord thinks these to be
Obeyed And hereof in any wise fail you not Jan. 19. 1634. Comput Angl. A Memorial of the Arch-Bishop's Annual Account to the King's Majesty of his Province for the Year 1635. Ex Registro Laud fol 241. WHereas his Majesty in his late Instructions to the Lords the Bishops hath amongst other things commanded that every Bishop respectively should give an Account in Writing to his Metropolitan of all those Instructions or so many of them as may concern him at or before the Tenth day of December yearly And likewise that the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace do make out of them a Brief of his whole Province and present it to his Sacred Majesty every year by the second day of January following My Lord Arch-Bishop in Obedience to the said Commands did present an Account in Writing to his Majesty how those Prudent and Pious Instructions for the Good and Welfare of the Church of Christ in this Kingdom have been obeyed and performed by the several Bishops within his Province of Canterbury for the Year of our Lord God 1634. Which Account by his Grace's Command is Registred amongst the other Acts of his Province by his principal Register And that in farther Obedience to the said Instructions his Grace delivered another Brief in Writing of his said Province for this present Year of our Lord God 1635. unto Sir John Cooke Knight one of the Principal Secretaries of State to be presented to his Majesty by the time aforesaid but by Reason of his the said Secretary's Sickness it is mislaid or lost and so hath not been presented to his Majesty nor any Observation by the King put upon it which loss notwithstanding the Lord Arch-Bishop commanded instead of Registring the Brief it self that this Memorial of the loss of it should be Registred Martij 14. 1635. W Cant. W. S. A. C. NOtwithstanding this Memorial the Arch-Bishop's Account for the Year 1635. is very happily come to my Hand after this manner My very Worthy Friend Sir Will. Cooke of Broom in Norfolk sent me a Letter dated Nov 6 1681. that being Executor to an Uncle of his then lately Deceased in Suffolk he found in his Study a Bundle of Original Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud which are the Annual Accounts here following from 1632. to 1639. with a Letter to me in the Words following May it please your Grace c. vide infra The Writer of this Letter Mr Thomas Raymond a very Ingenious Gentleman was as Sir Will C tells me bred up under Sir Will. Boswell Embassadour in Holland and was after Governour to the present Earl of Peterborough in his Travels And was after his Return as I have heard one of the Clerks of his Majesty's Privy Council possibly under Sir Jo Cooke Principal Secretary by which Means these Papers might come into his Hands The Originals are all Signed by the Arch-Bishop that of 1632. by G. Cant. being Abbot's last and the rest W Cant. being Arch-Bishop Lauds all which are Apostilled in the Margin with the King 's own Hand except only that of 1635. which it seems by Secretary Cook 's default never came to the King's view I found also among Arch-Bishop Laud's Papers Duplicates of the Accounts for 1634 6 7 8 and 9. with the King's Notes also Copied in the Margin And 3 of them scil the 3 last are Registred in Registr Laud f. 215. 254. 289. Mr. Raymond's Letter to my Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft concerning the following Papers May it please your Grace THE inclosed Papers being of Ecclesiastick Concern and true and mighty Evidences of the abundant Love and Care of a Blessed King for the good of the Church as well as that of a most Pious and Learned Prelate your Grace's Predecessor I thought my self bound both in Duty and Prudence to Transmit them to your Grace as to their proper place both for use and safety And this I have endeavoured to do in the carefullest manner I could and do implore your Grace's Pardon for this intrusion beseeching most humbly Almighty God to grant your Grace multos annos in all Health and Prosperity so much conducing to the good of his Church amongst us And withdrawing my self unto my wonted Solitude do crave the great Honour to be esteemed as I am ready to approve my self Della mia povera Capanna 18 di Novembre 78. Your GRACE's Most Humble and Most Faithful Servant THO. RAYMOND Arch-Bishop Laud's Account of his Province sent to the King for the Year 1633. with the King 's Apostills in the Margin May it please Your most Sacred Majesty ACcording to Your Royal Commands I do here upon the Second of January 1633. Comput Aglic present my Accompt of both the Diocess and Province of Canterbury concerning all those Church Affairs which are contained within your Majesty's most gracious Declaration and Instructions Published out of your most Princely and Religious Care to preserve Unity in Orthodox Doctrine and Conformity to Government in this your Church of England And First for my own Diocess of Canterbury I hear of many things amiss but as yet my time hath been so short that I have had no certain knowledge of any thing fit to certifie save only that some of my Peculiars in London are Extreamly out of order For the Bishoprick of London it is certified that my Lord the now Bishop hath not received complaint against any of his Clergy since his coming to that See which was since Michaelmas last For all the former part of this First Year I must give your Majesty Accompt for my self being then Bishop there And First having heretofore after long patience and often conference proceeded against Nathaniel Ward Parson of Stondon in Essex to Excommunication and Deprivation for refusing to subscribe to the Articles established by the Canon of the Church of which I certified the last Year I have now left him still under the Censure of Excommunication I did likewise convent Mr John Beedle Rector of Barnstone in Essex for omitting some parts of Divine Service and refusing Conformity But upon his submission and promise of reformation I dismissed him with a Canonical Admonition only Since my return out of Scotland Mr John Davenport Vicar of St Stephens in Coleman-street whom I used with all Moderation and about Two Years since thought I had setled his Judgment having him then at advantage enough to have put extremity upon him but forbare it hath now resigned his Vicarage declared his Judgment against Conformity with the Church of England and is since gone as I hear to Amsterdam For Bath and Wells I find that the Lord Bishop hath in his late Visitation taken a great deal of pains to see all your Majesty's Instructions observed And particularly hath put down divers Lecturers in Market-Towns which were Beneficed Men in other Bishops Diocesses Because he found that when they had Preached Factious and Disorderly Sermons they retired into other Countries where his Jurisdiction would not reach to punish them
do here upon the Second of Januay 1635. Comput Angl. present my Account both for the Diocess and Province of Canterbury concerning all those Church-Affairs which are contained in your Majesty's most gracious Instructions published out of your most Princely and Religious care to preserve Unity in Orthodox Doctrine and Conformity to Government within this your Church of England And First for my own Diocess I humbly represent to your Majesty that there are yet very many Refractory Persons to the Government of the Church of England about Maidstone and Ashford and some other Parts the Infection being spread by one Brewer and continued and increased by one Turner They have been both Censured in the High-Commission Court some Years since but the Hurt which they have done is so deeply rooted as that it is not possible to be plucked up on the suddain but I must crave time to work it off by little and little I have according to your Majesty's Commands required Obedience to my Injunctions sent to the French and Dutch Churches at Canterbury Maidstone and Sandwich And albeit they made some shew of Conformity yet I do not find they have yielded such Obedience as is required and was ordered with your Majesty's Consent and Approbation So that I fear I shall be driven to a quicker proceeding with them The Cathedral Church begins to be in very good Order And I have almost finished their Statutes which being once perfected will mutatis mutandis be a sufficient Direction for the making of the Statutes for the other Cathedrals of the new Erection which in King Henry the Eighth's Time had either none left or none Confirmed and those which are in many things not Canonical All which Statutes your Majesty hath given Power to me with others under the Broad Seal of England to alter or make new as we shall find Cause And so soon as these Statutes for the Church of Canterbury are made ready I shall humbly submit them to your Majesty for Confirmation There is one Mr Walker of St John's the Evangelist a Peculiar of mine in London who hath all his time been but a disorderly and a peevish Man and now of late hath very frowardly Preached against the Lord Bishop of Ely his Book concerning the Lord's Day set out by Authority But upon a Canonical Admonition given him to desist he hath hitherto recollected himself and I hope will be advised For the Diocess of London I find my Lord the Bishop hath been very careful for all that concerns his own Person But Three of his Arch-Deacons have made no return at all to him so that he can certifie nothing but what hath come to his knowledge without their help There have been convented in this Diocess Dr Stoughton of Aldermanbury Mr Simpson Curate and Lecturer of St Margarets New-Fishstreet Mr Andrew Moline Curate and Lecturer of St Swithin Mr John Goodwin Vicar of St Stevens Colman-street and Mr Viner Lecturer of St Laurence in the Old 〈◊〉 for Breach of the Canons of the Church in Sermons or Practice or both But because all them promised Amendment for the future and submission to the Church in all things my Lord very moderately forbore farther proceeding against them There were likewise convented Mr Sparrowhawke Curate and Lecturer at St Mary Woolchurch for Preaching against the Canon for Bowing at the Name of Jesus who because he wilfully persisted is suspended from Preaching in that Diocess As also one Mr John Wood a wild turbulent 〈◊〉 and formerly Censured in the High-Commission-Court But his Lordship forbore Mr White of Knightsbridge for that his Cause is at this present depending in the Court aforesaid Concerning the Diocess of Lincoln my Lord the Bishop returns this Information That he hath Visited the same this Year all over in Person which he conceives no Predecessor of his hath done these Hundred Years And that he finds so much good done thereby beyond that which Chancellours use to do when they go the Visitation that he is sorry he hath not done it heretofore in so many Years as he hath been Bishop He farther Certifies that he hath prevailed beyond Expectation for the Augmenting of Four or Five small Vicarages and conceives as your Majesty may be pleased to remember I have often told you upon my own Experience that it is a Work very necessary and fit to be done and most worthy of your Majesty's Royal Care and Consideration For Conformity his Lordship professeth that in that large Diocess he knows but one unconformable Man and that is one Lindhall who is in the High-Commission Court and ready for Sentence My Lord the Bishop of Bath and Wells Certifies that his Diocess is in very good Order and Obedience That there is not a single Lecture in any Town Corporate but grave Divines Preach by course and that he hath changed the Afternoon Sermons into Catechising by Question and Answer in all Parishes His Lordship farther Certifies that no Man hath been Presented unto him since his last 〈◊〉 for any Breach of the Canons of the Church or Your Majesty's Instructions and that he hath received no notice of any increase of Men Popishly affected beyond the number mentioned in his last Certificat The Bishop of this See died almost Half a Year since and had sent in no Certificat But I find by my Visitation there this present Year that the whole Diocess is much out of Order and more at Ipswich and Yarmouth than at Norwich it self But I hope my Lord that now is will take care of it and he shall want no Assistance that I can give him Mr Samuel Ward Preacher at Ipswich was Censured this last Term in the High-Commission Court for Preaching in Disgrace of the Common-Prayer-Book and other like gross Misdemeanours These Six Bishops respectively make their Answer that in their own Persons they have observed all your Majesty's Instructions and that they find all their Clergy very conformable no one of them instancing in any particular to the contrary In this Diocess the Bishop found in his Triennial Visitation the former Year two noted Schismaticks Wroth and Erbury that led away many simple People after them And finding that they willfully persisted in their Schismatical course he hath carefully preferred Articles against them in the High-Commission Court where when the Cause is ready for Hearing they shall receive according to the Merits of it Concerning this Diocess your Majesty knows that the late Bishop's Residence upon the place was necessarily hindred by his Attendance upon your Majesty's Person as Clerk of the Closet But he hath been very careful for the observance of all your Instructions and particularly for Catechizing of the Youth As also for not letting of any thing into Lives to the Prejudice of his Successor in which he hath done exceeding well And I have by your Majesty's Command laid a strict Charge upon his Successor to look to those Particular Leases which
Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to K William and Q Mary 4to Ten several occasional Sermons since 1690. The Jesuits Memorial for the intended 〈◊〉 of Ergland under their first Popish Prince Written by Father Parsons 1596. And prepared to be proposed in the first Parliament after the Restoration of Popery for the better Establishment and Preservation of that Religion Published from the very Manuscript Copy that was presented by the Jesuits to the 〈◊〉 K James the Second and found in his Closet With an Introduction and some Animadversions by Edward Gee Chaplain to their Majesties 8vo Dr Cumberland now Lord Bishop of 〈◊〉 his Essay towards the Recovery of the Jewish Measures and Weights comprehending their 〈◊〉 by help of Antient Standards compared with ours of England useful also to state many of those of the Greeks and Romans and the Eastern Nations 8vo Dr Patrick now Lord Bishop of Ely his Parable of the Pilgrim written to a Friend the sixth Edition 4to 1681. Hearts-Ease or a Remedy against all Troubles with a consolatory Discourse particularly directed to those who have lost their Friends and Relations To which is added two Papers printed in the time of the late Plague The sixth Edition corrected 12mo 1695. Answer to a Book spread abroad by the Romish Priests 〈◊〉 The Touch 〈◊〉 of the Reformed Gospel wherein the true Doctrine of the Church of England and many Texts of the Holy Scripture are faithfully explained 1692. 8vo Nine several occasional Sermons since the Revolution 4to Exposition of the Tea Commandments 8vo A Vindication of their Majesty's Authority to fill the Sees of the deprived Bishops in a Letter 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 B 's refusal of the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells 4to A Discourse concerning the unreasonableness of a new Separation on Account of the Oaths to the present Government With an Answer to the History of Passive Obedience so far as relates to them 4to A Vindication of the said Discourse concerning the Unreasonableness of a New Separation from the Exceptions made against it in a Tract called A brief Answer to the said 〈◊〉 c. 4to 〈◊〉 Or a Discourse concerning the Earth before the Deluge wherein the Form and Properties ascribed to it in a Book intituled The Theory of the Earth are excepted against and it is made appear That the Dissolution of that Earth was not the Cause of the Universal Flood Also a New Explication of that Flood is attempted By Erasmus Warren Rector of 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 4to The Present State of Germany By a Person of Quality 8vo Memoris 〈◊〉 to the Royal Navy of England for Ten Years determined December 1688 By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 8vo 〈◊〉 of what 〈◊〉 in Christendom from the War begun 1672. to the Peace concluded 1679 8vo 〈◊〉 Historical Collections The Third Part in two Volumes Containing the Principal Matters which happened from the Meeting of the Parliament Nov 3 1640. to the end of the Year 1644. Wherein is a particular Account of the Rise and Progress of the Civil War to that Period Fol 1692. A Discourse of the Pastoral Care By Gilbert Burnet Lord Bishop of Sarum 1692 The Character of Queen Elizabeth Or A full and clear Account of her Policies and the Methods of her Government both in Church and State her Vertues and Defects Together with the Characters of her Principal Ministers of State and the greater part of the Affairs and Events that happened in her time By Edmund Bohun Esq 1693. 8vo The Letters of the Reverend Father Paul Councellor of State to the most Serene Republick of Venice and Author of the Excellent History of the Council of Trent 1693. An Impartial History of the Wars in Ireland In Two Parts From the time that Duke Schomberg landed with an Army in that Kingdom to the 23 d. of March 1691 2. when their Majesties Proclamation was published declaring the War to be ended Illustrated with Copper Sculptures describing the most important Places of Action By George Story an Eye-witness of the most remarkable Passages 4to 1693. Linguae Romanae Dictionarium 〈◊〉 Novum Or A New Dictionary in Five Alphabets 〈◊〉 English Words and Phrases before the Latin 2 Latin Classic 3 Latin Proper Names 4. Latin Barbarous 5. Law-Latin Cambridge 4to 1693. Dr John Conant's Sermons 1693. 8vo Of the Government of the Thoughts By Geo Tully 〈◊〉 of York 8vo 1694. Origo Legum Or A 〈◊〉 of the Origine of Laws and their Obliging Power as also of their great Variety and why some Laws are immutable and some not but may suffer change or cease to be or be suspended or abrogated In Seven Books By George Dawson Fol. 1694. Four Discourses delivered to the Clergy of the Diocess of Sarum 〈◊〉 I The Truth of the Christian Religion II The Divinity and the Death of Christ. III The Infallibility and Authority of the Church IV. The Obligations to continue in the Communion of the Church By Gilbert Lord Bishop of Sarum 8vo 1694. A brief Discourse concerning the Lawfulness of Worshipping God by the Common-Prayer In Answer to a Book intitused A brief Discourse of the 〈◊〉 of Common-Prayer-Worship By John Williams D D 4to 1694. A true Representation of the absurd and 〈◊〉 Principles of the Sect commonly known by the Name of the 〈◊〉 4to 1694. Memoirs of the most 〈◊〉 Thomas 〈◊〉 Archbishop of Canterbury Wherein the History of the Church and the Reformation of it during the Primacy of the said Archbishop are greatly illustrated and many singular Matters relating thereunto now first published In Three Books Collected 〈◊〉 from Records Registers Authentick Letters and other Original Manuscripts By John 〈◊〉 M. A. Fol. 1694. A Commentary on the First Book of Moses called Genesis By Simon Lord Bishop of Ely 4to 1695. Hacket's Life of Arch-Bishop Williams Par. 1. pag 64. Par. 2 pag. 115. Par. 2 pag. 65 66. 〈◊〉 2. pag. 85. Pag. 86. 115. c. Pag. 129. Pag. 131. Pag. 230. L. C. Baron Atkin's Speech to the Lord Mayor Octob 1693. pag 4 5. Epist Ded. Rushworth also promised to Publish such an exact History of the Trial of this Arch-Bishop as he had done of that of the Earl of Strafford Collect. Par. 3. vol. 2. pag. 833. but never did effect it 〈◊〉 Clause is 〈◊〉 omitted by Prynne Hence may be corrected an Error of Dr Heylin and 〈◊〉 who following him relate that Dr Laud held the Presidentship of St Johns in Commendam with the Bishoprick of St Davids All these Passages concerning his Conference with Fisher and setling the Marquess and Countess of Buckingham in Religion are omitted by Prynne * Livimus * al. 〈◊〉 * An Account of this Conference is in my hands but wrote very Partially in favour of Dr Preston and prejudice of Dr White H W These may be found in Heylin's Life of Laud. p 162. * These Words are most maliciously omitted by Prynne †Bargrave Pestis Fames * It is a very noble and fair Volum in Fol.
ARCH-BISHOP LAUD's HISTORY Effigies Reverendissima et Sanctissimi Praesulis Willelmi LAUD Archepiscopi Cantuariensis Qui pro Christi Ecclesiā Martyrium passus est Anno 1644 5 Ianuar 10 AEtatis suae 72. THE HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRYAL OF The Most Reverend Father in God and Blessed Martyr WILLIAM LAUD Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Wrote by HIMSELF during his Imprisonment in the Tower To which is prefixed THE DIARY OF HIS OWN LIFE Faithfully and entirely Published from the Original Copy And subjoined A SUPPLEMENT to the Preceding HISTORY The Arch-Bishop's Last Will His Large Answer to the Lord SAY's Speech concerning Liturgies His Annual Accounts of his Province delivered to the King And some other Things relating to the History IMPRIMATUR Martij 7 1693 4. JO CANT LONDON Printed for Ri Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St Paul's Church-Yard M DC XCV THE PREFACE THAT the Reader may be satisfied how it came to pass that an History wrote of and by a Person of so great a Character in this Nation and by him designed for the Publick hath lain hid and been suppressed for near Fifty Years through whose Hands it hath passed and by what means and by whose Labour it is at last Published he may be pleased to take the following Account The Most Reverend Arch-Bishop the Author and Subject of this History was very exact and careful in keeping all Papers which concerned himself or any Affairs of Church and State passing through his Hands not only kept a Journal of his own Actions but from time to time took minutes of whatsoever passed at Council-Table Star-Chamber High-Commission-Court c. Digested all his Papers in most exact Order wrote with his own Hand on the back or top of every one what it Concerned when it was Received when Wrote or Answered c. This his Enemies knew full well and therefore when after they had caused him to be Impeached of High Treason of endeavouring to introduce Popery and Arbitrary Government and to be Imprisoned upon the Impeachment in the end of the Year 1640. and had now in vain laboured for two Years and an half to find out Evidence to prove this their Accusation but the more they sought they found to their confusion so much the greater Evidence of the contrary After they had in vain ransacked all Papers left by the Arch-Bishop in his Study at Lambeth and Examined all his Intimate Friends and subaltern Agents upon Oath when nothing did appear they hoped to find somewhat against him either in his private Journal of his Life which they knew to be kept by him or in those Papers which he had carried with him from Lambeth at his first Commitment in order to his future Defence Vpon these hopes they with great privacy 〈◊〉 an Order for the searching his Chamber and Pockets in the Tower in May 1643. and committed the Execution of it to his inveter ate Enemy William Prynne who thereupon took from the Arch-Bishop Twenty One Bundles of Papers which he had prepared for his Defence his Diary his Book of Private Devotions the Scotch Service-Book and Directions accompanying it c. And although he then faithfully promised Restitution of them within three or four days yet never restored any more than three Bundles employed such against the Arch-Bishop at his Trial as might seem prejudicial to his Cause suppressed those which might be advantageous to him Published many Embezzeled some and kept the rest to the day of his Death As soon as Prynne was possessed of the Arch-Bishop's Papers he set himself with eager Malice to make use of them to his Defamation and to prove the charge of Popery and abetting Arbitrary Government by the Publication of many of them His first Specimen in this kind was a Pamphlet which came out in August following Entituled Rome's Master-piece in Five Sheets in Quarto containing the Papers and Letters relating to the Plot contrived by Papists against the Church and State then Established in England and discovered by Andreas ab Habernfeild But never did Malice appear so gross and ridiculous together as in this case For from this Plot if there were any Truth in it it appeared that the Life of the Arch-Bishop was chiefly aim'd at by the Plotters as the grand Obstacle of their Design and one who could by no Arts be wrought to any connivance of them much less concurrence with them This Pamphlet being after the Publication of it carried to the Arch-Bishop in the Tower he made several Marginal Annotations on it in Answer to Prynne's Falsifications and Malitious Calumnies intermixed therein Which Copy coming afterwards into the Hands of Dr Baily the Arch-Bishop's Executor was by him given to the Learned Antiquary Mr Anthony Wood and by him Transmitted to me in order to be placed among the other Papers and Memorials which are to follow this History according to the Arch-Bishop's own Direction But Prynne's Malice could not be abated by the shame of one Miscarriage In the next place he bethought himself of Publishing the Arch-Bishop's Diary as soon as his Trial ended wherein it had been often produced as Evidence against him This then he Published in the beginning of September 1644. in Nine Sheets in Folio with this Title A Breviat of the Life of c. intending it as he saith for a Prologue to the much desired History of his Tryal but neither entire nor faithfully as far as he did Publish it but altered mangled corrupted and glossed in a most shameful manner accompanied with desperate Untruths as the Arch-Bishop complains in this History and therefore addeth For this Breviat of his if God lend me Life and Strength to end this History first I shall discover to the World the base and malitious Slanders with which it is fraught This the Arch-Bishop wrote when he despaired that ever his Diary should be recovered out of those vile Hands in which it then was and be Published faithfully and entirely which would be the most effectual discovery of the Baseness and Malice of Prynne therein Yet notwithstanding so vile and corrupt an Edition of it all those who have wrote any thing of this Excellent Prelate have been forced to make use of it not being able to gain the sight of the Original nor perhaps so much as suspecting any such fraud in the Edition of it Particularly it is much to be lamented that Dr. Heylin who wrote the History of the Arch-Bishop's Life with great Care and Elegance was forced in most things to borrow his Account from this corrupted Edition of his Diary and hath thereby been led into many and great Errors Others also have since him taken up and divulged many false Opinions concerning the Diary it self as that it was wholly wrote in Latin by the Arch-Bishop that it was by himself Entituled A Breviat of his Life and that it was Translated and Published entire 〈◊〉 Prynne The True and Faithful Publication of it which I have made from the
to know more of the Secret History of the Transactions preceeding and accompanying the Grand Rebellion than the whole 〈◊〉 besides who hath confidently Related that when the Earl of Strafford enter'd into the Service of King Charles I. and began to be employed as Chief Minister of State he covenanted with him that no Session of Parliament should be called or held during his Ministry Now the 〈◊〉 of this Report appears from what the Arch-Bishop hath wrote in his Diary at Dec. 5. 1639. that the first movers for calling a Parliament at that time were the Earl of Strafford and himself Nothing also can reflect more Honour upon the Memory of any Person that what the Arch-Bishop in the following History cap. 9. relateth of the Earl's rejecting the unworthy Proposition made to him by Mr. Denzell Hollis in the Name of the Leading Men of the House of Commons a matter wholly unknown before But to proceed with Prynne soon after the Martyrdom of the Arch-Bishop whether prompted by his unwearied Malice or by his eternal itch of scribling or incited by the Order of the House of Commons made March 4. 1644 5. desiring him to Print and Publish all the Proceedings concerning the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Trial He immediately set himself to Defame the Arch-Bishop and justifie the Proceedings of the Rebel Parliament against him more at large To which purpose he Published in 1646. in 66 Sheets in Folio his Necessary Introduction to the History of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Trial Which in the Preface he calleth A New Discovery of sundry Plots and hidden Works of Darkness Containing bitter Invectives and Accusations against the whole Proceedings of the Court from the time of the Treaty about the Spanish Match to that day and labouring to prove that both King James and Charles designed to overthrow the 〈◊〉 Religion and to introduce Popery using Arch-Bishop Laud as their chief Instrument in that bad Design An Accusation which neither himself nor any other Man in his Wits ever believed Soon after this in the same Year 1646. was Published by the same Author Canterbury's Doom or the First Part of a compleat History of the Trial of the Arch-Bishop in 145 Sheets in Folio containing as himself acknowledgeth only the History of the Preliminaries of the Trial till the commencement of it together with the Commons Evidence his Answers to it and their Replies upon him in maintenance of the first general Branch of their Charge of High Treason against him to wit his Trayterous endeavours to alter and subvert God's True Religion by Law Established among us to introduce Popery and to reconcile the Church of England to the Church of Rome The remaining part of the Trial he engaged by Promise made both in the beginning and end of that Book to Compleat and Publish with all convenient speed but never made good his Vndertaking nor as I believe ever did intend it For he well knew that however what was urged against the Arch-Bishop at his Trial in this matter and was largely amplified in his History in proof of the Arch-Bishop's endeavour to subvert the Established Religion carried with it some shew of Truth in the Judgment of a then miserably deluded People who were cheated into a Belief cursed be the wilful Authors of that Cheat which in great measure yet continueth that good Works Building Repairing Consecrating and Adorning Churches bowing at the Name of Jesus prosiration to God in Prayer wearing Copes retaining the use of Canonical Hours in Prayer and such like Decent Vsages and Ceremonies were downright Popery for these and such like were the Proofs of that Accusation brought against the Arch-Bishop Yet that all which they did or could produce in confirmation of their other Heads of Accusation against the Arch-Bishop carried not with it the least appearance of proof For which Reason Prynne began the History of his Trial with the Charge and Proofs of Popery although that was not the first but the last Head of Accusation brought against him and canvassed in the course of his Trial. However the Godly Cheat once begun was by any means to be continued and therefore it was pretended by Prynne and other Adversaries of the Arch-Bishop that although to give him his due for such are Prynne's own words pag. 462. the Arch-Bishop made as full as gallant as pithy a Defence of so bad a Cause and spake as much for himself as was possible for the Wit of Man to invent and that with so much Art Sophistry Vivacity Oratory Audacity and Confidence without the least acknowledgment of Guilt in any thing c. yet that after all the Crimes objected being undeniably proved against him and himself thereupon despairing of being able to justifie and clear his Innocence either to the then present or to succeeding times did burn all the Notes of his Answers and Defence before his Death of purpose to prevent their publication after it Which Calumny Prynne hath twice in Epist. Dedic and pag. 461. repeated pretending to have received the knowledge of it from the Arch-Bishop's own Secretary Mr. Dell. The falsity of this base Report appears sufficiently from this History wrote by the Arch-Bishop and now Published He had begun to compose it before the end of the Year 1641. and continued it from time to time till the 3d of January 1644 5. which was the seventh day before his Execution For on the 4th of January being acquainted that Sentence had passed upon him in the House of Lords he conveyed the Original Copy of his History into safe hands and prepared himself for Death That he had begun it before the end of 1641. and augmented it from time to time appears evidently from several places of it And although in the Narration of his Trial many things said or alledged in the Recapitulation on the last days be interwoven with the History of every days Trial yet all those passages were added by him afterwards on the blank pages which he had for that purpose left over-against every written page in the Original Copy and from thence were according to his directions transcribed in the other Copy into one entire Narration Hence it comes to pass which the Reader will easily observe that the Arch-Bishop writing down the Transactions of every day as they happened hath left so many plain Indications of haste and sometimes of heat Some things seem to have been wrote while his Spirits had not yet recovered a sedate Temper many improprieties of Language committed and other defects admitted which the Arch-Bishop himself being sensible of had wrote in the first leaf of his Book Non apposui manum ultimam W. Cant. That the most Reverend Author wrote this History for the publick Vindication of himself cannot be doubted Nay himself more than once affirmeth that he intended it for the Vindication of himself to the whole Christian World and chiefly indeed for the defence of himself and the Church of England in Foreign parts where
shortly to follow and therewith give to the Publick what farther Account of them I shall then judge necessary The Originals both Diary and History I intend at my Death to leave to St John's Colledge in Oxford where the Authour the Arch-Bishop was bred to which place he ever bore so great a Love and where his Body now remaineth Which Intention of mine I chose here to mention that the 〈◊〉 and Fellows of that Colledge may hereafter if they shall think so 〈◊〉 demand them from my Executors To conclude although Private and Personal Matters or Affections ought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be admitted to accompany a Work of such a publick Nature yet I cannot forbear to say that it is an inexpressible satisfaction to me that in the Edition of this Work I have been able to serve the Illustrious Author of it and my most Reverend Deceased Patron and the Church of England at the same time And more particularly that I account it the most Fortunate Transaction of my whole Life to have contributed herein to the vindication of the Memory and the Cause of that most Excellent Prelate and Blessed Martyr to whom I have always paid a more especial Veneration ever since I was able to form any Judgment in these matters as firmly believing him to have taken up and prosecuted the best and most effectual Method although then in great measure unsuccessful through the malignity of the Times and to have had the Noblest the most Zealous and most sincere Intentions therein towards Re-establishing the Beauty the Honour and the Force of Religion in that part of the Catholick Church the Church of England to the Service of which I have entirely devoted my Life my Labours and my Fortunes Feb 2. 1693 4. Hen. Wharton THE CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME ARch-Bishop Laud's Diary of his Life wrote by himself and published from the Original Pag. 1 His Account of matters of Piety and Charity projected to be done by himself 68 His large History of his own Troubles and Tryal divided into CHAPTERS 71 CAP. I. An Account of his first Accusation and Commitment 73 CAP. II. Of the Original Causes and Occasions of his Troubles 75 CAP. III. The Articles exhibited against him to the Parliament by the Scottish Commissioners with an Answer to them 87 CAP. IV. The Additional Charge of the Scots exhibited against him with an Answer to it 137 CAP. V. An Account of what passed in relation to him or his Cause from his Commitment to Febr. 26. 〈◊〉 144 CAP. VI. An Account of what Passed at the Bar of the House of Lords when the Commons brought up their Charge against him 148 CAP. VII The first Articles of the Commons exhibited against him with an Answer to them 〈◊〉 CAP. VIII An Account of his Commitment to the Tower and what passed 〈◊〉 thence to March 13. 〈◊〉 174 CAP. IX Of what passed from thence to May 1. 1641. Pag. 176 CAP. X. Of what passed from thence to September 23. 1641. 181 CAP. XI Of what passed from thence to January 4. 〈◊〉 183 CAP. XII Of what passed from thence to February 24 〈◊〉 187 CAP. XIII Of what passed from thence to March 6 〈◊〉 190 CAP. XIV Of what passed from thence to March 24. 〈◊〉 192 CAP. XV. Of what passed from thence to May 16. 1642 194 CAP. XVI Of what passed from thence to January 6. 〈◊〉 196 CAP. XVII Of what passed from thence to May 27. 1643. 200 CAP. XVIII Of the Search made upon him in the Tower and his Papers taken away from him May 31. 1643. 205 CAP. XIX Of what passed from thence to October 3. 1643. 207 CAP. XX. Of what passed from thence to March 9. 1643 4. 211 CAP. XXI An Account of the Preliminaries and Preparation to his Tryal which began March 12 〈◊〉 216 CAP. XXII An account of his First Day 's Tryal March 12. 1643 4. 220 CAP. XXIII Of the Second Day 's Tryal March 13 〈◊〉 229 CAP. XXIV Of the Third Day 's Tryal March 16. 〈◊〉 242 CAP. XXV Of the Fourth Day 's Tryal March 18. 1643 4. 244 CAP. XXVI Of the Fifth Day 's Tryal March 22. 1643 4. 260 CAP. XXVII Of the Sixth Day 's Tryal March 28 1644. 270 CAP. XXVIII Of the Preparation to the Seventh Day 's Tryal 280 CAP. XXIX Of the Seventh Day 's Tryal Apr. 16. 1644. 282 CAP. XXX Of the Eighth Day 's Tryal May 4. 1644. 292 CAP. XXXI 〈◊〉 the Ninth Day 's Tryal May 16. 1644. 301 CAP. XXXII Of the Tenth Day 's Tryal May 20. 1644. 310 CAP. XXXIII Of the Eleventh Day 's Tryal May 27. 1644. Pag. 317 CAP. XXXIV Of the Twelfth Day 's Tryal June 6. 1644. 329 CAP. XXXV Of the Thirteenth Day 's Tryal June 11. 1644. 338 CAP. XXXVI Of the Fourteenth Day 's Tryal June 14. 1644. 347 CAP. XXXVII Of the Fifteenth Day 's Tryal June 20. 1644. 354 CAP. XXXVIII Of the Sixteenth Day 's Tryal June 27. 1644. 390 CAP. XXXIX Of the Seventeenth Day 's Tryal July 5. 1644. 366 CAP. XL. Of the Eighteenth Day 's Tryal July 17. 1644. 374 CAP. XLI Of the Nineteenth Day 's Tryal July 24. 1644. 389 CAP. XLII Of the Twentieth Day 's Tryal July 29. 1644. 400 CAP. XLIII The Arch-Bishop's Recapitulation of his Defence made at the Bar of the House of Lords Sept. 2. 1644. 412 CAP. XLIV The Plea or Defence made for the Arch-Bishop by his Councel at the Bar of the House of Lords Octob. 11. 1644. 422 CAP. XLV The Arch-Bishop's Defence of himself at the Bar of the House of Commons Novemb. 11. 1644. 432 CAP. XLVI An Account of what passed from thence in both Houses to his Condemnation Jan. 4. 〈◊〉 441 A short Account of the Arch-Bishop's Condemnation Suffering taken from Mr. Rushworth's Collections 443 A larger Account of the same and of the manner of his Suffering taken from Dr. Heylin's Life of him 444 The Arch-Bishop's Speech made upon the Scaffold Jan 10 〈◊〉 with his Prayers and behaviour there 447 The Arch-Bishop's Last Will and Testament 454 Nine Passages taken out of the Arch-Bishop's Conference with Fisher the Jesuit referr'd to in the preceding History 458 Twelve Passages out of other Printed Books referr'd to in the preceding History and Tryal 461 The Arch-Bishop's large Answer to the Speech of the Lord Say and Seal touching the Liturgy Pag. 470 The Arch-Bishop's Annual Accounts of his Province presented to the King with the King 's Apostils or Marginal Notes upon them 515 The King's Instructions sent to Arch-Bishop Abbot in the Year 1629. 517 Arch-Bishop Abbot's Account of his Province to the King for the Year 1632. 519 The Kings Instructions sent to Arch-Bishop Laud in the Year 1634. 520 A Memorial of the Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King for the Year 1635. 523 A Note of Arch-Bishop Sancroft and a Letter to him about the same 524 Arch-Bishop Laud's Account of his Province to the King for the Year 1633. 525 His Account for the
long Service He was pleased to say He had given me nothing but Gloucester which he well knew was a Shell without a Kernel June 29. His Majesty gave me the Grant of the Bishoprick of St. Davids being St. Peter's day The general expectation in Court was that I should then have been made Dean of Westminster and not Bishop of St. Davids The King gave me leave to hold the Presidentship of St. John Baptist's Colledge in Oxon in my Commendam with the Bishoprick of St. Davids But by Reason of the strictness of that Statute which I will not violate nor my Oath to it under any colour I am resolved before my Consecration to leave it Octob. 10. I was chosen Bishop of St. Davids Octob. 10. 1621. I resigned the Presidentship of St. Johns in Oxford Novemb. 17. 1621. I Preached at Westminster Novemb. 5. I was Consecrated Bishop of St. Davids Novemb. 18. 1621. at London-House Chappel by the Reverend Fathers the Lords Bishops of London Worcester Chichester Elye Landaffe Oxon. The Arch-Bishop being thought Irregular for casual Homicide Januar. 6. The Parliament then sitting was dissolved by Proclamation without any Session Januar. 14. The King's Letters came to the Arch-Bishop and all the Bishops about London for a Contribution of the Clergy toward recovery of the Palatinat Januar. 21. The Arch-Bishop's Letters came to me about this business Januar. 25. I sent these Letters and my own into the Diocess Febr. 17. I Preached at Westminster All my former Sermons are omitted March 9. I heard of the death of L. B. He died Januar. 17. between 6 and 7 in the Morning March 18. Dr. Theodore Price went towards Ireland out of London about the Commission appointed there March 24. I Preached at Court commanded to Print Anno 1622. April 13. The King renewed my Commendam April 16. I was with his Majesty and the Prince's Highness to give notice of Letters I received of a Treasonable Sermon Preached in Oxford on Sunday April 14. by one Mr. Knight of 〈◊〉 April 14. Sunday I waited at the Entertainment of Count Swartzenburge the Emperour's Ambassadour in the Parliament House April 23. Being the Tuesday in Easter week the King sent for me and set me into a course about the Countess of Buckingham who about that time was wavering in point of Religion April 24. Dr. Francis White and I met about this May 10. I went to the Court to Greenwich and came back in Coach with the Lord Marquess Buckingham My promise then to give his Lordship the Discourse he spake to me for May 12. I Preached at Westminster May 19. I delivered my Lord Marquess Buckingham the Paper concerning the difference between the Church of England and Rome in point of Salvation c. May 23. My first Speech with the Countess of Buckingham May 24. The Conference between Mr. Fisher a Jesuit and my self before the Lord Marquess Buckingham and the Countess his Mother I had much Speech with her after June 9. Being Whitsunday my Lord Marquess Buckingham was pleased to enter upon a near Respect to me The particulars are not for Paper June 15. I became C. to my Lord of Buckingham And June 16. Being Trinity Sunday he Received the Sacrament at Greenwich June 22. c. I saw two Books in Folio of Sir Robert Cottons In the one was all the Order of the Reformation in the time of Hen 8. The Original Letters and Dispatches under the Kings and the Bishops c. own hands In the other were all the Preparatory Letters Motives c. for the suppression of the Abbies their suppression and value in the Originals An Extract of both which Books I have per Capita July 5. I first entred into Wales July 9. I began my first Visitation at the Colledge in Brecknocke and Preached July 24. I visited at St. Davids and Preached July 25. August 6 7. I visited at Carmarthen and Preached The Chancellor and my Commissioners visited at Emlyn c. July 16 17. and at Haverford-West July 19 20. Aug. 15. I set forwards towards England from Carmarthen Septemb. 1. My Answer given to His Majesty about 9 Articles delivered in a Book from Mr Fisher the Jesuit These Articles were delivered me to consider of Aug. 28. The Discourse concerning them the same Night at Windsor in the presence of the King the Prince the Lord Marquess Buckingham his Lady and his Mother Septemb. 18. aut circiter There was notice given me that Mr. Fisher had spread certain Copies of the Conference had between him and me Maij 24. into divers Recusants hands Octob. .... I got the sight of a Copy c. in October made an Answer to it Octob. 27. I Preached at Westminster Decemb. 12. My Ancient Friend Mr R Peashall died horâ 6. matutinâ It was Thursday and Sol in Capri. Lucia Virgo in some Almanacks a day before in some a day after it Decemb. 16. My Lord Marquess Buckingham's Speech to me about the same Keye Decemb. 25. I Preached at St. Giles without Cripplegate I was three times with the King this Christmas and Read over to him the Answer which I had made to Fisher which he commanded should be Printed and I desired it might pass in a third Person under the Name of R. B. Januar. 11. My Lord of Buckingham and I in the inner Chamber at York House Quòd est Deus Salvator noster Christus Jesus Januar. 17. I received a Letter from E. B. to continue my favour as Mr. R. P. had desired me Januar. 19. I Preached at Westminster Januar. 27. I went out of London about the Parsonage of Creeke given me into my Commendam Januar. 29. I was instituted at Peterborough to the Parsonage of Creeke Januar. 31. I was inducted into Creeke Februar 2. Being Sunday and Candlemas day I Preached and Read the Articles at Creeke Febr. 5. Wednesday I came to London I went that Night to his Majesty hearing he had sent for me He delivered me a Book to read and observe It was a Tract of a Capuchin that had once been a Protestant He was now with the French Ambassadour The Tract was to prove that Christ's Body was in two places at once in the Apparition to St Paul Act IX Feb. 9. I gave the King an account of this Book Febr. 9. Promovi Edmundum Provant Scotum in Presbyterum Primogenitus meus fuit in Domino I Ordained Edmund Provant a Scot Priest He was my First-begotten in the Lord. Febr. 17. Munday the Prince and the Marquess Buckingham set forward very secretly for Spain Febr. 21. I wrote to my Lord of Buckingham into Spain Febr. 22. Saturday I fell very ill and was very suddenly plucked down in 4 days I was put into the Commission of Grievances There were in the Commission the Lord Marquess Buckingham Lord Arundel Lord Pembroke Bishop of Winchester and my self The Proclamation came out for this Febr. 14. March 9. I Ordained Thomas Owen Bat of Arts Deacon March 10. I
half reading them and talking about them with his Majesty and my Lord Duke After this I went to visit my Sister who lay then Sick at London Januar. 5. Wednesday My Lord Duke of Buckingham shewed me two Letters of c. the falshood of c. That day as I waited to speak with my Lord Secretary Calvert fell in Speech with me about some differences between the Greek and the Roman Church Then also and there a Young Man that took on him to be a Frenchman fell into discourse about the Church of England He grew at last earnest for the Roman Church but Tibi dabo claves and Pasce oves was all he said save that he would shew this proposition in St. Augustin Romana Ecclesia facta est caput omnium Ecclesiarum ab instante mortis Christi I believe he was a Priest but he wore a Lock down to his shoulders I heard after that he was a French Gentleman Januar. 15. Saturday The Speech which I had with my Lord Duke at Wallingford-House Januar. 21. Friday The business of my Lord Purbeck made known unto me by my Lord Duke Januar. 23. Sunday Night the Discourse which Lord Duke had with me about Witches and Astrologers Januar. 25. Tuesday Night I acquainted my Lord Duke with my hard hap in my business with L. C. D. For which I had been so often blamed Januar. 28. Friday I took my leave of my Lord Duke His wish that he had known K. L. sooner but c. Januar. 30. Sunday Night my Dream of my Blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. One of the most comfortable passages that ever I had in my Life Febr. 12. Saturday I Ordained Mr. Thomas Atkinson of St. John's Deacon Febr. 13. Sunday I Preached at Westminster March 5. Saturday The High Commission sat first about Sir R. H. c. March 6. Sunday the first in Lent I Preached at the Temple at the Reader 's Solemnity The Duke of Buckingham and divers other Lords there March 13. Sunday second in Lent I Ordained Robert Rockell Priest Eleazar Dunkon and Edward Quarles Deacons They were Masters of Arts of Pembroke-Hall in Cambridge Anno 1625. Mart. 27. 〈◊〉 media quadragesimae Concionem habui in Aulâ Regiâ vulgò dicta White-Hall Turbatus tristissimis temporibus ascendi suggestum Rumoribus tum praevalentibus Regem Serenissimum Jacobum Sacratissimae mihi Memoriae mortuum esse Avocatus Doloribus Ducis Buckinghamiae Sermonem abrupi medio Mortuus est Rex Theobaldi quùm tempus numer asset tres quartas ultra horam undecimam ante meridianam Religiosissimè constantissimâ fide intrepidus emisit Animam Beat am Eo die horam circiter quintam Proclamatione Carolus Princeps quod faustum foelixque sit Rex promulgatur AEgrotare incaepit Rex Mart. 4. die Veneris Morbus qui apparuit Tertiana Febris Sed vereor repercussam Medicinis à pedibus ad inveriora Podagram Apr. 1. Die Veneris Accepi Literas a Comite Pembrochiae Camerario Regio in iis Mandatum Serenissimi Regis Caroli de concione per me habendâ in Comitiis Parlamentariis coram ipso Proceribus Regni Maij 17. proximè futuro Apr. 3. Die Solis Dedi in manus Ducis Buckinghamiae Annotationes breves in Vitam Mortem Augustissimi Regis Jacobi quas jussit ut describerem Apr. 5. Die Martis Schedulam exhibui in qua Nomina erant virorum Ecclesiasticorum sub Literis O. P. Nomina ut sic digererem jussit ipse Dux Buckinghamiae traditurus ea ut dixit Regi Carolo Apr. 9. Die Sabbati Mihi omnibus nominibus colendissimus Dux Buckinghamiae certiorem me fecit Aliquem ex nescio quâ Invidiâ Nomen meum denigrasse apud Serenissimam Majestatem Caroli Causa arrepta ex errore in quem nescio quo fato olim in causa Caroli Comitis Devoniae Decemb. 26. 1605. incidi Eodem die in Mandatis accepi ut Reverendum Episcopum Winton adirem quid velit in causâ Ecclesiae sciscitarer Responsumque referrem praecipuè in quinque Articulis c. Apr. 10. Die Solis post concionem finitam adij Episcopum qui tum in Camerâ suâ in Aulâ 〈◊〉 erat Protuli quae accepi in Mandatis Responsum dedit Simul indè invisi ut preces in Domo Somersetensi audituri Audimus Postea ibi invisimusCorpus nuperrimi Regis Jacobi quod ibi expectabat adhùc diem Funeris Apr. 13. Die Mercurij Retuli ad Ducem Buckinghamiae quid responderit Episcopus Winton Eodem tempore certiorem me fecit de Clerico qui Regi erat à Conclavi Venerando Episcopo Dunelm quid statuerat Rex de Successore Apr. 17. Die Paschatis AEgrotante Episcopo Dunelm Assignatus fui sed petitione dicti Episcopi ab Illustrissimo Comite Pembrokiae Domi Camerario ut inservirem Regiae Majestati loco Clerici à Conclavi quod munus praestiti ad Maij primum Apr. 23. Burton Scriptum tradidit Regi Maij. 1. Conjugium Celebratum Parisiis inter Regem Serenissimum Carolum Insignissimam Heroinam Henriettam Mariam Galliae Henrici Quarti Filiam Maij 7. Die Saturni Funus ducimus Jacobi Regis Maij 11. Die Mercurij Primo manè Dux Buckinghamiae versùs mare se transtulit obviam iturus Reginae Mariae in Galliam Dedi ad Ducem eo die Literas sed quae properantem sequerentur Maij 17. Parliamentum rejectum est in Maij ult Maij 18. Iter brevius suscepi cum Fratre meo ad vicum Hammersmith visurus ibi communes Amicos Dies erat Mercurij Maij 19. Die Jovis Literas secundas misi ad Ducem Buckinghamiae tum paulisper morantem Parisiis Maij 29. Die Solis Literas tertias dedi in manus Episcopi Dunelm qui cum Rege iturus traderet eas Duci Buckinghamiae ad Littus applicanti Maij 30. Die Lunae Chelsey profectus sum ad Ducissam Buckinghamiae Maij 31. Die Martis Parliamentum secundò expectat initium Junij 13. Die Lunae Carolus Rex versùs Doroberniam iter suscepit obviam iturus Reginae Junij 5. Die Pentecostes manè instanter iturus ad Sacra Literae è Galliâ à Duce Clarissimo Buckinghamiae in manus meas se dedere Junij 6. Responsum dedi Aurorâ proximâ Post datum Responsum Episcopus Venerabilis Lancel Winton ego simul proficiscimur ad aedes Tusculanas quas juxta Bromlye possidet Joh. Roffensis Prandemus Redimus Vesperi Junij 8. Die Mercurij Chelsey profectus sum sed frustratus redij Junij 12. Die Solis 〈◊〉 Trinitatis Dies fuit Regina Maria maria pertransiens ad Littus nostrum appulit circitèr horam 7. vespertinam Det Deus ut Hespera sit foelix Stella Orbi nostro Junij 13. Die Lunae Parliamentum iterum expectans Regem recedit in Diem Sabbati Junij 18. Junij 16. Die Jovis Rex Regina Londinum venerunt Salutaverunt Aulam ad horam quintam Dies erat tristior
wished it had fallen upon that same day when I Consecrated the Chappel However I was pleased that I should perform that solemn Consecration at least on the Eve of that Festival For upon that day his Majesty King James heard my Cause about the Election to the Presidentship of St. John's Colledge in Oxford for three hours together at least and with great Justice delivered me out of the hands of my powerful Enemies Septemb. 4. Sunday The Night following I was very much troubled in my Dreams My Imagination ran altogether upon the Duke of Buckingham his Servants and Family All seemed to be out of order that the Dutchess was ill called for her Maids and took her Bed God grant better things Septemb. 11. Sunday I Preached at Carmarthen the Judges being then present The same Night I Dreamed that Dr Theodore Price admonished me concerning Ma 3. and that he was unfaithful to me and discovered all he knew and that I should therefore take heed of him and trust him no more c. Afterwards I dreamed of Sackville Crow that he was dead of the Plague having not long before been with the King Septemb. 24. One only Person desired to Receive Holy Orders from me and he found to be unfit upon Examination Septemb. 25. I sent him away with an Exhortation not Ordained It was then Saturday Septemb. 26. Sunday That Night I dreamed of the Marriage of I know not whom at Oxford All that were present were cloathed with flourishing green Garments I knew none of them but Thomas Flaxnye Immediately after without any intermission of Sleep that I know of I thought I saw the Bishop of Worcester his Head and Shoulders covered with Linnen He advised and invited me kindly to dwell with them marking out a place where the Court of the Marches of Wales was then held But not staying for my Answer he subjoyned that he knew I could not live so meanly c. Octob. 8. Saturday the Earl of Northampton President of Wales returned out of Wales taking his Journey by Sea Octob. 9. Sunday I Preached at Carmarthen Octob. 10. Munday I went on Horseback up to the Mountains It was a very bright day for the time of Year and so warm that in our return I and my Company dined in the open Air in a place called Pente-Cragg where my Registrary had his Country-House Octob. 30. Sunday Sir Thomas Coventry made Lord Keeper Novemb. 11. Friday I began my Journey to return into England Novemb. 17. Thursday Charles the Duke of Buckingham's Son was born Novemb. 20. Sunday I Preached at Honye-Lacye in Herefordshire Novemb 24. Thursday I came to the House of my great Friend Fr. Windebank There the Wife of my Freind for himself was then at Court immediately as soon as I came told me that the Duke of Buckingham then negotiating for the Publick in the Low-Countries had a Son born whom God bless with all the good things of Heaven and Earth Decemb. 4. Sunday I Preached at Hurst I stayed there in the Country until Christmas Decemb. 14. Wednesday I went to Windsor but returned the same day Decemb. 25. Sunday I Preached at Hurst upon Christmas day Decemb. 31. Saturday I went to the Court which was then at Hampton-Court There Januar. 1. Sunday I understood that I was Named among other Bishops who were to consult together on Wednesday following at White-Hall concerning the Ceremonies of the Coronation I was also at the same time informed that the bigger part of the Bishop of Durham's House was appointed for the Residence of the Ambassadour Extraordinary of the King of France Januar. 2. Munday I returned to Hains-Hill For there not then knowing any thing of these Matters I had left my necessary Papers with my Trunk When I had put these in order I went to Sir Richard Harrison's House to take leave of my Friends There if I mistake not I first knew what F. H. thought of me I told my mind plainly c. I returned Januar. 3. Tuesday I came to London and fixed my self at my own House at Westminster For the week before Christmas I had sent my Servant who had brought all my things out of the House of my good Friend the Bishop of Durham with whom I had abode as a Guest for Four Years compleat to my own House save only my Books the removal of which I unadvisedly put off till my own coming For the coming of the French Ambassadour forced me to make over-much haste and the multitude of business then laying upon me made it requisite that I should have my Books at hand In the Evening I visited the Duke of Buckingham Januar. 4. Wednesday We met at White-Hall to consult of the Ceremonies of the Coronation I sent my Servant to bring my Books who brought them That Night I placed them in order in my Study And it was high time For while we were in consultation about the Ceremonies the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke Lord Chamberlain of the Houshold to his Majesty came from the King to us and delivered to me the King's Order to be ready against the sixth day of February to Preach that day at the opening of the Parliament Januar. 6. Friday Epiphany day We met again to consult concerning the Ceremonies and gave up our Answer to the King Januar. 16. The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury made known to me the King's Pleasure that at the Coronation I should supply the place of the Dean of Westminster For that his Majesty would not have the Bishop of Lincoln then Dean to be present at the Ceremony It was then Munday The same day by the King's Command a Consultation was held what was to be done in the Cause of Richard Montague There were present the Bishops of London Durham Winchester Rochester and St. Davids Januar. 17. Tuesday We gave in our Answer in Writing Subscribed this day This day also the Bishop of Lincoln deputed me under his Hand and Seal to supply the place for him which he as Dean of Westminster was to Execute in the Coronation of King Charles Januar. 18. Wednesday The Duke of Buckingham brought me to the King to whom I shewed my Notes that if he disliked any thing therein c. The same day by the King's Command the Arch-Bishop of Cant. and the Bishops of London Durham Winchester Rochester and St. Davids consulted together concerning a Form of Prayer to give Thanks for the decrease of the Plague Januar. 23. I had a perfect Book of the Ceremonies of the Coronation made ready agreeing in all things with the Kings Book It was Munday Januar. 29. Sunday I understood what D. B. had collected concerning the Cause Book and Opinions of Richard Montague and what R. C. had determined with himself therein Methinks I see a Cloud arising and threatning the Church of England God of his Mercy dissipate it Januar. 31. Tuesday The Bishops and other Peers before nominated by the King to consult of the Ceremonies of the Coronation that
Bed and drawing aside the Cloaths a little looked pleasantly upon me and that I was glad to see her with so merry an aspect She then shew'd to me a certain Old Man long since deceased whom while alive I both knew and loved He seemed to lye upon the ground merry enough but with a wrinkled Countenance His Name was Grove While I prepared to salute him I awoke Januar. 8. Munday I went to visit the Duke of Buckingham He was glad to see me and put into my hands a Paper concerning the Invocation of Saints which his Mother had given to him a certain Priest to me unknown had given it to her Januar. 13. Saturday The Bishop of Lincoln desired reconciliation with the Duke of Buckingham c. Januar. 14. Sunday towards Morning I Dreamed that the Bishop of Lincoln came I know not whether with Iron Chains But returning loosed from them leaped on Horseback went away neither could I overtake him Januar. 16. Tuesday I Dreamed that the King went out to Hunt and that when he was hungry I brought him on the suddain into the House of my Friend Francis Windebank While he prepareth to eat I in the absence of others presented the Cup to him after the usual manner I carried Drink to him but it pleased him not I carried it again but in a silver Cup. Thereupon his Majesty said You know that I always drink out of Glass I go away again and awoke Januar. 17. Wednesday I shew my Reasons to the King why the Papers of the late Bishop of Winchester concerning Bishops that they are Jure Divino should be Printed contrary to what the Bishop of Lincoln had pitifully and to the great detriment of the Church of England signified to the King as theKing himself had before related to me Febr. 7. Ash Wednesday I Preached at Court at White-Hall Febr. 9. Friday The following Night I Dreamed that I was troubled with the Scurvey and that on the sudden all my Teeth became loose that one of them especially in the lower Jaw I could scarce hold in with my Finger till I called out for help c. Febr. 20 Tuesday John Fenton began the cure of a certain Itch c. Febr. 22. Thursday I began my Journey towards New-Market where the King then was March 3. Saturday I went to Cambridge with the Duke of Buckingham Chancellor of that famous University and other Earls and Lords I was there incorporated and so I was the first who was presented to the most Illustrious Duke then sitting in the Congregation House The Duke was treated by the University in an Academical manner yet splendidly We returned March 6. Tuesday The King returned from New-Market and I with him toward London March 8. Thursday I came to London The Night following I dreamed that I was reconciled to the Church of Rome This troubled me much and I wondred exceedingly how it should happen Nor was I aggrieved with my self only by Reason of the Errors of that Church but also upon account of the Scandal which from that my fall would be cast upon many Eminent and Learned Men in the Church of England So being troubled at my Dream I said with my self that I would go immediately and confessing my fault would beg pardon of the Church of England Going with this resolution a certain Priest met me and would have stopped me But moved with indignation I went on my way And while I wearied my self with these troublesome thoughts I awoke Herein I felt such strong impressions that I could scarce believe it to be a Dream March 12. Munday I went with the King to Theobalds I returned next day March 13. March 17. Saturday the Eve of Palm-Sunday about mid-night I buried Charles Viscount Buckingham the Eldest and then only Son of George Duke of Buckingham He was then about a year and four months old He died on the Friday before Anno 1627. Martij 25. Dies erat Paschatis Concionatus sum in Aulâ c. Martij 27. Die Martis sequente nocte somnium habui quale sequitur 〈◊〉 quaedam data erant Dominae Dorotheae Wright viduae Georgij W. Militis familiaris mei Legatae erant 430 minae ampliùs Datae à Consanguineo quodam Viduae Filiis Nomine Farnham Ad instantiam Viduae quum Legata solvere Executor aut negavit aut distulit Literas obtinui ab Illustrissimo Duce Buckinghamiae in gratiam Viduae Dux enim erat Magister Equitum dictus Georgius W. sub eo fuit inter Ministros Regis quùm Literas jam in manibus haberem daturusque eram Viduae ut mitteret in Hiberniam ubi Executor degebat hac nocte apparuit mihi in somnis Georgius W. Miles per biennium antè ad minimum mortuus visus est mihi valdè habilis hilarisque satis Dixi quid pro Viduâ Liberis ejus tum egi Cogitabundus paulisper respondit Executorem sibi dum in vivis esset satisfecisse pro Legatis illis Et statim inspectis quibusdam Chartis in museolo suo adjacente addidit iterum ita esse Et insuper mihi in aurem dixit me causam esse cur Episcopus Lin. non iterum admitteretur in gratiam in Aulam Apr. 4. Die Mercurij Quùm Rex Serenissimus Carolus absolvebat D. Dun circa lapsus quosdam in Concione habitâ Die Solis Apr. 1. Quod gratiosissimè mihi tum dixit literis nunquam delendis cum summâ Gratiarum actione Deo Regi in corde scripsi Apr. 7. Dies erat Saturni Dum Aulam petij ut Regiae coenae servus intersim è Rhedâ exeuns titubante pede praeceps ruebam graviori casu nunquam sum lapsus sed miserante Deo contusâ 〈◊〉 Coxendice idque leviter evasi Apr. 24. Dies erat Martis 〈◊〉 ad me missae sunt Exceptiones quas exhibuit A. B. C. contra Concionem Doctoris Sibthorp quae sequuntur Apr. 29. Die Solis Factus sum Serenissimo Regi Carolo à Consiliis Secretioribus In honorem 〈◊〉 bonum Regni Ecclesiae oro 〈◊〉 Deus Maij 13. Die Pentecostes Concionem habui coram 〈◊〉 c. Anno 1627. March 25. Easter-day I Preached at Court c. March 27. Tuesday That Night I had the following Dream Some Legacies had been given to the Lady Dorothy Wright the Widow of Sir George Wright my Acquaintance The Legacies amounted to above 430 l. being bequeathed by a certain Kinsman named Farnham to the Widow and her Children When the Executor denied or deferred to pay the Legacy I had at the desire of the Widow obtained Letters in her behalf from the Duke of Buckingham for the Duke was Master of the Horse and the said Sir George W. was employed under him in the King's Service when I had now those Letters in my Hands and was about to deliver them to the Widow that she might send them into Ireland where the Executor dwelt this Night Sir George Wright appeared to
found him with his Mother sitting in the Room It was a fair Chamber he went away and I went after but missed him and after tyred my self extreamly but neither could I find him nor so much as the House again Anno 1637 March 30. Thursday I Christened the Lady Princess Ann King Charles his third Daughter She was born on Friday March 17. Junij 10. My Book of the Records in the Tower which concerned the Clergy and which I caused to be Collected and Written in Vellam was brought me finished 'T is ab Ann. 20. Ed. 1. ad Ann. 14. Ed. 4. Junij 14. This Day Jo Bastwick Dr of Physick Hen Burton Batch of Divinity and Will Prynne Barrister at Law were Censured for their Libells against the Hierarchy of the Church c. Junij 26. The Speech I then spake in the Star-Chamber was commanded by the King to be Printed And it came out Junij the 25. Junij 26. This Day Munday The Prince Elector and his Brother Prince Rupert began their Journey toward the Sea Side to return for Holland Junij 30. Friday the above named three Libellers lost their Ears Julij 7. Friday A Note was brought to me of a Short Libel pasted on the Cross in Cheapside that the Arch-Wolf of Cant. had his Hand in persecuting the Saints and shedding the Blood of the Martyrs Memento for the last of June Julij 11. Tuesday Dr. Williams Lord Bishop of Lincoln was Censured in the Star-Chamber for tampering and corrupting of Wit in the King's Cause Julij 24. Being Munday He was suspended by the High Commission c. Aug. 3. Thursday I Married James Duke of Lenox to the Lady Mary Villars sole Daughter to the Lord Duke of Buckingham The Marriage was in my Chappel at Lambeth the Day very Rainy the King present Aug. 23. Wednesday My Lord Mayor sent me a Libel found by the Watch at the South Gate of St. Pauls That the Devil had lett that House to me c. Aug. 25. Friday Another Libel brought me by an Officer of the High Commission fastned to the North Gate of St. Pauls That the Government of the Church of England is a Candle in the Snuff going out in a Stench Aug. 25. The same Day at Night my Lord Mayor sent me another Libel hanged upon the Standard in Cheapside My Speech in the Star-Chamber set in a kind of Pillory c. Aug. 29. Tuesday Another short Libel against me in Verse Octob. 22. Sunday A great Noise about the perverting of the Lady Newport Speech of it at the Council My free Speech there to the King concerning the increasing of the Roman Party the Freedom at Denmark-house the Carriage of Mr. Wal. Montague and Sir Toby Matthews The Queen acquainted with all I said that very Night and highly displeased with me and so continues Novemb. 22. Wednesday The extream and unnatural hot Winter Weather began and continued till Decemb. 8. Decemb. 12. Tuesday I had Speech with the Queen a good space and all about the Business of Mr. Montague but we parted fair Anno 1638. April 29. The Tumults in Scotland about the Service-Book offered to be brought in began July 23. 1637. and continued increasing by fits and hath now brought that Kingdom in danger No question but there is a great Concurrence between them and the Puritan Party in England A great aim there to destroy me in the King's Opinion c. Maij 26. Saturday James Lord Marquess Hamilton set forth as the King's Commissioner to appease the Tumults in Scotland God prosper him for God and the King It was a very Rainy Day June My Visitation then began of Merton Coll. in Oxford by my Visitors was Adjourned to my own Hearing against and upon Octob. 2. Octob. 2. 3. 4. I sate upon this Business these Three Days and Adjourned it to July 1. inter Horas primam tertiam Lambeth The Warden appeared very foul Octob. 19. Friday News was brought to us as we sate in the Star-Chamber That the Queen-Mother of France was Landed at Harwich many and great Apprehensions upon this Business Extream Windy and Wet Weather a Week before and after the Water-men called it Q Mother Weather Octob. 26. Friday A most Extream Tempest upon the Thames I was in it going from the Star-Chamber Home between six and seven at Night I was never upon the Water in the like Storm And was in great Danger at my Landing at Lambeth Bridge Octob. 31. Wednesday The Q Mother came into London and so to St James's Novemb. 13. Tuesday The Agreement between me and Ab. S. c. Novemb. 21. Wednesday The General Assembly in Scotland began to Sit. Novemb. 29. Thursday The Proclamation issued out for dissolving the General Assembly in Scotland under pain of Treason Decemb. 20. They sate notwithstanding and made many strange Acts till Decemb. 20. which was Thursday and then they rose But have indicted another Assembly against July next Januar. 14. Munday About 5. at Night a most grievous Tempest of Wind Thunder Lightning and Rain Feb. 10. My Book against Fisher the Jesuit was Printed and this day being Sunday I delivered a Copy to his Majesty Feb. 12. Tuesday-night I dreamed that K. C. was to be Married to a Minister's Widow And that I was called upon to do it No Service-Book could be found and in my own Book which I had I could not find the Order for Marriage Anno 1639. March 27. Wednesday Coronation-day King Charles took his Journey Northward against the Scottish Covenanting Rebels God of his infinite Mercy bless him with Health and Success March 29. Friday An extream Fire in St. Olaves Parish Southwark forty Houses burnt down April 3. Wednesday Before the King 's going I setled with him a great business for the Queen which I understood she would never move for her self The Queen gave me great Thanks And this day I waited purposely on her to give her Thanks for her gracious acceptance She was pleased to be very free with me and to promise me freedom April 29. Munday This day the King went from York toward New-Castle but stayeth at Durham for a week at least Maij 28. His Majesty incamped two Miles West from Barwick by Tweed Junij 4. Whitson-Tuesday As I was going to do my duty to the Queen an Officer of the Lord Mayor's met me and delivered to me two very Seditious Papers the one to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen the other to excite the Apprentices c. Both Subscribed by John Lilburn a Prisoner in the Fleet Sentenced in the Star-Chamber c. Junij 5. Wednesday I delivered both these to the Lords of the Council Junij 15 17. Saturday and Munday The Peace concluded between the King and the Scottish Rebels God make it safe and Honourable to the King and Kingdom Junij 28. Friday I sent the remainder of my Manuscripts to Oxford being in number 576. And about an Hundred of them were Hebrew Arabick and Persian
as are warrantable by Act of Parliament 6. All Fortifications to desist and no further working therein and they to be remitted to his Majesty's Pleasure 7. To restore to every one of his Majesty's Subjects their Liberty Lands Houses Goods and Means whatsoever taken and detained from them by whatsoever means since the aforesaid time The Copy of the Act of the Pacification as it passed under his Majesties Hand and includes these Articles above written is as follows Ch. R. WE having considered the Papers and humble Petitions presented unto us by those of our Subjects of Scotland who were admitted to attend our pleasure in the Camp and after a full Hearing by Our Self of all that they could say or alledge thereupon having communicated the same to Our Council of both Kingdoms upon mature deliberation with their unanimous Advice We have thought fit to give them this Just and Gracious Answer That though We cannot condescend to Ratifie and Approve the Acts of the pretended General Assembly at Glasgow for many Grave and Weighty Considerations which have happened both before and since much importing the Honour and Security of that true Monarchical Government Lineally descended upon Us from so many of Our Ancestors Yet such is Our Gracious Pleasure That notwithstanding the many disorders committed of late We are pleased not only to confirm and make good whatsoever Our Commissioner hath granted and promised in Our Name But also We are further Graciously pleased to declare and assure That according to the Petitioner's humble desires all Matters Ecclesiastical shall be determined by the Assemblies of the Kirk and Matters Civil by the Parliament and other inferiour Judicatories Established by Law which accordingly shall be kept once a Year or as shall be agreed upon at the General Assembly And for setling the general distractions of that Our Ancient Kingdom Our Will and Pleasure is that a free General Assembly be kept at Edinburgh the sixth day of August next ensuing where We intend God willing to be personally present And for the Legal Indiction whereof We have given Order and Command to Our Council and thereafter a Parliament to be holden at Edinburgh the 20th day of August next ensuing for Ratifying of what shall be concluded in the said Assembly and setling such other things as may conduce to the Peace and Good of Our Native Kingdom and therein an Act of Oblivion to be passed And whereas We are further desired that Our Ships and Forces by Land be recalled and all Persons Goods and Ships restored and they made safe from Invasion We are Graciously pleased to Declare that upon their disarming and disbanding of their Forces dissolving and discharging all their pretended Tables and Conventicles and restoring unto Us all Our Castles Forts and Ammunitions of all sorts as likewise Our Royal Honours and to every one of Our Good Subjects their Liberty Lands Houses Goods and Means whatsoever taken and detained from them since the late pretended General Assembly We will presently thereafter recall Our Fleet and retire our Land-Forces and cause Restitution to be made to all Persons of their Ships and Goods detained and arrested since the aforesaid time Whereby it may appear that Our intention in taking up of Arms was no ways for Invading of Our Native Kingdom or to Innovate the Religion and Laws but meerly for the Maintaining and Vindicating of Our Royal Authority And since that hereby it doth clearly appear that We neither have nor do intend any alteration in Religion or Laws but that both shall be maintained by Us in their full integrity We expect the performance of that Humble and Dutiful Obedience which becometh Loyal and Dutiful Subjects and as in their several Petitions they have often professed And as We have just Reason to believe that to Our peaceable and well-affected Subjects this will be satisfactory so We take God and the World to witness that whatsoever Calamities shall ensue by Our necessitated suppressing of the Insolencies of such as shall continue in their disobedient Courses is not occasioned by us but by their own procurement This Pacification was not much sooner made by the King than it was broken by the Scots For whereas it was agreed by the Seventh Article and is repeated in the Body of the Pacification That every one of his Majesties good Subjects shou'd enjoy their Liberty Lands Houses Goods and Means whatsoever taken and detayned from them since the aforesaid time The * Lord Lindsay in the Name of the rest made a Protestation either in the Camp at Dunns or at the Cross in Edinburgh that no Bishop or Clergyman was included in this Pacification which yet in manifest and plain Terms extended it self to all the Kings good Subjects And this Protestation was so pursued as that it obtained and no Clergyman was relieved in any the Particulars Upon this and other Particulars agitated in Parliament amongst them his Majesty thought fit to look to himself and examine their Proceedings farther To this end he often called his Council and in particular made a Committee of eight more particularly to attend that service They were the Lord Bishop of London then Lord Treasurer the Lord Marquis Hamilton the Earl of Northumberland Lord Admiral the Earl of Strafford Lord Deputy of Ireland the Lord Cottington Sir Henry Vane and Sir Francis Windebanck Secretaries and my self to which was after added the Earl of Arundel Lord Marshal And though I spake nothing of these Scottish Businesses but either openly at Council-Table or in presence of all or so many of this Committee as occasionally met and so had Auditors and Witnesses enough of what I did or said yet it was still cast out among the 〈◊〉 that I was a chief Incendiary in the Business Where yet had I said or done any thing worse than other there wanted not Sir Henry Vane to discover it At this Committee many things were proposed diversly for the Aid and Assistance of the King and many Proposals rejected as Illegal At last the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland propos'd the calling of a Parliament Much was not said against this but much said for it Nor indeed was it safe for any Man to declare against it after it was once publickly moved So a Parliament was resolved on and called against April 13. 1640. At that time it sat down and many Tumultuary Complaints were made by the Scots against the Bishops and Church Government in England and with great vehemency against my self All this while the King could get no Money to Aid him against the Scottish Rebellion At last after many Attempts Sir Henry Vane told the King plainly that it was in vain to expect longer or to make any other overture to them For no Money wou'd be had against the Scots Hereupon his Majesty called all his Lords of Council together and upon Maij 5. being Tuesday at Six in the Morning they met in the Council-Chamber I by the mistake of the Messenger was warned
to be there at Seven in the Morning as if need be I can prove by sufficient Witness and at that Hour I came By this accident I came late and found a Resolution taken to Vote the dissolution of that Parliament and the Votes entred upon my Lord Cottington being in his Speech when I came into the Council-Chamber All Votes concurred to the ending of that Parliament save two The Persons dissenting were the Earls of Northumberland and Holland I co-operated nothing to this breach but my single Vote Yet the very next day Libels were set up in divers parts of the City animating and calling together Apprentices and others to come and meet in St. George's Fields for the Hunting of William the Fox for the Breach of the Parliament This setting up of Libels and animation of the baser People continued I acquainted his Majesty and the Council with it But upon Munday night following being May 11. Five Hundred of them came about my House at Lambeth to offer it and me violence By God's Merciful Providence I had some Jealousie of their intent and before their coming left the best Order I could to secure my House and by the Advice of some Friends went over the water and lay at my Chamber in White-Hall that Night and some other following So I praise God no great hurt was done One young Fellow only had a little hurt with a Dag who was after taken and Executed Thus you see how the malignity of the Time fastned and continued upon me For this Libelling in a very base and most unworthy manner continued against me But not one of them charged me with any one Particular save the breaking of the Parliament of which I was not guilty During this Parliament the Clergy had agreed in Convocation to give his Majesty six Subsidies payable in six Years which came to Twenty Thousand Pound a Year for six Years but the Act of it was not made up His Majesty seeing what lay upon him and what fears there were of the Scots was not willing to lose these Subsidies and therefore thought upon the continuing of the Convocation though the Parliament were ended but had not opened those Thoughts of his to me Now I had sent to dissolve the Convocation at their next sitting haste and trouble of these businesses making me forget that I was to have the King 's Writ for the Dismissing as well as the Convening of it Word was brought me of this from the Convocation-House while I was sitting in Council and his Majesty present Hereupon when the Council rose I moved his Majesty for a Writ His Majesty gave me an unlooked for reply Namely that he was willing to have the Subsidies which we had granted him and that we should go on with the finishing of those Canons which he had given us power under the Broad Seal of England to make And when I replyed it would be excepted against in all likelyhood by divers and desired his Majesty to Advise well upon it The King Answered me presently That he had spoken with the Lord Keeper the Lord Finch about it and that he assured him it was Legal I confess I was a little troubled both at the difficulties of the Time and at the Answer it self that after so many Years faithful Service in a business concerning the Church so nearly his Majesty would speak with the Lord Keeper both without me and before he would move it to me And somewhat I said thereupon which pleased not but the Particulars I do not well remember Upon this I was Commanded to sit and go on with the Convocation At first some little Exception was taken there by two or three of the Lower House of Convocation whether we might sit or no. I acquainted his Majesty with this doubt and humbly besought him that his Learned Council and other Persons of Honour well acquainted with the Laws of the Realm might deliver their Judgment upon it This his Majesty Graciously approved and the Question was put to them They answer'd as followeth under their Hands The Convocation being called by the King 's Writ under the Great Seal doth continue until it be dissolved by Writ or Commission under the Great Seal notwithstanding the Parliament be Dissolved 14. Maij 1640. Jo. Finch C. S. H. Manchester John Bramston Edward Littleton Ralph Whitfield John Bankes Rob. Heath This Judgment of these great Lawyers setled both Houses of Convocation So we proceeded according to the Power given us under the Broad-Seal as is required by the Statute 25 H. 8. Cap. 19. In this Convocation thus continued we made up our Act perfect for the gift of six Subsidies according to Ancient Form in that behalf and delivered it under Seal to his Majesty This passed Nemine Refragante as may appear apud Acta And we followed a President in my Lord Arch-Bishop Whitgift's time An. 1586 who was known to be a Pious and a Prudent Prelate and a Man not given to do boisterous things against the Laws of the Realm or the Prerogative of the Crown but one that went just and fair ways to both Nor did this Grant lye dead and useless for divers Processes are yet to be seen for the fetching in of that which was so Granted to the Queen's use in case any Man refused payment Together with this Act for Subsidies we went on in deliberation for certain Canons thought necessary to be added for the better Government and more setled Peace of the Church which began to be much disquieted by the proceedings of some Factious Men which have since more openly and more violently shewed themselves In the Debates concerning these Canons I dare be bold to say never any Synod sate in Christendom that allowed more freedom either of Speech or Vote The Canons which we made were in number seventeen and at the time of the Subscription no Man refused or so much as checked at any one Canon or any one Branch in any one of them Saving a Canonist or two who excepted against two or three Clauses in some of the last of the Canons which concerned their Profit and their Carriage towards the Clergy in which they were publickly and by joint consent over-ruled in the House And excepting Godfrey Goodman Lord Bishop of Glocester who was startled at the first Canon about the Proceedings against the Papists This Canon is very express for the use of all good and Christian means to bring them out of their Superstitious Errors and to settle them in the Church of England This Canon would not down with my Lord of Glocester And the Morning before the Subscription was to be he came over to Lambeth to me and after great expressions of his dislike I gave him the best Counsel I could that he would keep himself out of that scandal which his refusing to Subscribe would bring both upon his Person his Calling and the Church of England in these broken times especially But I fell so short of
After they had continued at York till Octob. 28. the King and the Lords returned and the Parliament sate down Novemb. 3. Great Heats appear'd in the very beginning On Wednesday Novemb. 10. Tho. L. 〈◊〉 Earl of Strafford was accused by the House of Commons of High Treason and Committed by the Lords to Mr. James Maxwell the Officer of the House And upon general Articles sent up He was upon Wednesday Novemb. 25. committed to the Tower It is thought and upon good Grounds that the Earl of Strafford had got Knowledge of the Treason of some Men and that he was preparing to accuse them And this Fear both hastned and heated the proceedings against him And upon Dec. 4. being Friday his Majesty at the great Importunity of some Lords of his Council gave way that his Council should be examined upon Oath in the Earl of Strafford's Case and I with others was examined that very Day There were great Thoughts of Heart upon this Business and somewhat vapoured out at Mens Tongues but the thing was done Now at and after the breaking up of the late Parliament Sir Hen. Vane at the private Committee concerning the Scotch Affairs before mentioned instead of setting down the Heads of the several Businesses then Treated of Writ down what every Man said at the Committee though it were but Matter of deliberation and debate Afterwards by a cunning conveyance between his Son who had been Governour in New-England and himself this Paper or a Copy of it was delivered to some Members of the House of Commons and in all probability was the Ground of that which was after done against the Lord Strafford my self and others and the Cause why the King was so hard pressed to have the Lords and others of his Council examined was that so Sir Henry Vane might upon Oath avow the Paper which his Son had seen and shewed and others be brought to witness as much had Truth and their Memories been able to say as much as his Paper After the examination of me and others concerning these Particulars there arose great and violent Debates in the House of Commons against the Bishops and particularly their Votes in Parliament After that Decemb. 16. 1640. they Voted against the late Canons as containing in them many Matters contrary to the fundamental Laws and Statutes of the Realm to the Rights of Parliaments to the Property and Liberty of the Subject and matters tending to Sedition and of dangerous Consequences I was made the Author of all and presently a Committee put upon me to inquire into my Actions and prepare a Charge The same Morning in the Upper-House I was Named as an Incendiary in an Accusation put in by the Scottish Commissioners For now by this Time they were come to that Article of the Treaty which reflected upon me And this was done with great noise to bring me yet further into Hatred with the People especially the Londoners who approved too well the Proceedings of their Brethren the Scots and debased the Bishops and the Church Government in England The Articles which the Scots put into the Upper House by the Hands of their Lords Commissioners against me Decemb. 15. were read there Decemb. 16. I took out a true Copy as it follows here And though I was to make no answer then till the House of Commons had digested them and taken as much out of them as as they pleased to fill my intended Charge withall yet because I after found that the House of Commons insisted upon very few of these particulars if any I thought my self bound to vindicate my Innocency even in these Particulars which shall now appear in their full strength against me if they have any in Wise and Learned Mens Judgments CAP. III THe Novations in Religion which are universally acknowledged to be the main Cause of Commotions in Kingdoms and States and are known to be the true Cause of our present Troubles were many and great besides the Books of Ordination and Homilies First some particular alterations in matters of Religion pressed upon us without Order and against Law contrary to the Form established in our Kirk Secondly a new Book of Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical Thirdly a Liturgy or Book of Common-Prayer which did also carry with them many dangerous Errours in matters of Doctrine Of all these we challenge the Prelate of Canterbury as the prime Cause on Earth I shall easily grant that Novations in Religion are a main Cause of Distempers in Commonwealths And I hope it will be as easily granted to me I am sure it should that when great Distempers fall into Kingdoms and Common-wealths the only way to ingage at home and get Credit abroad is to pretend Religion which in all Ages hath been a Cloak large enough to cover at least from the Eyes of the Many even Treasons themselves And For the present Troubles in Scotland Novations in Religion are so far from being known to be the true Cause as that it is manifest to any Man that will look upon it with a single Eye that Temporal Discontents and several Ambitions of the great Men which had been long a working were the true cause of these Troubles And that Religion was call'd in upon the bye to gain the Clergy and by them the Multitude For besides that which was openly spoken by the right Honourable James then Earl of Carlile that somewhat was a brewing in Scotland among some discontented there which wou'd break out to the Trouble of this Kingdom 't is most apparent there were many discontents among them Some whereof had no relation at all to Religion and were far antienter than the Troubles now began and were all Legally proved against the Lord Balmerino who was condemned of high Treason before any of these Stirs began For there were Grievances as they said propounded in the Convention Anno 1628. about Coyning and their black Money which they say were slighted again in the Parliament held 1633. Murmuring also there was as if the Articles and Parliament were not free Great Clamour likewise was there against the Bishops Power in choosing the Lords of the Articles though that Power belonged unto them by the fundamental Laws of that Kingdom As much against the Act of Revocation and the Taxations which yet were voluntarily offer'd and miscalled on purpose to edge the People As also for Applying as they said these Taxations to wrong uses With all which and more Religion had nothing to do Nay this discontented Party grew so High and so Bold that a very Base and Dishonourable Libel was made and spread against the King Anno 1633. by these and the like Pretences to alienate the Hearts of the People from him Of this Libel if one Hagg were the Authour Balmerino was the Divulger and so prov'd And though it be true that then also some things were to be done against the Church-government yet their
ready made That which was mine is here confessed to be but Interlinings and Marginals and Corrections and at most some Additions And they would be found a very small Some were the Original Book seen And yet it must be Evident that no Hand but mine did this by my Magisterial way of Prescribing in an Interlining or a Marginal Excellent Evidence Secondly they have another great Evidence of this But because that is so nervous and strong I will be bold to reduce it to some Form that it may appear the clearer though it be against my self There was they say a new Copy of these Canons all written with S. Andrews own Hand and according to the former Castigations and Directions sent to have the King's Warrant to it which was obtained Therefore these Interlinings and Marginals c. were done by no other than Canterbury Most Excellent Evidence and clear as Mid-Night The plain Truth is contrary to all this Evidence For by the same Command of His Majesty the Reverend Bishop of London was joyned with me in all the view and Consideration which I had either upon the Book of Canons or upon the Service-Book after So it is utterly untrue that these Interlinings or Marginals or Corrections or call them what you will were done by no other than Canterbury For my Lord of London's both Head and Hand were as deep in them as mine And this I avow for well known Truth both to the King and those Scottish Bishops which were then imployed and this notwithstanding all the Evidences of a Magisterial way and a New Copy And yet this General Charge pursues me yet farther and says The Kings Warrant was obtained as is said to these Canons but with an Addition of some other Canons and a Page of New Corrections according to which the Book of Canons thus Composed was Published in Print The inspection of the Books Instructions and his Letters of Joy for the success of the Work and of other Letters from the Prelate of London and the Lord Sterling to the same purpose all which we are ready to exhibit will put the Matter out of all debate Yet more ado about nothing Yet more noise of Proof to put that out of all debate which need never enter into any For if no more be intended than that I had a view of the Book of Canons and did make some Interlinings and Marginals and the like I have freely acknowledged it and by whose Command I did it and who was joyned with me in the Work So there will need no Proof of this either by my Letters or the Prelate of Londons or the Lord Sterlings Yet let them be exhibited if you please But if it be intended as 't is laid that this was done by no other than Canterbury then I utterly deny it and no Proof here named or any other shall ever be able to make it good As for the Addition of some other Canons and Pages of New Corrections according to which the Book of Canons is said to be Composed and Published Truly to the utmost of my Memory I know of none such but that the Copy written by my Lord of S. Andrews own Hand and sent up as is before mentioned was the very Copy which was Warranted by His Majesty and Published without any further Alteration But if any further Alteration were it was by the same Authority and with the same Consent And for my Letters of Joy for the Success of the Work let them be exhibited when you please I will never deny that Joy while I live that I conceived of the Church of Scotland's coming nearer both in the Canons and the Liturgy to the Church of England But our gross unthankfulness both to our God and King and our other many and great Sins have hindred this great Blessing And I pray God that the loss of this which was now almost effected do not in short time prove one of the greatest Mischiefs which ever befel this Kingdom and that too This is the General Charge about the Canons Now follow the Particulars Beside this General Charge there be some things more special worthy to be adverted unto for discovering his Spirit First the Fourth Canon of Cap 8. For as much as no Reformation in Doctrine or Discipline can be made perfect at once in any Church Therefore it shall and may be Lawful for the Kirk of Scotland at any time to make Remonstrances to His Majesty or his Successours c. Because this Canon holds the Door open to more Innovations he writes to the Prelate of Ross his Prime Agent in all this Work of his great Gladness that this Canon did stand behind the Curtain And his great desire that this Canon might be Printed fully as one that was to be most useful Now come the Particulars worthy to be adverted unto for the discovery of my Spirit And the first is taken out of the Fourth Canon of Cap. 8. The Charge is that this Canon holds the Door open to more Innovations First I conceive this Accusation is vain For that Canon restrains all Power from private Men Clergy or Laye nay from Bishops in a Synod or otherwise to alter any thing in Doctrine or Discipline without Authority from His Majesty or his Successours Now all Innovations come from private assumption of Authority not from Authority it self For in Civil Affairs when the King and the State upon Emergent Occasions shall abrogate some Old Laws and make other New that cannot be counted an Innovation And in Church-Affairs every Synod that hath sate in all times and all places of Christendom have with leave of Superiour Authority declared some Points of Doctrine condemned other-some Altered some Ceremonials made new Constitutions for better assisting the Government And none of these have ever been accounted Innovations the Foundations of Religion still remaining firm and unmoved Nay under favour I conceive it most necessary that thus it ought to be And therefore this Canon is far from holding a Door open for more Innovations since it shuts it upon all and leaves no Power to alter any thing but by making a Remonstrance to the Supream Authority that in a Church-way approbation may be given when there is Cause And therefore if I did write to the Prelate of Ross that this Canon might be Printed fully as one that was to be most useful I writ no more then than I believe now For certainly it is a Canon that in a well-governed Church may be of great use And the more because in Truth it is but Declaratory of that Power which a National Church hath with leave and approbation of the Supream Power to alter and change any alterable thing pertaining to Doctrine or Discipline in the Church And as for that Phrase said to be in my Letter that this Canon did stand behind the Curtain it was thus occasioned My Lord the Bishop of Ross writ unto me from the Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews that no words might
be made of this Canon what their Reason was they best know I returned Answer belike in this sort That the Canon stood behind the Curtain and would not be throughly understood by every Man yet advised the Printing in regard of the necessary use of it For let this Canon be in force and right use made of it and a National Church may ride safe by God's Ordinary Blessing through any Storm which without this Latitude it can never do The next Charge is in 2. The Title prefixed to these Canons by our Prelates For there 't is thus Canons agreed on to be proponed to the several Synods of the Kirk of Scotland And is thus changed by Canterbury Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical c. Ordained to be observed by the Clergy He will not have Canons to come from the Authority of Synods but from the Power of Prelates or from the Kings Prerogative I perceive they mean to sift narrowly when the Title cannot scape But truly in this Charge I am to seek which is greater in my Accusers their Ignorance or their Malice Their Ignorance in the Charge or their Malice in the Inference upon it The Title was Canons agreed upon to be proponed to the Synods of the Kirk of Scotland And this was very fit to express the Prelates intendment which for ought I know was to propose them so But this Book which was brought to me was to be Printed And then that Title could not stand with any Congruity of Sense For no Church uses to Print Canons which are to be proponed to their Synods but such as have been proposed and agreed on Nor did this altering of the Title in any the least thing hinder those worthy Prelates from Communicating them with their Synods before they Printed them And therefore the Inference must needs be extream full of Malice to force from hence that I would not have Canons come from the Authority of Synods but from the Power of Prelates or the King's Prerogative Whereas most manifest it is that the fitting of this Title for the Press doth neither give any Power to Prelates nor add to the King's Prerogative more than is his due nor doth it detract any thing from the Authority of Synods For I hope the Bishops had no purpose but to Ordain them in Synod to be observed by the Clergy c. and Approved and Published by the King's Consent and Authority After this comes 3. The formidable Canon Cap. 1. 3. threatning no less than Excommunication against all such Persons whatsoever shall open their Mouths against any of these Books proceeded not from our Prelates nor is to be found in Copies sent from them but is a Thunderbolt forged in Canterbury's own Fire First whether this Canon be to be found in the Copies sent from your Prelates or not I cannot tell but sure it was in the Copy brought to me or else my Memory forsakes me very strangely Secondly after all this Noise made of a Formidable Canon because no less is threatned than Excommunication I would fain know what the Church can do less upon Contempt of her Canons Liturgy and Ordinations than to Excommunicate the Offenders or what Church in any Age laid less upon a Crime so great Thirdly suppose this Thunderbolt as 't is called were forged in Canterbury's Fire yet that Fire was not outragious For this Canon contains as much as the 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. Canons of the Church of England made in the beginning of the gracious Reign of King James And yet to every one of those Canons there is an Excommunication in Facto affixed for every one of these Crimes single Whereas this Canon shoots this one Thunderbolt but once against them all And this I would my Accusers should know that if no more Thunderbolts had been forged in their Fire than have been in mine nor State nor Church would have Flamed as of late they have done 4 Our Prelates in divers Places witness their dislike of Papists A Minister shall be deposed if he shall Rushw. be found negligent to convert Papists Cap. 8. 15. The Adoration of the Bread is a Superstition to be condemned Cap. 6. 6. They call the Absoluteness of Baptism an Errour of Popery Cap. 6. 2. But in Canterbury's Edition the Name of Papists and Popery are not so much as mentioned Here 's a great general Accusation offered to be made good by three Particulars The general is that in the Copy of the Canons which their Prelates sent there 's a dislike of Papists But none in the Edition as it was alter'd by me Now this is utterly untrue for it is manifest cap. 1. 1. There is express care taken for the King's Majesty's Jurisdiction over the Estate Ecclesiastical and abolishing all Foreign Power repugnant to it And again in the same Canon That no Foreign Power hath in his Majesty's Dominions any Establishment by the Law of God And this with an Addition That the Exclusion of all such Power is just And Cap. 2. 9. 't is Ordained that every Ecclesiastical Person shall take the Oath of Supremacy And Cap. 10. 3. All Readers in any Colledge or Schools shall take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy And sure I think 't is no great matter whether Papists or Popery be Named so long as the Canons go so directly against them This for the General Now for the three Particulars And first That which was in Cap. 8. 15. That a Minister shall be deposed if he be found negligent to convert Papists I did think fit to leave out upon these two Grounds The one that the Word Negligent is too general an Expression and of too large an extent to lay a Minister open to Deposition And if Church-Governours to whom the execution of the Canons is committed should forget Christian Moderation as they may Pati humana a very worthy Minister might sometimes be undone for a very little Negligence for Negligence is Negligence be it never so little Besides I have learned out of the Canons of the Church of England that even gross Negligence in a matter as great as this is is punished but with Suspension for three Months The other Ground why I omitted this clause is Because I do not think the Church of Scotland or any other particular Church is so blessed in her Priests as that every of her Ministers is for Learning and Judgment and Temper Able and Fit to convert Papists And therefore I did think then and do think yet that it is not so easie a work or to be made so common but that it is and may be much fitter for some able selected Men to undertake And if any Man think God's Gifts in him to be neglected as Men are apt to overvalue themselves let them try their Gifts and labour their Conversion in God's Name But let not the Church by a Canon set every Man on work lest their Weak or Indiscreet Performance hurt the Cause and blemish the Church The
all the Envy they could upon me alone Thirdly Here 's the same Phrase used by my Lord of London that was used a little before by me Namely that these Canons would be for the good of the Kirk And yet here 's never a wise Observation upon it as was upon me that they would be for the good not of that Church but of the Church Now for the force of Mr. Henderson's Logick for these Arguments out of doubt are his Ross writ to the Prelate of London to have from Canterbury an Explanation of some passages of the Service-Book because the Press staid and he obtained them Therefore this Book was Canterbury's work as is before asserted Certainly if Mr. Henderson had any Learning in him he would be ashamed of this stuff Ross sent to me for the Explanation of some things which perhaps were my Additions or Alterations in that Book and used the Prelate of London for his means and the Press staid and I know not what As if any of this could make me Author of that Book Which yet if I were I would neither deny nor be ashamed of Howsoever he should do well to let Canterbury alone and answer the Learned Divines of Aberdeen who have laid him and all that Faction open enough to the Christian World to make the Memory of them and their Cause stink to all Posterity 5. But say they the Book it self as it standeth interlined margined and patched up is much more than all that is expressed in his Letters and the Changes and Supplements themselves taken from the Mass-Book and other Romish Rituals by which he makes it to vary from the Book of England are more pregnant Testimonies of his Popish Spirit and Wicked Intentions which he would have put in Execution upon us than can be denyed In the next place the Book it self is brought in Evidence and that 's a greater Evidence than all that is expressed in my Letters A greater Evidence But of what Not that the Book was of my sole making which they have hitherto gone about to prove and which the former part of this Argument would seem to make good But now these Interlinings and Margins and Changes and Supplements are pregnant proofs of my Popish Spirit and Wicked Intentions First I Praise God for it I have no Popish Spirit And God bless me as to the utmost of my knowledge I had no Wicked Intentions in any thing which I did in or about that Service-Book For the other stuff which fills up this Argument That these Changes and Supplements are taken from the Mass-Book and other Romish Rituals and that by these the Book is made to vary from the Book of England I cannot hold it worth an Answer till I see some particulars named For in this I could retort many things could I think it fit to put but half so much Gall into my Ink as hath made theirs black In the mean time I would have them remember that we live in a Church Reformed not in one made New Now all Reformation that is good and orderly takes away nothing from the old but that which is Faulty and Erroneous If any thing be good it leaves that standing So that if these Changes from the Book of England be good 't is no matter whence they be taken For every line in the Mass-Book or other Popish Rituals are not all Evil and Corruptions There are many good Prayers in them nor is any thing Evil in them only because 't is there Nay the less alteration is made in the Publick Ancient Service of the Church the better it is provided that nothing Superstitious or Evil in it self be admitted or retained And this is enough till I see particulars charged Yet with this That these Variations were taken either from the first Book of Edw. 6. which was not Popery or from some Antient Liturgies which savour'd not of Popery The Large Declaration professeth that all the variation of our Book from the Book of England that ever the King understood was in such things as the Scottish Humours would better comply with than with that which stood in the English Service That which the Large Declaration professeth I leave the Author of it to make good Yet whosoever was the Author thus much I can say and truly That the Scottish Bishops some of them did often say to me that the People wou'd be better satisfied by much to have a Liturgy composed by their own Bishops as this was than to have the Service-Book of England put upon them But to what end is this added out of the Large Declaration Why 't is to cast more hatred upon me For thus they infer These Popish Innovations therefore have been surreptitiously inserted by him without the King's knowledge and against his Purpose This is as false as 't is bold For let them prove that any one particular be it the least was so added by me to that Book and let no Justice spare me In the mean time here I take it upon my Salvation that I inserted nothing without his Majesties Knowledge nor any thing against his Purpose Our Scottish Prelates do Petition that somewhat may be abated of the English Ceremonies as the Cross in Baptism the Ring in Marriage and some other Things But Canterbury will not only have those kept but a great many more and worse super added which was nothing else but the adding of Fuel unto the Fire I cannot remember that ever any such Petition was shewed to me This I remember well that when a deliberation was held whether it were better to keep close to the English Liturgy or venture upon some additions some of your Scottish Bishops were very earnest to have some Alterations and some Additions And they gave this for their Reason Because if they did not then make that Book as perfect as they could they should never be able to get it perfected after Canterbury therefore was not the Man that added this Fuel to your Fire And whereas to heap on farther hatred it is said That I did not only add more but worse Ceremonies I can say nothing to that Because I know no one Ceremony in the one Book or the other that is Bad. And when they give an Instance in the Ceremonies which they say are worse in their Book than in ours I shall give such answer as is fitting and such as I doubt not shall be sufficient And now it seems they 'll come to particulars For they say 1. This Book inverteth the Order of the Communion in the Book of England as may be seen by the numbers setting down the Order of this new Communion 1. 5. 2. 6. 7. 3. 4. 8. 9. 10. 11. Of the divers secret Reasons of this Change we mention one only injoyning the Spiritual Sacrifice and Thanksgiving which is in the Book of England pertinently after the Communion with the Prayer of Consecration before the Communion and that under the Name of Memorial or
North end of the Table which in most places is too narrow and wants room to lay the Service-Book open before him that Officiates and to place the Bread and Wine within his reach So that in that place 't is hard for the Presbyter to avoid the unseemly disordering of something or other that is before him perhaps the very Elements themselves which may give Scandal to them which come to Communicate Especially since in the Margin of the Prayer of Consecration he is ordered to lay his Hand upon the Bread and the Wine which he Consecrates As for his being better seen of the People that varies according to the Nature of the Place and the Position of the Table So that in some Places he may be better seen and in some not Though I am not of Opinion that it is any End of the Administration of the Sacrament to have the Priest better seen of the People Thus much against the Reason given in the Rubrick Next they produce other Reasons of this Position of his at the Holy-Table And first they say 't is not for the more convenient use of both his Hands in the Celebration of that Work But it is say they that he may by stretching out his Arms represent the Extension of Christ on the Cross. Why but I say not this nor is there any such thing Ordered or Required in the Book nor doth any English Divine practise this that I know Why then is this Charged upon me Nor is it sufficient for them to say they are taught thus by the Rationalists unless I did affirm or practise as those Rationalists do Here 's a great deal of Charity wanting But they bring another Reason as good as this is And that is That he may the more conveniently lift up the Bread and Wine over his Head to be seen and adored of the People who in the Rubrick of General Confession a little before are directed to kneel humbly on their Knees that the Priests Elevation so magnified in the Mass and the Peoples Adoration may go together Good God! whither tends this Malice There is not a Word in the Book of this neither Not of lifting the Bread and Wine over his Head much less is there any thing to have it Adored by the People And as there is nothing in the Book so nothing hath ever been said or done by me that tends this way Now if none of this hath been said or done by me what means this Sure they mean to charge the Rationalists with this and not me unless I did by Word or Deed approve them herein Yea but a little before in the Rubrick of General Confession the People are directed to kneel humbly on their Knees That 's true And what Posture so fit as that which is Humble when Men are making Confession of their Sins to God But that which follows namely that the Priest's Elevation and the Peoples Adoration may go together is utterly false There is not one Word of it in the Rubrick nor ever was there one Thought of it in my self or as I verily believe in any of the Compilers of that Book And 't is well known that through the whole Church of England the Form is to receive that Blessed Sacrament Kneeling and yet without any Adoration at all of the Bread and Wine So this Charge which way soever it look cannot hit me However God forgive this Malice For are the People directed to Kneel to the end the Priest's Elevation and the Peoples Adoration may go together why then so let them go For the Priest with us makes no Elevation nor therefore the People any Adoration of those Elements But there is yet more behind For they say That in this Posture speaking with a low Voice and muttering for at some times he is Commanded to speak with a loud voice and distinctly he be not heard by the People which is no less a mocking of God and his People than if the Words were spoken in an unknown Language This again by my Accusers good leave is utterly false For there is no Rubrick in the whole Book that commands the Priest to use a muttering or low Voice This therefore is drawn in only by consequence and that an ill one As if because he is sometimes commanded to speak aloud he were thereby enjoyned in other parts of the Service to speak with a low Voice which is not so In the Book of England in some places the Minister is directed before he begins the Prayer to say Let us Pray which is but to keep their Attention waking and to put them in mind what they are doing or ought to do And shall any Man infer upon this Let us Pray therefore they were not at Prayer before So here if in some principal part of the Service there be a Caveat given that the Presbyter shall speak with a loud Voice and Distinctly I say If for I do not yet find the Rubrick where it is It implies That he be very careful in that place that his Voice be Audible and Distinct but it imports not that therefore in other parts of the Service it may be low or confused or unheard And yet if such a Consequence were to be drawn 't is no new thing in the Church of Christ that the Minister did Pray sometimes in the Publick Assembly in a very low Voice if at all Audible For it was ordered in the Council of Laodicea That among the Prayers which were made by the Faithful after the Hearers and the Penitents were gone out that the first should be in Silence Perhaps for the Presbyter to commend himself and his Office which he was then to execute privately to God But howsoever in the Publick Service that all should be Publick I rather approve As for that which follows That to utter the Common Service of the Church in a low voice not heard by the People is no less a mocking of God and his People than if the Words were spoken in an Unknown Tongue This were well Charged if any Man did command that the Publick Service should be Read in so low a voice that the People might not hear it But since no Man that I know approves it and since there is nothing in the Book that requires it I know not to what end 't is urged here And yet this by their leave too were Prayers Read in so low a voice it were a mocking of the People I confess to call them to Church and not let them hear But how either Prayer in a low voice or a Tongue unknown to the People should be a mocking of God I cannot conceive unless these Men think as Elias put it upon the Prophets of Baal That their God is talking or journeying or perhaps sleeping and must be awaked before he can hear or that any Tongue unknown to the People is unknown to God also But this I presume they will not dare to say if it be but for that of
possess their Religion in Peace especially being against no worse Devices or no greater Novations than they have quarelled at in these Books Yet for all this I shall after make it appear that I kindled no War against them but kept it off from them as much and as long as I could And as themselves confess I was not the Sole so neither they nor any man else shall ever be able to prove I was the Principal Agent or Adviser of that War Yea but When by the Pacification at Barwick both Kingdoms looked for Peace and Quietness he spared not openly in the hearing of many often before the King and privately at the Council-Table and the Privy Junto to speak of us as of Rebels and Traytors and to speak against the Pacification as dishonourable and meet to be broke Neither did his malignancy and bitterness ever suffer him to rest till a new War was entred upon and all things prepared for our destruction This Article about the breach of the Pacification the Parliament of England have thought fit to make a part of their Charge against me And therefore I shall put off the main of my Answer till I come to those Articles In the mean time thus much in brief I shall say to some circumstantial things in this Charge And first I do not think that any thing can be said to be Privately spoken at the Council-Table that is openly delivered there in the hearing of his Majesty and all the Lords present And so was all which I spake there Secondly they say I did openly and often speak of them the Scots as of Rebels and Traytors That indeed is true I did so And I spake as I then thought and as I think still For it was as desperate a plotted Treason as ever was in any Nation And if they did not think so themselves what needed their Act of Oblivion in Scotland or the like in England to secure their Abetters here Thirdly For the Pacification at Barwick whatever I said touching the Dishonour of it as shall after appear yet no Man can truly Charge me that I said it was meet to be broken Fourthly I had no Malignity answerable to their bitterness against the Church of England nor did the entring upon a new War proceed from my Counsels nor did I give farther way to it than all the Lords of the Junto did Lastly it is manifest here how truly the King was dealt with on all Hands For here ye see they take on them to know not only what was done at the Council-Table but what was said also at the private Junto When in all that time his Majesty could get no information of any thing that proceeded in Scotland But they proceed yet farther against me By him was it that our Covenant approven by National Assemblies Subscribed by his Majesty's Commissioner and by the Lords of his Majesty's Council and by them commanded to be Subscribed by all the Subjects of the Kingdom as a Testimony of our Duty to God and the King By him was it still called Ungodly Damnable Treasonable By him were Oaths invented and pressed upon divers of our poor Countrymen upon the pain of Imprisonment and many other Miserie 's which were unwarranted by Law and contrary to their National Oath This their Covenant indeed as it was made at first without at least if not against the King I did utterly dislike And if I did say it was Vngodly Damnable and Treasonable I said no more than it deserved Nor was it any thing the better but much the worse if as it was so made at first it were approved by National Assemblies For that was but the greater sign that the Rebellious Faction grew stronger But I never found fault with their Covenant after they were pleased to take in the King and by his Authority signified by the Subscription of his Commissioner to do what was fit to be done Nor was there any Oath invented or pressed by me upon their Countrymen unwarrantable by Law for I neither invented nor pressed any But whatsoever was done in this kind was done by Publick Authority at the Council Table And if any Oath tendred to them there were contrary to their National Oath I doubt it will easily be found that their National Oath if such it be was contrary to their due and Natural Allegiance But what 's next Why this When our Commissioners did appear to render the Reasons of our demands he spared not in the presence of the King and the Committee to rail against our National Assembly as not daring to appear before the World and Kirks abroad where himself and his Actions were able to indure tryal And against our just and necessary Defence as the most malicious and treasonable Contempt of Monarchical Government that any by-gone Age had heard of His hand also was at the Warrant of Restraint and Imprisonment of our Commissioners sent from the Parliament warranted by the King and seeking the Peace of the Kingdom There are divers things in this part of the Charge And the first is that I railed at their National Assembly in the presence of the King and the Committee But that under favour is not so Nor is it my fashion to rail at any body much less in such a Presence I was then openly taxed and by Name by the L. Lowdon one of the Commissioners and that which I said in answer to him was in my own defence And it was to this effect That whatsoever their Assembly had concluded did not much move me For I did assure my self nothing they could say or do could sink my Credit in Christendom going upon grounds which would every where abide tryal And I somewhat doubted whether the Acts of their Assembly would do so since even at home not the Bishops only but the Learned Divines of Aberdeen opposed divers of them This was not railing against their Assembly And if it shall be thought too much to be spoken by though for my self I humbly desire the Christian Reader to remember That even S. Paul was forced to commend himself when false Brethren accused him 2 Cor. 12. Next they say I spake against their just and necessary defence Truly not I That which I spake was against their defence as being neither Just nor Necessary And if I then said speaking of things as they stood then that they were Treasonable Contempts of Monarchical Government then being such their defence of them could neither be Just nor Necessary And truly as they stood then I held them very desperate against the Honour and just Power of the King I say as they stood then For since his Majesty hath referred them to Honourable Commissioners of both Nations and out of his Clemency and Goodness hath admitted all or most of them which I believe few Kings would have done I have spoken nothing of them but in Prayer that God will graciously be pleased to turn all these things to the Good and
their Opinion unless they be such as have been bred up either in their Faction or in the Opposite at Rome For Bodin is clear That Arms may not be taken up against the Prince be he never so Impious and Wicked And instances in Saul and Nebuchadnezzar And Grotius doth not only say as much as Bodin but Censures them which hold the contrary to be Men which serve Time and Place more than Truth Nor is it any whit more Lawful for Inferiour Magistrates to make this resistance against the King than it is for private Men. And this is universally true where the Princes are free and have not undertaken the Government under that or the like Condition or being free seek with a Hostile Mind to ruine their People which is scarce possible And a great Civilian tells us that he is properly a Rebel that resists the Emperor or his Officers in things belonging to the State of the Empire Some Cases he lays down indeed in which the pleasure of a Prince may not be obeyed but none in which his Power is to be resisted Nor is it any marvel that Christians do disallow the taking up of Arms against the Prince since even the soundest Politicks among the Heathen have declared so likewise Aristotle was of this Opinion that if the Magistrate strike yet he is not to be struck again And Seneca that Men are to bear the unjust as well as the just Commands of Princes And Tacitus that good Emperours are to be desired but whatever they be to be born with And Plutarch that it is not Lawful to offer any Violence to the Person of the King And Cicero That no Force is to be offered either to a Man's Parent or to his Country And therefore in his Judgment not to the Prince who is Pater Patriae the Father of his Country And the truth is where-ever the contrary Opinion is maintained the Prince can never be safe nor the Government setled But so soon as a Faction can get a fit Head and gather sufficient strength all is torn in pieces and the Prince lost for no considerable Errour or perhaps none at all For a strong Party once Heated can as easily make Faults as find them either in Church or Common-wealth And make the King say as Zedekiah sometimes did to his potent Nobles Behold Jeremiah is in your Hands for the King is not he that can do any thing against you Jerem. 38. But whereas they say it is a Doctrine that tends to the utter Slavery and ruin of all States and Kingdoms That will appear most untrue by the very Letter of the Canon it self which gives way to no Tyranny but expresses only the true Power of a King given by God and to be exercised according to God's Law and the several Laws of Kingdoms respectively And I hope there will ever be a real difference found in Christian Kingdoms between the Doctrine that tends to Slavery and Ruine and that which forbids taking up of Arms against their Sovereign which is all that this Canon doth And in the mean time I pray God this not Doctrine only but Practice also of taking up Arms against the Lord 's Anointed under meer pretence of Religion do not in a shorter time than is fear'd bring all to Confusion where-ever 't is Practised For howsoever it bears a shew of Liberty yet this way of maintaining it is not only dishonourable to Kings but the ready way to make them study ways of Force and to use Power when-ever they get it to abridge the Liberties of such over-daring Subjects And in all times it hath sown the Seeds of Civil Combustions which have ended in Slavery and Ruine of flourishing Kingdoms And I pray God these do not end so in this But they go on And as if this had not been sufficient he procures six Subsidies to be lifted of the Clergy under pain of Deprivation to all who should refuse The giving of the King Subsidies is no new thing The Clergy have bin ever willing to the uttermost of their Power But what I and my Brethren of the Clergy did at this time therein is before set down And I hold it not fit to lengthen this Tract with the needless Repetition of any thing And which is yet more and above which Malice it self cannot ascend by his means a Prayer is framed Printed and sent through all the Parishes of England to be said in all Churches in time of Divine Service next after the Prayer for the Queen and Royal Progeny against our Nation by Name as Trayterous Subjects having cast off all Obedience to our Anointed Sovereign and coming in a Rebellious manner to Invade England that shame may cover our Faces as Enemies to God and the King We are now come to the last part of their Charge and that 's the Prayer which was made and sent to be used in all Churches when the Scots came into England But this Prayer was made not by my means or procurement but by his Majesties special Command to me to see it done And it hath bin ever usual in England upon great and urgent occasions to have one or more Prayers made by some Bishop or Bishops nearest hand to fit the Present business And this may appear by divers Forms and Prayers so made and publickly used in all times since the Reformation And since this Prayer was made by his Majesties own Command I am sorry they should say of it that Malice it self cannot ascend above it Though I perswade my self they thought to hit me not him in this Speech Now what I pray is that above which Malice it self cannot ascend Why first it is That they were called in that Prayer trayterous Subjects which had cast off all Obedience to their Anointed Sovereign Why but Truth spake this not Malice For Trayterous Subjects they were then if ever a King had any And the Kings Proclamation called them so before that Prayer came forth And what Title soever it is fit to give them now since his Majesty hath bin graciously pleased to treat with them and pass by their Offence that 's another thing but as the case stood then they had shaken off all Obedience and were as they were then called Trayterous Subjects And I had a special Charge from the King not to spare that Name Secondly They except against this that 't is there said that they came in a Rebellious manner to Invade this Kingdom And that is most true too for whereas they said they came in a peaceable manner to deliver their Petitions to the King for the Liberty of their Religion and Laws Is it a peaceable way to come two or three and twenty Thousand Men strong and Armed to deliver a Petition Let the whole World judge whether this were not a Rebellious Invasion Thirdly They say 't is desir'd in the Prayer that God would with shame cover the Faces
maintained and Practised in all other Reformed Churches unless these Men be so strait Laced as not to admit the Churches of Sweden and Denmark and indeed all or most of the Lutherans to be Reformed Churches For in Sweden they retain both the Thing and the Name and the Governours of their Churches are and are called Bishops And among the other Lutherans the Thing is retained though not the Name For instead of Bishops they are called Superintendents and instead of Archbishops General Superintendents And yet even here too these Names differ more in sound than in sense For Bishop is the same in Greek that Superintendent is in Latin Nor is this change very well liked by the Learned Howsoever Luther since he would change the Name did yet very wisely that he would leave the Thing and make choice of such a name as was not altogether unknown to the Ancient Church For St. Augustine mentions it as plainly and as fully as any of these As for the Eminency which they say their Kirk of Scotland had amongst them I envy it not but God bless it so that it may deserve Eminence and have it And now we are come to the close of all in which their desire is expressed This also we represent to your Lordships most serious Consideration That not only the Fire-brands may be removed but the Fire may be provided against that there be no more Combustion afterwards Decemb. 15. 1640. Ad. Blayer Their request is That not only the Bishops whom they are pleased to call the Fire-brands which indeed themselves and their Adherents are but the Office or Episcopacy it self which they call the Fire may be provided against That there may be no combustion after This I as heartily wish as any Man can but see as little cause to hope for For what hope can there be against after-Combustion while the Fire which they themselves have kindled while they call other Men Incendiaries burns on still and is like to fasten upon the very Foundations to the eating of them out Yet I desire here that the Justice and the Indifferency of these Men may be well considered and that in two things The one in the Cause it self For Episcopacy is settled by Law here Nay it is many ways woven into the Laws and Customs of this Realm And their great Complaint is that their Presbyteries which they say are established by their Law were offer'd to be supprest So they are angry that their Presbyteries should be touch'd against their Law but Episcopacy must be destroyed though it be never so much against our Law The other piece of their Justice is Personal to me For here at one and the same time and in this one and the same Charge they do by Consequences lay load on me as if I had invaded their Laws while they invade ours avowedly and dare present this their Invasion as well as that by Arms in full and open Parliament of England to have their Will in the one and their Reward for the other Now if these two Forms of Ecclesiastical Government by Episcopacy and by Presbyteries be inconsistent under one Monarch as they themselves here confess then I were I at liberty would humbly beseech the Lords to consider First whether these men have any shew or colour of Justice in this their demand Secondly whether that Form of Church-Government which hath come down from the Apostles continued to this Day is established by the Laws and usage of this Kingdom ever since it was Christian be not fitter for them to embrace and settle than that Form which is but of Yesterday and hath no acquaintance at all with our Laws nor is agreeable with Monarchy And lastly when the Bishops are taken away and a Parity the Mother of confusion made in the Church and the Church-Lands Sacrilegiously made a Prey which I have long feared is not the least Aim of too many whether then the Temporal Lords shall not follow after And whether their Honour will not then soon appear too great and their Means too full till a Lex Agraria will pass upon them and lay them level with them whom some of them Favour too much And when these things are considered God Bless them whom it most concerns to lay it to Heart betimes if Time be not slipped already Here having answer'd to all which the Scots have laid in against me I would have the Scotch Service inserted and Printed The Book lyes by me very exactly translated into Latin And so I hope this Tract shall be CAP. V. AND now having answered and I hope sufficiently to all the Particulars in the Charge of the Scots against me I must return to the History again as I left it Where I told you the House of Commons were very angry with the late Canons and joyning this Accusation of the Scots to such Articles as they in their Committee had framed against me upon Decemb. 18. 1640. they accused me of High Treason †as is before expressed and I was committed to Custody to Mr. James Maxwell the Officer of the Vpper House When they had lodg'd me here I was follow'd with sharpness in both Houses upon all Occasions of any Complaint made against the proceedings at Council-Table Star-Chamber High-Commission or any place or thing in which I had ought to do Nothing omitted by some cunning Agents which might increase the Rage and Hatred of the People against me The chief Instruments herein were the Brownists and they which adhered unto them who were highly offended with me because I hindred and Punished as by Law I might their Conventicles and Separation from the Church of England And though I pitied them as God knows from my very Heart yet because necessity of Government forc'd me to some Punishment their Malignity never gave me over Among and above the rest there were three Men Mr. Henry Burton a Minister Benificed in Friday-street in London Dr. John Bastwick a Phisician and Mr. William Pryn a Common Lawyer who were censured Junii 14. 1637. in the Star-Chamber for notorious Libels Printed and Published by them against the Hierarchy of the Church They were then and there Sentenced to stand in the Pillory and lose their Ears and because they should not stay farther to infect London they were sent away by Order of that Court Mr. Burton to Garnsey Dr. Bastwick to Silly and Mr. Pryn to Jersy In the giving of this Sentence I spake my Conscience and was after commanded to Print my Speech But I gave no Vote because they had fallen so personally upon me that I doubted many Men might think Spleen and not Justice led me to it Nor was it my Counsel that advised their sending into those remote Parts The Brownists and the preciser Part of the Kingdom were netled at this and the Anger turned upon me tho' I were the Patient all along For they had published most venomous Libels against me and I did but shew such as came
glad of it In the mean time I could not but know though not perhaps prove as then that Sir Robert Howard laboured and contrived this conveyance And thereupon in the next sitting of the High-Commission Ordered him to be close Prisoner till he brought the Lady forth So he continued close Prisoner about some two or three Months For this the Fine above mentioned was imposed upon me as being a most Unjust and Illegal Imprisonment Whereas the Parliament to the great Honour of their Justice be it spoken have kept me in Prison now full thirteen Months and upward and have not so much as brought up a particular Charge against me and how much longer they will keep me God knows Now say that all Forms of Law were not observed by me yet somewhat was to be indulged in regard I did it to vindicate such a crying Impiety But yet I do here solemnly protest I observed the Order of the Court in which I sat and that Court setled by an Act of Parliament 1. Eliz. And I did not knowingly err in any particular More I could say in these my sufferings but I will blast no Family of Honour for one Man's fault On Thursday Januar. 21. 1640. A Parliament-Man of Good Note in the House of Commons and well interessed in divers Lords gave me to understand that some Lords were very well pleased with my patient and moderate carriage since my Commitment And that four Earls of great power in the House should say that the Lords were not now so sharp against me as they were at first and that now they were resolved only to Sequester me from the King's Counsels and to put me from my Arch-Bishoprick I was glad to hear of any favour considering the Times but considering my Innocency I could not hold this for favour And I could not but observe to my self what Justice I was to expect since here was a Resolution taken among the Leading Men of the House what Censure should be laid upon me before any Charge so much as in general was brought up against me CAP. VI. UPon Friday Feb. 26. I had been full ten weeks in restraint at Mr. Maxwell's House And this day being St. Augustine's day my Charge in general Articles was brought up from the House of Commons to the Lords by Sir Hen. Vane the Younger It consisted of Fourteen Articles These Generals they craved time to prove in Particular and that I in the mean time might be kept safe Upon this I was presently sent for to the House and the Articles were Read to me at the Bar. When the Clark of the Parliament had done Reading I humbly craved leave of the Lords to speak a few words which were to this effect My Lords This is a great and a heavy Charge and I must be unworthy to live if it can be made good against me For it makes me against God in point of Religion Against the King in point of Allegiance And against the Publick in point of Safety under the Justice and Protection of Law And though the King be little if at all mentioned yet I am bold to Name him because I have ever been of Opinion that the King and his People are so joyned together in one Civil and Politick Body as that it is not possible for any Man to be true to the King as King that shall be found Treacherous to the State Established by Law and work to the Subversion of the People Though perhaps every one that is so is not able to see thorough all the Consequences by which one depends upon the other So my Charge my Lords is exceeding heavy in it self though I as yet do not altogether feel the weight of it For 't is yet as your Lordships see but in Generals And Generals make a great noise but no Proof Whereas 't is Proof upon Particulars that makes the weight of a Charge sit close upon any Man Now my Lords 't is an old and a true Rule Errare contingit descendendo Error doth most often happen and best appear when Men descend to Particulars And with them when I shall be Charged I hope my Innocence will furnish me with a sufficient Answer to any Error of mine that shall be thought Criminal or any way worthy the Cognizance of this High and Honourable Court. As for Humane Frailties as I cannot acquit my self of them so I presume your Lordships will be favourable Judges of them Since in the Transaction of so many businesses as passed my Hands Men far abler than ever I can be have been subject to them and perhaps to as many and as great But for Corruption in the least degree I humbly praise God for it I fear no Accuser that will speak Truth But my Lords that which goes nearest unto me among these Articles is that I should be thought foul and false in the profession of my Religion As if I should profess with the Church of England and have my Heart at Rome and labour by all cunning ways to bring Romish Superstition in upon the Kingdom This my Lords I confess troubles me exceedingly and if I should forget my self and fall into passion upon it I should but be in that case which St. Jerome confessed he was in when he knew not how to be patient when Falshood in Religion was charged upon him And yet that was nothing so high a Charge as this which is laid against me Which is not only to be basely false my self but withal to labour to spread the same Falshood over the whole Kingdom And here I humbly besought their Lordships that I might a little inlarge my self and I did so But because I purpose here to set down the general Articles that were brought up against me and that one of them comes home to this point of Religion I shall put it off till I come to that Article and there set it down at large what I now said And this I do to avoid an useless and a tedious Repetition Here then follow the Articles themselves as they were that day Charged upon me with my general Answer to each of them And more I cannot give till Particulars shall be put up against me CAP. VII ARticles of the Commons assembled in Parliament in maintenance of their Accusation against William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury whereby he stands Charged with High Treason and other High Crimes and Misdemeanours 1. That he hath Trayterously endeavoured to subvert the Fundamental Laws and Government of the Kingdom And instead thereof to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government against Law And to that end hath wickedly and Trayterously advised His Majesty that he might at his own Will and Pleasure Levy and take Money of his Subjects without their consent in Parliament And this he affirmed was warrantable by the Law of God I did never endeavour to subvert the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom of England nor to introduce an Arbitrary or
of the said pretended Canons enjoyned to be taken by all the Clergy and many of the Laity of this Kingdom I Composed no Book of Canons The whole Convocation did it with unanimous Consent So either I must be free or that whole Body must be guilty of High-Treason For in that Crime all are Principals that are guilty Accessory there is none Neither did I publish or put in Execution those Canons or any of them but by Lawful Authority And I do humbly conceive and verily believe there is nothing in those Canons contrary either to the King's Prerogative the Fundamental Laws of the Realm the Rights of Paliament the Propriety and Liberty of the Subjects or any matter tending to Sedition or of dangerous consequence or to the establishment of any vast or unlawful Power in my self and my Sucessors Neither was there any Canon in that Convocation surreptitiously passed by any practice of mine or without due Consideration and Debate Neither was there any thing in that Convocation but what was voted first and subscribed after without fear or compulsion in any kind And I am verily perswaded there never sate any Synod in Christendom wherein the Votes passed with more freedom or less practice than they did in this And for the Oath injoyned in the sixth Canon as it was never made to confirm any unlawful or exorbitant Power over his Majesty's Subjects so I do humbly conceive that it is no Wicked or Ungodly Oath in any respect And I hope I am able to make it good in any learned Assembly in Christendom that this Oath and all those Canons then made and here before recited and every Branch in them are Just and Orthodox and Moderate and most necessary for the present Condition of the Church of England how unwelcom soever to the present Distemper 6. He hath traiterously assumed to himself a Papal and Tyrannical Power both in Ecclesiastical and Temporal Matters over his Majesty's Subjects in this Realm of England and other places to the Disinherison of the Crown Dishonour of his Majesty and Derogation of his Supreme Authority in Ecclesiastical Matters And the said Arch-Bishop claims the King 's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as incident to his Episcopal and Archiepiscopal Office in this Kingdom and doth deny the same to be derived from the Crown of England which he hath accordingly exercised to the high contempt of his Royal Majesty and to the destruction of divers of the King's Liege-People in their Persons and Estates I have not assumed Papal or Tyrannicl Power in matters Ecclesiastical or Temporal to the least Disinherison Dishonour or Derogation of his Majesty's Supream Authority in matters Ecclesiastical or Temporal I never claimed the King's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as incident to my Episcopal or Archiepiscopal Office in this Kingdom Nor did I ever deny that the exercise of my Jurisdiction was derived from the Crown of England But that which I have said and do still say concerning my Office and Calling is this That my Order as a Bishop and my Power of Jurisdiction is by Divine Apostolical Right and unalterable for ought I know in the Church of Christ. But all the Power I or any other Bishop hath to exercise any the least Power either of Order or Jurisdiction within this Realm of England is derived wholly from the Crown And I conceive it were Treasonable to derive it from any other Power Foreign or Domestick And for the Exercise of this Power under his Majesty I have not used it to the Contempt but to the great Advantage of his Royal Person and to the Preservation not the Destruction of his People Both which appear already by the great Distractions Fears and Troubles which all Men are in since my Restraint and which for ought I yet see are like to increase if God be not exceeding Merciful above our Deserts 7. That he hath traiterously endeavoured to alter and subvert God's true Religion by Law established in this Realm and instead thereof to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry and to that end hath declared and maintained in Speeches and Printed Books divers Popish Doctrines and Opinions contrary to the Articles of Religion established by Law He hath urged and injoyned divers Popish and Superstitious Ceremonies without any warrant of Law and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed the same by Corporal Punishment and Imprisonment and most unjustly vexed others who refused to conform thereto by Ecclesiastical Censures of Excommunication Suspension Deprivation and Degradation contrary to the Law of the Kingdom I never endeavoured to alter or subvert God's true Religion established by Law in this Kingdom or to bring in Romish Superstition Neither have I declared maintained or Printed any Popish Doctrine or Opinion contrary to the Articles of Religion established or any one of them either to the end mentioned in this Article or any other I have neither urged nor injoyned any Popish or Superstitious Ceremonies without warrant of Law nor have I cruelly persecuted any Opposers of them But all that I laboured for in this particular was that the external Worship of God in this Church might be kept up in Uniformity and Decency and in some Beauty of Holiness And this the rather because first I found that with the Contempt of the Outward Worship of God the Inward fell away apace and Profaneness began boldly to shew it self And secondly because I could speak with no conscientious Persons almost that were wavering in Religion but the great motive which wrought upon them to disaffect or think meanly of the Church of England was that the external Worship of God was so lost in the Church as they conceived it and the Churches themselves and all things in them suffered to lye in such a base and slovenly Fashion in most places of the Kingdom These and no other Considerations moved me to take so much care as I did of it which was with a single Eye and most free from any Romish Superstition in any thing As for Ceremonies all that I injoyned were according to Law And if any were Superstitious I injoyned them not As for those which are so called by some Men they are no Innovations but Restaurations of the ancient approved Ceremonies in and from the beginning of the Reformation and setled either by Law or Custom till the Faction of such as now openly and avowedly separate from the Church of England did oppose them and cry them down And for the Censures which I put upon any I presume they will to all indifferent Men which will Understandingly and Patiently hear the Cause appear to be Just Moderate and according to Law 8. That for the better advancing of his Traiterous Purpose and Designs he did abuse the great Power and Trust his Majesty reposed in him and did intrude upon the Places of divers great Officers and upon the Right of divers his Majesty's Subjects whereby he did procure to himself the Nomination of sundry
with Truth and preserve all the Foundations of Religion entire For I have Learned from a Prime School-Man of their own That every Vnion doth not perfect the true Reason or Definition of that which is good but that only upon which depends Esse perfectum Rei the perfect Essence of that thing So that in this particular if the substance of Christian Religion be not perfected by any Vnion that Vnion it self cannot have in it Rationem boni the true Being and Nature of Good And therefore I did never desire that England and Rome should meet together but with forsaking of Errour and Superstition especially such as grate upon and frett the Foundations of Religion But were this done God forbid but I should Labour for a Reconciliation if some Tenets of the Roman Party on the one side and some deep and imbittered Disaffections on the other have not made it impossible as I much doubt they have But that I shou'd practice with Rome as now it stands and to that end should confederate with Priests and Jesuits or hold secret intelligence with the Pope or treat with him or any Instruments Authorised by him or by any Agents is utterly untrue As I hope may fully appear by that which follows vid. init libri And First in hope that they which have observed my Life in times past will give me Credit in this time of my Affliction I do here make my solemn Protestation in the Presence of God and this great Court that I am Innocent of any thing greater or less that is charged in this Article or any part of it And I do here offer my Corporal Oath Please it the Lords to give it me in the strictest form that any Oath can be conceived that I am wholly Innocent of this Charge And let nothing be tendred against me but Truth and I do challenge whatsoever is between Heaven and Hell to come in and Witness whatsoever they can against me in this Particular For all that I have feared in all this Charge against me is not Guilt but Subornation of Perjury Against which Innocency it self cannot be safe And I have found the deadly Hatred of some Men against me to be such as that though I cannot suspect the House of Commons of such an Irreligious Baseness yet I have great Cause to suspect some particular Men which I see make no Conscience of the Way so they may compass their End Secondly Should I practice be it with whom you will to superinduce Romish Tyranny and Superstition over the true Religion established in England I have taken a very wrong way to it For I have hindred as many from going to the Roman Party and have reduced as many from it and some of great Quality and some of great Learning and Judgment as I believe any Divine in England hath done And is this the way to bring in Romish Superstition to reduce Men from it Or is this the Reward from the State which Men must look for that have done these Services Thirdly The Book which I have Written against Mr. Fisher the Jesuit must of Necessity either acquit me of this Calumny or proclaim me a Villain to the World And I hope I have so lived as that Men have not that Opinion of me sure I am I have not deserved it And had this Book of mine been written according to the Garb of the Time fuller of Railing than Reason a Learned Jesuit would have Laughed at it and me and a Learned Protestant might have thought I had Written it only to conceal my self and my Judgment in those Difficulties But being Written in the way it is I believe no Romanist will have much Cause to Joy at it or to think me a Favourer of their Cause And since I am thus put to it I will say thus much more This Book of mine is so Written by God's great blessing upon me as that whensoever the Church of England as they are growing towards it apace shall depart from the Grounds which I have therein laid she shall never be able before any Learned and disingaged Christian to make good her Difference with and her Separation from the Church of Rome And let no Man think I speak Pride or Vanity in this For the Outrages which have been against me force me to say it and I am confident future times will make it good unless Profaneness break in and over-run the whole Kingdom which is not a little to be feared Fourthly I must confess I am in this Particular most unfortunate For many Recusants in England and many of that Party beyond the Seas think I have done them and their Cause more Harm than they which have seemed more fierce against them And I doubt not but I shall be able to prove that I have been accounted beyond Sea the greatest Enemy to them that ever sat in my Place And shall I suffer on both sides Shall I be accounted an Enemy by one part for opposing the Papist and accused for a Traytor by the other for Favouring and Complying with them Well If I do suffer thus 't is but because Truth usually lies between two Extreams and is beaten by both As the poor Church of England is at this day by the Papist and the Separatist But in this and all things else in despight of all Malice Truth shall be either my Protection from Suffering or my Comfort while I suffer And by God's gracious assistance I shall never depart from it but continue at the Apostle's Ward 2 Cor. 13. Nihil possum contra veritatem I can do nothing against the Truth and for it I hope God will enable me patiently to suffer any thing Fifthly If I had practised with the Pope or his Agents for the alteration of Religion in England surely I must have used many great and dextrous Instruments to compass my end And in a business of so great Consequence Difficulty and Danger to all that should have a Hand nay but a Finger in it no Man would venture to meddle without good pay And 't is well known that I have filled no Purse nor laid up any store to set ill Instruments on work upon that or any other unworthy design Sixthly I am a Man in Years great Years for a Man so loaded with business as I have been all my Life And it cannot be long before I must go to give God Almighty an account of all my Actions And whatsoever the Malignity of the Time may put upon me yet they which know me and my ways will easily believe that I have not so little Conscience or care of my Soul as to double with God to my very Death Nay could I have doubled thus I could easily have seen a way through all this difficulty and how to have been as gracious with the People as any even the worst of my Predecessours But I have ever held that the lowest depth of Baseness to frame Religion to
by his Majesty in the presence of a Secretary of State and commanded to speak my Judgment and my Conscience And I did so And declared clearly against any Bishops of the Roman Party his coming into the Kingdom to reside or exercise any Jurisdiction here And I gave then for my Reason the very self-same which is since Published by the 〈◊〉 of Commons in their Remonstrance A different and inconsistent Church within a Church which ever brought hazard upon the State And in this Judgment I persisted and never permitted much less countenanced any Popish Hierarchy to settle in this Kingdom but hindred it by all the 〈◊〉 and means I could 11. He in his own Person and his Suffragans Visitors Surrogats Chancellors or other Officers by his Command have caused divers Learned Pious and Orthodox Preachers of Gods Word to be Silenced Suspended Deprived Degraded Excommunicated or otherwise grieved and vexed without any just and lawful Cause whereby and by divers other Means he hath hindred the Preaching of God's Word caused divers of his Majesty's Loyal Subjects to forsake the Kingdom and increased and cherished Ignorance and Prophaneness amongst the People That so he might the better facilitate the way to the effecting of his own Wicked and Trayterous Designs of altering and corrupting the True Religion here Established I have neither by my self nor by my Command to my Officers Silenced Suspended Deprived Degraded or Excommunicated any Learned Pious and Orthodox Preachers nor any other but upon Just Cause Proved in Court and according to Law And I think it will appear that as few be the Cause never so Just have been Suspended or Deprived in my Diocess as in any Diocess in England Nor have I by these Suspensions hindred the Preaching of Gods Word but of Schism and Sedition as now appears plainly by the Sermons frequently made in London since the time of Liberty given and taken since this Parliament first began Nor have I caused any of his Majesty's Subjects to forsake the Kingdom but they forsook it of themselves being Separatists from the Church of England as is more than manifest to any Man that will but consider what kind of Persons went to New-England And whereas in their late Remonstrance they say The high Commission grew to such excess of Sharpness and Severity as was not much less than the Romish Inquisition and yet in many Cases by the Arch-Bishops Power was made much more heavy being assisted and strengthned by Authority of the Council-Table I was much troubled at it that such an Imputation from so great a Body should be fastned on me And therefore first I considered that my Predecessors were all or most of them strengthned with the same Authority of the Council-Table that I was And therefore if I did use that Authority to worse ends or in a worse manner than they did I was the more to blame Therefore to satisfie my self and others in this particular I did in the next place cause a diligent search to be made in the Acts of that Court which can deceive no Man what Suspensions Deprivations or other Punishments had past in the Seven Years of my Time before my Commitment Then I compared them with every of the Three Seven Years of my immediate Predecessor for so long he sat and somewhat over and was in great esteem with the House of Commons all his Time and I find more by Three Suspended Deprived or Degraded in every Seven Years of his Time than in the Seven Years of my Time so cryed out upon as you see for Sharpness and Severity even to the equasling of that Commission almost to the Romish Inquisition So safe a thing it is for a Man 〈◊〉 Imbarque himself into a Potent Faction and so hard for any other Man be he never so intire to withstand its Violence 12. He hath 〈◊〉 endeavoured to cause Division and Discord between the Church of England and other Reformed Churches And to that end hath Suppressed and Abrogated the Priviledges and Immunities which have been by his Majesty and his Royal Ancestors granted to the French and Dutch Churches in this Kingdom And divers other ways hath expressed his Malice and Disaffiction to these Churches that so by such Disunion the Papists might have more advantage for the Overthrow and Extripation of both I never endeavoured to set Division between the Church of England and other Reformed Churches And if I had so done it had been a very Unchristian and unworthy Act but yet no Treason as I conceive And for the Priviledges and Immunities granted by his Majesty and his Royal Progenitors to the French and Dutch Churches in this Kingdom I did not seek to Suppress or Abrogate any of them which kept Conform to their first Toleration here much less did I labour by any Disunion betwixt them and us to advantage the Papists to the overthrow of both But this I found that they did not use their Priviledges with that Gratitude and Fairness to his Majesty the State and Church of England as they ought to have done And hereupon I acquainted his Majesty and the Lords in full and open Council with what I conceived concerning that business As Namely 1. That their living as they did and standing so strictly to their own Discipline wrought upon the Party in England which were addicted to them and made them more averse than otherwise they would have been to the present Government of the Church of England 2. That by this means they lived in England as if they were a kind of God's Israel in Egypt to the great Dishonour of the Church of England to which at first they fled for Shelter against Persecution And in that time of their Danger the Church of England was in their Esteem not only a true but a glorious Church But by this Favour which that Church received it grew up and incroached upon us till it became a Church within a Church and a kind of State within a State And this I ever held dangerous how small beginning soever it had And that upon two main Reasons The one because I find the Wisdom of God against it For he says plainly to his prime People One Law and especially for Divine Worship shall be to him that is home-born and to the Stranger that Sojourns among you Exod. 12. And the other because I find the Wisdom of this State against it For this Parliament in their Remonstrance give the self-same Reason against the Papists but must hold good against all Sects that labour to make strong and inlarge themselves The Words are these Another State moulded within this State independent in Government contrary in Interest and Affection 〈◊〉 corrupting the Ignorant or Negligent Professors of our Religion and closely Vniting and Combining themselves against such as are sound in this posture waiting for an Opportunity c. And the Words are as true of the one Faction as the other and
into the Hands of the Parliament His Words are concerning the Government and Liturgy of the Church his Majesty is willing to declare that he will refer that whole Consideration to the Wisdom of his Parliament which he desires them to enter into speedily that the present Distractions about the same may be composed But desires not to be pressed to any single Act on his part till the whole be so digested and setled by both Houses that his Majesty may clearly see what is fit to be left as well as what is fit to be taken away So here they are made Masters of all and in a time of great exasperation against the Clergy and the Bishops and their Votes being newly thrust out of the House So God bless the poor Church of England for I very much fear this can bode no good The same Day being Munday there came an Order from the Lords that the Twelve Bishops which were Committed Decemb. 30. might put in Bayl if they would and that they should have their Hearing upon Friday Febr. 25. They were glad Men procured their Bayl and went out of the Tower on Wednesday Febr. 16. This Order of the Lords was known to the House of Commons well enough yet they would take no Notice of it nor offer to stay the Bishops But on Wednesday after they were sure the Bishops were come forth and gone to their several Lodgings they sent a Message to the Lords that they desired the Bishops might be presently remanded to safe Custody or else they might and would Protest against their Lordships for Breach of the Priviledges of their House Because being Impeached by them the Lords had Bayled them without acquainting them first with it in a Parliamentary way This Message was very high and so delivered by Mr. Denzil Hollis The Lords yielded And the poor Bishops were brought back again to the Tower the next Morning Febr. 17. But with an Order that they should not pay new Fees and with a Promise that their Cause should be heard on Saturday Febr. 19. I will not so much as dispute any Priviledge of the House of Commons and I presume the Lords were not willing to break any This I am sure of that as this Business was carried though the Bishops had a great Indignity and Scorn put upon them yet that which was put upon the Lords was far greater and might certainly have been carried in a smoother way on all Hands On Saturday Febr. 19. according to appointment the Twelve Bishops were all at the House and at the Bar Mr. Glin pressed the Charge of High Treason against them in the Name of the House of Commons The Bishops said not much but their Counsel were very earnest that they might be presently Heard But they were not admitted to speak And so the Business was put off to Thursday Febr. 24. That Night when the Commons were returned into their own House there was a Motion made to proceed against the Bishops by Bill and not in the other Ordinary Way CAP. XIII ON Sunday Feb. 20. there came a tall Gentleman by the Name of Mr. Hunt to my Lodging in the Tower to speak with me I was then in my Bed-Chamber speaking with Mr. Edward Hide one of the House of Commons I went forth to speak with this Mr. Hunt When I came he professed that though he was unknown to me yet he came to do me service in a great Particular And Prefaced it farther that he was not set on to come to me by any States-Man or by any of the Parliament nor did expect any Reward but only was desirous to serve me I wondred what the matter should be Then he drew a Paper out of his Pocket and gave it me to read It contained four Articles fairly Written and drawn up against me to the Parliament All of them were touching my near Conversation with Priests and my endeavour by them to subvert Religion in England He told me when I had read them that the Articles were not yet put into the House They were subscribed by one Willoughby who he said was a Priest but now turned and come away from them I asked him what Service it was that by this he could do to me He said he left me to think on that but professed he looked for no advantage to himself I conceived hereupon this was some piece of Villany and bad him tell Willoughby from me that he was a Villain to subscribe such a Paper and for the Articles let him put them into the Parliament when he pleased Mr. Hunt desired me to take nothing ill from him for he meant me Service I reply'd that he came to me Civilly and used me in Speech like a Gentleman But Willoughby was in this as I had called him I left him and his Paper and returned to Mr. Hide into my Bed-Chamber There I told him and my Servant Mr. Richard Cobb all that passed And they were glad I gave him so short and so harsh an Answer and did think as I my self did that it was a Plot to intrap me After they were gone I sat thinking with my self and was very Sorry that my Indignation at this base Villany had made me so hasty to send Hunt away and that I did not desire Mr. Lieutenant of the Tower to seize on him till he brought forth this Willoughby I am since informed that this Hunt is a Gentleman that hath spent all or most of his Means and I verily believe this was a Plot between him and Willoughby to draw Money from me to conceal the Articles in which way had I complyed with him I had utterly undone my self But I thank God for his Mercy to me I am Innocent and defy in this Kind what any Man can truly say against me On Friday Mar. 4. the two Bishops which were at Mr. Maxwell's namely Thomas Moreton Bishop of Duresme and Robert Wright Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield having formerly Petitioned were present in the House of Commons to speak for themselves and they did so At the same time the Petition of the other ten Bishops which were in the Tower which was sent into that House upon the Example of the other two was read After this a Committee was named to draw up a Bill But what it shall contain is not yet known So herein they departed not from their former Resolution On Sunday Mar. 6. after I came from Sermon I walked in a large Room of which I had the use before I went to Dinner And after I had walked a pretty while expecting some Company upon the sudden as I walked on I heard a great Crack as loud as the Report of a small Dag to my thinking And the Noise being near me I had a conceit that one of the Boards brake under me but it was a Tendon of my right Leg which brake asunder God knows how For I was upon plain Boards and had no uneven step
how such a Carriage as this through the whole Course of my Life in private and publick can stand with an Intention nay a Practice to overthrow the Law and to introduce an Arbitrary Government which my Soul hath always hated I cannot yet see And 't is now many Years since I learned of my great Master In humanis Aristotle Periculosum esse that it is a very dangerous thing to trust to the Will of the Judge rather than the written Law And all Kingdoms and Commonwealths have followed his Judgment ever since and the School-Disputes have not dissented from it Nay more I have ever been of Opinion that Humane Laws bind the Conscience and have accordingly made Conscience of observing them And this Doctrine I have constantly Preached as occasion hath been offered me And how is it possible I should seek to overthrow those Laws which I held my self bound in Conscience to keep and observe Especially since an endeavour to overthrow Law is a far greater Crime than to break or disobey any particular Law whatsoever all Particulars being swept away in that General And my Lords that this is my Judgment both of Parliaments and Laws I beseech your Lordships that I may read a short Passage in my Book against Fisher the Jesuit which was Printed and Published to the World before these Troubles fell on me and before I could so much as suspect this Charge could come against me and therefore could not be purposely written to serve any Turn I had leave and did read it but for Brevities sake refer the Reader to the Book it self As for Religion I was born and bred up in and under the Church of England as it yet stands Established by Law I have by God's Blessing and the Favour of my Prince grown up in it to the Years which are now upon me and to the Place of Preferment which I yet bear And in this Church by the Grace and Goodness of God I resolve to Dye I have ever since I understood ought in Divinity kept one constant Tenor in this my Profession without variation or shifting from one Opinion to another for any worldly Ends And if my Conscience would have suffered me to shift Tenets in Religion with Time and Occasion I could easily have slid through all the difficulties which have pressed upon me in this kind But of all Diseases I have ever hated a Palsie in Religion well knowing that too often a Dead-Palsie ends that Difease in the fearful forgetfulness of God and his Judgments Ever since I came in Place I laboured nothing more than that the External Publick Worship of God too much slighted in most parts of this Kingdom might be preserved and that with as much Decency and Uniformity as might be being still of Opinion that Vnity cannot long continue in the Church where Vniformity is shut out at the Church-Door And I evidently saw that the Publick neglect of God's Service in the outward Face of it and the nasty lying of many Places Dedicated to that Service had almost cast a Damp upon the true and inward Worship of God which while we live in the Body needs External helps and all little enough to keep it in any vigour And this I did to the uttermost of my Knowledge according both to Law and Canon and with the consent and liking of the People Nor did any Command Issue out from me against the one or without the other that I know of Farther my Lords give me leave I beseech you to tell you this also That I have as little Acquaintance with Recusants of any sort as I believe any Man of Place in England hath And for my Kindred no one of them was ever a Recusant but Sir William Webb Grandchild to my Uncle Sir William Webb sometimes Lord Mayor of London and him with some of his Children I reduced back again to the Church of England as is well known and I as able to prove One thing more I humbly desire may be thought on 't is this I I am fallen into a great deal of Obloquy in Matter of Religion and that so far as that 't is charged in the Articles That I have endeavoured to advance and bring in Popery Perhaps my Lords I am not ignorant what Party of Men have raised this Scandal upon me nor for what End nor perhaps by whom set on But howsoever I would fain have a good Reason given me if my Conscience lead me that way and that with my Conscience I could Subscribe to the Church of Rome what should have kept me here before my Imprisonment to indure the Libels and the Slanders and the base usage in all kinds which have been put upon me and these to end in this Question for my Life I say I would fain know a good Reason of this For first My Lords Is it because of any Pledges I have in the World to sway me against my Conscience No sure For I have nor Wife nor Children to cry out upon me to stay with them and if I had I hope the Call of my Conscience should be heard above them Or Secondly Is it because I was loth to leave the Honour and the Profit of the Place I was risen unto Surely no For I desire your Lordships and all the World else should know I do much scorn Honour and Profit both the one and the other in comparison of my Conscience Besides it cannot be imagined by any Reasonable Man but that if I could have complyed with Rome I should not have wanted either Honour or Profit And suppose I could not have so much of either as here I had yet sure would my Conscience have served me that way less of either with my Conscience would have prevailed with me more than greater against my Conscience Or Thirdly Is it because I lived here at ease and was loth to venture the loss of that Not so neither For whatsoever the World may be pleased to think of me I have 〈◊〉 very painful Life and such as I could have been very well content to change had I well known how And had my Conscience led me that way I am sure I might have lived at far more ease and either have avoided the barbarous Libellings and other bitter and grievous Scorns which I have here indured or at the least been out of the hearing of them Nay my Lords I am as Innocent in this business of Religion as free from all Practice or so much as thought of Practice for any alteration to Popery or any way blemishing the True Protestant Religion Established in the Church of England as I was when my Mother first bare me into the World And let nothing be spoken against me but Truth and I do here Challenge whatsoever is between Heaven and Hell to say their worst against me in point of my Religion In which by God's Grace I have ever hated Dissimulation and had I not
he is a Juror And according to this I gave Mr. Browne my Answer And howsoever the Attachment goes of Course out from the Commission and not from me The second Charge of this Day was about the Censure which fell on the Inhabitants of Beckington in Sommersetshire about their refusing to remove the Communion-Table according to the Order of their Diocesan About which were produced three Witnesses to whose Evidence I shall Answer in order 1. The first was William Longe who says he was Foreman of the Jury when these Men were Indicted for a Riot and that as he conceives the Parson spake with the Judge about it which caused a sudden Verdict The Parson of the Place spake with the Judge and he conceives that produced a sudden Verdict First he doth but conceive so and that can make no Proof If it did make Proof 't is only against the Parson not against me And if the Parson speaking of it did say as Mr. Longe affirms he did That this Riot was like a Waldensian or Swisserland Commotion He must answer for his own Distempered Language me it cannot concern 2. The second Witness was George Longe He says The Bishop of Bath Commanded the Communion-Table to be removed and set at the upper end of the Chancel that the Church-Wardens refusing were Excommunicated But he says withal that they Appealed to the Arches and had remedy Then he adds farther that the Bishop proceeded again but the Church-Wardens would not remove it saying it was an Innovation and against Law But my Lords 't is neither And therefore these Church-Wardens were in a great Contempt against their Bishop to the ill Example of all that Country And that it is no Innovation against Law appears by the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth where it is Commanded Expresly to be set there The Words are The Holy Table in every Church not Cathedrals only shall be decently made and set in the place where the Altar stood Now all Men know that with us in England the Altar stood North and South at the upper end of the Chancel And to set it East and West had been cross the place where the Altar stood and not in it And this being Law in the beginning of the Reformation cannot now be an Innovation When they came to me again as they say they did if I then told them they deserved to be laid by the Heels for the Contempt of their Bishop under Favour my Lords I spake Truth And give me leave I beseech you to tell you this It began to be a General Complaint not of the Bishop of Bath only but of other Bishops also that they could do little or no Service in their several Countries by reason of the Inhibitions which issued out of my Courts to stay their Proceedings And I wanted no good Friends in Court to tell the King as much when any thing was complained of By this I was brought into great straights Deny Appeals I might not Frequent granting in my Courts destroyed in a manner the Bishops Jurisdictions In this difficulty seeing the wilfulness of these Men and knowing they had received full benefit by their Appeal once already in the same Case I did refuse to hear any more of it unless there were new Matter but yet left them free to Appeal to the Delegats For Mr. Hughes the Parson there if he gave ill Words or laid violent Hands on any of his Neighbours it concerns not me Let him answer for what he hath said or done 'T is farther said That Mr. Hughes was with me at Windsor and had Letters from me to the Lord Chief Justice Finch But this Witness delivers not this upon his own knowledge I sent no Letter by him nor did he see me send by any other So this is meerly a Report and he doth not so much as tell from whom Yea but then he says that Mr. Morgan a Man inward with the Judge told him that the Judge told him that the little Man had put a spoke in their Cart and thereupon as he conceives the Petty-Jury was Changed Here are if your Lordships mark them two great Proofs The one is the Witnesses Report of Mr. Morgan's Report that the Judge had said so of me But why is not Mr. Morgan produced to clear this The other is not the Knowledge but the Conceit only of the Witness He conceives which I am Confident cannot sway with your Lordships for a Proof Besides were Mr. Morgan never so inward with that Judge yet it follows not that he must know all And if that Judge did mean me for Name me he did not he did me the more wrong For I never desired any thing of any Judge him or other but what was according to Law Nay I so expressed my self as that if by mistake or misinformation I had desired any thing which was not according to Law I humbly desired my Motion might be as if it had never been made 3. The third Witness is Mr. Jo. Ash. That which this Gentleman says is That Sir John Lambe told that the Man which came about that Business could have no Appeal admitted without me and that if he would be so troublesome he should be laid by the Heels I have given your Lordships an Account why he could not have an Appeal without me He had had the benefit of an Appeal before in the same Cause And for this Witness he delivers no knowledge of his own but only he says the Man imployed related it to him So 't is a Relation no Proof He says the Penance was injoyned them in three Churches And truly my Lords their Disobedience to their Bishop was great but if the Penance injoyned were too heavy it was the Act of their own Bishop not mine Then he says that the Lord Finch told him another powerful Hand was upon him intimating me First this is no knowledge of the Witness but a Speech of the Lord Finch Secondly if the Lord Finch did say so of a powerful Hand he wronged me much but himself more to confess he could be drawn awry in Judgment Thirdly this Witness says not that he named me but that he Intimated me I pray your Lordships Judgment what a forward Witness this Man is that can upon Oath deliver what is Intimated and of whom He says farther That upon Petition to Sir William Portman for some Assistance the Bishop of Bath laid all upon me and that when himself came to me at the Tower since my Restraint I told him the Bishop of Bath did like an Obedient Bishop to his Metropolitan For this my Lords here is no Proof that the Bishop laid this Business upon me but Sir William Portman's Report Sir William is a worthy Gentleman why is not he produced Why is not the Bishop that is said to lay all upon me brought into the Court that he may clear himself and me if he said it not or that I may make him ashamed if he said it For 't is
confessed that in the first Business the Church-Wardens had Remedy by their Appeal to me but that then the Bishop began again as the former Witness declared Nor knew I any thing of this Business till the Appeal came As for my Answer to himself that under Favour is quite mistaken For I did not say That in this Particular but that in his General Proceedings in his Diocess the Bishop of Bath carried himself like an Obedient Bishop to his Metropolitan Nor can my Words be drawn to mean this Particular For how could I say that in this Particular he carried himself like an Obedient Bishop to me when after Remedy given to these Men by their first Appeal into my Court he began with them again upon the same Cause Besides my Lords this is not the first time Mr. Ash hath mistaken me Mr. Browne in summing up this Charge against me falls twice very heavily upon this Business of Beckington First for the point of Religion And there he Quoted a passage out of my Speech in the Star-Chamber where I do reserve the indifferency of the standing of the Communion-Table either way and yet saith he they were thus heavily Sentenced for that which I my self hold indifferent But first this Sentence was laid upon them by their own Bishop not by me Secondly the more indifferent the thing was the greater was their Contumacy to disobey their Ordinary And had it not been a thing so indifferent and without danger of advancing Popery would Queen Elizabeth who banished Popery out of the Kingdom have endured it in her own Chappel all her time Thirdly the heaviness of the Sentence so much complained of was but to confess their Contumacy in three Churches of the Diocess to Example other Men's Obedience Secondly for the same Point as it contained Matter against Law I answered Mr. Browne as I had before answered the Lords The third Charge was about certain Houses given to S. Edmunds Lumbard-street where old Mr. Pagett is Parson The Witnesses are Two 1. The first is Mr. Symms who says that after a Verdict Mr. Pagett the Incumbent upon a pretenc that these Tenements were Church-Land got a Reference to the Lord Bishop of London then Lord Treasurer and my self My Lords we procured not the Reference But when it was brought to us under the King's Hand we could not refuse to sit upon it Upon full Hearing we were satisfied that the Cause was not rightly stated and therefore we referred them to the Law again for another Tryal and for Costs to the Barons of that Court. And this was the Answer which I gave to Mr. Browne when he instanced in this Case He says the Houses were given to Superstitious Vses But Possessions are not to be carried away for saying so If Men may get Land from others by saying it was given to Superstitious Uses they may get an easie Purchase And Mr. Symms is here in his own Case But whether the Houses were given to Superstitious Uses or not is the thing to be tryed in Law and not to be Pleaded to us He complains that I would not hear his Petition alone And surely my Lords I had no reason since it was referred to another with me And yet I see though I was not in the Reference alone nor would hear it alone yet I must be alone in the Treason And here I desired that Mr. Pagett the Incumbent might be heard 2. The other Witness was Mr. Barnard He says he was present at the Hearing and that Mr. Symms said he was undone if he must go to a new Tryal But my Lords so many Men say that by their troublesomness in Law-Suits go about to undo others He says that Mr. Pagett named his own Referees If that be so 't is no fault of mine He says the Reference was made to us only to Certifie not to make any Order in it If this be so here 's no Proof so much as offer'd that we did not Certifie as we were required and then had Power given to order it which we did And he confesses the Councel on both sides had full Hearing before ought was done The Fourth Charge of this Day was concerning the Imprisonment of one Grafton an Upholster in London The Witnesses Three Of which 1. The first is Grafton in his own Cause and 't is much if he cannot tell a plausible Tale for himself He says first That twelve Years ago he was Committed and Fined Fifty Pounds by other Commissioners By others my Lords therefore not by me And an Act of the High Commission by his own Words it appears to be He says He was continued in Prison by my procurement as he verily believes First as he verily believes is no Proof And the ground of his Belief is as weak For he gives no reason of it but this That Dr. Ryves the King's Advocate spake with the Barons But he doth not say about what or from whom He adds farther that Mr. Ingram Keeper of the Fleet would not give way to his Release notwithstanding the Barons Orders till he heard from me Here 's no Man produced that heard Mr. Ingram say so Nor is Mr. Ingram himself brought to Testifie Lastly he says that he then made Means in Court and so repaired to the Barons again but all in vain And that Baron Trevor cryed out O the Bishop O the Bishop First here 's a Confession of Means in Court made to the Judges So belike they may have Means made to them so it be not by me For the Particular I did humbly desire the Baron being then present might be asked He was asked he blushed and fumbled the Lords laughed and I could not hear what he said 2. The second Witness was Mr. Lenthall But he said nothing but that there was an Order for Grafton's Liberty which is not denied 3. The third was Mr Rivett He says that Mr. Ingram said that Grafton was a Brownist and must be brought into the Fleet again because he did much hurt among the King's Subjects This is a bare Report of a Speech of Mr. Ingram it no way concerns me And a Separatist he is from the Church of England but whether a Brownist or no I cannot tell there are so many Sects God help us And much harm he hath done among weak People For most true it is which S. Cyril observes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the Devil prepares these Schismatical Separations that so much the more easily the Enemy may be received As for this Man he was in his way cunning enough for under pretence that he suffer'd by me he got Madam Vantlett and other of the French to Negotiate with the Queens Majesty in his behalf And this I found that sometimes when her Majesty knew not of it they sent to the Barons for Favour for him And yet I never heard that Baron Trevor ever cryed out O the French O the French Nor can I tell what stopped his Mouth in this Cry and
stands now Established and as by right it ought to stand nor yet ever to subject it to the Usurpations and Superstitions of the See of Rome And all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledge and Swear according to the plain and common Sense and Understanding of the same Words without any Equivocation or Mental Evasion or secret Reservation whatsoever And this I do heartily willingly and truly upon the Faith of a Christian So help me God in Jesus Christ. Which Oath the said Arch-Bishop himself did take and caused divers other Ministers of the Church to take the same upon pain of Suspension and Deprivation of their Livings and other severe Penalties and did also cause Godfrey then Bishop of Gloucester to be committed to Prison for refusing to Subscribe to the said Canons and to take the said Oath and afterward the said Bishop submitting himself to take the said Oath he was set at Liberty On Thursday April 4. I was again brought to the House made a sufficient scorn and gazing-stock to the People and after I had waited some hours was sent back by Reason of other Business unheard But Order'd to appear again Munday April 8. Then I appeared again and was used by the basest of the People as before I did not appear any day but it cost me six or seven Pound I grew into want This made my Councel and other Friends to perswade me the next time I had admittance to speak to move the Lords again for some necessary Allowance notwithstanding my former Petition had been rejected This Advice I meant to have followed that day But after some Hours Attendance I was sent back again unheard and Order'd to come again on Thursday April 11. This day I did not come to the House a Warrant being sent to the Tower which stayed me till Tuesday April 16. CAP. XXIX The Seventh Day of my Hearing THen I appeared and as I remember here Mr. Maynard left off save that now and then he interposed both in the Reply and otherwise and Mr. Nicolas a Man of another Temper undertook the managing of the Evidence And the first Charge was concerning the late Canons which he said were against Law to sit the Parliament being Dissolved No my Lords nothing against Law that I know For we were called to Sit in Convocation by a different Writ from that which called us as Bishops to the Parliament And we could not rise till his Majesty sent us another Writ to discharge us and this is well known to the Judges and the other Lawyers here present So we continued sitting though the Parliament rose Nor was this sitting continued by any Advice or Desire of mine For I humbly desired a Writ to dissolve us But the best Councel then present both of Judges and other Lawyers assured the King we might Legally sit And here is a Copy attested under their Hands Then he urged out of my Diary at May 29. 1640. That I acknowledged there were Seventeen Canons made which I did hope would be useful to the Church 'T is true my Lords I did hope so And had I not hoped it I would never have passed my Consent unto them And when I writ this there was nothing done or said against them And if by any Inadvertency or Humane Frailty any thing Erroneous or Unfit have slipped into those Canons I humbly beseech your Lordships to remember it is an Article of the Church of England that General Councils may Err and therefore this National Synod may mistake And that since if any Error be it is not Wilful it may be rectified and in Charity passed by For the Bishop of Gloucester's refusing to Subscribe the Canons and take the Oath Which is here said by the Council but no Proof offered The Truth is this He first pretended to avoid his Subscription that we could not sit the Parliament risen He was Satisfied in this by the Judges Hands Then he pretended the Oath But that which stuck in his Stomach was the Canon about the suppressing of the growth of Popery For coming over to me to Lambeth about that Business he told me he would be torn with Wild Horses before he would Subscribe that Canon I gave him the best Advice I could but his Carriage was such when he came into the Convocation that I was forced to charge him openly with it and he as freely acknowledged it As there is plentiful Proof of Bishops and other Divines then present And for his Lordship's being after put to take the Oath which was also urged it was thus I took my self bound to accquaint his Majesty with this Proceeding of my Lord of Gloucester's and did so But all that was after done about his Commitment first and his Release after when he had taken the Oath was done openly at a full Council-Table and his Majesty present and can no way be charged upon me as my Act. For it was my Duty to let his Majesty know it to prevent farther Danger then also discovered But I am here to defend my self not to accuse any Man else Next he urged that I had Interlined the Original Copy of the Canons with my own Hand But this is clearly a mistake if not a wilful one For perusing the Place I find the Interlining is not in my Hand but my Hand is to it as I humbly conceive it was fit it should And the Words are in the Ratification of the Canons and therefore were necessarily to be in the Original howsoever slipped in the writing of them As for the Oath so bitterly spoken of at the Bar and in the Articles either it was made according to Law or else we were wholly mis-led by President and that such as was never excepted against For in the Canons made in King James his Time there was an Oath made against Symonie and an Oath for Church-Wardens and an Oath about Licences for Marriages and an Oath for Judges in Ecclesiastical Courts And some of these Oaths as dangerous as this is acounted to be And all these established by no other Authority than these late were And yet neither those Canons nor those Oaths were ever declared Illegal by any ensuing Parliament nor the Makers of them accused of any Crime much less of Treason So that we had in this Synod unblamed President for what we did as touching our Power of doing it But after all this he said he would pass these things by that is when he had made them as Odious as he could and would Charge nothing upon me but the Votes of both Houses namely That these Canons contain Matters contrary to the King's Prerogative to the Fundamental Laws of the Realm to the Rights of Parliaments to the Propriety and Liberty of the Subject and Matters tending to Sedition and of dangerous Consequence So these Votes of the Honourable Houses made so long after and therefore cannot well be an Evidence against the
just Grievances is not the least Cause of my present Condition In which my Case though not my Abilities is somewhat like Cicero's For having now for many Years defended the Publick State of the Church and the Private of many Church-Men as he had done many Citizens when he by prevailing Factions came into danger himself ejus Salutem defendit nemo no Man took care to defend him that had defended so many which yet I speak not to impute any thing to Men of my own Calling who I presume would have lent me their just Defence to their Power had not the same Storm which drove against my Life driven them into Corners to preserve themselves The First Instance was in Mr. Shervil's Case in which Mr. John Steevens tells what I said to the Councel Pleading in the Star-Chamber which was that they should take care not to cause the Laws of the Church and the Kingdom to clash one against another I see my Lords nothing that I spake was let fall nor can I remember every Speech that passed from me he may be happy that can But if I did speak these Words I know no Crime in them It was a good Caveat to the Councel for ought I know For surely the Laws of Church and State in England would agree well enough together if some did not set them at Odds. And if I did farther say to the then Lord Keeper as 't is Charged that some Clergy-Men had sat as high as he and might again which I do not believe I said yet if I did 't is a known Truth For the Lord Coventry then Lord Keeper did immediately succeed the Lord Bishop of Lincoln in that Office But though I dare say I said not thus to the Lord Keeper whose Moderation gave me no Cause to be so round with him yet to the Councel at the Bar I remember well upon just occasion given that I spake to this Effect That they would forbear too much depressing of the Clergy either in their Reputation or Maintenance in regard it was not impossible that their Profession now as high as ours once was may fall to be as low as ours now is If the Professors set themselves against the Church as some of late are known to have done And that the sinking of the Church would be found the ready way to it The Second Instance was about calling some Justices of the Peace into the High-Commission about a Sessions kept at 〈◊〉 1. The First Witness for this for Three were produced was Mr. Jo. Steevens He says That the Isle where the Sessions were kept was joyned to the Church If it were not now a part of the Chuch yet doubtless being within the Church-Yard it was Consecrated Ground He says That Sessions were kept there heretofore And I say the more often the worse He says That I procured the calling of them into the High-Commission But he proves no one of these Things but by the Report of Sir Rob Cook of Gloucestershire a Party in this Cause He says again that They had the Bishop's License to keep Sessions there But the Proof of this also is no more than that Sir Rob. Cook told him so So all this hitherto is Hearsay Then he says the 88. Canon of the Church of England was urged in the Commission Court which seems to give leave in the close of the Canon that Temporal Courts or Leets may be kept in Church or Church-Yard First that Clause in the end of the Canon is referred to the Ringing of Bells not to the Profanations mentioned in the former part of that Canon Nor is it probable the Minister and Church-Wardens should have Power to give such leave when no Canon gives such Power to the Bishop himself And were it so here 's no Proof offered that the Minister and Church-Wardens did give leave And suppose some Temporal Courts might upon urgent Occasion be kept in the Church with leave yet that is no Warrant for Sessions where there may be Tryal for Blood He says farther That the Civilians quoted an Old Canon of the Pope's and that that prevailed against the Canon of Our Church and Sentence given against them All those Canons which the Civilians urged are Law in England where nothing is contrary to the Law of God or the Law of the Land or the King's Prerogative Royal And to keep off Profanation from Churches is none of these Besides were all this true which is urged the Act was the High-Commissions not mine Nor is there any thing in it that looks toward Treason 2. The Second Witness is Mr. Edward Steevens He confesses that the Sentence was given by the High-Commission and that I had but my single Vote in it And for the Place it self he says The Place where the Sessions were kept was separated from the Isle of the Church by a Wall Breast-high which is an evident Proof that it was formerly a Part of that Church and continued yet under the same Roof 3. The Third Witness is Mr. Talboyes who it seems will not be out of any thing which may seem to hurt me He says The Parish held it no part of the Church Why are not some of them examined but this Man's Report from them admitted They thought no harm he says and got a License But why did they get a License if their own Conscience did not prompt them that something was Irregular in that Business He says he was informed the Sessions had been twice kept there before And I say under your Lordships Favour the oftner the worse But why is not his Informer produced that there might be Proof and not Hearsay Upon this I said so he concludes That I would make a President against keeping it any more If I did say so the Cause deserved it Men in this Age growing so Bold with Churches as if Profanation of them were no Fault at all The Third Instance concerned Sir Tho. Dacres a Justice of Peace in Middlesex and his Warrant for Punishing some disorderly Drinking The Witnesses the two Church Wardens Colliar and Wilson two plain Men but of great Memories For this Business was when I was Bishop of London and yet they agree in every Circumstance in every Word though so many Years since Well what say they It seems Dr. Duck then my Chancellor had Cited these Church-Wardens into my Court Therefore either there was or at least to his Judgment there seemed to be somwhat done in that business against the Jurisdiction of the Church They say then That the Court ended Dr. Duck brought them to me And what then Here is a Cause by their own confession depending in the Ecclesiastical Court Dr. Duck in the King's Quarters where I cannot fetch him to Testifie no means left me to know what the Proceedings were and I have good cause to think that were all the Merits of the Cause open before your Lordships you would say Sir Tho. Dacres did not all according to
there present p. 28 32 35 42. Nay more this proceeding tam in locis Exemptis quam non Exemptis is allowed to the Governours of the Church in the Exercise of their Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction by Act of Parliament in Queen Elizabeth's Time which would never have been allowed had it then been thought such a dangerous Business as 't is now made against me 2. The Second Clause was Power to Censure by Fine and Imprisonment This also I shewed in the old Commission Fol. 37. and is as I conceive in plain pursuance of the Act of Parliament upon which the High-Commission is grounded For the King says there Fol. 13. And so 't is in the new That he grants this Power by Vertue of his Supream Authority and Prerogative Royal and of the said Act. Nay farther 't is added in this latter Commission and by our Authority Ecclesiastical which is not expressed in the former And sure I would never have caused Authority Ecclesiastical to be added had I any Plot as 't is urged either to exalt the Clergy above the Laity or to usurp Papal Power which all Men know is far enough from ascribing Ecclesiastical Authority to the King And as for Fine and Imprisonment if that Power be not according to Law why was it first admitted and after continued in all former Commissions 3. The Third Clause was the Non Obstante which he said was against all Law and of such a boundless Extent as was never found in Commission or other Grant in England And he here desired the Lords that he might read it which he did with great Assurance of a Triumph But after all this Noise which Mr. Nicolas had made I shewed the same Non Obstante in the Old Commission 〈◊〉 62. Word for Word which I humbly desired might be read and compared It was so The Lords looked strangely upon it Mr. Nicolas was so startled that he had not Patience to stay till his Reply which he saw impossible to be made but interrupted me and had the Face to say in that Honourable Assembly that I need not stand upon that for he did but name that without much regarding it And yet at the giving of the Charge he insisted principally upon that Clause and in higher and louder Terms than are before expressed Had such an Advantage been found against me I should have been accounted extreamly Negligent if I compared not the Commissions together or Extreamly Impudent if I did 4. The Fourth Exception was That by this Commission I took greater Power than ever any Court had because both Temporal and Ecclesiastical First whatsoever Power the High-Commission had was not taken by them till given by his Majesty and that according to Use and Statue for ought hath been yet declared Secondly they have not Power of Life or Limb therefore not so great Power as other Courts have Thirdly they may have more various Power in some respects but that cannot make it greater As for the Expression in which 't is said I took this Power that is put most unworthily and unjustly too to derive the Envy as much as he could upon my Person only For he could not hold from comparing me to Pope Boniface 8. and saying that I took on me the Power of both Swords But this was only ad Faciendum Populum For he knows well enough that to take both the Swords as the Pope takes them is to challenge them Originally as due to him and his Place Not to take both as under the Prince and given by his Authority and so not I alone but all the Commissioners take theirs 5. Fifthly To prove that this vast Commission as it was called was put in execution Mr. Burton is produced He says that when he was called into the High-Commission he appealed to the King and pleaded his Appeal and that thereupon I and the Bishop of London Writ to the King to have him submit to the Court He confesses he was dismissed upon his Appeal till his Majesty's Pleasure was farther known And it was our Duty considering what a Breach this would make upon the Jurisdiction of the Court to inform his Majesty of it and we did so The King declared that he should submit to the Court as is confessed by himself Then he says because he would not submit to the Court he was Censured notwithstanding his Appeal And he well deserved it that would not be ruled by his Majesty to whom he had appealed And the Commission had Power to do what they did Besides himself confesses all this was done by the High-Commission not by me Nor doth he urge any Threat Promise or Solicitation of mine any way to particularize the Act upon me and farther he is single and in his own Cause Then followed the last Charge of this Day which was the Patent granted for the Fines in the High-Commission for Finishing the West End of St Pauls cryed out upon as Illegal and Extorted from the King and such as took all Power from him for the space of the Ten Years for which time it was granted This is the Fourth time that St Pauls is struck at My Lords let it come as often as it will my Project and Endeavour in that Work was Honest and Honourable to both Church and Kingdom of England No Man in all this Search and Pursuit hath been able to charge me with the turning of any one Penny or Pennyworth to other use than was limited to me I took a great deal of Care and Pains about the Work and cannot repent of any thing I did in that Service but of Humane Frailty And whereas 't is said this Patent was extorted from his Majesty as there is no Proof offered for it so is there no truth in it For his Majesty's Piety was so forward that nothing needed to be extorted from him Thus went I on Bonâ Fide and took the Prime Direction of the Kingdom for drawing the Patent The Lord Keeper Coventry Mr. Noy and Sir Henry Martin And therefore if any thing be found against Law in it it cannot be imputed to me who took all the care I could to have it beyond exception And I marvel what security any Man shall have that adventures upon any great and publick Work in this Kingdom if such Councel cannot be trusted for drawing up of his Warrant And whereas it was said this Patent for the Ten Years space took away both Justice and Mercy from the King That 's nothing so For whatever the Words be to enable me the better for that Work yet these being inseparable from him may be used by him notwithstanding this or any other Patent And if these be inseparable as 't is granted they are no inseparable thing can be taken away or if it be taken 't is void in Law and the King is where he was in the Exercise of his Right both for Justice and Mercy And so I answered Mr. Brown's summary Charge against me and as for that
think my Lord Arch-Bishop hath done no Good Work in all his Life but these Men will object it as a Crime against him before they have done With this Charge about the Statutes it was let fall and I well know why It was to heat a Noble Person then present That I procured my self to be chosen Chancellour of that Vniversity If I had so done it might have been a great Ambition in me but surely no Treason But my Lords I have Proof great store might I be enabled to fetch it from Oxford that I was so far from endeavouring to procure this Honour to my self as that I laboured by my Letters for another And 't is well known that when they had chosen me I went instantly to his Majesty so soon as ever I heard it and humbly besought him that I might refuse it as well foreseeing the Envy that would follow me for it and it did plentifully every way But this for some Reasons his Majesty would not suffer me to do Then were objected against me divers Particulars contained in those Statutes As First the making of new Oaths The Charters of the Vniversity are not new and they gave Power to make Statutes for themselves and they have ever been upon Oath The next Illegality is That Men are tied to obey the Proctors in Singing the Litany This is Ancient and in use long before ever I came to the Vniversity and it is according to the Liturgy of the Church of England established by Law Thirdly The Statute of Bannition from the Vniversity But there is nothing more ancient in the Vniversity Statutes than this Fourthly That nothing should be propased in Convocation but what was consented unto among the Heads of Colleges first which was said to be against the Liberty of the Students The young Masters of Arts void of Experience were grown so tumultuous that no Peace could be kept in the Vniversity till my worthy Predecessor the Right Honourable William Earl of Pembroke setled this Order among them As he did also upon the same Grounds settle the present way of the choice of their Proctors In both which I did but follow and confirm for so much as lay in me the Good and Peaceable Grounds which he had laid in those two Businesses And Mr. Brown who in the summing up of my Charge urged this against me mainly mistook in two things The one was that he said this Inhibition of Proposals was in Congregations Whereas it was only in Convocations where more weighty Businesses are handled The other was that this stay of Proposals was made till I might be first acquainted with them No it was but till the Heads of Colleges had met and considered of them for avoiding of tumultuary Proceedings And when my Honourable Predecessor made that Order it was highly commended every where and is it now degenerated into a Crime because it is made up into a Statute Fifthly That some things are referred to Arbitrary Penalties And that some things are so referred is usual in that Vniversity and many Colleges have a particular Statute for it Nor is this any more Power than Ordinary School-Masters have which have not a Statute-Law for every Punishment they use in Schools And in divers things the old known Statute is that the Vice-Chancellour shall proceed Grosso Modo that is without the regular Forms of Law for the more speedy ending of Differences among the Scholars Sixthly That the Statute made by me against Conventicles is very strict But for these that Statute is express De Illicitis Conventiculis and I hope such as are unlawful may be both forbid and punished Besides it is according to the Charter of Richard the Second to that Vniversity The Seventh was the Power of Discommoning But this also hath ever been in Power and in Usage in that Vniversity as is commonly known to all Oxford-Men And no longer since than King James his time Bishop King then Vice-Chancellor Discommuned Three or Four Towns-Men together Next That Students were bound to go to Prison upon the Vice-Chancellors or Proctors Command This also was Ancient and long before my coming to the Vniversity And your Lordships may be sure the Delegacy appointed by themselves would not have admitted it had it not been Ancient and Usual Lastly about the stay of granting Graces unless there were Testimony from the Bishop of the Diocess This was for no Graces but of such as Live not Resident in the Vniversity and so they could not judge of their Manners and Conversation And for their Conformity to the Church of England none as I conceive can be a fitter Witness than the Bishop of the Diocess in which they resided And my Lords for all these thus drawn up by some of their own Body I obtained of his Majesty his Broad Seal for Confirmation And therefore no one thing in them is by any Assumption of Papal Power as 't is urged but by the King's Power only Then followed the Seventh Charge about the Statutes of some Cathedral Churches First my Lords for this I did it by Letters-Patents from the King bearing Date Mar. 31. Decimo Caroli and is extant upon Record And all that was done was Per Juris Remedia and so nothing intended against Law nor done that I know They had extream need of Statutes for all lay loose for want of confirmation and Men did what they listed And I could not but observe it for I was Dean of Gloucester where I found it so In seeking to remedy this I had nothing but my Labour for my Pains and now this Accusation to Boot The Particulars urged are That I had Ordered that nothing should be done in these Statutes Me inconsulto And I had great Reason for it For since I was principally trusted in that work by his Majesty the King if any Complaint were made would expect the account from me And how could I give it if other Men might do all and I not be so much as consulted before they passed 2. That I made a Statute against letting Leases into three Lives But first my Lords the Statute which makes it lawful to let Leases for One and Twenty Years or three Lives hath this limitation in it that they shall not let for any more Years than are limited by the said Colleges or Churches Now in Winchester Church and some other the old local Statute is most plain that they shall let no Lease into Lives Let the Dean and Prebendaries Answer their own Acts and their Consciences as they can And in those Statutes which I did not find pregnant to that purpose I did not make the Statute absolute but left them free to renew all such Leases as were Anciently in Lives before And this give me leave to say to your Lordships without offence If but a few more Leases be granted into Lives no Bishop nor Cathedral Church shall be able to subsist And this is
considerable also that as the state of the Church yet stands the Laity have the benefit by the Leases which they hold of more than five parts of all the Bishops Deans and Chapters and College Revenues in England And shall it be yet an Eye-sore to serve themselves with the rest of their own This Evidence Mr. Browne whose part it was to summ up the Evidence against me at the end of the Charge wholly omitted For what Cause he best knows The next Charge was about my Injunctions in my Visitation of Winton and Sarum for the taking down of some Houses But they were such as were upon Consecrated Ground and ought not to have been built there and yet with caution sufficient to preserve the Lessees from over-much dammage For it appears apud Acta that they were not to be pulled down till their several Leases were expired And that they were Houses not built long since but by them and that all this was to be done to the end that the Church might suffer no dammage by them And that this demolition was to be made Juxta Decreta Regni according to the Statutes of the Kingdom Therefore nothing injoyned contrary to Law Or if any thing were the Injunction took not place by the very Tenor of that which was charged Mr. Browne omitted this Charge also though he hung heavily upon the like at St. Pauls though there was satisfaction given and not here The Ninth Charge was my intended Visitation of both the Vniversities Oxford and Cambridge For my Troubles began then to be foreseen by me and I Visited them not This was urged as a thing directly against Law But this I conceive cannot be so long as it was with the King's Knowledge and by his Warrant Secondly because all Power of the King's Visitations was saved in the Warrant and that with consent of all parts Thirdly because nothing in this was surreptitiously gotten from the King all being done at a most full Council-Table and great Councel at Law heard on both sides Fourthly because it did there appear that three of my Predecessors did actually Visit the Vniversities and that Jure Ecclesiae suae Metropoliticae Fifthly no Immunity pleaded why the Arch-Bishop should not Visit for the instance against Cardinal Poole is nothing For he attempted to Visit not only by the Right of his See but by his power Legatin from the Pope whereas the University Charters are Express that such power of Visitation cannot be granted per Bullas Papales And yet now 't is charged against me that I challenged this by Papal Power Mr. Browne wholly neglected this Charge also which making such a shew I think he would not have done had he found it well grounded The Tenth Charge was my Visitation of Merton College in Oxford The Witness Sir Nathaniel Brent the Warden of the College and principally concerned in that business He said First that no Visitation held so long But if he consult his own Office he may find one much longer held and continued at All-Souls College by my worthy Predecessor Arch-Bishop Whitgift Secondly he urged that I should say I would be Warden for Seven Years If I did so say there was much need I should make it good Thirdly That one Mr. Rich. Nevil Fellow of that College lay abroad in an Ale-House that a Wench was got with Child in that House and he accused of it and that this was complained of to me and Sir Nath. Brent accused for Conspiring with the Ale-Wife against Nevil I am not here to accuse the one or defend the other But the Case is this This Cause between them was publick and came to Hearing in the Vice-Chancellor's Court Witnesses Examined Mr. Nevil acquitted and the Ale-Wife punished In all this I had no Hand Then in my Visitation it was again complained of to me I liked not the business but forbare to do any thing in it because it had been Legally Censured upon the place This part of the Charge Mr. Browne urged against me in the House of Commons and I gave it the same Answer Lastly when I sate to hear the main Business of that College Sir Nathaniel Brent was beholding to me that he continued Warden For in Arch-Bishop Warham's time a Predecessor of his was expelled for less than was proved against him And I found that true which one of my Visitors had formerly told me namely That Sir Nathaniel Brent had so carried himself in that College as that if he were guilty of the like he would lay his Key under the Door and be gone rather than come to Answer it Yet I did not think it fit to proceed so rigidly But while I was going to open some of the Particulars against him Mr. Nicolas cut me off and told the Lords this was to scandalize their Witnesses So I forbare Then followed the last Charge of this day concerning a Book of Dr Bastwick's for which he was Censured in the High-Commission The Witnesses in this Charge were three Mr. Burton a Mortal Enemy of mine and so he hath shewed himself Mrs. Bastwick a Woman and a Wife and well Tutoured For she had a Paper and all written which she had to say though I saw it not till 't was too late And Mr. Hunscot a Man that comes in to serve all turns against me since the Sentence passed against the Printers for Thou shalt commit Adultery In the Particulars of this Charge 't is first said That this Book was written Contra Episcopos Latiales But how cunningly so-ever this was pretended 't is more than manifest it was purposely written and divulged against the Bishops and Church of England Secondly that I said that Christian Bishops were before Christian Kings So Burton and Mrs. Bastwick And with due Reverence to all Kingly Authority be it spoken who can doubt but that there were many Christian Bishops before any King was Christian Thirdly Mr. Burton says that I applied those words in the Psalm whom thou may'st make Princes in all Lands to the Bishops For this if I did err in it many of the Fathers of the Church mis-led me who Interpret that place so And if I be mistaken 't is no Treason But I shall ever follow their Comments before Mr. Burton's Fourthly Mrs. Bastwick says that I then said no Bishop and no King If I did say so I Learned it of a Wise and Experienced Author King James who spake it out and plainly in the Conference at Hampton-Court And I hope it cannot be Treason in me to repeat it Fifthly Mrs. Bastwick complained that I committed her Husband close Prisoner Not I but the High-Commission not close Prisoner to his Chamber but to the Prison not to go abroad with his Keeper Which is all the close Imprisonment which I ever knew that Court use Lastly the pinch of this Charge is that I said I received my Jurisdiction
from God and from Christ contrary to an Act of Parliament which says Bishops derive their Jurisdiction from the King This is Witnessed by all three and that Dr. Bastwick read the Statute That Statute speaks plainly of Jurisdiction in foro Contentioso and places of Judicature and no other And all this forinsecal Jurisdiction I and all Bishops in England derive from the Crown But my Order my Calling my Jurisdiction in foro Conscientiae that is from God and from Christ and by Divine and Apostolical Right And of this Jurisdiction it was that I then spake if I named Jurisdiction at all and not my Calling in general For I then sate in the High-Commission and did Exercise the former Jurisdiction under the Broad Seal and could not be so simple to deny the Power by which I then sate Beside the Canons of the Church of England to which I have Subscribed are plain for it Nay farther The Use and Exercise of my Jurisdiction in foro Conscientiae may not be but by the Leave and Power of the King within his Dominions And if Bishops and Presbyters be all one Order as these Men contend for then Bishops must be Jure Divino for so they maintain that Presbyters are This part of the Charge Mr. Browne pressed in his Report to the House of Commons And when I gave this same Answer he in his Reply said nothing but the same over and over again save that he said I fled to he knew not what inward Calling and Jurisdiction which point as I expressed it if he understood not he should not have undertaken to Judge me CAP. XXXII THE 16th of May I had an Order from the Lords for free access of four of my Servants to me On Friday May 17. I received a Note from the Committee that they intended to proceed upon part of the Sixth Original Article remaining and upon the Seventh which Seventh Article follows in haec Verba That he hath Trayterously indeavoured to alter and subvert God's True Religion by Law Established in this Realm and instead thereof to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry And to that end hath Declared and Maintained in Speeches and Printed Books divers Popish Doctrins and Opinions contrary to the Articles of Religion Established He hath urged and injoyned divers Popish and Superstitious Ceremonies without any Warrant of Law and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed the same by Corporal Punishment and Imprisonment and most unjustly vexed others who refused to Conform thereunto by Ecclesiastical Censures of Excommunication Suspension Deprivation and Degradation contrary to the Law of this Kingdom The Tenth Day of my Hearing This day May 20. Mr. Serjeant Wild undertook the Business against me And at his Entrance he made a Speech being now to charge me with Matter of Religion In this Speech he spake of a Tide which came not in all at once And so he said it was in the intended alteration of Religion First a Connivence then a Toleration then a Subversion Nor this nor that But a Tide it seems he will have of Religion And I pray God his Truth the True Protestant Religion here Established sink not to so low an Ebb that Men may with ease wade over to that side which this Gentleman seems most to hate He fears both Ceremonies and Doctrine But in both he fears where no fear is which I hope shall appear He was pleased to begin with Ceremonies In this he Charged first my Chappel at Lambeth and Innovation in Ceremonies there 1. The First Witness for this was Dr. Featly he says there were Alterations since my Predecessor's time And I say so too or else my Chappel must lye more undecently than is fit to express He says I turned the Table North and South The Injunction says it shall be so And then the Innovation was theirs in going from not mine in returning to that way of placing it Here Mr. Browne in his last Reply in the House of Commons said that I cut the Injunction short because in the Words immediately following 't is Ordered That this Place of standing shall be altered when the Communion is Administred But first the Charge against me is only about the Place of it Of which that Injunction is so careful that it Commands That when the Communion is done it be placed where it stood before Secondly it was never Charged against me that I did not remove it at the Time of Communion nor doth the Reason expressed in the Injunction require it which is when the Number of Communicants is great and that the Minister may be the better heard of them Neither of which was necessary in my Chappel where my Number was not great and all might easily Hear 2 The second thing which Dr. Featly said was in down-right Terms That the Chappel lay nastily all the time he served in that House Was it one of my Faults too to cleanse it 3 Thirdly he says The Windows were not made up with Coloured Glass till my time The Truth is they were all shameful to look on all diversly patched like a Poor Beggars Coat Had they had all white Glass I had not stirred them And for the Crucifix he confesses it was standing in my Predecessors time though a little broken So I did but mend it I did not set it up as was urged against me And it was utterly mistaken by Mr. Brown that I did repair the Story of those Windows by their like in the Mass-Book No but I and my Secretary made out the Story as well as we could by the Remains that were unbroken Nor was any Proof at all offered that I did it by the Pictures in the Mass-Book but only Mr. Pryn Testified that such Pictures were there whereas this Argument is of no consequence There are such Pictures in the Missal therefore I repaired my Windows by them The Windows contain the whole Story from the Creation to the Day of Judgment Three Lights in a Window The two Side-Lights contain the Types in the Old Testament and the middle Light the Antitype and Verity of Christ in the New And I believe the Types are not in the Pictures in the Missal In the mean time I know no Crime or Superstition in this History And though Calvin do not approve Images in Churches yet he doth approve very well of them which contain a History and says plainly that these have their use in Docendo Admonendo in Teaching and Admonishing the People And if they have that use why they may not instruct in the Church as well as out I know not Nor do the Homilies in this particular differ much from Calvin But here the Statute of Ed. 6. was charged against me which requires the Destruction of all Images as well in Glass-Windows as elsewhere And this was also earnestly pressed by Mr. Brown when he repeated the Summ of the Charge against me in the House of Commons To
which I answered at both times First that the Statute of Ed. 6. spake of other Images and that Images in Glass-Windows were neither mentioned nor meant in that Law The Words of the Statute are Any Images of Stone Timber Alabaster or Earth Graven Carved or Painted taken out of any Church c. shall be Destroyed c. and not reserved to any Superstitious Use. So here 's not a Word of Glass-Windows nor the Images that are in them Secondly that the Contemporary Practice which is one of the best Expounders of the meaning of any Law did neither destroy all coloured Windows though Images were in them in the Queens time nor abstain from setting up of new both in her and King James his Time And as the Body of this Statute is utterly mistaken so is the Penalty too which for the First and Second Offence is but a small Fine and but Imprisonment at the King's Will for the Third A great way short of Punishment for Treason And I could not but wonder that Mr. Brown should be so earnest in this Point considering he is of Lincolns-Inn where Mr. Pryn's Zeal hath not yet beaten down the Images of the Apostles in the fair Windows of that Chappel which Windows also were set up new long since that Statute of Edward 6. And t is well known that I was once resolved to have returned this upon Mr. Brown in the House of Commons but changed my Mind lest thereby I might have set some furious Spirit on Work to destroy those harmless goodly Windows to the just dislike of that Worthy Society But to the Statute Mr. Brown added That the Destruction of all Images as well in Windows as elsewhere were Condemned by the Homilies of the Church of England and those Homilies confirmed in the Articles of Religion and the Articles by Act of Parliament This was also urged before and my Answer was First that though we Subscribed generally to the Doctrine of the Homilies as good Yet we did not express or mean thereby to justifie and maintain every particular Phrase or Sentence contained in them And Secondly that the very Words of the Article to which we subscribe are That the Homilies do contain a Godly and a wholesom Doctrine and necessary for those Times Godly and wholesom for all Times but necessary for those when People were newly Weaned from the Worship of Images Afterwards neither the Danger nor the Scandal alike Mr. Brown in his Reply said That since the Doctrine contained in the Homilies was wholesom and good it must needs be necessary also for all Times But this worthy Gentleman is herein much mistaken Strong Meat as well Spiritual as Bodily is good and wholesom but though it be so yet if it had been Necessary at all Times and for all Men the Apostle would never have fed the Corinthians with Milk and not with Meat The Meat always good in it self but not necessary for them which were not able to bear it 4 The Fourth thing which Dr. Featly Testifies is That there were Bowings at the coming into the Chappel and going up to the Commanion-Table This was usual in Queen Elizabeth's Time and of Old both among Jews as appears in the Story of Hezekiah 2 Chro. 29. 28. and among Christians as is evident in Rhenanus his Notes upon Tertullian And one of them which have written against the late Canons confesses it was usual in the Queens Time but then adds That that was a Time of Ignorance What a Time of such a Reformation and yet still a Time of Ignorance I pray God the Opposite be not a Time of Prophaneness and all is well Mr. Brown in the Summ of his Charge given me in the House of Commons instanced in this also I answered as before with this Addition Shall I Bow to Men in each House of Parliament and shall I not bow to God in his House whither I do or ought to come to Worship him Surely I must Worship God and Bow to him though neither Altar nor Communion-Table be in the Church 5 For Organs Candlesticks a Picture of a History at the back of the Altar and Copes at Communions and Consecrations All which Dr. Featly named First these things have been in use ever since the Reformation And Secondly Dr. Featly himself did twice acknowledge that it was in my Chappel as it was at White-Hall no difference And it is not to be thought that Queen Elizabeth and King James would have endured them all their Time in their own Chappel had they been introductions for Popery And for Copes they are allowed at Times of Communion by the Canons of the Church So that these all or any are very poor Motives from whence to argue an Alteration of Religion 2. The second Witness against my Chappel was Sir Nathaniel Brent But he says not so much as Dr. Featly And in what he doth say he agrees with him saving that he cannot say whether the Picture at the Back of the Communion-Table were not there before my time 3. The third Witness for this Charge was one Mr. Boreman who came into my Chappel at Prayers time when I had some new Plate to Consecrate for use at the Communion And I think it was brought to me for that end by Dr. Featly This Man says first he then saw me Bow and wear a Cope That 's answer'd Secondly That he saw me Consecrate some Plate That in that Consecration I used some part of Solomon's Prayer at the Dedication of the Temple And that in my Prayer I did desire God to accept those Vessels No fault in any of the Three For in all Ages of the Church especially since Constantine's Time that Religion hath had publick allowance There have been Consecrations of Sacred Vessels as well as of Churches themselves And these Inanimate things are Holy in that they are Deputed and Dedicated to the Service of God And we are said to Minister about Holy Things 1 Cor. 9. And the Altar is said to Sanctifie the Gift S. Matt. 23. which it could not do if it self were not Holy So then if there be no Dedication of these Things to God no separation of them from common use there 's neither Thing nor Place Holy And then no Sacriledge no difference between Churches and common Houses between Holy-Tables so the Injunction calls them and ordinary Tables But I would have no Man deceive himself Sacriledge is a grievous Sin and was severely Punished even among the Heathen And S. Paul's Question puts it home would we consider of it Thou which abhorrest Idols Committest thou Sacriledge Rom. 2. Thou which abhorrest Idols to the very defacing of Church Windows dost thou Thou of all other Commit Sacriledge which the very Worshippers of Idols punished And this being so I hope my use of a part of Solomon's Prayer or the Words of my own Prayer That God would be pleased to accept them shall not be reputed Faults But
to see what I did at Oxford 1. There the first Witness is Sir Nathaniel Brent And he says The standing of the Communion-Table at St. Mary's was altered I have answered to this Situation of the Communion-Table already And if it be lawful in one place 't is in another For the Chappel of Magdalen College and Christ-Church Quire he confesses he knows of no Direction given by me to either Nor doth he know whether I reproved the things there done or no. So all this is no Evidence For the Picture of the Blessed Virgin at St. Mary's Door as I knew nothing of it till it was done so never did I hear any Abuse or Dislike of it after it was done And here Sir Nathaniel confesses too that he knows not of any Adoration of it as Men passed the Streets or otherwise When this Witness came not home they urged the Statute of Merton College or the Vniversity where if I took my Notes right they say I enjoyned Debitam Reverentiam And as I know no fault in that Injunction or Statute so neither do I know what due Bodily Reverence can be given to God in his Church without some Bowing or Genuflection 2. The Second Witness was Mr. Corbett He says that when decent Reverence was required by my Visitors 〈◊〉 one of my Articles he gave Reasons against it but Sir Jo. Lambe urged it still First my Lords if Mr. Corbett's Reasons were sufficient Sir Jo. Lambe was to blame in that but Sir Jo. Lambe must answer it and not I. Secondly it may be observed that this Man by his own Confession gave Reasons such as they were against due Reverence to God in his own House He says that Dr. Frewen told him from me That I wished he should do as others did at St. Mary's or let another Execute his place as Proctor This is but a Hearsay from Dr. Frewen who being at Oxford I cannot produce him And if I had sent such a Message I know no Crime in it He says that after this he desired he might enjoy in this Particular the Liberty which the King and the Church of England gave him He did so And from that Day he heard no more of it but enjoyed the Liberty which he asked He says Mr. Channell desired the same Liberty as well as he And Mr. Channell had it granted as well as he He confesses ingenuously that the Bowing required was only Toward not to the Altar And To the Picture at St. Mary's Door he says he never heard of any Reveverence done to it And doth believe that all that was done at Christ-Church was since my Time But it must be his Knowledge not his Belief that must make an Evidence 3. The Third Witness was one Mr. Bendye He says There was a Crucifix in Lincoln College Chappel since my time If there be 't is more than I know My Lord of York that now is when he was Bishop of Lincoln worthily bestowed much Cost upon that Chappel and if he did set up a Crucifix I think it was before I had ought to do there He says there was Bowing at the Name of Jesus And God forbid but there should and the Canon of the Church requires it He says there were Latin Prayers in Lent but he knows not who injoyned it And then he might have held his Peace But there were Latin Sermons and Prayers on Ash-Wednesday when few came to Church but the Lent Proceeders who understood them And in divers Colleges they have their Morning-Prayers in Latin and had so long before I knew the University The last Thing he says was That there were Copes used in some Colleges and that a Traveller should say upon the sight of them that he saw just such a thing upon the Pope's Back This Wise Man might have said as much of a Gown He saw a Gown on the Pope's Back therefore a Protestant may not wear one or entring into S. Pauls he may cry Down with it for I saw the Pope in just such another Church in Rome 4. Then was urged the conclusion of a Letter of mine sent to that Vniversity The Words were to this Effect I desire you to remember me a Sinner Quoties coram 〈◊〉 Dei 〈◊〉 The Charge lay upon the Word Procidatis which is no more than that when they there fall on their Knees or Prostrate to Prayer they would remember me In which Desire of mine or Expression of it I can yet see no Offence No nor in coram Altare their Solemnest time of Prayer being at the Communion Here Mr. Brown Aggravated the things done in that University And fell upon the Titles given me in some Letters from thence but because I have answered those Titles already I refer the Reader thither and shall not make here any tedious Repetition Only this I shall add That in the Civil Law 't is frequent to be seen that not Bishops only one to another but the great Emperours of the World have commonly given that Title of Sanctitas vestra to Bishops of meaner place than my self to say no more But here Mr. Brown in his last Reply was pleased to say This Title was not given to any Bishop of England First if I had my Books about me perhaps this might be refuted Secondly why should so Grave a Man as he so much Disparage his own Nation Is it impossible be my Unworthiness what it will for an English Bishop to deserve as good a Title as another Thirdly be that as it may if it were as certainly it was Lawfully given to other Bishops though they not English then is it neither Blasphemy nor Assumption of Papal Power as was Charged upon it From Oxford Mr. Serjeant went to Cambridge And I must be Guilty if ought were amiss there too For this Fifth Charge were produced three Witnesses Mr. Wallis Mr. Greece and Mr. Seaman Their Testimonies agreed very near So I will answer them together First they say That at Peter-House there were Copes and Candlesticks and Pictures in the Glass-Windows and the like But these things I have often answered already and shall not repeat They say the Chief Authors of these things were Dr. Wren and Dr. Cosens They are both living why are they not called to answer their own Acts For here 's yet no shew of Proof to bring any thing home to me For no one of them says that I gave direction for any of these No says Mr. Serjeant but why did I tolerate them First no Man complained to me Secondly I was not Chancellor and endured no small Envy for any little thing that I had occasion to look upon in that place And thirdly this was not the least Cause why I followed my Right for Power to visit there And though that Power was confirmed to me yet the Times have been such as that I did not then think fit to use it It would have but heaped more Envy on me who bare too much already As
would be made of them then that last Remedy but never till then This last Passage Mr. Brown insisted upon The taking of good Books from the People But as I have answered there was no such thing done or intended only a Word spoken to make busie Men see how they abused themselves and the Church by misunderstanding and misapplying that which was written for the good of both Lastly it was urged He said that the Communion-Table must stand Altarwise that Strangers which come and look into these Churches might not see such a Disproportion The Holy Table standing one way in the mother-Mother-Church and quite otherwise in the Parochial annexed And truly to see this could be no Commendation of the Discipline of the Church of England But howsoever Mr. Clarke the other Witness with Wyan and agreeing with him in the most says plainly that it was the Lord of Arundel that spake this not I And that he was seconded in it by the Lord Weston then Lord Treasurer not by me The last Charge of this Day was a passage out of one Mr Shelford's Book p. 20 21. That they must take the Reverend Prelates for their Examples c. And Mr. Pryn Witnessed the like was in the Missal p. 256. Mr. Shelford is a meer Stranger to me his Book I never read if he have said any thing Unjust or Untrue let him answer for himself As for the like to that which he says being in the Missal though that be but a weak Argument yet let him salve it Here this Day ending I was put off to Saturday June 1. And then again put off to Thursday June 6. which held CAP. XXXIV My Twelfth Day of Hearing THis Day Serjeant Wild instead of beginning with a new Charge made another long Reply to my Answers of the former Day Whether he found that his former Reply made at the time was weak and so reputed I cannot tell But another he made as full of premeditated Weakness as the former was of sudden Mr. Pryn I think perceived it and was often at his Ear but Mr. Serjeant was little less than angry and would on I knew I was to make no Answer to any Reply and so took no Notes Indeed holding it all as it was that is either nothing or nothing to the purpose This tedious Reply ended Then came on the First Charge about the Window of Coloured Glass set up in the New Chappel at Westminster It was the History of the coming down of the Holy-Ghost upon the Apostles This was Charged to be done by me and at my Cost The Witnesses Mr. Brown imployed in setting up the Window and Mr Sutton the Glasier These Men say that Dr Newell Sub-Dean of Westminster gave Order for the Window and the setting of it up but they know not at whose Cost nor was any Order given from me So here 's nothing Charged upon me And if it were I know nothing amiss in the Window As for the Kings Arms being taken down as they say Let them answer that did it Though I believe that the King's Arms standing alone in a white Window was not taken down out of any ill meaning but only out of necessity to make way for the History The Second Charge was the Picture of the Blessed Virgin set upon a New-Built Door at S Marys in Oxford Here Alderman Nixon says That some Passengers put off their Hats and as he supposes to that Picture But my Lords his Supposal is no Proof He says that the next day he saw it But what did he see Nothing but the putting off the Hat For he could not see why or to what unless they which put off told it They might put off to some Acquaintance that passed by He farther says he saw a Man in that Porch upon his Knees and he thinks praying but he cannot say to that But then if the Malice he hath long born me would have suffer'd him he might have stayed till he knew to whom he was Praying for till then 't is no Evidence He says he thinks that I Countenanced the setting of it up because it was done by Bishop Owen But Mr Bromfeeld who did that Work gave Testimony to the Lords that I had nothing to do in it He says there was an Image set up at Carfax Church but pulled down again by Mr Widdows Vicar there But this hath no relation at all to me This Picture of the Blessed Virgin was twice mentioned before And Sir Nath Brent could say nothing to it but Hearsay And Mr Corbet did not so much as hear of any Abuse And now Alderman Nixon says he saw Hats put off but the wise Man knows not to what Nor is there any shew of Proof offer'd that I had any Hand or Approbation in the setting of it up Or that ever any Complaint was made to me of any Abuse to it or dislike of it And yet Mr. Brown when he gave the Summ of the Charge against me insisted upon this also as some great Fault of mine which I cannot yet see In the next Charge Mr. Serjeant is gone back again to White-Hall as in the former to Oxford The Witnesses are Mrs. Charnock and her Daughter They say they went being at Court into the Chappel and it seems a Woman with them that was a Papist And that while they were there Dr. Brown one of the King's Chaplains came in Bowed toward the Communion-Table and then at the Altar kneeled down to his Prayers I do not know of any Fault Dr. Brown committed either in doing Reverence to God or Praying and there And yet if he had committed any Fault I hope I shall not answer for him I was not then Dean of the Chappel nor did any ever complain to me They say that two Strangers came into the Chappel at the same time and saw what Dr. Brown did and said thereupon that sure we did not differ much and should be of one Religion shortly And that the Woman which was with these Witnesses told them they were Priests First this can no way Relate to me for neither did these Women complain to me of it nor any from them Secondly if these two Men were Priests and did say as is Testified are we ever a whit the nearer them in Religion Indeed if all the difference between Rome and us consisted in outward Reverence and no Points of Doctrine some Argument might hence be drawn but the Points of Doctrine being so many and great put stop enough to that Thirdly if Recusants Priests especially did so speak might it not be said in Cunning to Discountenance all External Worship in the Service of God that so they may have opportunity to make more Proselytes And 't is no small Advantage to my knowledge which they have this way made And this was the Answer which I gave Mr. Brown when he Charged this upon me in the House of Commons Here before they went any farther Mr. Serjeant Wilde
from thence where he had made his Party He says farther that some few of the Citizens of Gloucester were called into the High-Commission for an Annuity of Twenty Pound a Year allowed Mr. Workman out of the Town-Stock For the thing it self it was a Gross Abuse and Scorn put upon that Court that when they had Censured a Schismatical Lecturer for such he was there proved the Towns-Men should make him an allowance of Twenty Pound a Year A thing as I humbly conceive not fit to be indured in any settled Government And whereas Clamour is made that some few of the Citizens were called to an account for it that 's as strange on the other side For where there are many Offenders the Noise would be too great to call all And yet here 's Noise enough made for calling a few Here it was replyed by Mr. Maynard That this was done by that Corporation and yet a few singled out to Answer and that therefore I might be singled out to Answer for things done in the High-Commission But under Favour this Learned and Worthy Gentleman is mistaken For here the Mayor and Magistrates of Gloucester did that which was no way warrantable by their Charter in which Case they may be accountable all or some But in the High-Commission we medled with no Cause not Cognoscible there or if by Misinformation we did we were sure of a Prohibition to stop us And medling with nothing but things proper to them I conceive still no one Man can be singled out to suffer for that which was done by all And this may serve to Answer Mr. Brown also who in his last Reply upon me when I might not Answer made use of it 2. The Second Witness was Mr. Purye of 〈◊〉 He says that Mr. Brewster and Mr. Guies the Town-Clark were called to the Council-Table about this Annuity and that I 〈◊〉 it might be 〈◊〉 Examined at the High-Commission If this were true I know no Offence in it to desire that such an Affront to Government might be more thoroughly Examined than the Lords had leisure to do But the Witness doth not give this in Evidence For he says no more than that he heard so from Mr. Brewster And his Hear-say is no Conviction He says farther that the High-Commission called upon this Business of the Annuity as informed that the Twenty Pound given to Mr. Workman was taken out of the Moneys for the Poor And this I must still think was a good and a sufficient ground justly to call them in question He says also That these Men were Fined because that which they did was against Authority So by their own Witness it appears that they were not Fined simply for allowing Means to Mr. Workman but for doing it in opposition to Authority Lastly he says they were Fined Ten Pound apiece and that presently taken off again So here was no such great Persecution as is made in the Cause And for the Cancelling of this Deed of the Annuity it was done by themselves as Mr. Langlye Witnesses After these two Witnesses heard the Sentence of the High-Commission-Court was read which I could not have come at had not they produced it And by that it appeared evidently that Mr Workman was Censured as well for other things as for his Sermon about Images in Churches As first he said so many Paces in Dancing were so many to Hell This was hard if he meant the Measures in the Inns of Court at Christmas and he excepted none Then he said and was no way able to prove it that Drunkards so they were Conformable were preferred Which was a great and a notorious Slander upon the Governours of the Church and upon Orderly and Conformable Men. Then he said that Election of Ministers was in the People And this is directly against the Laws of England in the Right of all Patrons Then constantly in his Prayer before his Sermon he Prayed for the States and the King of Sweden before his Majesty which was the Garb of that time among that Party of Men. Then that one of his common Themes of Preaching to the People was against the Government of the Church And then that Images in Churches were 〈◊〉 better than Stews in the Commonwealth which at the best is a very unsavoury Comparison But here it was replyed That Images were Idols and so called in the Homilies and that therefore the Comparison might hold Yea but in the second Homily against the Peril of Idolatry Images or Pictures in Glass or Hangings are expresly and truly said not to be Idols till they be Worshipped And therefore Mr. Workman should not have compared their setting up to Stews till he could have proved them Worshipped And in all this were the Act good or bad in the Censuring of him it was the Act of the High-Commission not mine After this followed the Fifth Charge which was Mr Sherfeild's Case his Sentence in the Star-Chamber for defacing of a Church-Window in or near Salisbury The Witnesses produced were Two The First was Mr Carill He said that Mr Sherfeild defaced this Window because there was an Image in it conceived to be the Picture of God the Father But first this comes not home For many a Picture may be conceived to be of God the Father which yet is not nor was ever made for it And then suppose it were so yet Mr Sherfeild in a setled Government of a State ought not to have done it but by Command of Authority He says that in my Speech there in the Court I justified the having of the Picture of God the Father as he remembers out of Dan. 7. 22. This as he remembers came well in For I never justified the making or having that Picture For Calvin's Rule that we may picture that which may be seen is grounded upon the Negative that no Picture may be made of that which was never never can be seen And to ground this Negative is the Command given by Moses Deut. 4. Take good heed to your selves For what That you make not to your selves this Picture Why For that you saw no manner of similitude in the day that the Lord spake unto you out of the midst of the fire Out of the midst of the fire and yet he still reserved himself in thick darkness Exod. 20. So no Picture of him because no similitude ever seen And this Rule having ever possessed me wholly I could not justifie the having of it I said indeed that some Men in later Superstitious Times were so foolish as to Picture God the Father by occasion of that place in Daniel but for my self I ever rejected it Nor can that place bear any shew of it For Daniel says there that the Ancient of days came But in what shape or similitude he came no Man Living can tell And he is called the Ancient of days from his Eternity not as if he appeared like an Old Man The Text hath no Warrant at all
I wrought cunningly to introduce that Religion by Inches And that they Prayed for me First my Lords the Opinion of Enemies is no Proof at all that I am such as they think me And secondly this is a Notable and no unusual piece of Cunning for an Enemy to destroy by commending For this was the ready way and I doubt not but it hath been Practised to raise a Jealousie against me at home thereby either to work the Ruin of my Person or utterly to weaken and disable me from doing harm to them or good for the Church of England Besides if the Commendation of Enemies may in this kind go for Proof it shall be in the power of two or three Practising Jesuits to destroy any Bishop or other Church-Man of England when they please At last he told a Story of one Father John a Benedictin that he asked him how Church-Livings were disposed in England and whether I had not the disposing of those which were in the King's Gift And concluded that he was not out of hope to see England reduced to Rome Why my Lords this is not Father John's hope alone for there is no Roman-Catholick but hath some hope alive in him to see this day And were it not for that hope there would not have been so many some desperate all dangerous Practices upon this Kingdom to Effect it both in Queen Elizabeth's time and since But if this I know not what Father John hope so what is that to me 3. The third Witness was Mr. Anthony Mildmaye A Man not thought on for a Witness till I called for his Brother Sir Henry But now he comes laden with his Brother's Language He says just as Sir Henry did before that there were two Factions in Rome the Jesuits and they abhorred me but the other the Secular Priests they wished me well as he was informed First this is so one and the same Testimony that any Man that will may see that either he informed his Brother or his Brother him Secondly here 's nothing affirmed for it is but as he was informed And he doth not tell you by whom It may be my Lords it was by his Brother Then he says This was to make my self Great and tells a Tale of Father Fitton as much to the purpose as that which Mr. Challoner told of Father John But whatsoever either of these Fathers said it was but their own Opinion of me or Hearsay neither of which can prove me guilty of any thing Thus much Mr. Anthony made a shift to say by Five of the Clock at Afternoon when I came to make my Answer And this as I have sufficient Cause to think only to help to shoar up his Brother's Testimony But in the Morning when he should have come as his Brother did he was by Nine in the Morning so Drunk that he was not able to come to the Bar nor to speak Common Sense had he been brought thither Nobile par Fratrum The Second Charge was the Consecration of two Churches in London St Catharin Cree-Church and St Giles in the Fields The Witnesses two 1. The first Witness was one Mr Willingham And he says 〈◊〉 I came to these Churches in a Pompous manner But all the Pomp that he mentions is that Sir Henry Martin Dr Duck and some other of the Arches attended me as they usually do their Diocesans in such Solemnities He says he did curiously observe what was done thinking it would one Day be called to an Account as now it is So this Man himself being Judge looked upon that Work with Malevolent Eye and God preserve him from being a malitious Witness He says That at my approach to the Church Door was read Lift up your Heads O ye Gates and be ye lift up ye everlasting Doors and the King of Glory shall come in Psal 24. And this was urged over and over as a jeer upon my Person But this Place of Scripture hath been anciently used in Consecrations And it relates not to the Bishop but to God Almighty the true King of Glory who at the Dedication enters by his Servant to take Possession of the House then to be made his He says that I kneeled down at my coming in and after used many Bowings and Cringings For my kneeling down at my entranee to begin with Prayer and after to proceed with Reverence I did but my Duty in that let him scoffingly call it Cringing or Ducking or what he please He says farther That at the beginning I took up Dust and threw it in the Air and after used divers Curses And here Mr Pryn put Mr Nicolas in mind to add that Spargere Cinerem is in the Form of Consecration used in the Pontifical And Mr Brown in his summary Account of my Charge laid the very Consecration of these Churches as a Crime upon me and insisted on this particular But here my answer to all was the same That this Witness had need look well to his Oath for there was no throwing up of Dust no Curses used throughout the whole Action Nor did I follow the Pontifical but a Copy of Learned and Reverend Bishop Andrews by which he Consecrated divers Churches in his time and that this is so I have the Copy by me to Witness and offered them to shew it Nor can this howsoever savour any way of Treason No said Mr Brown but the Treason is To seek by these Ceremonies to overthrow the Religion Established Nor was that ever sought by me And God of his Mercy Preserve the true Protestant Religion amongst us till the Consecration of Churches and Reverence in the Church can overthrow it and then I doubt not but by God's Blessing it shall continue safe to the Worlds End He says also That I did pronounce the Place Holy I did so And that was in the Solemn Act it self of the Consecration according to the usual Form in that behalf And no Man will deny but that there is a Derivative and a Relative Holiness in Places as well as in Vessels and other Things Dedicated to the Honour and Service of God Nor is any thing more common in the Old Testament and 't is express in the New both for Place and Things 1 Cor 9. Then it was urged at the Bar That a Prayer which I used was like one that is in the Pontifical So in the Missal are many Prayers like to the Collects used in our English Liturgy so like that some are the very same Translated only into English and yet these confirmed by Law And for that of Psal. 95. Venite Procidamus c. then also excepted against that hath been of very ancient use in the Liturgies of the Church From which Rejecimus Paleam numquid Grana We have separated the Chaff shall we cast away the Corn too If it come to that let us take heed we fall not upon the Devil 's Winnowing who labours to beat down the Corn 't is not the Chaff
that Troubles him S Luc 22. Then they urged my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Parker That he found Fault with the Consecration of New Churches I answered then upon Memory that he did not find fault simply with Consecrations of Churches but only with the Superstitious Ceremonies used therein And this since upon perusal of the Place I find to be true For after he had in some sort Commended the Popes for taking away some gross and superstitious Purgations he adds that yet for want of Piety or Prudence their later Pontifical and Missal-Books did outgo the Ancient In Multitudine Ceremoniarum peragendi Difficultate Taedio 〈◊〉 amentiâ So these were the things he found fault with not the Consecration it self which he could not well do himself being then a Consecrated Bishop 2. The Second Witness was Mr. Hope He says That he agrees with the former Witness and saw all and the throwing up of the Dust c. Since he agrees with the former Witness I give him the same Answer Yet with this Observation upon him and his Oath The former Witness says that at the beginning of this Action I took Dust and threw it up This Man agrees with him and saw all and almost in the very next Words confesses he was not there at the beginning Not there Yet he saw it My Lords if you mark it this is a wholsom Oath He says That then the Church-Yard was Consecrated by it self It was ever so the one Act must follow the other though both done the same Day For the Places being different the Act could not pass upon them at the same time Then he said there were Fees required and a good Eye had to the Money This is a poor Objection against me If the Officers did exact any Money without Rule or beyond President let them answer for it But for that which was said to belong to me I presently gave it to the Poor of the Parish And this Mr. Dell my Secretary then present attested to the Lords Lastly he said they were not New Churches Let him look to his Oath again for 't is notoriously known they were both New Built from the Ground and St. Giles not wholly upon the Old Foundation The Third Charge was laid on me only by Mr. Nieolas and without any Witness It was That I out-went Popery it self for the Papists Consecrated Churches only but I had been so Ceremonious that I had Consecrated Chappels too My Lords the use of Chappels and of Churches in regard of God's Service is the same Therefore if Consecration be fit for the one it must needs be for the other And the Consecrations of Chappels was long before Popery came into the World For even Oratories Newly Built were Consecrated in or before Eusebius his Time And he Flourished about the Year of Christ 310. So ancient they are in the course of Christianity and for any Prohibition of them there is neither Law nor Canon in the State or Church of England that doth it The Chappels they instance in are Three First they say I Consecrated a Chappel of the Right Honourable the Lord Treasurer Weston's I did so and did no harm therein As for the touch given by the way upon that Honourable Person he is gone to God I have nothing to do with it Secondly they Instanced in a Chappel of Sir John Worstenham's Building 'T is true I Consecrated that too but that was a Parish-Church Built in the Place where he was born and it was in my Diocess and so the Work proper for me The Third Instance was in my own Chappel in my House at Aberguilly when I was Bishop of St. Davids the Room lay waste and out of Repair and I fitted it at my own Cost and Consecrated it into a Chappel that House having no Oratory before Here they farther aggravated many circumstances As First that I named it at the Dedication The Chappel of S. John the Baptist. I did so Name that Chappel in Memory of the College where I was Bred which bears the same Name but I dedicated it to God and his Service And to give the Names of Angels and Saints to Churches for distinction sake and for the Honour of their Memory is very Ancient and Usual in the Church as appears in S. Augustin and divers others of the Fathers but Dedicated only to God Which in the midst of Superstitious times the School it self confesses So yet no Offence Secondly That I did it upon the 29th of August And why might I not do it that Day as well as upon any other But resolving to Name the Chappel as I did I the rather made choice of that Day both because it was the Day of the Decollation of S John the Baptist and because as upon that Day God had wonderfully Blessed me in the Hearing of my Cause concerning the Presidentship of S. John's College in Oxford by King James of ever blessed Memory So yet no Offence Thirdly there was a Paper read and Avowed to be mine in which was a fair description of Chappel Furniture and Rich Plate and the Ceremonies in use in that Chappel and Wafers for the Communion At the reading of this Paper I was a little troubled I knew I was not then so Rich as to have such Plate or Furniture and therefore I humbly desired sight of the Paper So soon as I saw it I found there was nothing in it in my Hand but the Indorsement which told the Reader plainly that it was the Model of Reverend Bishop Andrews his Chappel with the Furniture Plate Ceremonies therein used and all Things else And this Copy was sent me by the Household Chaplain to that Famous Bishop This I laid open to the Lords and it would have made any Man ashamed but Mr. Pryn who had delivered upon Oath that it was a Paper of my Chappel Furniture at Aberguilly contrary to his Conscience and his own Eye-sight of the Paper And for 〈◊〉 I never either gave or received the Communion but in Ordinary Bread At Westminster I knew it was sometimes used but as a thing indifferent As for the Slur here given to that Reverend Dead Bishop of Winchester it might well have been spared he deserved far better usage for his Service to the Church of England and the Protestant Cause The Fourth Charge was the Publishing the Book of Recreations And it was ushered in with this Scorn upon me That I laboured to put a Badge of Holiness by my Breath upon Places and to take it away from Days But I did neither the King commanded the Printing of it as is therein attested and the Warrant which the King gave me they have And though at Consecrations I read the Prayers yet it was God's Blessing not my Breath that gave the Holyness And for the Day I ever laboured it might be kept Holy but yet free from a Superstitious Holyness And First it was said That this was done of
into a Jewish Superstition while we seek to shun Profaneness This Calvin hath in the mean time assured me That those Men who stand so strictly upon the Morality of the Sabbath do by a gross and carnal Sabbatization three times out-go the Superstition of the Jew Here it was inferred that there was a Combination for the doing of this in other Dioceses But no proof at all was offer'd Then Bishop Mountague's Articles and Bishop Wrenn's were Read to shew that Inquiry was made about the Reading of this Book And the Bishop of London's Articles Named but not Read But if I were in this Combination why were not my Articles Read Because no such thing appears in them and because my Articles gave so good content that while the Convocation was sitting Dr. Brownrigg and Dr. Holdsworth came to me and desired me to have my Book confirmed in Convocation to be general for all Bishops in future it was so moderate and according to Law But why then say they were other Articles thought on and a Clause that none should pass without the Approbation of the Arch-Bishop Why other were thought on because I could not in Modesty press the Confirmation of my own though solicited to it And that Clause was added till a standing Book for all Dioceses might be perfected that no Quaere in the Interim might be put to any but such as were according to Law The Sixth Charge was about Reversing of a Decree in Chancery as 't is said about Houses in Dr Walton's Parish given as was said to Superstitious Vses 1. The First Witness was Serjeant Turner He says He had a Rule in the King's Bench for a Prohibition in this Cause But by Reason of some defect what is not mentioned he confesses he could not get his Prohibition Here 's nothing that reflects upon me And if a Prohibition were moved for that could not be personally to me but to my Judge in some Spiritual 〈◊〉 where it seems this Cause depended and to which the Decree in Chancery was directed And indeed this Act which they call a Reversing was the Act and Seal of Sir Nath. Brent my Vicar General And if he violated the Lord Keeper's Decree he must Answer it But the Instrument being then produced it appeared concurrent in all things with the Decree The Words are Juxta scopum Decreti hac in parte in Curiâ 〈◊〉 factum c. 2. The Second Witness was Mr. Edwards And wherein 〈◊〉 concurs with Serjeant Turner I give him the same Answer For that which he adds that Dr. Walton did let Leases of these Houses at an undervalue and called none of the Parishioners to it If he did in this any thing contrary to Justice or the Will of the Donor or the Decree he is Living to Answer for himself me it concerns not For his Exception taken to my Grant of Confirmation I think he means and to the Words therein Omnis Omnimoda c. 'T is the Ancient Stile of such Grants for I know not how many Hundred Years no Syllable innovated or altered by me Then followed the Charge of Mr. Burton and Mr. Pryn about their Answer and their not being suffer'd to put it into the Star-Chamber Which though Mr. Pryn pressed at large before yet here it must come again to help fill the World with Clamour Yet to that which shall but seem new I shall Answer Two things are said 1. The one That they were not suffered to put in their defence Modo Forma as it was laid There was an Order made openly in Court to the Judges to Expunge Scandalous Matter And the two Chief Justices did Order the Expunging of all that which was Expunged be it more or less As appears in the Acts of that Court. 2. The other is that I procured this Expunging The Proofs that I procured it were these 1. First because Mr. Cockshot gave me an Account of the business from Mr. Attorney I had Reason to look after the business the whole Church of England being scandalized in that Bill as well as my self But this is no Proof that I either gave direction or used any solicitation to the Reverend Judges to whom it was referred 2. Secondly because I gave the Lords thanks for it It was openly in Court It was after the Expunging was agreed unto And what could I do less in such a Cause of the Church though I had not been personally concerned in it 3. Thirdly because I had a Copy of their Answer found in my Study I conceive it was not only fit but necessary for me to have one the Nature of the Cause considered But who interlined any passages in it with black Lead I know not For I ever used Ink and no black Lead all my Life These be strange Proofs that I procured any thing Then Mr. Pryn added That the Justice and Favour which was afforded Dr. Leighton was denyed unto him As far as I remember it was for the putting in of his Answer under his own Hand This if so was done by Order of the Court it was not my Act. The last Charge followed And that was taken out of the Preface to my Speech in Star-Chamber The Words are That one way of Government is not always either fit or safe when the Humors of the People are in a continual Change c. From whence they inferred I laboured to reduce all to an Arbitrary Government But I do humbly conceive no construction can force these Words against me for an Arbitrary Government For the meaning is and can be no other for sometimes a stricter and sometimes a remisser holding and ordering the Reins of Government yet both according to the same Laws by a different use and application of Mercy and Justice to Offenders And so I Answer'd to Mr. Brown who charged this against me as one of my ill Counsels to his Majesty But my Answer given is Truth For it is not said That there should not be One Law for Government but not One way in the Ordering and Execution of that Law And the Observator upon my Speech an English Author and well enough known though he pretend 't is a Translation out of Dutch though he spares nothing that may be but carped at yet to this passage he says 't is a good Maxim and wishes the King would follow it And truly for my part I Learned it of a very wise and an able Governour and he a King of England too it was of Hen. 7. of whom the Story says that in the difficulties of his Time and Cause he used both ways of Government Severity and Clemency yet both these were still within the compass of the Law He far too Wise and I never yet such a Fool as to imbrace Arbitrary Government CAP. XXXVI THis day I received a Note from the Committee that they intended to proceed next upon the remainder of the Seventh and upon the Eighth and Ninth Original
Articles Which follow in haec Verba The Eighth Article 8. That for the better advancing of his Trayterous Purpose and Design he did abuse the great Power and Trust his Majesty reposed in him and did intrude upon the Places of divers great Officers and upon the Right of other his Majesty's Subjects whereby he did procure to himself the Nomination of sundry Persons to Ecclesiastical Dignities Promotions and Benefices belonging to his Majesty and divers of the Nobility Clergy and others and hath taken upon him the commendation of Chaplains to the King by which means he hath preferred to his Majesty's Service and to other great Promotions in the Church such as have been Popishly affected or otherwise Vnsound and Corrupt both in Doctrine and Manners The Ninth Article 9. He hath for the same Trayterous and Wicked intent chosen and imployed such Men to be his Chaplains whom he knew to be Notoriously disaffected to the Reformed Religion grosty addicted to Popish Superstition and Erroneous and Vnsound both in Judgment and Practice and to them or some of them he hath committed the Licensing of Books to be Printed by which means divers False and Superstitious Books have been Published to the great Scandal of Religion and to the 〈◊〉 of many of his Majesty's Subjects The Fourteenth Day of my Hearing At the ending of the former days Charge I was put off to this day which held The First Charge was concerning Mr. Damport's leaving his Benefice in London and going into Holland 1. The First Witness for this was Quaterman a bitter Enemy of mine God forgive him He speaks as if he had fled from his Ministry here for fear of me But the Second Witness Mr. Dukeswell says that he went away upon a Warrant that came to Summon him into the High Commission The Truth is my Lords and 't is well known and to some of his best Friends that I preserved him once before and my Lord Veer came and gave me Thanks for it If after this he fell into danger again Majus Peccatum habet I cannot preserve Men that will continue in dangerous courses He says farther and in this the other Witness agrees with him That when I heard he was gone into New-England I should say my Arm should reach him there The Words I remember not But for the thing I cannot think it fit that any Plantation should secure any Offender against the Church of England And therefore if I did say my Arm should reach him or them so offending I know no Crime in it so long as my Arm reached no Man but by the Law 2. The Second Witness Mr. Dukeswell adds nothing to this but that he says Sir Maurice Abbot kept him in before For which Testimony I thank him For by this it appears that Mr. Damport was a dangerous Factious Man and so accounted in my Predecessor's Time and it seems Prosecuted then too that his Brother Sir Maurice Abbot was fain being then a Parishioner of his to labour hard to keep him in The Second Charge was concerning Nathaniel Wickens a Servant of Mr. Pryns 1. The First Witness in this Cause was William Wickens Father to Nathaniel He says his Son was Nine Weeks in divers Prisons and for no Cause but for that he was Mr. Pryn's Servant But it appears apud Acta that there were many Articles of great Misdemeanour against him And afterwards himself adds That he knew no Cause but his refusing to take the Oath Ex Officio Why but if he knew that then he knew another Cause beside his being Mr. Pryn's Servant Unless he will say all Mr. Pryn's Servants refuse that Oath and all that refuse that Oath are Mr. Pryn's Servants As for the Sentence which was laid upon him and the Imprisonment that was the Act of the High-Commission not mine Then he says That my Hand was first in the Warrant for his Commitment And so it was to be of course 2. The Second Witness was Sarah Wayman She says that he refused to take the Oath Therefore he was not committed for being Mr. Pryn's Servant She says that for refusing the Oath he was threatned he should be taken pro Confesso And that when one of the Doctors replyed that could not be done by the Order of the Court I should say I would have an Order by the next Court Day 'T is manifest in the Course of that Court that any Man may be taken pro Confesso that will not take the Oath and answer Yet seeing how that party of Men prevailed and that one Doctors doubting might breed more Difference to the great Scandal and Weakning of that Court I publickly acquainted his Majesty and the Lords with it Who were all of Opinion that if such Refusers might not be taken pro Confesso the whole Power of the Court was shaken And hereupon his Majesty sent his Letter under his Signet to command us to uphold the Power of the Court and to proceed She says farther that he desired the sight of his Articles which was denyed him It was the constant and known Course of that Court that he might not see the Articles till he had taken the Oath which he refused to do 3. The Third Witness was one Flower He agrees about the business of taking him pro Confesso But that 's answerd He adds that there was nothing laid to his Charge and yet confesses that Wickens desired to see the Articles that were against him This is a pretty Oath There were Articles against him which he desired to see and yet there was nothing laid to his Charge 4. Then was produced his Majesty's Letter sent unto us And herein the King requires us by his Supream Power Ecclesiastical to proceed c. We had been in a fine case had we disobeyed this Command Besides my Lords I pray mark it we are enjoyned to proceed by the King 's Supream Power Ecclesiastical and yet it is here urged against me that this was done to bring in Popery An Excellent new way of bringing in Popery by the King's Supremacy Yea but they say I should not have procured this Letter Why I hope I may by all Lawful ways preserve the Honour and just Power of the Court in which I sat And 't is expressed in the Letter that no 〈◊〉 was done than was agreeable to the Laws and Customs of the Realm And 't is known that both an Oath and a taking pro Confesso in point of refusal are used both in the Star-Chamber and in the Chancery 5. The last Witness was Mr. Pryn who says That his Man was not suffered to come to him during his Soarness when his ears were Cropped This Favour should have been asked of the Court of Star-Chamber not of me And yet here is no Proof that I denyed him this but the bare Report of him whom he says he employed Nor do I remember any Man's coming to me about it The Third Charge followed it was concerning stopping of Book
And I humbly pray your Lordships cast your Eyes upon the Frontispiece of the Book of Martyrs Printed An 1642. since this Parliament began and when I was safe enough from having any Hand in the Business and there you shall see as dangerous Pictures as have been charged upon me or any my Chappel Windows Upon Occasion of Mr. Genebrand's Calendar Mr. Pryn took occasion to tell the Lords that I had made Notes upon the Calendar in the Missal I desired they might be read It was thought too tedious They were nothing but some Additions of my own reading to the Occurrences on some Days And because the Calendar in the Missal was open and large I thought fit to Write them there 5. The Fifth Instance is in Dr. Pocklinton his Censure of ....... and of Flaccius Illyricus And that this Book was Licensed by my Chaplain Dr. Bray And he was Censured in this Honourable House for that and like slips of his Then it was inferred at the Bar That it must be taken as my Act if it were done by my Chaplain But Inferences are no sworn Proof And I conceive no Man can by Law be punished criminally for his Servants Fact Unless there be Proof that he had a hand in it Then it was urged but without any Proof too that Dr. Pocklinton was preferred by me To which I shall answer when Proof is made And if I had 't is far enough from Treason 6. The next Instance was about the calling in of Thomas Beacons Disputation of the Mass. The Witness Mr. Pryn. He says the Book was Licensed and that a Papist thereupon said doth my Lord of Canterbury License such Books That I was informed of these Words and the Book called in the next Day First Mr. Pryn is single in this part of the Testimony for the Words Secondly if any Papist did say so it was not in my Power to stop his Mouth and they which License Books must indure many and various Censures as the Readers of them stand affected Thirdly if any Papist did so speak I have reason to think it was to do me a Mischief as much as in him lay Fourthly this is a very bold Oath For he swears that I was Informed of these Words He was not present to hear it and then he can have it but by Hearsay and no Religion teaches him to swear that for Truth which he doth but hear Lastly the Book was called in because it was slipt out contrary to the late Decree for Printing Yea but Mr. Pryn Swears and so doth Michael Sparks the other Witness that the Book was sent to the Printer before the Decree But first Sparks his Oath is uncertain for he says Mr. Pryn sent him the Book before the Decree and then by and by after says it was about that time Now the Book is somwhat large so that it might be sent him before the Decree and yet not be Printed till after and that a good space too And Secondly Mr. Pryn himself confesses the Book was sent when the Decree was in agitation 7. The Seventh Instance was about Arminianism as maintained by me against the Declarations of both Houses of Parliament and of King James concerning Vorstius and Bertius First I have nothing to do to defend Arminianism no Man having yet charged me with the abetting any point of it Secondly King James his Declaration is very Learned But under Favour he puts a great deal of difference between Vorstius and Bertius And his Majesty's Opinion is clear with the Article of the Church of England and so Expressed by himself And to which I ever Consented And the Passage in the Conference at Hampton-Court was then read to the Lords and yet for the Peace of Christendom and the strengthning of the Reformed Religion I do heartily wish these Differences were not pursued with such Heat and Animosity in regard that all the Lutheran Protestants are of the very same Opinions or with very little difference from those which are now called Arminianism And here comes in Michael Sparks who says He was called into the High-Commission about a Book of Bishop Carletons I cannot punctually remember all Particulars so long since But he confesses the Business was in the High-Commission And so not singly chargable against me Besides he is single in this Business He says he was Eleven Years in the High-Commission and never Sentenced This is more than I know But if it be so he had better luck than some Honester Men. For a bitterer Enemy to his power the Church-Government never had He was Mr. Pryn's Printer He says I was a Dean then and he thinks of Hereford I was never Dean of Hereford But howsoever this is a dangerous Oath let him think of it He Swears that I was a Dean then and a High-Commissioner or else what had I to do in the Business Now it is well known I was never a High-Commissioner till I had been a Bishop some Years For the Book it self Sparks says nothing what was the Argument of it But so far as I remember it was expresly against the King's Declaration And so I Answer'd Mr. Brown when he summed up the Evidence against me in the House of Commons And though in his Reply he seemed to deny this yet I remember no Proof he brought for it 8. The last Instance was pregnant and brought forth many Particulars As First Dr Featly's Parallels against Bishop Mountague But this was Still-born at least it says nothing of me Secondly Mr. Pryn's Perpetuity and against Dr Cosens both burnt But he doth not say absolutely burnt but as he is informed and he may be informed amiss And howsoever he says it was done by the High-Commission not by me Thirdly some Sheets of Dr. Succliff's Book Prohibited the Press at Oxford I hope Oxford is able to give an Account for it self And whereas it was here said at the Bar They hoped I would shew some repressing of the contrary part I would satisfie their Hopes abundantly could I bring Witnesses from Oxford how even and steddy a Hand I carried to both parts Fourthly Mr. Burton questioned about his Book called The seven Vials But himself confesses that upon Sir Henry Martin's Information that as that Cause was laid the High-Commission had no power in it he was dismissed Fifthly That about his Book Intituled Babel no Bethel he was questioned at a Court out of Term. This was very usual whensoever the Court was full of Business to hold one Court-day out of Term. This is Warranted by the Commission And warning of it was always publickly given the Court-day before that all whom it concerned might take notice of it and provide themselves Sixthly he says he was there railed at by Bishop Harsnet 'T is more than I know that Bishop Harsnet railed at him but if he did I hope I am not brought hither to Answer all Mens faults Seventhly he says he claimed the Petition of
altered Which is absolute Nonsence Secondly he Charged me that the Word Antichristian was left out But that is visibly untrue for it is left in Thirdly that though it be in yet that the Alteration takes it off from the Papist as also their Rebellion Neither For the Change is this That Antichristian Sect altered into The Antichristian Sect of them which c. and whose Religion is Rebellion altered into who turn Religion into Rebellion By which it is manifest that the alteration takes off neither Imputation from the Papist but moderates both And for ought I yet know 't is necessary it should For if their Religion be Rebellion see what it will produce Is not this the Syllogism The Religion of the Papist is Rebellion But Christianity is the Religion of the Papist Therefore Christianity is Rebellion I may not inlarge but you may see more if you please in my Speech in the Star-Chamber And when Mr. Brown in the Summ of his Charge pressed these Alterations hard against me he did not so much as mention that I had the King 's both Warrant and Command to all that I did in that Particular And besides urged this as a great Innovation because the Prayers mentioned had continued unaltered for the space of above Thirty Years Not remembring therewhile that the Liturgy of the Church Established by Act of Parliament must be taken away or altered though it hath continued above Fourscore Nay and Episcopacy must be quite abolished though it have continued in the Church of Christ above Sixteen Hundred The Ninth Charge was from Sir Edward Hungerford who came to Lambeth to have a little Book Licensed to the 〈◊〉 The Author was Sir Anthony Hungerford whether Sir Edward's Grandfather or his Uncle I remember not the Relation He says he came to my Chaplain Dr Bray to License it And that Dr Bray told him there were some harsh Phrases in it which were better left out because we were upon a way of winning the Papists First I hope I shall not be made answerable for my Chaplains Words too And Secondly I hope there is no harm in winning the Papists to the Church of England Especially if so easie a Cure as avoiding harsh Language would do it He says my Chaplain expressed a dislike of Guicciardin's Censure of Pope Alexander the Sixth Sure if the Censure be false he had reason to except against it if true yet to Publish such an unsavoury Business to the Common-People ........ He says he came and complained to me and that I told him I was not at leisure but left it to my Chaplain So the Charge upon me was That my Chaplain was in an Errour concerning this Book and I would not Redress it To this I answerd First that my Chaplain was Dead and I not knowing the Reasons which moved him to refuse Licensing this Book can neither confess him to be in an Errour nor yet justifie him Secondly for my own refusing to meddle with it Sir Edward took me in a time of business when I could not attend it Thirdly if I had absolutely refused it and left it to my Chaplain I had done no more than all my Predecessors did before me And Dr. Featly then witnessed to the Lords that Arch-Bishop Abbot my immediate Predecessor and to whom the Doctor was Household Chaplain would never meddle with Licensing Books but ever referred them to his Chaplains And Dr. Mocket another of his Chaplains well known to Dr. Featly suffered for a Book sharply yet not one Word said to my Predecessor about it Fourthly as the Liberty of the Press is in England and of the Books which are tendred to the Press the Arch-Bishop had better Grind than take that Work to his own Hands especially considering his many and necessary Avocations Lastly no Man ever complained to me in this kind but this Gentleman only So it is one only single Offence if it be any But how this or the rest should be Treason against Sir Edward Hungerford I cannot yet see And so I answered Mr. Brown who in his Summary Charge forgot not this But Mr. Nicolas laid load upon me in his Reply in such Language as I am willing to forget The Tenth Charge was out of a Paper of Considerations to Dr. Potter about some few passages in his Answer to a Book Intituled Charity mistaken The Business this Dr Potter writ to me for my Advice I used not to be Peremptory but put some few things back to his farther consideration Of which three were now Charged upon me The first was he used this phrase Believe in the Pope I desired him to consider of In And in this I yet know not wherein I offend The Second was this Phrase The Idol of Rome I advised him to consider this Phrase too that Men might not be to seek what that Idol was And here Mr Nicolas cryed out with vehemency That every Boy in the Street could tell the Pope was the Idol I had not Dr Potter's Book now at hand and so could not be certain in what Sense the Doctor used it but else as many at least think the Mass the Idol of Rome as the Pope Unless Mr Nicolas his Boys in the Streets think otherwise and then I cannot blame him for following such mature Judgments The Third was That I bid him consider whether the Passage p. 27. as I remember did not give as much Power to the Parliament in matter of Doctrine as the Church But my Answer to this I shall put off to the Charge against me concerning Parliaments because there Mr. Brown began with this The two former he Charged also and I answered them as before But he omitted that I obtained of the Lords the reading of Dr. Potter's Letter to me by which he drew from me those Things which I determined not but only put to his Second Thoughts and Consideration In which way I humbly conceive I cannot be in Crime though I were in Errour Here ended the Business of this Day and I was Ordered to attend again June 27. CAP. XXXVIII The Sixteenth Day of my Hearing THis day I appeared again And the first Charge laid against me was my Chaplain Dr Bray's Expungings out of Dr Featly's Sermons The same Charge ad Verbum which was before and I give it the same Answer These Repetitions of the same things being only to increase Clamour and to fill more Mens Ears with it The Second Charge was certain Expunctions of some things against the Papists in Dr Clark's Sermons The Witness which Swore to the passages left out was one Mr White a Minister and it seems some near Acquaintance of Dr Clark's But First this Witness is single Secondly he brought only a Paper in which he had written down what was Expunged but Dr Clark's Sermons he brought not with it So 't is not impossible he might be mistaken Howsoever I not having the Book could not possibly make an
Worthily Received Another passage taken out of my Speech was That due Reverence be given to God and to his Altar Hence Mr. Nicolas infers again This Reverence is one joint Act therefore 't is Divine to the Altar as well as to God and so Idolatry First the very next words in my Speech are that this Reverence to the Altar comes far short of Divine Worship What can prevent an Objection if such plain words cannot Secondly having thus plainly expressed it he may infer too if he will that I do not then Worship God For this Reverence is one joint Act but 't is confessed that 't is not Divine Worship to the Altar and therefore not to God But Thirdly this Gentleman by his Favour understands not the Mysteries which lye hid in many parts of Divinity In this for one For when this Reverence is performed 't is to God as to the Creator and so Divine But 't is only toward not to the Altar and so far short And though in outward performance it be one joint Act yet that which is not separated is and must be distinguished one from the other To make a good Work acceptable to God there must be both Faith and Charity They cannot be separated one from the other what shall they not therefore be distinguished He that speaks saith St. Aug. by one joint Act sends out his Voice and his Word separated they cannot be shall not they be distinguished therefore But I have lived long enough and taken pains to small purpose if Mr. Nicolas or any Lay-Man else at his by and leisure Hours from a busie Profession shall be able to Teach me in that which I have laboured all my Life And God bless the poor Bishops and Clergy of England if falling into a Storm as I now am they must have such Judges as Mr. Nicolas The Fourth Charge Is the Licensing of Sales and other Books which had Popery in them by my Chaplain Dr. Haywood 1. To this Mr. Pryn who is the single witness says That he tender'd a Bill to the then Lord Keeper against my Chaplain for Licensing this Book and that his Lordship refused it If the Lord Keeper Coventry refused his Bill I believe were he living he would assign just Cause why he did it But whatever Cause he had it concerns not me that he rejected the Bill Mr. Pryn says farther That this Book of Sales was Printed heretofore but purged first by Dr. James but Licensed now by Dr. Haywood not according to that Purgation but with all the Points of Popery in For this he produces Mr. Oaks whose Son printed it And says farther That his Correcter at the Press found fault with some passages and thereupon he was sent to Dr. Haywood who returned answer as they say That if he Licensed it he would justifie it And that his Son told him this First My Lords this Under-Testimony of Mr. Oakes produced by Mr. Pryn is nothing but a Hearsay from his Son who is now dead and cannot be Examined and while he was living ran away and would not be Examined Secondly this was a most notable piece of Villany practised against my Chaplain and thorough his sides against me It was thus My Lords Whether the Bill were rejected or no I cannot tell but the Complaint of Printing this Book came publickly into the Star-Chamber And then was the first time that ever I heard of it I then humbly desired their Lordships that Dr. Haywood might answer whatever he had done amiss either there or where they pleased The Court presently commanded Mr. Atturny Bankes to call all Parties before him examine them thoroughly and then give his Account what he found that the Court might proceed farther according to Justice Dr. Haywood appeared and shewed Mr. Atturney how he had Corrected Sales in all Popish Points before he Licensed it But young Oakes and he which brought Sales to be Licensed who was then thought to be some Jesuited Recusant and as I remember Lodged for that time of Printing in Oakes his House ran both away or hid their Heads and would not be found And this was a meer Plot of this Recusant if not Priest to have Sales Printed with all his Points of Popery in him to work mischief to my Chaplain and my self And young Oakes was in all likelihood well payed for his pains This Account Mr. Atturney brought into that Court and this Relation Dr. Haywood who I obtained might be after sent for attested at this Barr. One Circumstance my old decayed Memory mistook For I thought and so at first told the Lords that for this Clamor raised upon him in this way I did soon after dismiss him my House But after I found that he was gone out of my House before Howsoever I left him without any Mediation to the Justice of the Court. And here I may not forget that which I then observed to the Lords that whereas 't is urged that many Points of Popery have passed the Press 't is no wonder if such Art be used as was here to get out Sales And this farther is observable that all these Quotations of Popish Opinions mentioned here to fill up the noise are out of four or five Books at the most of which more are out of this Sales than all the rest And called in he was as soon as known Which Mr. Brown in the Summ of his Charge acknowledges 2. After Sales the next Instance was in a Book Intituled Christ's Epistle to the Devout Reader Four particular Points were urged out of this But neither I nor my Chaplains had ought to do with it For it was Licensed at London House by Dr. Weeks Nor was there ever any complaint brought to me to have it called in Nor was any such Proof so much as offer'd 3. The Third Instance was of a Book called the Female Glory where Mr. Pryn who is single again said that Dr. Heylin answered Mr. Burton and justified all the Passages in this Book And added that this was by my direction But upon my Motion at the Barr concerning the boldness of this Oath Mr. Pryn recalled himself and said that I appointed him to answer Mr. Burton But it is one thing to appoint him to answer Mr. Burton And another to direct him to justifie all passages in the Female Glory 4. The Fourth Instance was in a Letter sent to me from one Croxton a young Divine in Ireland He was bred in St. John's College in Oxford At the Lord Mount-Norris his Intreaty I sent Croxton into Ireland to be his Chaplain If he miscarried there I could not help it nor hinder his writing of a Letter to me nor preseribe what he should write in it But to my remembrance I never heard of any Miscarriage of his in matter of Religion And whether he be living or dead I know not That Letter indeed hath a Cross at the top of it But then was another Letter of his shewed without a Cross in which
to that which should be his Quiet the Grave 7. The Seventh was Arch-Bishop Neile a Man well known to be as true to and as stout for the Church of England established by Law as any Man that came to Preferment in it Nor could his great Enemy Mr. Smart say any thing now against him but a Hearsay from one Dr. Moor of Winchester And I cannot but profess it grieves me much to hear so many Honest and Worthy Men so used when the Grave hath shut up their Mouths from answering for themselves 8. The next was Dr Cosin to be Dean of Peterborough I named Four of his Majesty's Chaplains to him as he had Commanded me And the King pitched upon Dr. Cosens in regard all the Means he then had lay in and about Duresm and was then in the Scots Hands so that he had nothing but Forty Pound a Year by his Headship in Peter-House to maintain himself his Wife and Children 9. The Ninth was Dr. Potter a known Arminian to the Deanery of Worcester What Proof of this Nothing but the Docket And what of the Crime Nothing but Dr. Featly's Testimony who says no more but this That Dr. Potter was at first against Arminianism that 's Absolute But afterwards he defended it as he hath heard there 's a Hearsay 10. The Tenth was Dr Baker 11. The Eleventh Dr Weeks Both very Honest and Able Men but Preferred by their own Lord the Lord Bishop of London 12. The Twelfth was Dr Bray He had been my Chaplain above Ten Years in my House I found him a very Able and an Honest Man and had reason to Prefer him to be able to Live well and I did so Here is nothing objected against him but his Expungings and not Expungings of some Books which if he were Living I well hope he would be able to give good Account for 13. The Thirteenth Dr Heylin He is known to be a Learned and an Able Man but for his Preferment both to be his Majesty's Chaplain and for that which he got in that Service he owes it under God to the Memory of the Earl of Danby who took care of him in the University 14. After these they named some whom they said I preferred to be the King's Chaplains The Witness here Mr. Oldsworth the Lord Chamberlain's Secretary He says the Power and Practice of naming Chaplains was in the Lord Chamberlain for these 25. Years And I say 't is so still for ought I know He says that in all things concerning which the Lord Chamberlain's Warrant went in this Form These are to will and require you c. that there his Lordship did it without consulting the King and that the Warrant for Chaplains run all in this Form First this is more than I know or ever heard of till now Secondly be it so yet 't is hard to deny the King to hear Men Preach before they be sworn his Chaplains if his Majesty desire it since it argues a great care in the King especially in such a Factious time as began to overlay this Church Thirdly he confesses that he knows not who put the King upon this way but believes that I did it He is single and his belief only is no Evidence And whosoever gave the King that Advice deserved very well both of his Majesty and the Church of England That none might be put about him in that Service but such as himself should approve of But that which troubled this Witness was another thing He had not Money for every one that was made Chaplain nor Money to get them a Month to wait in nor Money to change their Month if it were inconvenient for their other Occasions nor Money for sparing their Attendance when they pleased In which and other things I would he had been as careful of his Lord's Honour as I have been in all things For 't is well known in Court I observed his Lordship as much as any Man The Men which are instanced in are Dr Heylin But he was preferred to that Service by my Lord the Earl of Danby Then Dr. Potter But the Lord Keeper Coventry was his means Dr. Cosens was preferred by Bishop Neile whose Chaplain he had been many Years and he moved the Lord Chamberlain for it Dr Lawrence was my Lord Chamberlain's own Chaplain and preferred by himself and in all likelyhood by Mr. Oldsworth's means For he was Fellow of Magdalen College in Oxford as Mr. Oldsworth himself was and he once to my Knowledge had a great Opinion of him Dr. Haywood indeed was my Chaplain but I preferred him not to his Majesty till he had Preached divers times in Court with great Approbation nor then but with my Lord Chamberlain's Love and Liking As for Dr. Pocklington I know not who recommended him nor is there any Proof offered that I did it 15. Then they proceeded to my own Chaplains They name Four of them First Dr. Weeks But he was never in my House never medled with the Licensing of any Books till he was gone from me to the Bishop of London So he is charged with no Fault so long as he was mine The Second Dr Haywood But he is charged with nothing but Sales which was a most desperate Plot against him as is before shewed The Third was Dr. Martin Against him came Mr. Pryn for his Arminian Sermon at S. Pauls Cross. But that 's answered before And Mr. Walker who said he proposed Arminian Questions to divers Ministers Belike such as were to be examined by him But he adds as these Ministers told him So 't is but a Hear-say And say he did propose such Questions may it not be fit enough to try how able they were to answer them The Fourth was Dr. Bray Against him Dr. Featly was again produced for that which he had expunged out of his Sermons But when I saw this so often inculcated to make a noise I humbly desired of the Lords that I might ask Dr. Featly one Question Upon leave granted I asked him Whether nothing were of late expunged out of a Book of his written against a Priest and desired him to speak upon the Oath he had taken He answered roundly that divers passages against the Anabaptists and some in defence of the Liturgy of the Church of England were expunged I asked by whom He said by Mr. Rouse and the Committee or by Mr. Rouse or the Committee Be it which it will I observed to the Lords that Mr. Rouse and the Committee might expunge Passages against the Anabaptists nay for the Liturgy established by Law but my Chaplains may not expunge any thing against the Papists though perhaps mistaken From thence they fell upon Men whom they said I had preferred to Benefices They named but Two Dr Heylin was one again whom I preferred not The other was Dr Jackson the late President of Corpus Christi College in Oxford Dr Featly being produced said Dr Jackson was a known Arminian If so to him 't is well The Man
that I maintained some Catholick Opinions yet he named none by which there might be Tryal and Judgment whether they were such or no in the Sense he meant them Lastly Mr. Perkins in his Reformed Catholick sets down divers Opinions in which they of Rome and we agree Shall he be a Papist for this Or shall not that which is Lawful for him be as Lawful for me 2. The Second Witness was one Harris He says that Mr. Ireland who was some time Student of christ-Christ-Church in Oxford and after School-Master at Westminster told him that I would leave the Church of England This is a bare Report from Mr. Ireland with whom I never had any Acquaintance nor was scarce in his Company twice in all my Life Nor is it in my Power to hinder what Mr. Ireland will say or Mr. Harris from him He says That one that called himself Leander came over on purpose to make this Reconciliation If he did which is more than I know or believe I think he would hardly make such a one as Harris is reported to be acquainted with it But howsoever if he did come with that purpose was it in my Power to hinder his coming And here is no Proof offered that I did help on his Purpose or so much as know of it He says he often Petitioned me for Relief but had none It may be I well knew he deserved none And your Lordships know that by Law I might not afford him any Had I given him any I should now have heard it with both Ears For I am informed he is a Priest and Condemned in a Praemunire and was let out of Prison on purpose to be a Witness against me And having set that which is aforesaid under his Hand is now slipped away and gone Who got him out of Prison for this good purpose I know not but fure somewhat there is in it for your Lordships see his Testimony is now read but he appears not 3. The Third Witness was Sir Nathaniel Brent now absent but came in the next Day He says I was esteemed Popishly Affected in Oxford and he gave Three Instances very carefully to prove it The First was That in the Divinity School there I maintained the Necessity of Baptism I did so and my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Abbot was then Vice-Chancellor and present and approved my Opinion and my Grace passed for my Degree to be Batchellour of Divinity without any one Man's Opposition He says That Mr. Dale of Merton College then shewed him all my Supposition taken out of Bellarmin This is a bold and a dangerous Oath He might Swear that Mr. Dale shewed him in Bellarmin that which he said was my Supposition But that he shewed him all my Supposition there is a strange Oath for a Man of Learning and Law to make and in such a Presence Besides I have my Supposition which I then made yet by me and if my Tenet of that Question be the same with Bellarmin's or that there be any Line taken out of him but what I cite for my own advantage against him I will utterly forfeit my Reputation of any Learning to your Lordships His Second Instance was That I was acquainted with one Mr Brown Fellow of Corpus Christi College in Oxford who was suspected to be a Papist and after his Death proved to be one by a Book that was found in his Study proving that a Man might be a Roman-Catholick and yet go to Church and Conform in England I was acquainted with this Man he was a very good Scholar and an Honest man and a good Protestant for ought I know For the Tract found after his Death among his Papers that 's no Proof For Scholars get all the Papers they can especially such as belong to their own Profession And the more strange the Opininions are the more do they labour to get them Nor is it any Proof that the Tract was of his making because written in his own Hand as 't is urged For the Argument being so foul and dangerous it could not be safe for him nor any way fit to commit it to any other to write for him Nor is there any Proof that I knew he had such a Tract by him neither indeed did I. The Opinion is very base and unworthy and was first broached by the Jesuit Azorius and it seems some of his Fellows had inlarged him and made this Tract out of his Principles His Third Instance was That I Petitioned King James in this Business I was complained of to King James by a great Person That I had inward Acquaintance with this Man Hereupon my waiting Month being June and not long after the Complaint made I took Occasion in my first Sermon to confute this Opinion and then Petitioned his Majesty that it might be examined that such an Imputation might not lie upon me His Majesty referred it to the Lords Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Bishops of London Winchester and Duresm where after full examination I was Acquitted The Second Charge was that the same Opinion was held of me beyond the Seas That I was a cunning Promoter of the Roman Cause And here the Witnesses are the same which were produced before Mr. Challoner who told over his old Tale again of I know not what Plot he heard from a Jesuit Nothing but Hearsay at the best And it savours like an Almanack de Post Facto or rather of somwhat else which I will spare to name because he is upon his Oath The other Witness is Mr. Anthony Mildmay who also tells over his Old Tale of his Father Fitton But he was out of the way again and appeared not till the next Day with Sir Nathaniel Brent So here 's a Repetition again of the same Witnesses and the same things to multiply the Noise Only Noble Sir Henry Mildmay appeared not the Second time but whether it were because he had enough at his first appearance or whether his Face was scratched then as since Men say it was I cannot tell The Third Charge was That I had a damnable Plot to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome If to reconcile them with the maintenance of Idolatry it were a damnable Plot indeed But if Christian Truth and Peace might meet and unite together all Christendom over were that a Sin too Were I able to Plot and effect such a Reconciliation I would think my self most Happy whatever I suffered for it But how is this damnable Plot proved Pope Gregory writ a Letter to his Nuncio in Spain and a Letter also to King Charles which Letter is Printed Copies of these Letters were found in my Study Could I hinder the Pope from writing to whom he pleased Shall not I get Copies of any Letters I can to see what practising is abroad for private Interest Shall it be Lawful for all my Predecessors to get and keep Copies of such Letters by them and shall it be Unlawful for me only And here
thus That God would preserve the Prince in the true Religion of which there was cause to fear Could this Prayer have any other Operation upon the People than to make them think his Majesty was careless in the Education of the Prince especially in point of Religion And this was so Grievous and Graceless a Scandal cast upon a Religious King as nothing could be greater Upon the matter it was the shew of a Prayer for the Prince but was indeed to destroy the King in the Hearts of his People And had I not there consented to his Punishment I had deserved to be punished my self Mr. Brown when he repeated the Summ of the Evidence laid this Charge upon me but spake not one Word to my Remembrance of this Answer given to it The Ninth Charge That I did Extol Queen Mary's Days The Proof for it was taken out of the Preface to the Statutes of the Vniversity of Oxford I took a great deal of pains about those Statutes and might justly have expected Thanks for it not such an Accusation But as for the Preface it was made and Printed at Oxford I medled not with it I could trust the University with little if not with the making of a Preface If they have done any thing amiss in it let them answer it The Passage was about certain Offers made to amend those Confused Old Statutes both in Ed. 6. and Queen Mary's Days but no Effect came of the pains then taken Recruduit Labor says the Preface So that this I can answer for them There 's not a Word spoken of Religion but of Manners only and that as much in relation to the Times of Princes following as Hers. For the Words to my remembrance are Interim optandâ Temporum Foelicitate c. And that Interim cannot be restrained to Queen Mary's Days only but must include the whole Interim or middle distance of Time to that present in which I setled the Body of their Statutes that is all Queen Elizabeth's and King James his Days which I think no Man can deny was Optanda Temporum Foelicitas Here Mr. Nicolas confessed there was no down-right Proof against me That was his Phrase But he added that was not to be expected in such a Work of Darkness Then he produced a Paper found in my Study Printed at Rome So were divers of my Books Printed there What of this They may Print what they will at Rome I cannot hinder it And I may have and keep whatever they Print no Law forbidding it Then he shewed a Letter sent unto me from Mr. Graves The Gentleman is at this present Fellow of Merton College in Oxford a great Traveller and a Man of great Worth As far as I remember his Letter came to me from Alexandria It was fit to be sent and kindly received as by me it was I desired it might be read Then were mentioned Sir William Boswell's Letters and the Papers sent by Andreas ab Habernfeld about a great Plot to destroy the King and Religion and that I concealed these Papers I might have been amazed at the Impudence of this Charge above all the rest Diaboli Impudentia the Devils Impudence and no less as S. Augustin speaks in another Case Did I conceal these Papers First the same Day that I received them I sent them by an Express to his Majesty I had a speedy Answer from his Majesty and that I returned with equal speed to his Majesty's Agent Sir William Boswell as I was commanded And this Mr. Pryn and Mr. Nicolas knew For Mr. Pryn took all these Letters and Papers from me when he searched me at the Tower and out of them made his Book called Rome's Masterpiece Excepting the Slanders which he hath Jugled in of his own So soon as his Majesty came home I humbly besought him that he would be pleased to appoint a time and call some Lords to him to hear and examine the Business and this Examination continued till I was Committed What was after done I cannot account for Besides my Lords it appears by those Paprs that my Life was sought for because I would not give way to the Change of Religion and Mr. Pryn himself hath Printed this and yet now Mr. Nicolas from his Testimony presses these Papers against me But the King and the Lords and both Secretaries of State then present can witness that I took all the Care and Pains above-mentioned to have it sifted to the Bottom Notwithstanding all this Mr. Nicolas falls upon this Plot again upon the next Day of my Hearing as if nothing had been said unto it And was so shameless as to say that I followed this Business so long as I thought the Plot was against the Puritans But so soon as I found it was against the Papists I kept it secret till Mr. Pryn discovered it in his search of my Papers Where First there 's no one Word in all the Papers to make me or any Man think the Puritans were concerned in it And Secondly I did not sleep upon the Receipt of these Papers till I had sent them to his Majesty But I had reason to keep the Papers as safe as I could considering how much they justifie me against these foul Calumnies put upon me Then followed the Charge of Sancta Clara's Book alias Monsieur St Giles So they expressed it and I must follow the way they lead me First then they Charge that I had often Conference with him while he was writing his Book Intituled Deus Natura Gratia No he never came to me till he was ready to Print that Book Then some Friends of his brought him to me His Suit then was That he might Print that Book here Upon Speech with him I found the Scope of his Book to be such as that the Church of England would have little Cause to thank him for it And so absolutely denyed it Nor did he ever come more at me after this but twice or thrice at most when he made great Friends to me that he might Print another Book to prove that Bishops are by Divine Right My Answer then was that I did not like the way which the Church of Rome went in the Case of Episcopacy And howsoever that I would never give way that any such Book should be Printed here from the Pen of a Romanist and that the Bishops of England were able to defend their own Cause and Calling without calling in Aid from Rome and would in due time Maintenance he never had any from me nor did I then know him to be a Priest Nor was there any Proof so much as offered in contrary to any of this 2. Secondly they did specially except against a Passage in the Licenser and another at the end of the Book The Book was Printed at Lions where I could not hinder the Printing either of the whole or any part This might have been something had I Licensed it here But that I constantly denyed 3. Thirdly
at Oxford knowing him to be such But when upon Examination of S. Giles they found him to be a French Man and so not within the Statute As the words of that Statute are most plain and so is Sir Edw. Coke's Judgment upon them both which I then read to the Lords I say when they saw this then they cast about how to make S. Clara and Mr. S. Giles to be one Man And though they could find no shadow of Proof of a thing that is not but a Letter of News from Venice yet against their own Knowledge and Conscience they give that in Evidence to reach my Life any way Here Mr Nicolas so soon as he discovered whither I tended would have broken me off saying they did not urge it for that now they were not yet come to it I Replyed if they came to it after I would be at the pains to Answer again But since it concerned my Life I would not slip it now nor leave it unanswer'd in any Circumstance So I went on but they never mentioned it after and by this way meant certainly to have involved me within the Law Clara being an English Man Born God of his Mercy grant that this Thirst after my Blood lye not too heavy another day upon their Souls Mr. Brown in Summing up the Charge fell upon this also I made a brief Answer out of that which is aforesaid Yet after in his Reply he fell upon this Letter of Mr. Middleton's and cites his News for Evidence that S. Clara and Mr. S. Giles were the same Man Which I much wonder so Able and Grave a Man as he is should swallow from Mr. Pryn who doubtless being present was angry to see himself so laid open in the House of Commons At last came in the last Charge of this Day That a Cardinal's Hat was offer'd unto me My Diary quoted for this at Aug. 4. 21. 1633. I could hinder no Offer unless I could Prophesie what each Man came about and so shun them But why is not my Answer there set down expressed too My Answer was That somewhat divelt in me which would not suffer me to accept that till Rome were other than now it is Besides I went presently to his Majesty and acquainted him with it Which is all that the Law requires at my Hands And his Majesty very Prudently and Religiously yet in a calm way the Persons offering it having Relation to some Embassador freed me speedily of that both Trouble and Danger They urged further out of the Papers of Andreas ab Habernfield which Mr. Pryn took from me in his search That Signior Con had power to offer me a Cardinal's Hat The words which they cite are for I could never get sight of those Papers since Mandatum habuit offerre sed non obtulit What Power he had to make me such an Offer I know not but themselves confess he did not offer it Nor had I ever any Speech with him during all the time he stayed here I was solicited as much by Honourable Friends to give him Admittance to me at Lambeth with Assurance he should speak nothing about Religion as ever I had about any thing in my Life I still refused and could not perswade my self to do other and yet could not but inwardly In Verbo Sacerdotis this is true condemn my self of gross Incivility for refusing For which yet now I see I am much bound to God for that Unmannerliness Had I held a Correspondence with him though never so Innocent where had I now been Besides I would not have it forgotten that if to offer a Cardinal's Hat or any like thing shall be a sufficient Cause to make a Man guilty of Treason it shall be in the power of any Romanist to make any English Bishop a Traytor when he pleases A Mischief not to be indured And thus this long and tedious Day ended and I had order to Attend again on July 24. which I did accordingly CAP. XLI The Nineteenth Day of my Hearing THis day they went on with the same Article And the 〈◊〉 Charge was My denying the Pope to be Antichrist The Proofs The Alteration of the Clause in the Letters Patents for the Palatinat and the Letters between Bishop Hall and me These Proofs are Answer'd before and repeated here only to make a Noise Nor did I in any of these deny the Pope to be Antichrist For to forbear that word for some both Temporal and 〈◊〉 Respects is one thing and to deny the thing it self is another The Second consists of a great many Particulars and most of them urged before repeated only to help to make the Ignorant clamorous and wild against me God forgive them this Practice 1. The First Particular was Shelford's Book The whole Book And Mr. Pryn very gravely said that this Book and the other two following were found in my Study Is he not yet ashamed of this Argument May I have no Book in my Study but I must be of the same Judgment with the Author in all things The Author is altogether unknown to me The Book was Licensed at Cambridge So nothing faulty in me but the having of the Book in my Study 2. The Second was Dr. Heylin's Book against Mr. Burton This Book was Printed by my Command they say And in it is a Passage for Absolute Obedience to Kings p. 229. This was before also And I did Command the Printing of the Book but gave no 〈◊〉 to put any thing unjustifiable into it This Passage I caused to be read to the Lords and the Doctor there says no more than what he Learned of King James in the Conference at Hampton Court But if any thing be amiss he is ready to Answer it But I find not one word in him that this Absolute Obedience ought to be in any thing that is against Law That 's one of Mr. Nicolas his Stretches 3. The third Particular is Bishop Mountague's Appeal p. 141. But nothing hence charged upon me but only that the Book was found in my Study I would Mr. Pryn could find any Books there now 4. The Fourth was That divers Books of like nature were Licensed by my Chaplains But none was of all they then named but Dr. Heylin's and Sales of which your Lordships have heard the Plot how it came to be Licensed And for Dr. Heylin he is ready to make all good which he hath therein done 5. The Fifth Particular is That the Homilies which are Authorised in the Church of England make the Pope Antichrist p. 216. And the Babylonish Beast of Rome p. 316. But First This is nothing against me till it be proved which yet is not done That I have positively denied the Pope to be Antichrist And Secondly I do not conceive that the Article of the Church of England which confirms the Homilies doth also confirm every Phrase that is in them Nor Thirdly Do I conceive that the Homilies
is upon the bare Circumstance of Quomodo How Christ is present in the Sacrament As for that which was said in the beginning of this Charge That Rome is a True Church I ever did and ever must grant it that such it is Veritate Entis in the Truth of it's Entity and Being For as I have said against Fisher Ens Verum Being and True are convertible one with another And every thing that hath a Being is truly that Being which it is in truth of Substance but a Right or an Orthodox Church I never said it was either in Doctrine or Manners As a Thief is a true Man in Verity of his Essence that is he is a Creature indued with Reason but it doth not therefore follow that he is a true Man Veritate Moris in his Life and Conversation And this I answered first to the Lords and after to Mr. Brown's Summary Charge who in his last Reply said two things First That when I said Rome was a True Church I spake it generally without this Distinction But this is quite beyond the Proof for no Witness says so Besides it is manifest by distinction of Fundamentals from other Doctrines acknowledged by both the Witnesses that I did not speak it absolutely but plain enough to any ordinary Understanding Secondly which I was very sorry to hear from so grave a Man he added That there was no Truth of a Church but in the Verity of Doctrine and Manners and that in Veritate Entis a Company of Turks were a True Church Now God be merciful to us whither are we posting 'T is known that the Greek Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies Church signifies also in Heathen Authors any kind of Company or Congregation of Men Turks if you will But in Ecclesiastical Writers and among all Christians the Word Church is used only and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too for a Company of Men which profess the Faith of Christ and are Baptized into his Name And will any Man say that a Company of Turks are such a Church in Veritate Entis in the Verity of this Being as all the World knows Papists are Or if he will not speak de Ente tali but change the Suppositum he may say what he please But I was very much troubled to hear this and from him I had almost forgot that Mr. Nicolas here pressed the Authority of the Homilies upon me again where 't is said That the Bishop of Rome and their Adherents are not the true Church But the Answer is easie For I say as the Homily doth and as it means too in that place Namely that the Church of Rome is not the true that is not the Catholick Church nor the Head thereof But there is a great deal of difference between the Church and a Church The one is the General the other a Particular The Church it cannot be A Church it is and a true one too in the Sense before specified Upon occasion of this Mr. Nicolas his Mouth was open again and said That at the beginning I reckon'd up some that I had Converted But if this were my Opinion and that if this might stand for good I might Convert the Devil and all My Ears had been so beaten with his Language that I was patient and left him to insult And to help on this business while he was in these loud Expressions the E. of Pembrook came to Mr. Burton to the Bar and in my hearing desired him to repeat the Testimony he had given which Mr. Burton did and his Lordship seemed to be much pleased with it Not long before when the News was come hot to the House that York was taken when I came at Five in the Afternoon to make my Answer I was no sooner come to the Bar but the same Lord came and sat just before me and there with much Joy told Mr. Lieutenant the News I presume he did it in favour to me because he thought it would put me in very good Heart being then instantly to begin to make my Answer God forgive this Lord for I have deserved in my time far better of him if he understood himself or any Man else The next Charge was out of Dr. Packlinton's Altare Christianum p. 49 50. where he speaks they say for I now have not his Book of a Happiness that the Bishops of England can derive their Succession from St. Peter which in great Scorn Mr. Nicolas called the Archbishop's Pedigree First If there be any Crime in this Dr. Pocklinton is to Answer it not I. Secondly He may scorn what he will but Wise Men know 't is a great Honour to the Church of England and a great Stopple in the Mouths of the Romanists that her Bishops can derive their Calling successively from St Peter especially considering how much they stand upon personal Succession Thirdly Dr. Pocklinton in this says no more for me and the Bishops than St. Augustin urged for himself and his Brethren against the Donatists in the same words save that St. Aug. begins at St. Peter and descends to his own time and the Dr. begins at his own time and ascends to St. Peter But it seems an Upstart Clergy without a Calling will serve Mr. Nicolas well enough The Sixth Charge was That Books were written of purpose to maintain these Opinions and such Men as writ them only preferred He named Mr. Shelford Mr. Butterfield Dr. Cosins and Dr. Pocklinton This hath been Clamoured upon already if any have set out unworthy Books they may be called to account for it I hope I shall not answer for all the Divines in the Kingdom They whom I preferred were Worthy and Able Men and it will not be in the Power of Mr. White 's Centuries to Blast a Man of them among any that know them For these that are named Mr. Shelford I know not Mr. Butterfield I saw punished in the High-Commission Neither of them preferred that I know The two last by whomsoever they were preferred deserved all the Preferment they had and more The Seventh Charge is out of my Diary at June 15 1632. where 't is said that I preferred Mr Secretary Windebank my old Friend And here Mr. Nicolas laid all the Correspondency open which he said that Gentleman had with the Popes Agents with Priests and Jesuits and when he had made him this way as foul as he could then I must be guilty of all for preferring such a Man to the King This Gentleman was indeed my ancient Friend In my many Years Acquaintance with him I saw nothing in him but Honesty and Worth If when he was preferred he deceived my Opinion he is living to answer for himself Many in all Ages have been preferred to Princes which do not answer the Hopes and Desires of them which prefer them and yet they not made answerable for them neither But whether he did fail in any Publick Trust or no I am not his Judge
consider of and on September 27. Friday they were earnestly called upon to hasten their Report And on Friday Octob. 4. Mr. Nicolas made a great noise about me in the House and would have had me presently Censured in the House and no less would serve his turn but that I must be Hanged and was at Sus. per Coll. till upon the Reasons before given that if they went on this way they must Condemn me unheard this violent Clamour ceased for that time And a Message was sent up to the Lords for my Councel to be heard as touching the first Question concerning Treason but not concerning any Exception that they shall take against the Articles in point of certainty This Message the Lords took into present Consideration and Order'd it accordingly And appointed the Friday following being Octob. 11. for my Councel to be Heard and my Self to be present This day according to this Order of the Lords I and my Councel attended My Councel were Mr. Hern and Mr. Hales of Lincolns-Inn and Mr. Gerrard of Grays-Inn When we were called into the House and the Lords setled in their places Mr. John Hern who was the Man that spake what all had resolved on delivered his Argument very freely and stoutly proving that nothing which I have either said or done according to this Charge is Treason by any known Established Law of this Kingdom The Argument follows in these words according to the Copy which Mr. Hern himself delivered me My Lords THE Work of this Day we humbly conceive is in many respects of very great and high Concernment 1. In that it concerns Matter of Life a Thing of the highest Consequence 2. The Life of an Arch-Bishop a Person who had attained the highest Dignity conferred in the Church of England 3. Those Happy Laws many Years since Enacted and Confirmed by several Parliaments to be the Boundaries what was Treason a Crime before so various as it had no Bounds and so Odious that the punishment of it was an Infamous Death a total Confiscation with a Brand of Infamy to all Posterity 4. In that the Charge against him moves from no less a Body than the whole Commons of England which presents him now a Prisoner at this Bar before your Lordships in the High and Supream Court of Judicature in Parliament And if any thing shall fall from us subject to any doubtful Construction we shall humbly crave your Lordships Pardon and Leave to make our Explication For as there is upon us a Duty to be wary not to offer any thing which may minister just Offence so neither may we be unfaithful to omit what may justly tend to our Client's Defence The Charge against him we find to be made up of two several parcels of Articles Exhibited by the Honourable House of Commons 1. The First in Maintenance of their Accusation whereby he stands charged with High Treason 2. The latter Intituled farther Articles of Impeachment of High Treason and divers high Crimes and Misdemeanours for all which Matters and Things they have Impeached him of High Treason and other high Crimes and Misdemeanours tending to the Subversion of Religion Laws and Liberties and to the utter Ruine of this Church and Common-wealth Concerning this Charge and the Arch-Bishop's Defence he hitherto made before your Lordships we by your Lordships Command Assigned his Councel neither have nor could by Reason of the mixt Charge without distinguishing what was thereby intended to be a Charge of Treason and what of Misdemeanour only be farther useful to him than to Advise the Form of his Plea and Answer which we received from him as to all the Matters of Fact to be a Not Guilty We have not in all or any the Facts Charged or Evidenced against him in any sort intermedled But the same how proved and how appliable to the Charges without mention of any of them shall wholly leave to your Lordships Notes and Memories What Defence he hath offered hitherto hath been wholly his own He without us in that and we without consulting him in the work of this day Wherein having received your Lordships Commands we did present in writing the Points in Law we then humbly conceived fit for us to insist upon I. Whether in all or any the Articles charged against him there was contained any Treason by the Established Laws of this Kingdom II. Whether the Charge of the said Impeachment and Articles did contain such certainty and particularity as is required by Law in a Case where Treason is charged But being enjoyned by your Honourable Order to speak only to the former We shall as in Duty becomes conform thereunto For our Method herein shall follow the course holden in the Reply made upon the whole Articles whereby we conceived the Charges contained in them were reduced to these three Generals 1. A Trayterous Endeavour to Subvert the Fundamental Laws of the Realm and instead thereof to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government against Law contained in the first Original and first Additional Articles 2. Secondly A Trayterous Endeavour to Subvert God's True Religion by Law Established and instead thereof to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry this contained in the seventh Original and seventh Additional Articles 3. Thirdly That he laboured to Subvert the Rights of Parliament and the Ancient course of Parliamentary Proceedings and by False and Malicious Slanders to incense his Majesty against Parliaments And this contained in the fourteenth Original and tenth Additional Articles All other the Articles we humbly conceive to be but Instances conducing and applied to some of those Generals Concerning those three General Heads of the Charge we shall crave leave to propose two Questions to be debated 1. Whether there be at this day any other Treason than what is Declared by the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. Cap. 2. or Enacted by some subsequent particular Statute which we humbly conceive and shall endeavour to satisfie your Lordships there is not any 2. Whether any the Matters in any of the Articles charged contain any of the Treasons declared by that Law or Enacted by any subsequent Law which we likewise conceive they do not And for the clearing of both these shall humbly insist That 1. An endeavour to Subvert the Laws An endeavour to Subvert Religion A labouring to Subvert the Rights of Parliaments Are not Treasons either within the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. or by any other particular Statute 2. That not any of the Particulars instanced in any other the Articles is a Treason within the Statute 25 Ed. 3. or any other Statute And to make good our Tenet upon our first Question shall humbly offer That before this Statute of 25 Ed. 3. Treasons at the Common Law were so general and uncertain that almost any Crime by Inferences and Constructions might be and was often extended to be a Treason in so much as we find in 22o. of the
short of Treasons the application to those Generals cannot make them Treasons We shall only single out Two Particulars and in those be very brief in that most which hath been said to the former Generals is appliable to them inasmuch as none of them is declared to be a Treason by the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. or by any other Law enacted 1. The first of these in the 10th Original Article viz. That he hath Traiterously endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome Which if it be any Treason must be a Treason within the Statute of 5 Jac. Cap. 4. whereby is provided That if any Man shall put in practice to Reconcile any of his Majesty's Subjects to the Pope or See of Rome the same is enacted to be Treason which we conceive clearly is none of this Charge 1. First For that here only is Charged an Endeavour there a Putting in Practice 2. Here a Reconciling of the Church of England with the Church of Rome there a Reconciling some of his Majesty's Subjects to the See of Rome And a Reconciling with may as well be a Reducing of that of Rome to England as England to Rome The Second in the 7th additional Article for wittingly and willingly Receiving and Harbouring divers Popish Priests and Jesuits namely Sancta Clara and Monsieur St. Gyles Which Offence as to the Harbouring Priests and Jesuits born within his Majesty's Dominions by the Statute of 27 Eliz. Cap. 2. is made Felony not Treason and extends only to Priests English born which these are not charged to be My Lords We have now gone through those Articles wherein we conceive the Treasons Charged were intended and have endeavoured to make it appear That none of the Matters in any of the Articles Charged are Treason within the Letter of any Law And if not so then they cannot by Inference or Parity of Reason be heightned to a Treason It is true the Crimes as they are laid in the Charge are great and many Yet if the Laws of this Realm which have distinguished Crimes and accordingly given them several Names and inflicted Punishments raise none of these to a Treason That we humbly conceive will be worthy of your Lordships Consideration in this Case and that their Number cannot make them exceed their Nature And if they be but Crimes and Misdemeanours apart below Treason or Felony they cannot make a Treason by putting them together Otherwise the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. which we have so much insisted upon had been fruitless and vain if after all that exactness any Number of Misdemeanours in themselves no Treason should by complication produce a Treason and yet no mention made of it in that Law much less any Determination thereby that any Number or what Number and of what Nature of Crimes below Treason should make a Treason It is true my Lords That by the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. there is a Clause in these Words It is accorded That if any other Case supposed Treason which is not therein specified doth happen before any Justices the Justices shall tarry without any going to Judgment of the Treason until the Cause be shewed and declared before the King and his Parliament Whether it ought to be judged Treason or Felony And that hereby might seem to be inferred That there should be some other Treasons than are mentioned in that Law which may be declared in Parliament But my Lords we shall observe 1. If such Declaration look only forward then the Law making it Treason preceeds the Offence and is no more than an Enacting Law If it look backward to the Offence past then it appears by the very Clause it self of 25 Edw. 3. it should be at the least a Felony at the Common Law and that a Crime or Crimes below a Felony were never intended to be by this Law to be declared or to be heightned to a Treason And we find not any Crime declared Treason with a Retrospect unless it were a Felony before And in the late Case of the Earl of Strafford Attainted by Bill there is a Treason within this Law charged and declared by the Bill of his Attainder to have been proved 2. Secondly We are not now in case of a Declaration of a Treason but before your Lordships only upon an Impeachment and in such case we humbly conceive the Law already established as it hath been so it will be the Rule Thus my Lords we have gone through that Part which belongs to us directed us by your Lordships viz. Whether in all or any the Articles exhibited before your Lordships there is contained any Treason by any established Law of this Kingdom without medling at all with the Facts or Proof made of them which together with our weak Endeavours we humbly submit to your Lordships great Judgment And for any Authorities cited by us are ready if so Commanded to produce them Here this Day ended and I had a few Days rest But on Tuesday October 22. being a Day made Solemn for Humiliation my Chamber at the Tower was searched again for Letters and Papers But nothing found After this there went up and down all about London and the Suburbs a Petition for the bringing of Delinquents to Justice and some Preachers exhorted the People to be zealous in it telling them it was for the Glory of God and the Good of the Church By this means they got many Hands of Men which little thought what they went about In this Petition none were named but my self and the Bishop of Ely so their Drift was known to none but their own Party and was undoubtedly set on foot to do me mischief Whose Design this was God knows but I have cause to suspect Mr. Pryn's Hand in it This barbarous way of the Peoples clamouring upon great Courts of Justice as if they knew not how to govern themselves and the Causes brought before them is a most unchristian Course and not to be endured in any well-governed State This Petition with a Multitude of Hands to it was delivered to the House of Commons on Munday Octob. 28. Concerning which I shall observe this That neither the Lord Mayor nor the Sheriffs made any stop of this Illegal and Blood-thirsty Course though it were publickly known and the People exhorted to set Hands to it in the Parish-Churches What this and such-like Courses as these may bring upon this City God alone knows whom I humbly pray to shew it Mercy CAP. XLV THis Day being All-hallan-day a Warrant came to the Lieutenant from the House of Commons to bring me to their Barr to hear the Evidence formerly summed up and given against me in the Lords House I knew no Law nor Custom for this for though our Votes by a late Act of Parliament be taken away yet our Baronies are not And so long as we remain Barons we belong to the Lords House and
of the Arch-Bishop passed in the House of Commons November 13. 1644. But yet the Business was not done for the Lords stuck at it Some of which having not extinguished all the Sparks of Humanity began to find themselves Compassionate of his Condition not knowing how soon it should or might be made their own if once disfavoured by the Grandees of that Potent Faction For the Ordinance having been Transmitted to the House of Peers and the House of Peers deliberating somewhat long upon it it was Voted on December 4. That all Books Writings and Evidences which concerned the Tryal should be brought before the Lords in Parliament to the end that they might seriously and distinctly consider of all Particulars amongst themselves as they came before them But meaning to make sure work of it they had in the mean time after no small Evaporations of Heat and Passion prepared an Ordinance which they sent up unto the Lords importing the displacing of them from all those Places of Power and Command which they had in the Army Which being found too weak to hold they fall upon another and a likelier Project which was to bring the Lords to sit in the Commons House where they were sure they should be inconsiderable both for Power and Number And to effect the same with more speed and certainty they had recourse to their Old Arts drawing down Watkins with his General Muster of Subscriptions and putting a Petition into his Hands to be tendred by him to the Houses that is themselves Wherein it was required amongst other things That they should vigorously proceed unto the Punishment of all Delinquents and that for the more quick dispatch of Publick Business of State the Lords would please to Vote and Sit together with the Commons On such uncertain Terms such a ticklish Tenure did they then hold their Place and Power in Parliament who so officiously complied with the House of Commons in depriving the Bishops of their Vote and the Church's Birth-Right And this was it which helped them in that time of need And yet not thinking this device sufficient to fright their Lordships to a present compliance Strowd was sent up with a Message from the House of Commons to let them know That the Londoners would shortly bring a Petition with 20000 Hands to obtain that Ordinance By which stale and common Stratagem they wrought so far on some weak Spirits the rest withdrawing themselves as formerly in the Case of the Earl of Strafford that in a thin and slender House not above six or seven in number it was pass'd at last The day before they pass'd the Ordinance for Establishing their New Directory which in effect was nothing but a total Abolition of the Common-Prayer-Book and thereby shewed unto the World how little hopes they had of setling their new Form of Worship if the Foundation of it were not laid in the Blood of this Famous Prelate who had so stoutly stood up for it against all Novellism and Faction in the whole course of his Life It was certified by some Letters to Oxon and so reported in the Mercurius Aulicus of the following Week That the Lord Bruce but better known by the Name of the Earl of Elgin was one of the Number of those few Lords which had Voted to the Sentence of his Condemnation The others which concurred in that fatal Sentence being the Earls of Kent Pembroke Salisbury and Bullingbrook together with the Lord North and the Lord Gray of Wark But whatsoever may be said of the other six I have been advertised lately from a very good Hand that the said Lord Bruce hath frequently disclaimed that Action and solemnly professed his detestation of the whole Proceedings as most abhorrent from his Nature and contrary to his known Affections as well unto his Majesty's Service as the Peace and Preservation of the Church of England This Ordinance was no sooner passed but it revived many of those Discourses which had before been made on the like occasion in the Business of the Earl of Strafford Here we have a new-found Treason never known before nor declared such by any of his Majesty's Justices nor ever brought to be considered of by the King and his Parliament but only Voted to be such by some of those Members which sate at Westminster who were resolved to have it so for their private Ends. The first Example of this kind the first that ever suffered Death by the Shot of an Ordinance as himself very well observed in his Dying Speech upon the Scaffold though purposely omitted in Hind's Printed Copy to which now he hastneth For the passing of the Ordinance being signified to him by the then Lieutenant of the Tower he neither entertained the News with a Stoical Apathy nor wailed his Fate with weak and Womanish Lamentations to which Extreams most Men are carried in this Case but heard it with so even and so smooth a Temper as shewed he neither was ashamed to Live nor afraid to Die The time between the Sentence and Execution he spent in Prayers and Applications to the Lord his God having obtained though not without some difficulty a Chaplain of his own to Attend upon him and to assist him in the work of his Preparation though little Preparation needed to receive that Blow which could not but be welcome because long expected On the Evening before his Passover the Night before the dismal Combat betwixt him and Death after he had refreshed his Spirits with a moderate Supper he betook himself unto his Rest and Slept very soundly till the time came in which his Servants were appointed to Attend his Rising A most assured sign of a Soul prepared The fatal Morning being come he first applied himself to his private Prayers and so continued till Pennington and others of their Publick Officers came to conduct him to the Scaffold which he ascended with so brave a Courage such a chearful Countenance as if he had mounted rather to behold a Triumph than be made a Sacrifice and came not there to Die but to be Translated And though some Rude and Uncivil People Reviled him as he pass'd along with opprobrious Language as loth to let him go to the Grave in Peace yet it never discomposed his Thoughts nor disturb'd his Patience For he had profited so well in the School of Christ that when he was reviled he reviled not again when he suffered he threatned not but committed his Cause to him that Judgeth Righteously And as he did not fear the Frowns so neither did he covet the Applause of the Vulgar Herd and therefore rather chose to read what he had to speak unto the People than to affect the ostentation either of Memory or Wit in that dreadful Agony Whether with greater Magnanimity than Prudence I can hardly say As for the matter of his Speech besides what did concern himself and his own Purgation his great care was to clear his Majesty and the Church of England from
with that which they most feared And I pray God this Clamour of venient Romani of which I have given no cause help not to bring them in For the Pope never had such an Harvest in England since the Reformation as he hath now upon the Sects and Divisions that are amongst us In the mean time by Honour and Dishonour by good Report and evil Report as Deceivers and yet true am I passing through this World 2 Cor. 6. 8. Some Particulars also I think it not amiss to speak of And First this I shall be bold to speak of the King our Gracious Soveraign He hath been much traduced also for bringing in of Popery but in my Conscience of which I shall give God a very present Account I know him to be as free from this Charge as any Man living and I hold him to be as sound a Protestant according to the Religion by Law Established as any Man in this Kingdom and that he will venture his Life as far and as freely for it And I think I do or should know both his Affection to Religion and his Grounds for it as fully as any Man in England The Second Particular is concerning this great and Populous City which God bless Here hath been of late a Fashion taken up to gather Hands and then go to the great Court of this Kingdom the Parliament and Clamour for Justice as if that Great and Wise Court before whom the Causes come which are unknown to many could not or would not do Justice but at their appointment A way which may endanger many an Innocent Man and pluck his Blood upon their own Heads and perhaps upon the City 's also and this hath been lately practised against my self the Magistrates standing still and suffering them openly to proceed from Parish to Parish without any Check God forgive the Setters of this with all my Heart I beg it but many well-meaning People are caught by it In St. Stephen's Case when nothing else would serve they stirred up the People against him And Herod went the same way when he had killed St. James Yet he would not venture on St. Peter till he found how the other Pleased the People But take heed of having your Hands full of Blood for there is a time best known to himself when God above other Sins makes Inquisition for Blood and when that Inquisition is on foot the Psalmist tells us that God remembers that 's not all he remembers and forgets not the Complaint of the Poor That is whose Blood is shed by Oppression ver 9. Take heed of this It is a fearful thing to fall into the Hands of the Living God but then especially when he is making Inquisition for Blood And with my Prayers to avert it I do heartily desire this City to remember the Prophesie that is expressed Jer. 26. 15. The Third Particular is the Poor Church of England It hath Flourished and been a shelter to other Neighbouring Churches when Storms have Driven upon them But alas now it is in a Storm it self and God only knows whether or how it shall get out And which is worse than the Storm from without it is become like an Oak cleft to Shivers with Wedges made out of it 's own Body and at every Cleft Profaneness and Irreligion is entring in while as Prosper speaks in his Second Book de Contemptu Vitae cap. 4. Men that introduce Profaneness are Cloaked over with the Name Religionis imaginariae of Imaginary Religion For we have lost the Substance and dwell too much in Opinion And that Church which all the Jesuites Machinations could not Ruine is fallen into Danger by her own The last Particular for I am not willing to be too long is my self I was Born and Baptized in the Bosom of the Church of England Established by Law in that profession I have ever since lived and in that I come now to Die This is no time to dissemble with God least of all in matters of Religion And therefore I desire it may be remembred I have always lived in the Protestant Religion established in England and in that I come now to Die What Clamours and Slanders I have endured for labouring to keep an Uniformity in the external Service of God according to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church all Men know and I have abundantly felt Now at last I am Accused of High-Treason in Parliament a Crime which my Soul ever abhorred This Treason was Charged to consist of two Parts An Endeavour to subvert the Laws of the Land and a like Endeavour to overthrow the true Protestant Religion Established by Law Besides my Answers to the several Charges I protested my Innocency in both Houses It was said Prisoners Protestations at the Bar must not be taken I can bring no Witness of my Heart and the Intentions thereof therefore I must come to my Protestation not at the Bar but my Protestation at this Hour and Instant of my Death in which I hope all Men will be such Charitable Christians as not to think I would Die and Dissemble being Instantly to give God an Account for the Truth of it I do therefore here in the Presence of God and his Holy Angels take it upon my Death that I never Endeavoured the subversion of Law or Religion And I desire you all to remember this Protest of mine for my Innocency in this and from all Treasons whatsoever I have been Accused likewise as an Enemy to Parliaments No I understand them and the Benefit that comes by them too well to be so But I did mislike the Misgovernments of some Parliaments many ways and I had good Reason for it For Corruptio Optimi est Pessima there is no Corruption in the World so bad as that which is of the Best Thing within it self for the better the thing is in Nature the worse it is Corrupted And that being the Highest Court over which no other hath Jurisdiction when it is misinformed or misgoverned the Subject is left without all Remedy But I have done I forgive all the World all and every of those Bitter Enemies which have persecuted me and humbly desire to be forgiven of God First and then of every Man whether I have offended him or not if he do but conceive that I have Lord do thou forgive me and I beg forgiveness of him And so I heartily desire you to joyn in Prayer with me Which said with a distinct and audible Voice he Prayed as followeth O Eternal God and Merciful Father look down upon me in Mercy in the Riches and fulness of all thy Mercies look down upon me But not till thou hast nailed my Sins to the Cross of Christ not till thou hast bathed me in the Blood of Christ not till I have hid my self in the Wounds of Christ that so the Punishment due unto my Sins may pass over me And since thou art pleased to try me to the utmost
share therein as he could desire his Body being accompanied to the Earth with great Multitudes of People whom Love or Curiosity or remorse of Conscience had drawn together purposely to perform that Office and decently Interred in the Church of Alhallow Barking a Church of his own Patronage and Jurisdiction according to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England In which it may be noted as a thing remarkable That being whilst he Lived the greatest Champion of the Common-Prayer-Book here by Law Established he had the Honour being Dead to be Buried by the Form therein prescribed after it had been long disused and almost reprobated in most Churches of London Hitherto Dr. Heylin The same day that the House of Lords passed the Ordinance of Attainder against the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury viz. Jan. 4. they likewise passed an Ordinance that the Book of Common-Prayer should be laid aside and for Establishing the Directory for Publick Worship which had been framed by the Assembly of Divines Rushworth par 3. vol. 2. pag. 839. H. W. On the Arch-Bishop's Coffin was nailed a little Brass-Plate with his Arms and this Inscription Engraven thereon In hac Cistuli conduntur Exuviae Gulielmi Laud Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis qui Securi percussus Immortalitatem adiit Die X. Januarij AEtatis suae LXXII Archiepiscopatûs XII In the Year 1663 his Body was removed from All-Hallows Church in London and being carried to Oxford was there Solemnly deposited July 24. in a little brick Vault near to the Altar of the Chappel in St. John Baptist's College The Arch-Bishop's Last Will and Testament In Dei Nomine Amen I William Laud by God's great Mercy and Goodness Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury being in perfect Health tho' at this time a Prisoner in the Tower of London God knows for what in due and serious Consideration of Humane Frailty do hereby Make Ordain and Declare this my Last Will and Testament in Manner and Form following And First in all Humility and Devotion of a contrite Heart I 〈◊〉 beg of God Pardon and Remission of all my Sins for and through the Merits and Mediation of Jesus Christ my alone Saviour And though I have been a most Prodigal Son yet my hope is in Christ that for his sake God my most merciful Creator will not cast off the Bowels of Compassion of a Father Amen Lord Jesus In this Hope and Confidence I render up my Soul with Comfort into the Mercies of God the Father through the Merits of God the Son in the Love of God the Holy Ghost And I humbly pray that most Blessed and Glorious Trinity One God to prepare me in that Hour of Dissolution and to make me wait every Moment when my Changing shall come and in my Change to receive me to that Rest which he prepared for all them that Love and Fear his Name So Amen Lord Jesu Amen Whomsoever I have in the least degree Offended I heartily ask God and him Forgiveness And whosoever hath Offended me I pray God forgive them and I do And I hope and pray that God will forgive me my many Great and Grievous Transgressions against him Amen For my Faith I Die as I have Lived in the True Orthodox Profession of the Catholick Faith of Christ foreshewed by the Prophets and Preached to the World by Christ himself his Blessed Apostles and their Successors and a True Member of his Catholick Church within the Communion of a Living part thereof the present Church of England as it stands Established by Law Secondly I leave my Body to the Earth whence it was taken in full assurance of the Resurrection of it from the Grave at the last day This Resurrection I constantly believe my Dear Saviour Jesus Christ will make happy unto me his poor and weary Servant And for my Burial tho' I stand not much upon the place yet if it conveniently may be I desire to be Buried in the Chappel of St. John Baptist's College in Oxford underneath the Altar or Communion-Table there And should I be so unhappy as to die a Prisoner yet my earnest desire is I may not be buried in the Tower But wheresoever my Burial shall be I will have it private that it may not waste any of the poor Means which I leave behind me to better Uses Thirdly For my Worldly Estate I Will that my Debts be presently paid which at this time I praise God are very small Then for St Paul's Church it grieves me to see it at such a stand And tho' I have besides my pains given largely towards it and the Repairs thereof yet I leave it a Blessing of 800 l. which will be truly paid in for that Work if ever it go on while the Party trusted with it lives But my Executors are not charged with this 't is in safe but other Hands Item I take the boldness to give to my Dread and Dear Soveraign King Charles whom God bless 1000 l. and I do forgive him the Debt which he owes me being 2000 l. and require that the Tallies for it be delivered up Item I give to St John's College in Oxford where I was bred all my Chappel-Plate gilt or party-gilt All my Chappel-Furniture all such Books as I have in my Study at the time of my Death which they have not in their Library and 500 l. in Money to be laid out upon Lands And I Will that the Rent of it shall be equally divided to every Fellow and Scholar alike upon the 17th day of October every fourth Year Something else I have done for them already according to my Ability And God's everlasting Blessing be upon that Place and that Society for ever I give to the Right Honourable George Lord Duke of Buckingham his Grace my Chalice and Patin of Gold and these I desire the young Duke to accept and use in his Chappel as the Memorial of him who had a Faithful Heart to love and the Honour to be beloved of his Father So God bless him with wise and good Counsels and a Heart to follow them By Father and Mother I never had Brother nor Sister but by my Mother many They were all Ancient to me and are Dead but I give to their Children as followeth Legacies To his Brother Dr Robinson's Children Scil Henry and John and Lucie and Elizabeth Wife to Dr Baily To Dr Cotsford Son of his Sister Amie To Dr Edward Layfield Son of his Sister Bridget To Eliz Holt Daughter of his Sister Bennet To William Bole Son of his Sister Elizabeth To his Sister Briget's Daughter Wife to Mr Snow To his Chaplains Rings rich or Watches To the Poor of several places he had reference to 5 l. each To Canterbury Lambeth and Croydon 10 l. each To the University of Oxford where I was Bred and to the Town of Reading where I was Born I have already in perpetuity as God hath made me able Item I give to so many of my Servants as did continue my Servants
till the time that the Storm fell on me as followeth Among the rest to Mr Cobb my Organ that is at Croydon my Harp my Chest of Viols and the Harpsichon that is at Lambeth The remainder of my Estate above that which is given or shall be added to this my Will I charge my Executor as he will Answer me at the Bar of Christ that he lay out upon Land as far as it will go and then settle it by some sure course in Law to such Uses and under the same Conditions as I have setled my Land at Bray upon the Town of Reading Of which 50 l. per Annum to be setled on the Town of Ockingham 50 l. on Henly upon Thames 50 l. on Wallingford and 50 l. on Windsor to the Uses aforesaid for ever If it rise to less that there be an even abatement to all these places But if it purchase more as says he it needs must if I be well dealt with all above 200 l. per Annum he gives to Dr Baily and his Son William after him and his Heirs for ever He held a Lease of Barton-Farm near Winchester of the Cathedral Church of Winchester taken in his Servant Richard Cobb's Name Rent 370 l. per Annum of which he gives during the Lease 50 l. per Annum to the City of Winchester for the binding out of Apprentices the rest to several Nephews and Servants And if says he the Cathedral Church of Winchester be suffered to enjoy its Lands I leave the power of renewing this Lease to Dr Richard Baily he paying Mr Rich. Cobb 100 l. for his pains taken for me in this Purchase c. Item I give to my Successor if the present Troubles in the State leave me any my Organ in the Chappel at Lambeth Provided that he leave it to the See for ever Likewise I give him my Barge and Furniture to it As for the Pictures in the Gallery at Lambeth I leave them to Succession as well those that I found there as those which I have added But in case the Arch-Bishoprick be dissolved as 't is threatned then I Will that my Executor add the Organ the Barge and such Pictures as are mine to my Estate that is if they escape Plundering Item I give to my Servant Mr R C besides what already 50 l. if he deal truly with my Estate By this Will I do revoke all former Wills and do charge my Executor as he will Answer me before Christ that he perform my Will punctually in all Particulars which the Rapine of the Time shall not have Plundered from him or the Violence of the Time over-ruled him Item I do lay upon Dr Baily above Named the charge of all my Papers and Paper-Books if they can escape the Violence of the Time And I give him an English Bible in 4to cover'd with Murry-leather in which are some brief Notes upon the Liturgy and a Note-Book in Folio in which is my Catalogue of Books in relation to my course of Study and my Directory to almost all my other Papers and Books All which Papers and Paper-Books I give him also But with this Proviso that he burn all that he thinks not fit to use himself that my Weakness whatever it be be not any Man's Scorn and my Diligence I am sure cannot Then he makes Dr Baily his sole Executor and gives him 200 l. for his pains But adds If he shall not be Living at the time of my Death or shall die before he make due Probat of this my Will then Mr John Robinson of London Merchant And if he die then Mr Edward Layfeild And if he die then Dr Tho Walker Master of Vniversity College And my express Will is that whatsoever my Estate amounts unto my Executor shall have no more of it than is particularly and by Name given him in this my Will And I do heartily pray my Executor to take care that my Book written against Mr Fisher the Jesuit may be Translated into Latin and sent abroad that the Christian World may know see and judge of my Religion And I give unto him that Translates it 100 l. He makes the Bishops Juxon Curle Wren and Duppa Overseers of his Will and gives them for their pains 10 l. apiece Thus I forgive all the World and heartily desire forgiveness of God and the World And so again commend and commit my Soul into the Hands of God the Father who gave it in the Merits and Mercies of my Blessed Saviour Jesus Christ who Redeemed it and in the Peace and Comfort of the Holy Ghost who Blessed it and in the Truth and Unity of his Holy Catholick Church and in the Communion of the Church of England as it yet stands Established by Law I most willingly leave the World being weary at the very Heart of the Vanities of it and of my own Sins many and great and of the grievous Distractions of the Church of Christ almost in all parts of Christendom Which Distractions God in his good time make up who well knows upon what many of them are grounded For the Mony to bear the Charge of those Legacies expressed in my Will and other Intendments I have for fear of the present Storm committed it to honest and I trust in God safe Hands And I doubt not but they will deliver the Mony in their several Custodies to my Executor for the Uses expressed But I forbear to Name them lest the same Storm should fall on them which hath driven me out of all I have considerable in my own Possession c. Jan 13 Anno 1643. Probat 8 Jan 1661. by Dr Baily Several Passages of Arch-Bishop Laud's Conference with Fisher the Jesuit 〈◊〉 Londin 1639. Fol. referred to in the preceding History I. Pag. 211. IN some Kingdoms there are divers Businesses of greatest Consequence which cannot be finally and bindingly ordered but in and by Parliament And particularly the Statute-Laws which must bind all the Subjects cannot be made and ratified but there And again as the Supreme Magistrate in the State Civil may not abrogate the Laws made in Parliament though he may dispense with the Sanction or Penalty of the Law quoad hic nunc as the Lawyers speak II. Pag. 171. John Capgrave one of your own and Learned for those Times and long before him William of Malmesbury tells us that Pope Vrban the Second at the Council held at Bari in Apulia accounted my worthy Predecessor S. Anselm as his own Compeer and said he was as the Apostolick and Patriarch of the other World So he then termed this Island Now the Britains having a Primate of their own which is greater than a Metropolitan yea a Patriarch if you will he could not be appealed from to Rome by S. Gregory's own Doctrine III. Pag. 278. The Doctrine it self is so full of Danger that it works strongly both upon the Learned and Unlearned to the Scandal of Religion and the Perverting of Truth For the unlearned
First how it works upon them by whole Countries together you may see by what happened in Asturia Cantabria Galaecia no small parts of Spain For there the People so he tells me that was an Eye-Witness and that since the Council of Trent are so addicted to their Worm-eaten and Deformed Images that when the Bishops commanded New and Handsomer Images to be set up in their rooms the poor People cryed for their Old would not look up to their New as if they did not represent the same thing And it works upon the Learned too more than it should For it wrought so far upon Lamas himself who bemoaned the former passage as that he delivers this Doctrine That the Images of Christ the Blessed Virgin and the Saints are not to be Worshiped as if there were any Divinity in the Images as they are Material things made by Art But only as they represent Christ and the Saints for else it were Idolatry So then belike according to the Divinity of this Casuist a Man may Worship Images and ask of them and put his Trust in them as they represent Christ and the Saints For so there is Divinity in them though not as things yet as Representers And what I pray did or could any Pagan-Priest say more than this For the Proposition resolved is this The Images of Christ and the Saints as they represent their Exemplars have Deity or Divinity in them And now I pray A. C. do you be Judge whether this Proposition do not teach Idolatry And whether the Modern Church of Rome be not grown too like to Paganism in this Point For my own part I heartily wish it were not And that Men of Learning would not strain their Wits to spoil the Truth and rent the Peace of the Church of Christ by such Dangerous such Superstitious Vanities For better they are not but they may be worse Nay these and their like have given so great a Scandal among us to some ignorant though I presume well-meaning Men that they are afraid to Testifie their Duty to God even in his own House by any outward Gesture at all Insomuch that those very Ceremonies which by the Judgment of Godly and Learned Men have now long continued in the Practice of the Church suffer hard Measure for the Romish Superstitions sake IV. Pag. 292. And for the Calvinists if they might be rightly understood they also maintain a most True and Real Presence though they cannot permit their Judgment to be Transubstantiated And they are Protestants too And this is so known a Truth that Bellarmin confesses it lib. 1. de Euchar. cap. 2. s. quinto dicit For the Calvinists at least they which follow Calvin himself do not only believe that the true and real Body of Christ is received in the Eucharist but that it is there and that we partake of it Verè Realiter which are Calvin's own Words And yet Bellarmin boldly affirms that to his reading no one Protestant did ever affirm it And I for my part cannot believe but 〈◊〉 had read Calvin and very carefully he doth so frequently and so mainly oppose him Nor can that place by any Art be shifted or by any Violence wrested from Calvin's true meaning of the Presence of Christ in and at the Blessed Sacrament of the Eucharist to any Supper in Heaven whatsoever But most manifest it is that quod legerim for ought I have read will not serve Bellarmin to excuse him For he himself but in the very Chapter going before quotes four places out of Calvin in which he says expresly That we receive in the Sacrament the Body and the Blood of Christ verè truly So Calvin says it four times and Bellarmin quotes the places and yet he says in the very next Chapter That never any Protestants said so to his Reading And for the Church of England nothing is more plain than that it believes and teaches the true and real presence of Christ in the Eucharist V. Pag. 376. Secondly if the Religion of the Protestants be in Conscience a known false Religion then the Romanists Religion is so too for their Religion is the same Nor do the Church of Rome and the Protestants set up a different Religion for the Christian Religion is the same to both but they differ in the same Religion and the difference is in certain gross Corruptions to the very endangering of Salvation which each side says the other is guilty of VI. Pag. 377. After these Reasons thus given by him A. C. tells me That I neither do nor can prove any Superstition or Error to be in the Roman Religion What none at all Now truly I would to God from my Heart this were true and that the Church of Rome were so happy and the whole Catholick Church thereby blessed with Truth and Peace For I am confident such Truth as that would soon either command Peace or confound Peace-Breakers But is there no Superstition in Adoration of Images None in Invocation of Saints None in Adoration of the Sacrament Is there no Errour in breaking Christ's own Institution of the Sacrament by giving it but in one kind None about Purgatory About Common-Prayer in an unknown Tongue none These and many more are in the Roman Religion if you will needs call it so and 't is no hard work to prove every of these to be Errour or Superstition or both VII Pag. 320. For a Church may hold the Fundamental Point Literally and as long as it stays there be without controul and yet Err grosly dangerously nay damnably in the Exposition of it And this is the Church of Rome's Case For most true it is it hath in all Ages maintained the Faith unchanged in the expression of the Articles themselves But it hath in the Exposition both of Creeds and Councils quite changed and lost the Sense and the Meaning of some of them So the Faith is in many things changed both for Life and Belief and yet seems the same Now that which deceives the World is that because the Bark is the same Men think this old decayed Tree is as sound as it was at first and not weather-beaten in any Age. But when they can make me believe that Painting is true Beauty I 'll believe too that Rome is not only Sound but Beautiful VIII Pag. 128. For the Church may import in our Language The only True Church and perhaps as some of you seem to make it the Root and the Ground of the Catholik And this I never did grant of the Roman Church nor ever mean to do But a Church can imply no more than that it is a Member of the whole And this I never did nor ever will deny if it fall not absolutely away from Christ. That it is a True Church I granted also but not a Right as you impose upon me For Ens and Verum Being and True are convertible one with another and every thing that hath a Being is truly that Being
impossibilitatis Neque enim talis casus aut extit it aliquando aut contingere potest nisi fallat nos Dominus qui promisit Portae Inferorum non praevalebunt c. THE ANSWER OF THE Most Reverend Father in God William Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury TO THE SPEECH OF THE Lord Say and Seal touching the Liturgy The Speech begins thus MY Lords I have waited to find you free from greater Businesses that I might crave leave to speak of something that concerns my self And this I have the more desired since my Lord of Canterbury's last Speech who expressing his Troubles and 〈◊〉 the Misery of his Condition and of the Condition of the Church of England for he would needs join them together which I think he may as the Cause and the Effect for the Miseries of the Church have certainly risen from him he insisted much upon this That these Troubles had befallen him through the Malice of two Parties the Papists and the Sectaries and by those he said the Church was greatly afflicted MY Lords and all Christian Readers those great Businesses which my Lord speaks of are now ended and I hope as you are free from Business so you will be free from Prejudice while I also crave leave to speak something concerning my self And this I also have the more desired since I saw this Honourable Lord had put his Speech in Print which I find as much if not more against me than for himself This Speech was not put in Print till near six Months after it was Spoken and I conceive was Printed then to renew the Business and to whet the Malice of those Sectaries against me 'T is true that after I was Impeached by the House of Commons for High Treason there came no Articles up against me in full Ten Weeks after then they came up in Generals only and I was called to the House to hear them on Friday February the 26th 〈◊〉 Now by these Articles I found that there was great but I humbly praise God for it causeless Jealousie of me in point of Religion This made me labour more to clear my self from that than from any thing else objected against me as ever hating to seem other in Religion than what I truly and really am For of all Simulations or Dissimulations that is the basest when a Man for poor Temporary fading ends shall shift his Religion or his Judgment concerning it with the Time if not with the Tide As if at all times he had somewhat to seek before he would express Whereas it is most true which St. Hilary speaks in Matter of Religion Non opus est intervallo aliquo inter Cor Os There 's no need of a distance between the Heart and the Mouth as if a Man were to bethink himself of some faithless ambiguity before he would speak that which belonged to the Profession of his Faith Now if seeing my self under so great a pressure and the Church of England so hard lay'd at as then it was I did bewail the Condition of both I think I did what became me And I hope I offended no Man in joyning our Conditions together And whereas this Honourable Lord thinks that I might well joyn them as the Cause and the Effect I think so too my self but in another Sense For his Lordship says too peremptorily that the Miseries of the Church have certainly risen from me No certainly The Miseries of this Church have proceeded from the Separatists and from such as for private at least if not for worse ends have countenanced them and their strange Proceedings against the Government and Governours of the Church And this so long till they brought the Church's Condition which flourished before to be the Cause of my Condition such as it now is And I fell into this Condition by labouring by all good Means to uphold the Church of England from that Misery into which I fear it is now falling And I doubt not but God will open the Eyes of all Good Men to see clearly in time that this was the Cause which laid both me and this Church so low and not any Actions much less Practices of mine This being so if I insisted much upon this that these Troubles have befallen me through the Malice of two Parties the Papists and the Sectaries as this Honourable Lord says I did I had great Reason so to do For certainly the Church of England is greatly afflicted by them and I pray God in the end it be not torn in pieces between them That which I then said in my sudden Speech to the Lords to this Particular was as follows I am very Unfortunate in this Business between the Malignity of two Parties against me the Papist and the Separatist And shall I suffer on both sides at once Shall I be accounted a deadly Enemy to the Papist as I am reputed by them both at Home and Abroad and in the mean time accused for no less than Treason for favouring and complying with them Well If I do suffer 't is but because Truth usually lyes between two sides and is beaten on both sides as the poor Church of England is at this day by these Factions But in this and all things else and in despight of Malice Truth shall either be my Protection from Suffering or my Comfort while I suffer and by God's gracious Assistance I shall never depart from it but continue at the Apostle's Ward Nihil possum contra veritatem I can do nothing against the Truth and for it I hope God will enable me patiently to suffer any thing This or to this effect I then spake and I hope without any Offence sure I am without reflecting upon any particular Person Yet my Lord seems to think otherwise For he says How far this Man will extend this Word Sectary and whom he will comprehend under it I know not but I have some cause to fear that I may lie under some Misapprehension in respect of Matters of this nature which how far it concerns him your Lordships will perceive by what I shall say My Lord it seems knows not how far I will extend the Word Sectary Truly no farther than the Church of Christ extended it ever since Sects and Schisms broke in upon it to help dispoil it of Peace and Unity And a Sectary is he ..... The next thing which my Lord knows not is Whom I will comprehend under that Name and that his Lordship may easily know For I comprehend none under it but such as divide from the Church and either make or follow a Breach where no just cause is given by the Church or where though cause were given Ways of Division are preferr'd before Ways of Peace But that which troubles my Lord about these things which he professes he knows not is That he hath some cause to fear for so he confesses that he may lie under some Misapprehensions in respect of Matters of this nature And this I think may
that Business And this I did because in some things I did utterly dislike that Canvas and the Carriage of it At last some of the Senior Fellows came to me and told me That the College had been many Years without the Credit of a Proctor and that the Fellows began to take it ill at my hands that I would not shew my self and try my Credit and my Friends in that Business Upon this rather than I would lose the Love of my Companions I did settle my self in an honest and fair way to right the College as much as I could And by God's Blessing it succeeded beyond Expectation But when we were at the strongest I made this fair Offer more than once and again That if the greater Colleges would submit to take their Turns in Order and not seek to carry all from the lesser we would agree to any indifferent course in Convocation and allow the greater Colleges their full proportion according to their Number This would not be hearkned unto whereupon things continued some Years After this by his Majesty's Grace and Favour I was made Bishop of St. Davids and after that of Bath and Wells When I was thus gone out of the Vniversity the Election of the Proctors grew more and more Tumultuous till at the last the Peace of the Vniversity was like to be utterly broken and the divided Parties brought up a Complaint to the Council-Table The Lords were much troubled at it especially the Right Honourable William Earl of Pembroke Lord Steward and their Honourable Chancellour I had by that time and by the great Grace of his Now Majesty the Honour to be a Councellor and was present There I acquainted the Lords what Offers I had made during my time in the Vniversity which I did conceive would settle all Differences and make Peace for ever The Lords approved the way and after the Council was risen my very Honourable Lord the Earl of Pembroke desired me to put the whole Business in Writing that he might see and consider of it I did so His Lordship approved of it and sent it to the Vniversity with all Freedom to accept or refuse as they saw Cause The Vniversity approved all only desired the addition of a Year or two more to the Circle which would add a turn or two more to content some of the greater Colleges This that Honourable Lord yielded unto and that Form of Election of their Proctors was by unanimous Consent made a Statute in Convocation and hath continued the Vniversity in Peace ever since And this is all the carrying on of a Canvas for a Proctor's place which any Truth can challenge me withal And it may be my Lord is pleased to impute narrow Comprehensions to me because my Advice inclosed the choice of the Proctors within a Circle I am heartily sorry I should trouble the Reader with these Passages concerning my self but my Lord forces me to it by imputing so much Unworthiness to me But my Lord leaves not here but goes on and says worse of me Being suddenly advanced to highest Places of Government in Church and State had not his Heart enlarged by the Enlargement of his Fortune but still the maintaining of his Party was that which filled all his Thoughts which he prosecuted with so much Violence and Inconsiderateness that he had not an Eye to see the Consequences thereof to the Church and State until he had brought both into those Distractions Danger and Dishonour which we 〈◊〉 find our selves 〈◊〉 withal The next thing which my Lord charges me with is That I was suddenly advanced to highest Places of Government in Church and State This is like the rest And I dare say when my Lord shall better consider of it he will neither re-affirm nor avouch such an Untruth Suddenly advanced What does my Lord call Suddenly I was Eleven Years his Majesty's Chaplain in Ordinary before I was made a Bishop I was a Bishop Twelve Years before I was preferred to be Archbishop of Canterbury that Highest Place my Lord mentions When I was made Archbishop I was full Threescore Years of Age within less than one Month. Whereas my immediate Predecessor was not any one Month in his Majesty's Ordinary Service as Chaplain but far from that Honourable indeed but yet Painful and Chargeable Service and was made Bishop of Lichfield of London and of Canterbury within the compass of two Years he being at the time of his Translation to Canterbury but Forty nine Years of Age and yet never Charged as a Man suddenly advanced But my Advancement which it seems pleased not my Lord so well as his did was very sudden which I leave to the impartial Reader to judge Next being advanced to this High Place as my Lord calls it but now made low enough by his Lordship and other of the same Feather he says I had not my Heart enlarged with the Enlargement of my Fortune Sure my Lord is mistaken again For my Heart I humbly thank God for it was enlarged every way as much as my Fortune and in some things perhaps more But it may be my Lord meant that my Heart was not sufficiently enlarged because I could not receive those Separatists into it farther than to pray for them which would not suffer the open Bosom of the Church of England to receive them but neglecting their Father's Commandment forsook also their Mother's Instruction Nor did I maintain any Party but any Church-man or any Man else that loved Order and Peace in the Church was very welcome to me And I leave the World to judge by what they now see whether I or this Lord have practised or studied most the Maintenance and Advancement of a Party And as I did not maintain a Party so much less did it fill all my Thoughts as narrow as my Lord thinks them Nor did I prosecute these or any other my Thoughts either with Violence or Inconsiderateness Not with Violence for I can name many of whose Preferment under God and the King I was cause who yet went not with them which my Lord will needs miscal my Party Nor did I punish either more or more severely any that were brought before me in the Commission than were punished for the like Offences in any the same number of Years in my late Predecessor's Time As will manifestly appear by the Acts of the Court Nor with Inconsiderateness For I have many Witnesses that mine Eye was open and did plainly see and as freely tell where I then hoped there might have been remedy what was coming both upon Church and State though not as Consequences upon my Proceedings and I wish with all my Heart they were no more Consequences upon my Lord's Proceedings than they have been upon mine And my Lord is extreamly mistaken to say that I brought both into those distractions Danger and Dishonour with which they are now encompassed For 't is not I that have troubled this Israel of God For God is my
Witness I laboured nothing but the Settlement of the Decent External Worship of God among us which whatever some other Men think I know was sunk very low and if in labouring this I did err in any Circumstance for in matter of Substance I am sure I did not that may be forgiven me for Humanity sake which cannot free it self from Error But that which brought all these Distractions both upon Church and State was the bringing in of the Scots and the keeping of them here at a vast charge only to serve Turns and those very base ones And to the debasing and dishonour of this whole Nation as well as the King And how far this Lord had his Hand or his Head in this Treacherous Business he best knows Sure I am his Lordship is thought one of the chief Moulders of this Leaven of the Pharisees But my Lord thinks himself safe enough so he can cry me up among the Rabble to be the Author of all And not content with this he insults farther upon me as follows Yet to magnifie his Moderation presently after the breaking of the last Parliament he told a Lord who sits now in my sight that if he had been a Violent Man he wanted no occasion to shew it For he observed that the Lord Say never came to Prayers and added that I was in his knowledge as great a Separatist as any was in England What ever it was I said was not to magnifie my Moderation Nor do I remember that ever I spake these words Yet First if any Lord will say upon his Honour that I did say these very Words I will bear him and the Peerage of the Realm that Honour as that I will submit and believe his Testimony against my own Old now and Weak Memory Next upon enquiry made by some Friends of mine I find that the Words I should speak are said to be these that if I listed to take any advantage against this Honourable Lord I had as much exception to him as to any Separatist in England These Words are neither so Bold nor so Vncivil as those in the Charge and perhaps I might speak these though I remember it not For during the last Parliament not so few as Ten or a Dozen several Lords came to me of themselves as I sat there and complained grievously of this Lord's absenting himself from the Prayers of the Church and some of them wondred he was not questioned for the Scandal he gave by it And if any of them would be so mean as to urge me to speak by speaking Broad themselves and then carry the Tale to this Noble Lord he did that who ever he were which I hope was not the Noblest of his Actions and if I did say these latter Words of this great Lord I must and do say them again and I heartily beseech God that this Sin be not laid to my Charge that I questioned him not when the Times were calmer For had I done that I had done my Duty and if I had not cured him perhaps I might have prevented so much common danger to this Church as his Lordship hath procured since that time both by his Example his Counsel and his Countenance And for the Words I doubt not but he himself will be found to have made them good before I have done examining this Speech of his Lordship In the mean time my Lord proceeds My Lords how far he hath spit this Venom of his against me I am not certain but I may well fear where it might do me greatest Prejudice I shall therefore intreat your Lordships Favour and Patience that I may give you in these things which so nearly concern me a true account of my self which I shall do with Ingenuity and Clearness and so as that if I satisfie not all Men yet I hope I shall make it appear I am not such a one as this Waspish Man was willing to make the World believe I have spit no Venom against his Lordship much less have I spit any thing far For this Report which is here called Venom is common through the Kingdom And I have already told you what divers Lords said to me during the last Parliament And that is no more than hath been avowed unto me by very many others and some of very good Quality so the spreading was to me not from me But yet my Lord fears I spread it where it might do him greatest Prejudice I know not what my Lord means by this unless it be that I should spread it to his Majesty And if that be his meaning I will tell his Lordship truth what I know therein I was present when I heard some Lords more than once tell the King that the Lord Say was a Separatist from the Church of England and would not come at her Common-Prayers And one of these Lords afterwards told me he did conceive it was a great danger to this Kingdom when Noblemen should begin to separate in Religion and that his Majesty had need look to it To this last which was spoken to me in private but I will depose the Truth of it I could not but assent And to the former I then said I had heard as much as was then told his Majesty but I was not certain of it And I doubt not but these Lords sit in his Lordship's sight as well as that Lord who told him the other of me And not in his Sight only but in his Affections also as things go now But however they carry it with him now this they said of him then Nor will I here pick a Thanks to tell this Lord what Service I did him to his Majesty when he was thought to be in danger enough though I was chidden by a Great one that stood by for my Labour I shall therefore intreat the Christian Reader 's Favour and Patience that having hitherto given him a most true and clear Account of that which my Lord charges me with and doth nearly concern me So I may proceed to the rest which I do with all Ingenuity and Truth And so as that if I satisfie not all Men yet I hope I shall make it appear that I am not such a Waspish Man as my Lord would fain render me to the World But if I have been a Wasp in any Court wherein I have had the Honour to sit yet his Lordship should not have called me so considering what a Hornet all men say he is in the Court of Wards and in other Places of Business Where he pinches so deep that discreet Men are in a doubt whether his Aim be to sting the Wards or the Court it self to Death first For no Man can believe 't is for the good of the King And if I fail in this endeavour of mine to clear my self I must desire the Courteous Reader to ascribe it not to my Cause which is very good against his Lordship but to the narrowness of my Comprehensions and my Weakness compared with his
Lordships great Abilities And now my Lord charges as hard as he can Thus For the first of these which he Charges upon me it may be he was willing to have it thought that I would not joyn in Prayer with your Lordships but refused such a Communion which is altogether false For I should most willingly joyn in Prayers with you And farther I will add that I do not think but some set Form of Prayers by some Men in some Cases may be lawfully used For this First I was not willing to have any thing thought of this Lord which is not true and if it be altogether false as his Lordship says it is that he will not joyn in Prayers with the rest of the Lords in Parliament but refuses such a Communion I would fain know why his Lordship doth not joyn in Prayer with them For most undoubtedly he may if he will And since it is most true that he hath not come to Prayers in the House with the rest of the Lords not so much as once either in the last Parliament or this I think it may reasonably be concluded without any Falshood that his Lordship will not joyn no not in such a Communion with them Where it is to be observed he says he refuses not such a Communion with them He refuses not yet he will not joyn And he refuses not such a Communion A Communion I have cause to doubt he doth refuse but not such a Communion as goes no farther than Prayers yet to these he comes not At the Sacrament I believe he will be more scrupulous of whom or with whom he receives that Indeed his Lordship adds that he would most willingly joyn in Prayers with their Lordships And though this be most strange that he should never do that which he would most willingly do an opportunity being offered him every Day Yet my Lord is pleased to add farther what his Judgment is of set Forms of Prayer And he tells you that he thinks some set Forms by some Men in some Occasions may be lawfully used Surely the Church of England is much beholding to this Lord very much and the State too For the set Forms of Prayer which she enjoyns were compiled by some of those who suffered no less than Martyrdom for the Reformation of Religion The same Form of Prayer was established by Act of Parliament and yet as if Church and State were all at a loss this Noble Lord who confesses some set Forms Lawful condemns this Form by his Actions at least in continual and professed abstaining from it Some Forms but not this by some Men but not these in some cases but not in God's Publick Service in the Church may be Lawfully used And yet for all these petty Somes of Restraint I know his Lordship's Parts so great that I dare not say as he says of me that his Lordship is of narrow Comprehensions But his Lordship will now tell us what that is in which he is not satisfied But this is that which I am not satisfied in that a certain number of Men should usurp an Authority unto themselves to frame certain Prayers and Forms of Divine Service and when that is done under the Name of the Church to enjoyn them upon all Persons in all Times and upon all Occasions to be used and no other And upon this Ground which makes it the worse because these come from the publick Spirit of the Church when the Bishop or his Chaplain shall frame them and others proceed from the private Spirit of this or that particular Man Now truly since my Lord does not think some set Forms of Prayer unlawful I am very sorry his Lordship is not satisfied that a certain Number of Men should frame these Forms of Divine Service For all Churchmen cannot possibly meet about that or any other Church-Affair nor can any Synod or Assembly be called but there must be some certain Number of them Nor do these Men usurp any Authority to themselves herein For in all Ages of the Church from Christ downward all set Forms of Prayer used in any Church have been either made by a certain Number of Men or approved by them when some Eminent Servant of God hath Composed them first and then tendred them to the Judgment of the Church And it is very necessary that it should be so Nor would the Church of Old admit any Prayers in the publick Service and Worship of God but such as were so made and so approved lest through Ignorance or want of Care and Circumspection something might slip in that was contrary to the Faith But I fear here 's Anguis in Herba And that my Lord is not satisfied not so much because these 〈◊〉 Forms are made by a set Number of Men as because they are Churchmen though he be 〈◊〉 to express it And if that be his meaning he must rest unsatisfied still For Churchmen and none but Churchmen must actually do Publick Church-Work according to their Calling and their Warrant And yet I hope Churchmen will never be so Proud but that if any Lay Religious Man of larger Comprehensions than themselves will offer in private any help to them they will lend an open Ear to it and after with a prudent Consideration do what is fit And as this Lord is not satisfied that a certain Number of Men should make these set Forms so much less is he satisfied that when this is done they should under the Name of the Church enjoyn them upon all Persons in all Times and upon all Occasions to be used and no other No set Forms that I know are enjoyned under the name of the Church but such as the Church in Synod hath approved or tolerated till a Synod may be called And when any National-Church in a Kingdom that is Christian hath approved a set Form yet that cannot be enjoyned upon all Persons till the Soveraign Power in that State hath weighed approved and commanded it But then though Framed by a certain Number of Men that and no other lays hold on all Persons and in all Times and upon all Occasions that are Publick if Men will live in Obedience to the Church and State I say Publick leaving all Persons at all Times free to use any Form of Prayer agreeable to the Foundations of Christian Religion which shall best serve their several private Occasions And therefore I conceive my Lord is in a great Errour in that which he adds next Namely that this Ground makes it the worse because these set Forms are said to come from the Publick Spirit of the Church I cannot think so hardly of my Lord as if he could like a set Form of Prayer the worse because it comes from the Publick Spirit of the Church And therefore I will take his Words in another Sense though they be in my Judgment very obscurely set down and perhaps that is his Lordship's meaning That it makes the matter the worse because these Forms of
those Times had the Grace and the Gift of Prayer as well as other Graces And there was then as peculiar a Gift by Inspiration to pray as to foretell things to come or to do Miracles As is evident in St. Chrysostom who says that these Men made use of this Gift and Prayed publickly in their Assemblies But so soon as this Gift with others ceased there was a set Form from the beginning Neither is it hard to prove that some parts of our Liturgy hath been as Ancient as the Church hath any Records to shew and some both practised and prescribed by the Apostle St. Paul for the substance of them And the true Reason why we cannot shew the exact Primitive Forms then in use is because they were continually subject to Alterations both in times and places Now if this Lord can furnish us with such Men as shall be inabled to pray by the immediate Inspiration of God's Spirit we will bind them up to no Form But 'till he can I hope we shall be so happy as to retain the set Prayers of the Church Fifthly because this enjoyning turns such Forms instead of being Directions into Superstition This is so wild a Conceit that I wonder how it fell into the Thought of so Wise a Man as my Lord is taken to be For can a Command or an Injunction alter the very Nature of a Thing so far as to turn that which is a Direction into a Superstition Then belike it is Superstition for any Christian to obey the Decrees and Injunctions whether for Belief or Practice made by any the four first General Councils And my Lord knows well that 't is Heretical for any Man to profess against any of these Councils And this not only by the Church Law which his Lordship so much slights but by the Laws of England So by this Reason of my Lord's it shall be Heretical to deny the Injunction and Superstition to obey it If this will not serve my Lord may be pleased to remember that in the Council held at Jerusalem by the Apostles themselves they gave a Command though no such Command as might trouble the believing Gentiles And therefore Decreed that they would lay no greater burthen on them No more grievous Injunction than that they abstain from things offered unto Idols and from Blood and from things strangled and from Fornication where first it is most evident that the Apostles did assume this power of enjoyning and exercise it too And I hope my Lord for very Reverence to the Scripture for as for the Church he valueth it not will not say this wholesom Direction to avoid Fornication is made Superstition by the Apostle's Injunction If this Doctrine may hold I doubt very few will be Superstitious in this point And many Men that are very strict and hate Superstition perfectly will rather not abstain from Fornication than be Superstitious by abstaining And no question can be made by a Reasonable Man but that the Church of Christ had and hath still as much Power to enjoyn a set Form of Prayers as any of these things But my Lord hath more Reasons than these and truly they had need be better too But such as they are they follow This sets aside the Gifts and Graces which Christ hath given and thrusts out the Exercise of them to substitute in their places and introduce a Device of Man Sixthly then this Injunction of a set Form is unlawful because it sets aside the Gifts and Graces c. This is upon the Matter all one with my Lord's second Reason and there 't is answered Yet truly I know no Gifts or Graces set aside much less thruss out but such as are neither Gifts nor Graces of Christ but the Bold and Impudent Attempts of Weavers Coblers and Felt-Makers taking on them to Preach without Knowledge Warrant or Calling Much like the Gifts which Alexander the Copper-Smith had in St. Paul's Time And such Gifts and Graces as these cannot be said to be thrust out But my Lord and his Adherents thrust them into the Church to help cry down all Truth and Order Much less can they be said to be thrust out to make room for a Device of Man meaning the set Form of Common-Prayer Now surely I think and upon very good grounds that they which Composed the Common-Prayer-Book had as good Gifts and Graces of Christ as these Men have And that the conceived and often-times Senseless Prayers of these Men are as much or more the Device of Man than the set Form of Common-Prayer is Yea but for all that my Lord says This Injunction of such Forms upon all Men turns that which in the beginning Necessity brought in for the help of Insufficiency to be now the continuance and maintenance of Insufficiency and a bar to the Exercise of able and sufficient Gifts and Graces As if because some Men had need to make use of Crutches all Men should be prohibited the use of their Legs and enjoyned to take up such Crutches as have been prepared for those who had no Legs In the Seventh and last place my Lord is pleased to tell us this Injunction of such Forms upon all Men turns that which in the beginning Necessity brought in for the help of Insufficiency to the Maintenance of it My Lord told us a little before of a turning into Superstition Now here 's another turning into the Maintenance of Insufficiency two very bad turnings were either of them true But God be thanked neither is In the mean time my Lord confesses that Necessity brought in this Injunction of set Forms And I believe there now is and ever will be to the end of the World as great a Necessity to continue them But I cannot agree with my Lord in this that it was a Necessity for the help of Insufficiency that brought them in For when these were first enjoyned in the Church of Christ Men were endued with as great Gifts and Graces as any now are and perhaps greater But Necessity brought them in when Christianity multiplyed to preserve Unity and Order and to avoid Confusion and Sects and Schisms in the Church And that all sorts of Men might be acquainted with that which was used in the Publick Worship and Service of God Now that which follows is an unjust and foul Scandal upon the Church Namely that this Injunction is made the Continuance and Maintenance of Insufficiency For I believe few Churches in many Ages have had more sufficient Preachers than this of late hath had And therefore 't is evident this Injunction here hath neither been the maintenance nor continuance of Insufficiency This ground failing my Lord 's fine Simile hath neither Crutch nor Leg to stand on but it is as all such fine fetches are when they have no Ground to rest on Nor is any thing more Poor in Learning than a fine handsom Similitude such as this when it hath no truth upon which to rest For the
Times as well as now may be true enough And yet in those Ancient Times none thought Schism or Separation from the Church howsoever charged to be but a Theological Scare-crow But caused it to be examined to the bottom as 't is fit nay necessary that it should For else the most dangerous Separation that can be may go away free with this That it is but a trick of the prevalent Party to fright other Men into their Opinions by charging them with Separation Now the most dangerous Separation in a Church is where the Church it self hath little or no Power to punish Separatists And where they of the Separation are by the great Misfortune of the State become the potent and prevalent Party And whether this be not or at least were not the condition of the State and Church of England when my Lord Printed this Speech of his I leave to the indifferent Reader to judge My Lord hath Printed no more than this and therefore I will take notice of no more But yet Iam told by a very good Hand that his Lordship upon this quotation of Mr. Hales his Manuscript was pleased openly in that Honourable House of Parliament where he spake it to lend Mr. Hales one Wipe and me another But since my Lord is pleased to pass it over at the Press I shall do so too Yet with this that if my Lord did give that Gird I will make it plainly appear whenever he shall publish it that there is no shew of Truth in it But now that my Lord hath done with Mr. Hales he proceeds and tells us his own Judgment Secondly I say that there is a two-fold Separation one from the Vniversal or Catholick Church which can no otherwise be made but by denying the Faith for Faith and Love are the Requisites to that Communion And I say so too that there is a two-fold Separation and that one of them is from the Vniversal or Catholick Church But that this Separation can no otherwise be made but by denying the Faith I doubt comes short of Truth First because there is a great difference between Schism and Apostacy And every Apostacy is a Separation but every Separation is not Apostacy For a Man is not an Apostate properly till he fall away by denying the whole Faith But a Man may be in Heresie Schism and Separation upon the denyal of any one Article of the Faith received by the Catholick Church Secondly because should a Man agree in all and every Article of the Faith with the Catholick-Church yet he may maintain some false Opinion and incongruous both to the Verity and the Practice of Religion and Judgment of the Universal Church And be so in Love with these as that for these Opinions sake he will Separate from the whole Body Therefore Denyal of the Faith is not the only Cause of Separation from the Catholick Church since this Separation can be otherways made And my Lord within the space of Three Lines crosses himself For First he says that this Separation can no otherwise be made but by denying the Faith And in the very next Words he tells us that Faith and Love are the Requisites to that Communion Two Requisites to that Communion with the Universal Church therefore two Causes of Separation from it Therefore by my Lord 's own Confession he that is so out of Charity with the Universal Church for some Opinions or Practices which he dislikes as that he will not Communicate with it is in Separation though he do not deny the Faith The other my Lord tells us is a Separation from this or that particular Church or Congregation And that not in respect of difference with them in matter of Faith or Love But in dislike only of such Corruptions in their external Worship and Liturgies as they do admit of and would enjoyn upon others In this other Particular Separation I shall meddle with neither Congregation nor Conventicle Meeting allowed or disallowed by Church or State but that Separation which is or is not made by my Lord and his Followers from the National Church of England as it stands Setled and Established by Law Not as her Service may be mangled or otherwise abused in any particular Parish or Congregation whatsoever And if this Lord dislike any the Service as 't is used in some one Parish or other and yet will come to the Service as it is Established by Law in other either Cathedral or Parochial Churches my Lord hath had great Wrong to be accounted a Separatist But if my Lord will not come to the Prayers of the Church of England by Law Established let his Pretence be what it will a Separatist he is But my Lord says that this Particular Separation is not in respect of difference with them in matter of Faith or Love Where First you may observe on the by that in my Lord's Judgment Publick Breach in Charity as well as in Faith may be Cause of this Separation too as well as of that from the Vniversal or Catholick Church before mentioned Next that this particular Separation if it be not in respect of Difference in Faith or Love in what respect is it then Why if we may herein believe my Lord 't is only in dislike of such Corruptions in their external Worship and Liturgies as they do admit of and would injoyn others Well First I 'll pray for my Lord that there be no difference in Faith and Charity but I do very much doubt there is Next either there are such Corruptions in the External Worship and Liturgies as his Lordship hath just Cause to dislike or there are not If there be not why doth he Separate from them If there be or probably seem to be why doth he not complain to the King and the Church that these Corruptions may be considered on and amended if Cause appear And this he ought to do before he Separate For I hope Christianity is not yet come to that pass though it draw on apace that a Powerful Lay-Man or two shall say there are Corruptions in the set Service of God and then be Judges of such Corruptions themselves Nor doth the Church of England admit of Corruptions in her Liturgy or labour to injoyn them upon others Now my Lord tells us farther That This is a Separation not from their Persons as they are Christians But from their Corruptions in matter of Worship as they are therewith defiled And this Separation every Man that will keep himself Pure from other Mens Sins and not Sin against his own Conscience must make This will not yet help my Lord For say this be not a Separation from their Persons as they are Christians which yet it too often proves to be And I believe if this Lord would impartially examine himself he would find to be true in himself and his Comportment But that it is from their Corruptions in matter of Worship as they are therewith defiled First these Corruptions are
not proved so 't is Petitio Principii the begging of that to be granted which is the thing in question Secondly if there be Corruptions yet it is not proved they are in the Matter but of the two rather in the Manner of Worship Thirdly were both these granted yet it will remain a Question still whether these Corruptions be such as that the Worshippers are defiled therewith And another Question whether so deeply defiled as that other good Christians shall be defiled by coming to Common-Prayer with them For I am not yet persuaded nor shall be till I be convinced That every Man that will keep himself pure from other Mens Sins and not Sin against his Conscience is bound to make this Separation For I conceive many Corruptions may be tolerated nay ought to be before a Separation be made And that a private Conscience is to be both informed and reformed before it be attempted Nor can I think that he which comes to the publick Service of any Church that is not Idolatrous or peccant in the Fundamentals of Religion doth partake with other Mens Sins that frequent the same Common-Prayer or Service with him or he with them And yet my Lord is so peremptory as that without any distinction or Degrees of Corruption he delivers it positively with a great deal more Boldness than Knowledge That every Man that will keep himself pure from other Mens Sins must make this Separation Every Man and must make And it is not to be conceived but that what every Man must do my Lord who seems to be so careful to keep himself pure from other Mens Sins hath done already That is hath made this Separation from the Church And my Lord for ought I see is ready to confess as much For he adds And I will ingenuously confess that there are many things in many Churches or Congregations in England practised and injoyned upon all to be practised and suffered which I cannot practise nor admit of except I should Sin against the Light of my Conscience until I may out of the Word of God be convinced of the Lawfulness of them which hitherto I could never see sufficient ground for I told you my Lord was very near confessing as much as I have said For he says ingenuously there are many things in many Churches in England practised First I told my Lord before that this Business of Separation was not to be judged by what is practised in one or more Parochial Congregations but by what ought to be practised in all the Churches of England And if my Lord dislike any thing in one Congregation he may go to another so he will endure the whole Liturgy as it is setled by Law and no Man if he will do this ought to account him a Separatist And I find by my Lord's Words that his Exception is to many Churches and I would willingly hope if his Carriage would let me that he excepts not against all Besides he tells us that many things are so practised but he is not pleased to tell us what they are And then it is not possible for me or any Man else either to know whether his Lordship's Exception be just against them or to give him satisfaction in them And it is no great sign that my Lord bears any good Mind to the Church that he is so ready to charge many things against the Church and to name none My Lord goes farther and says plainly that these many things thus practised or enjoyned also and that upon all to be practised or suffered which he cannot practise nor admit of except he should Sin against the Light of his Conscience You have heard already how much my Lord is troubled with this Enjoyning and to that I refer you In the mean time since I am the Man so particularly shot at by my Lord I shall answer for my self according to Truth and with Truth I can legally prove if need be I have not Commanded or injoyned any one thing Ceremonial or other upon any Parochial Congregation in England much less upon all to be either practised or suffered but that which is directly commanded by Law And if any Inferiour 〈◊〉 in the Kingdom or any of my own Officers have given any such Command 't is either without my Knowledge or against my Direction And 't is well known I have sharply chid some for this very particular and if my Lord would have acquainted me with any such troubled thought of his I would have given him so far as had been in my Power either Satisfaction or Remedy if any thing had been against the Light of his Conscience Though in these things I must needs tell my Lord that there is now adays in many Men which have shaken off all Church Obedience great pretensions to Light in their Vnderstandings and Consciences when to Men which see indeed 't is little less than Palpable Darkness But how it is with my Lord and his Conscience I will not take upon me to Judge but leave him to stand or fall to his own Master Rom 14. For it seems my Lord stands not simply upon the Light of his Conscience but only until he may be convinced out of the Word of God of the Lawfulness of these things which hitherto he could never see sufficient ground for And this is the Common-Plea which all of them have resort to till they be convinced which as I have had experience of many they are resolved not to be And they will be convinced in every particular out of the Word of God to the very taking up of a Rush or Straw as their grave Master T. C. taught them As if God took care of Straws or their taking of them up As if every particular thing of Order or Decency were expresly set down in the Word of God Surely if this were so St. Paul should have had nothing to set in order when he came to Corinth 1 Cor 11. And if this be so the Church hath no Power left in any thing not so much as to Command a Bell shall Tole to call the people to publick Prayers because 't is no where commanded in the Word of God So that upon this Ground if any Man shall say he hath Light enough in his Conscience to see the unlawfulness of such Humane Devices he may Separate from the Church rather than Sin against this Light So there shall be no Publick Service of God but some Ignis Fatuus or other under the Name of Light in the Conscience shall except against it and Separate from it Which is directly to set up the Light in each private Spirit against that Light which God hath placed in his Church shine it never so clearly Yet his Lordship is confident and says But my Lords this is so far from making me the greatest Separatist in England that it cannot argue me to be any at all For my Lords the Bishops do know that those whom they usually
apply this term unto are the Brownists as they call them by another Name and they know their Tenents The truth is they differ with us in no Fundamental Point of Doctrine or saving Truth I know Here then my Lord is 〈◊〉 to say that all that he hath hitherto said is so far from making him the greatest Separatist in England that it cannot argue him to be any at all For my part I would to God it were so But let 's examine whether it be so or not First then this I humbly conceive is certain That he whoever he be that will not Communicate in Publick Prayers with a National Church which serves God as she ought is a Separatist But the Church of England as it stands established by Law serves God as she ought Therefore my Lord by his general absenting himself from her Communion in Prayers is a Separatist And this is by his own confession For he says a little before and that expresly that this is a Separation which every Man must make that will keep himself pure from other Mens Sins And I cannot doubt but his Lordship hath made that which he says he must make All that can be said for my Lord herein is this First That my Lord Charges the Church of England with Corruptions in the Worship of God and such Corruptions as he must Separate from her But is it sufficient for a Separation for a particular Man barely to say there are such Corruptions in the Liturgy when he doth neither prove them to be such nor so much as name them what they are Surely no. And I think these Gnats which his Lordship strains at may be swallowed without any Offence to God or Man So far are they from being a just Cause of Separation Therefore for all this my Lord is a Separatist Yea but my Lord charges upon the Church of England that she injoyns her Liturgy upon all Men by a certain Number of Men usurping Authority to themselves and imposing this Injunction under the name of the Church I have made answer already to this Power of the Church to compose a set Form for publick Service and I hope made it manifest that this Authority is not usurped And then that can be no just Cause of a Separation Nay I must doubt whether if such Authority were usurped by some Church-Men in any National Church the injoyning of the Service after it is made supposing always that it contain no Idolatry or Fundamental Error be for the Injunction alone a sufficient Warrant to my Lord or any other to Separate Therefore my Lord 's forsaking the publick Service of the Church upon no better Grounds than these makes him a Separatist by his own Confession without any Man calling him so As for his Lordship's being the greatest Separatist in England I have at the beginning of this Tract clearly related to the uttermost of my Memory what and upon what occasion I spake of his Lordship in this kind But whether I said it or not my Lord for ought I see will hardly escape being so For he is the greatest Separatist from the Church that absents himself with most will and least cause And this if I mistake not is my Lord's Case for he separates with most will that says Men must and ought to Separate And upon least Cause because as yet he hath Named none at all but Corruptions in general which any Man may say and the Injunction of a set Form which is no cause Therefore for ought I yet see it may truly be said of his Lordship that he is the greatest Separatist in England Especially if you add to this how busie and active his Lordship is and for many Years hath been to promote this Cause of Separation And I have some very good grounds to think that his Lordship hath been and is the great Cause and enlarger of all the Separation that now is in Church Affairs And of all the Disobedience thereby bred or cherished against Soveraign Power Next my Lord appeals to my Lords the Bishops and tells them that they know that they whom they usually apply this Name Separatist unto are the Brownists as they call them by another Name I know not all things which the rest of my Learned Brethren the Bishops know Yet I think both they and I know this that the Name Separatist is a common Name to all Hereticks or Schismaticks that separate for their Opinions sakes either from the Catholick or from any particular Orthodox Church And if my Lord himself who it seems is well acquainted with them or any of my Lords the Bishops do know that this Name is usually applyed to the Brownists be it so That I am sure is not material unless it be for that which my Lord closes this passage withal Namely that my Lords the Bishops know the Tenents of the Brownists and that the truth is they differ from us in no Fundamental Point of Doctrine or Saving Truth that his Lordship knows I doubt not but my Lords the Bishops know the Tenents of the Brownists so far forth at least as they be Tenents and not varied from and so far as they are their General Tenents to which all or most of them agree And so far as they are plain and univocal Tenents and not such as shall equivocate with the very Faith it self But such Tenents of the Brownists as these are it may be all my Lords the Bishops know not Now if the Truth be as my Lord says it is for ought he knows that the Brownists differ from us in no Fundamental Point of Doctrine or saving Truth Then out of all doubt Majus peccatum habent their Sin and my Lord 's too is the greater that they will so Uncharitably and with so great Heat and setled Violence and to the great scandal of Religion first separate themselves from and now labour utterly to overthrow that Church which by my Lord 's own Confession here differs not from them in any Fundamental Point of Doctrine or saving Truth For sure if they differ not from us we differ not from them But this is only Argumentum ad Hominem and is sufficient to convince this Lord I think in his own way But I doubt the Truth is quite another thing Namely that the Church of England is very Orthodox and that the Brownists or Separatists call them as you will do Separate upon false and unchristian Opinions And that besides Matters of Opinion and breach of Charity they do differ from us in some Fundamental Points of Doctrine and saving Truth My Lord a little before tells us of Corruptions in the Liturgy of the Church but names none And should I charge the Brownists with difference from the Church in Fundamental Points of Doctrine and yet name none I should run into the same fault for which I there taxed my Lord I shall therefore give some Instances of some of their Opinions and then leave the indifferent Reader to judge whether
Fundamental Points or whether he know that the Brownists do differ from us in them I shall not take on me to declare till his Lordship open himself farther In the mean time his Lordship goes on to tell us wherein these Brownists fail though they do not differ in Fundamental Points to his Knowledge Their failing is in this They hold that there is no true Church in England no true Ministry no true Worship which depend the one upon the other they say all is Antichristian Here is their Error they distinguish not between the bene esse or Purity of a true Church and the esse or true being of it though with many Defects and gross Corruptions But conclude because such things are wanting which are indeed necessary to the well-being of a true Church and to be desired therefore there is none at all in being Here my Lord shews a great deal of sharp and good Apprehension And distinguishes very rightly between the entire being of a true Church which is her bene esse and the true Being of a Church which is her esse only And my Lord doth farther fairly acknowledge that this is the Brownists Error To conclude no Church in being because it hath many Defects and gross Corruptions in it to hinder its well-being So then my Lord here grants two things First that to hold there is no True Church in England no True Ministry no true Worship which depend one upon another but that all is Antichristian is an Error And Secondly that it is the Brownists Error How and how far these Three No True Church no True Ministry no True Worship depend one upon another And in what cases it may in some Exigents be otherways I will not now dispute nor divert from the main Business 1. First then if it be an Error to say there is no True Church no True Ministry no True Worship in England Then I hope it will be found Truth to say there is a True Church a True Ministry and a True Worship in England And he that shall avow the contrary must needs differ from the Church of England in Fundamentals For these Contradictions a True Church and no True Church a True Ministry and no True Ministry a True Worship of God and no True Worship cannot be built up but upon different Foundations And as for that which my Lord affirms is added by the Brownists That there are many Defects and gross Corruptions in it So long as this is said and not proved 't is enough without farther Proof to deny both the Defects and Corruptions both the many and the gross As I doubt not but the Church of England can make good against both my Lord and all the Brownists in England 2. Secondly if to affirm this be the Brownists Error then I would fain know of my Lord how he can say the Brownists do not differ from or with us in any fundamental Point of Doctrine or saving Truth For if this be no fundamental Point or no saving Truth that we be in and of a true Church that this Church hath a true Ministry to be between God and us in all the Duties of their Function whether upward to God in Prayer and Spiritual Sacrifice or downward to us in the Word and Sacraments that in this Church and by this Ministry there is a true Worship and that without gross Corruptions What can be accounted next the Creed it self fundamental or saving So that in one Line my Lord is pleased to say the Brownists do not differ with us in any fundamental Point of Doctrine or saving Truth and in the very next Line his Lordship confesses they differ from us in these three things which if not several yet altogether as they depend one upon another are saving and fundamental Nor can this cautelous close help my Lord one jot that he adds The Brownists do not differ from us in any fundamental point of Doctrine or saving Truth as his Lordship knows For were his Lordship of a shallow or narrow Comprehension 't were another matter But since he is so full of understanding in these things 't is impossible but he must know these three together are fundamental and being so he must needs know also that the Brownists differ with us in Fundamentals which is that which he denyed If therefore my Lord will say he knows not this to be the Brownists Error why doth he take upon him to say it is If he will grant that he knows it he must needs know withal if he will not shut out the Light of his Conscience of which a little before he is so tender that the Brownists or Separatists call them what you will differ from us in some fundamental Points of Doctrine or saving Truth Thus far then my Lord relates the failing of the Brownist I hope he will be so careful as not to fail with them himself Yes sure for he adds I hold no such Opinion but do believe to the contrary That there are in England many true Churches and a true Ministry which I do hear and with which Churches I could joyn in Communion were those Yokes of Bondage which are laid upon them taken off and those Corruptions removed which they do contrary as I think to their Duty yield unto and admit of And this I am sure no Separatist in England holds that deserves that Name And therefore I hope your Lordships will in that respect let me stand right in your Opinions Here my Lord tells us he holds no such Opinion but does believe to the contrary But I doubt he so believes to the contrary as that he is of the same Opinion For he believes that there are in England many true Churches and a true Ministry And so do all the Brownists For no doubt but they believe that all their Congregations or Conventicles are true Churches in England and that the Ministers which they hear are true Ministers And this is plainly my Lord's Belief For he saith he believes there is a true Ministry in England 〈◊〉 he doth hear But what Ministers they are which he doth hear he does not say Or if this be not my Lord's meaning but that there are some true Churches and some true Ministers in England though ordained as in England they are yet my Lord continues a Separatist still For his Lordship doth not say either that he doth or that he will or that he can joyn in Communion with any of these Churches or this Ministry which he says are true But only that he could joyn with them if If what Why if these Yokes of Bondage were taken off which are laid upon them and those Corruptions removed By the Yokes of Bondage he means the Injunction of a set Form of Prayers which he hath so often mentioned in this Speech But what Corruptions he means I know not till his Lordship shall be pleased to tell us Only this I conceive I may add That all things are not Corruptions in the Church
which my Lord calls so That if these Corruptions be fundamental they may be such too as may keep these Churches which he speaks of from being true Churches and the Ministry from being a true Ministry But if these Corruptions be of a very light Allay as I verily believe they are if there be any then his Lordship ought not to separate but to joyn in Communion with them for all these either Yokes or Corruptions The Apostle indeed tells us of a Church without Wrinkle Ephes. 5. But that is a Triumphant Church in Heaven not a Militant upon Earth And for the Yokes which my Lord speaks of they are not Yokes of Bondage as he pleases to call them but Yokes of Obedience which whenever they shall be broken the wild Asses of the Wilderness will over-run all My Lord goes farther and says That in these true Churches this true Ministry does yield unto and admit of these Yokes and these Corruptions contrary as he thinks to their Duty But it seems they think not so or if they do think so why do they not remonstrate their Grievance Sure if their Conscience tell them they do against their Duty they ought to inform their Conscience or forbear the Work To inform their Conscience I am sure is fit for them if they need it Though it seems my Lord would rather have them forbear the Duty the doing whereof he calls their yielding unto and their admitting these things which he calls Yokes and Corruptions As for that which follows and which my Lord says he is sure of that no Separatist in England that deserves that Name holds that which his Lordship says here he doth believe In that also I conceive his Lordship is utterly mistaken For I believe there is no Separatist in England Brownist or other deserving that Name but he holds and will say as much as my Lord believes namely that there are in England many true Churches that is Assemblies or Congregations of their own Brotherhood And a true Ministry To wit those which themselves have made And that they do hear them that is such as these Yea and that they could joyn in Communion with some other Churches were those Yokes of Bondage which are layd upon them taken off and those Corruptions removed That is upon the matter if they would become as themselves are then they would joyn with them And this 〈◊〉 of all doubt they think they ought to do and neither yield unto such Yoeks nor admit of such Corruptions So that my Lord may see every 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in England even they which most deserve that Name hold that which his Lordship believes And therefore no question can be made but that my Lord deserves that Name as much as any of them even while he says he is sure no Separatist in England that deserves that Name holds as he doth But to come to the quick The Brownists and Separatists deal plainly with God and the World and say expresly that the whole Church of England as it stands established by Law is peccant both in the Doctrine Liturgy and Discipline of it and in such a degree as that they neither will nor can joyn in Communion with it And therefore separate from it and betake themselves to their own private Opinions and Congregations But my Lord he Equivocates both with God and Man And tells us he believes there are true Churches in England and a true Ministry which he hears And this no Separatist that understands himself but will say as fast as he But let his Lordship come home to the Business directly and plainly Let him say that the Church of England is a true Church That the Ministry of it is a true Ministry That the Doctrine Liturgy and Discipline of it as it stands established now by Law are free from any such Corruptions as give just cause for a Separation And when he hath said this let him joyn in Communion with it as he ought to do and then he shall wrong my Lord very deeply that says he is a Separatist But for all this which he hath yet said for himself 't is manifest that a Separatist he is And I doubt hath hereby proved himself whether I will or no the greatest Separatist in England And therefore he hath little cause to hope as he says he doth that he shall stand right in their Lordships Opinions or any other Man's that is not possest with the same Humour Yet my Lord hath two Requests to make I will now end with two Requests The one that your Lordships will please to pardon me for troubling you with so long a Discourse concerning my self I have not used it heretofore and I am not like to offend again in the same kind It is but once and your Lordships will consider the occasion In this Suit were there need I would joyn with my Lord. For though I have a great deal of hard Measure put upon me in this Speech yet I have the more reason to be content with it because this whole Discourse of my Lord's well weighed is more against himself than me And such Trouble of his Lordship's I hope all Men well affected to the present Church of England will easily Pardon And this I doubt not but their Lordships and all Men else will the rather do when they consider the Occasion Which certainly I gave not personally in the House But a Guilty Conscience it seems would needs be meant The Second Request is to entreat of you that where you know there is one and the same God worshipped one and the same Faith embraced one and the same Spirit working Love and causing an unblamable Conversation without any offence to the State in your Brethren who in all these concur with you you will not suffer them for Ceremonies and Things indifferent to you but not to them but Burthens which without offence to the State or prejudice to the Churches you may take off if you will to be thrust out of the Land and cut off from their Native Country For if you thus shall wound the Consciences of your Brethren you will certainly offend and sin against Christ. In this second Request I can easily agree with my Lord in some things but must differ in other And First I agree with all my Heart that I would have no pressure at all much less cutting off from their Native Country put upon them who are known to worship the same God to embrace one and the same Faith and one and the same Spirit working Love But in this I must disagree that the Separatists for they are the Men of whom this Lord speaks thus and says they are your Brethren and concur with you in all these are not known to be such For though he be one and the same God whom they worship yet the Worship is not one and the same For my Lord says plainly that our set Forms are Superstition And that he cannot joyn in Communion with us till our
yokes of Bondage and our other gross Corruptions be removed And I must doubt they embrace not the same Faith till they admit the whole Creed and will use the Lord's Prayer which few of them will As for the Spirit that works by Love I much fear he is a great stranger to many of these Men. For I have many ways found their Malice to be fierce and yet endless And therefore I wonder my Lord should have the Boldness to tell my Lords in Parliament that they know all these things of these Men and that they are their Brethren and concur with them in all these forenamed things whom in the mean time their Lordships do and cannot but know different from them nay separating from them in the very Worship of God Next I agree with my Lord again that I would have no pressure put upon those Men in whom the Spirit of Love causes an unblamable Conversation without any offence to the State But in this I must disagree that the Separatists from the Church of England are such manner of Men. For the private Conversation of very many of them whom I could name were it fit is far from being unblamable And the Publick Conversation of all or most of them is full of offence to the State Unless my Lord think the State is or ought to be of their Humour For how can their Conversation be without great offence very great to this or any State Christian who shall have and maintain private Conventicles and Meetings in a different way of Religion from that which is Established by the State Nay which shall not only differ from but openly and slanderously oppose that which is so Established Besides no well governed State will allow of private Meetings especially under pretence of Religion which carry far without their privity and allowance For if this be permitted there lies a way open to all Conspiracies against the State whatsoever and they shall all be satisfied under the pretence of Religion The third thing in which I agree with my Lord is that I would not that for Ceremonies and Things indifferent these Men should be thrust out of the Land and cut off from their Native Country No God forbid if any thing will reclaim them But then I must disagree with my Lord in this That these Men whether such as my Lord describes them or no are thrust out of the Land or cut off from their Native Country for Ceremonies or Things indifferent For First they are not all Ceremonies for which they separate from the Church For they pretend certain gross Corruptions in the very Worship of God as my Lord a little before delivers Secondly be the Cause what it will none of them have been banished or thrust out of the Land or cut from their Native Country as is here spoken to move Hatred against the Government But 't is true they have thrust themselves out and cut themselves off and run a Madding to New England scar'd away as they say by certain gross Corruptions not to be endured in this Church Nor after they have gone a Madding enough is their return denyed to any And I know some that went out like Fools and are come back so like that you cannot know the one from the other In this Passage 't is said by my Lord that these Ceremonies and Things indifferent unto you speaking to the Lords in Parliament are not so to them but Burthens In this Passage I can agree with my Lord in nothing For First my Lord but a very little before tells of Yokes of Bondage and gross Corruptions And are they so soon become but Ceremonies and Things indifferent If they be more than Ceremonies and Things indifferent then my Lord delivers not the whole Truth And if they be but Ceremonies and Things indifferent then his Lordship and all other Separatists ought rather to yield to the Church in such things than for such things to separate from it And certainly so they would if the Spirit that worketh by Love did work in them Yea but my Lord says they are such things as though they be indifferent to others yet to them they are not but burthens And it may be they make them so for in their own Nature they are nothing less And of great use they are to preserve the Substance and the Body of Religion But this I find let any thing in the World be enjoyned by the Church Authority and it is a Burthen presently And so you see all along this Speech how earnest my Lord is in behalf of himself and these Separatists against all Injunctions of set Forms and Yokes of Bondage This is an excellent way of Religion to settle Temporal Obedience And I can as little agree with that which follows Namely that the Lords may without any Offence to the State or prejudice to the Churches take away if they will these Things indifferent to them but Burthens to these Brethren For First suppose them to be but 〈◊〉 and Things indifferent yet can they not be taken away without offence to the State or prejudic to the Churches who to please a few unruly Separatists must make an Alteration in that part of Religion which hath continued with great Happiness to this Church ever since the Reformation Secondly I will not dispute it here what Power a Lay Assembly and such a Parliament is hath to determine Matters of Religion Primely and Originally by and of themselves before the Church hath first agreed upon them Then indeed they may confirm or refuse And this course was held in the Reformation But Originally to take this Power over Religion into Lay Hands is that which hath not been thus assumed since Christ to these unhappy days And I pray God this Chair of Religion do not prove Cathedra Pestilentiae as the vulgar reads it Psal. 1. 1. to the infecting of this whole Nation with Schism and Heresie and in the end bring all to confusion I meddle not here with the King's Power For he may be present in Convocation when he pleases and take or leave any Canons as he pleases which are for the Peace and well Ordering of the Church as well as in Parliament take or leave any Laws made ready for him for the good and quiet of his People But if it come to be Matter of Faith though in his Absolute Power he may do what he will and Answer God for it after Yet he cannot commit the ordering of that to any Lay Assembly Parliament or other for them to determine that which God hath intrusted into the Hands of his Priests Though if he will do this the Clergy must do their Duty to inform him and help that dangerous Error if they can But if they cannot they must suffer an unjust Violence how far soever it proceed but they may not break the Duty of their Allegiance 'T is true Constantius the Emperour a great Patron of the Arrians was by them interested
in their Cause and medled in decernendo in determining and that before-hand what the Prelats should do and sometimes in Commanding the Orthodox Prelats to Communicate with the Arrians This they refused to do as being against the Canons of the Council of Nice And then his Answer was Yea but that which I will shall go for Canon But then we must know withal that Athanasius reckn'd him for this as that Antichrist which Daniel Prophesied of Hosius also the Famous Confessor of those Times condemned in him that kind of medling in and with Religion And so doth St. Hilary of Poictiers Valentinian also the Younger took upon him to judge of Religion at the like presuasion of Auxentius the Arrian but he likewise was sharply reproved for it by St. Ambrose In like manner Maximus the Tyrant took upon him to judge in Matters of Religion as in the Case of Priscillian and his Associates But this also was checkt by St. Martin Bishop of Tours Where it is again to be observed that though these Emperours were too busie in venturing upon the determination of Points of Faith yet no one of them went so far as to take Power from the Synods and give it to the Senate And the Orthodox and Understanding Emperours did neither the one nor the other For Valentinian the Elder left this great Church-work to be done by Church-Men And though the Power to call Councils was in the Emperour And though the Emperours were sometimes personally present in the Councils and sometimes by their Deputies both to see Order kept and to inform themselves yet the decisive Voices were in the Clergy only And this will plainly appear in the Instructions given by the Emperor Theodosius to Condidianus whom he sent to supply his place in the Council of Ephesus which were That he should not meddle with Matters of Faith if any came to be debated And gives this Reason for it Because it is unlawful for any but Bishops to mingle himself with them in those Consultations And Basilius the Emperour long after this in the Eighth General Council held at Constantinople 〈◊〉 870. affirms it of the Laity in general That it is no way lawful for them to meddle with these things But that it is proper for the Patriarchs Bishops and Priests which have the Office of Government in the Church to enquire into these Things And more of this Argument might easily be added were that needful or I among my Books and my Thoughts at liberty And yet this crosses not the Supremacy which the King of England hath in Causes Ecclesiastical as it is acknowledged both by the Church and Law For that reaches not to the giving of him Power to determine Points of Faith either in Parliament or out or to the acknowledgment of any such Power residing in him or to give him Power to make Liturgies and publick Forms of Prayer or to Preach or Administer Sacraments or to do any thing which is meerly Spiritual But in all things which are of a mixed Cognizance such as are all those which are properly called Ecclesiastical and belong to the Bishops External Jurisdiction the Supremacy there and in all things of like Nature is the Kings And if at any time the Emperour or his Deputy sit Judge in a Point of Faith it is not because he hath any right to judge it or that the Church hath not Right but meerly in case of Contumacy where the Heretick is wilful and will not submit to the Church's Power And this the Hereticks sometimes did and then the Bishops were forced to Appeal thither also but not for any Resolution in the point of Faith but for Aid and Assistance to the just Power of the Church I cannot but remember a very Prudent Speech utter'd in the beginning of the late preceding Parliament and by that Lord who now made this The occasion was A Lord offer'd to deliver a Message from the King before he was formally brought into the House and his Patent shew'd This Lord who thinks Church-Ceremonies may so easily be alter'd stood up and said He would not be against the delivery of the Message he knew not how urgent it might be but desired withal that it might be enter'd that this was yielded unto by Special leave of the House For that saith he though this be but a Ceremony yet the Honour and Safety of the Priviledges of this Great House is preserved by nothing more than by keeping the Ancient Rights and Ceremonies thereof intire And this I think was very wisely spoken and with great Judgment And could my Lord see this in the Parliament and can he not see it in the Church Are Ancient Ceremonies the chief Props of Parliamentary Rights and have they no use in Religion to keep up her Dignity yea perhaps and Truth too The House of Parliament is I confess a Great and Honourable House But the whole Church of Christ is greater And it will not well beseem a Parliament to maintain their own Ceremonies and to kick down the Ceremonies of the National Church which under God made all their Members Christians Most sure I am they cannot do it without ossence both to State and Church and making both a Scorn to Neighbouring Nations Now in the close of all my Lord tells his Fellow Peers and all others in them That if they shall thus wound the Consciences of their Brethren the Separatists they will certainly offend and sin against Christ. Soft and fair But what shall these Lords do if to Humour the Consciences of those Brethren some weak and many wilful and the cunning misleading the simple they shall disgrace and weaken and perhaps overthrow the Religion they profess Shall they not then both wound their own Consciences and most certainly sin against Christ Yes out of all doubt they shall do both Now where it comes to the wounding of Consciences no question can be made but that every Man ought first to look to his own to his Brethrens after A Man must not do that which shall justly wound his Brother's Conscience though he be his Brother in a Separation and stand never so much a-loof from him But he must not wound his own to preserve his Brother from a wound especially such a one as happily may cure him and by a timely pinch make him sensible of the ill Condition in which he is As for these Men God of his Mercy give them that Light of his Truth which they want and forgive them the boasting of that Light which they presume they have And give them true Repentance and in that Sense a wounded Conscience for their breaking the Peace of this Church And forgive them all their Sins by which they still go on with more and more violence to distract this Church And God of his Infinite Goodness preserve this Church at all times and especially at this time while the Waves of this Sea of Separation
rage so horribly And as for this Lord God forgive him and I do and I hope this Church will Amen In Turri Lond Dec. 3. 1641. S. S. Trinitati sit Laus Gloria in AEternum Arch-Bishop LAUD's ANNUAL ACCOUNTS OF HIS PROVINCE PRESENTED TO THE KING IN The beginning of every Year With the KING 's Apostills or Marginal Notes Transcribed and Published from the Originals Together with the KING's INSTRUCTIONS TO THE Arch-Bishops Abbot and Laud Upon which These ACCOUNTS were formed AND The last Account of Arch-Bishop Abbot to the King concerning his Province LONDON Printed for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the Rose and Crown in St Paul's Church-Yard M DC XCV INSTRUCTIONS Sent from the King to Arch-Bishop Abbot in the Year 1629. Carolus Rex INstructions for the most Reverend Father in God our right Trusty and right intirely well beloved Councellor George Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury concerning certain Articles to be observed and put in execution by the several Bishops in his Province I That the Lords the Bishops be commanded to their several Sees to keep Residence excepting those which are in necessary Attendance at Court II That none of them Reside upon his Land or Lease that he hath Purchased no ron his Commendam if he should have any but in one of the Episcopal Houses if he have any And that he waste not the Woods where any are left III That they give charge in their Triennial Visitations and all other convenient times both by themselves and the Arch-Deacons that the Declaration for the setling all Questions in difference be chiefly observed by all Parties IV That there be a special care taken by them all that the Ordinations be Solemn and not of unworthy Persons V That they take great care concerning the Lecturers in these special Directions following 1 That in all Parishes the Afternoon Sermons may be turned into Catechizing by Questions and Answers when and wheresoever there is no great cause apparent to break this ancient and profitable Order 2 That every Bishop Ordain in his Diocess that every Lecturer do read Divine Service according to the Liturgy Printed by Authority in his Surplice and Hood before the Lecture 3 That where a Lecture is set up in a Market-Town it may be read by a company of Grave and Orthodox Divines near adjoyning and in the same Diocess and that they Preach in Gowns and not in Cloaks as too many do use 4 That if a Corporation maintain a single Lecturer he be not suffered to Preach till he profess his willingness to take upon him a Living with cure of Souls within that Corporation and that he actually take such Benefice or Cure as soon as it shall be fairly procured for him VI That the Bishops do countenance and encourage the Grave and Orthodox Divines of their Clergy and that they use means by some of their Clergy that they may have knowledge how both Lecturers and Preachers behave themselves in their Sermons within their Diocess That so they may take Order for any abuse accordingly VII That the Bishops suffer none but Noblemen and Men qualified by Learning to have any Private Chaplain in his House VIII That they take special Care that Divine Service be duly frequented as well for Prayers and Catechizing as for Sermons And take particular note of all such as absent themselves as Recusants or otherwise IX That every Bishop that by our Grace Favour and good Opinion of his Service shall be nominated by us to another Bishoprick shall from that Day of Nomination not presume to make any Lease for Three Lives or One and Twenty Years or concurrent Lease or any way make any Estate or cut any Woods or Timber but meerly receive the Rents due and so quit the place For we think it an hateful thing that any Man leaving the Bishoprick should almost undo the Successor And if any Man shall presume to break this Order we will refuse him at our Royal Assent and keep him at the Place which he had so abused X We Command you to give us an Account every Year the Second Day of January of the performance of these our Commands Dorchester Arch-Bishop Abbot's Account of his Province for the Year 1632. sent to the King May it it Please your most Excellent Majesty THE Year is at an end redit Orbis in Orbem moritura ruit perituri Machina Mundi But the Account of the Church Affairs for the last Year must not be forgotten To speak generally unto the Articles heretosore propounded by your Majesty it is enough to say that the Bishops for ought it appeareth unto me have lived at home and in their Episcopal-Houses Saving only my Lord of St. Davids who by his Wives Sickness but especially by a Law Suit which concerneth him for all that he hath as he informeth was constrained to keep here But now that vexatious Suit being ended he promiseth to repair home and there to reside that there shall be no just Occasion of Complaint against him Of Arminian Points there is no dispute And Ordinations of Ministers for ought that I can learn are Canonically observed The Rules for Lecturers are strictly kept Care is had that Divine Service is Religiously read and frequented saving by certain Separatists about London who for their Persons are contemptible but fit to be punished for their wilful Obstinacy which we do with Moderation Yet yielding them Means to confer with Learned Men which we hope will prevail with some of them And so it may be said of the rest of the Articles that I find no noted Transgression of them There is not in the Church of England left any inconformable Minister which appeareth And yet the Lord Bishops of London and Lincoln have been forced to deprive Two or Three whom no time can Tame nor Instruction conquer according to the rule Immedicabile Vulnus Ense recidendum est There was one Burges a Physician who opened his Mouth wide against the repairing of St Pauls Church but he hath been so castigated that as I trust very few others will be encouraged to walk in his ways and to Blaspheme so Holy a Work There hath been these Two last Years past mention made of Papists frequenting Holy-Well or St. Winifred's Well in Wales and the Bishop of St Asaph doth not forget to touch it again in these Words There hath been there all this Summer more than ordinary concourse of People and more bold and open practice of Superstition Where it is not to be forgotten that at that Well a great part of the Powder Treason was hatched And therefore my humble Opinion is that serious Letters should be directed from your Majesty or Privy Council to the Lord President of Wales and his Fellow Commissioners that at Summer next some course should be taken for the repressing of this Confluence being indeed no better than a Pilgrimage The Lady Wotton in Kent hath set up a bold Epitaph upon her Lord's Tomb and
and my Lords at the Council-Board and humbly desired That they both of the French Italian and Dutch Congregations which are born Subjects may not be suffered any longer to live in such a Separation as they do from both Church and State And have according to that which I thought might best sort with your Majesty's Intentions commanded my Vicar-General when he was lately at Canterbury to begin fairly to call them to Conform with the English Church Which business I do hereby humbly beseech your Majesty to look upon with a provident Eye not here only but much more in London for the better settling of both Church and Commonwealth in that Particular And for your Majesty's Instructions I have for my own part punctually observed them The rest of the Diocesses which I visited this Year are Rochester Salisbury Bristol Bath and Wells Exeter and Lincoln For Rochester I found no eminent thing amiss but the Bishop himself fell into a Palsie and was thereby forced to go to the Bath and so to be longer absent from his Diocess than otherwise he would have been and he is now returned God be thanked much better though not perfectly well And for the Diocess I did not find in my Visitation any noted Breach upon any your Majesty's Instructions For Salisbury I found the Bishop had taken a great deal of Care about your Majesty's said Instructions and that they might be the better both known and obeyed he hath caused Copies of them to be sent to most of the Ministers in his Diocess which hath done a great deal of good And though it be not amongst your Instructions yet I am bold to signifie unto your Sacred Majesty that I find the greatest part of Wiltshire overgrown with the Humours of those Men that do not Conform and are as backward both Clergy and Laity towards the Repair of St. Paul's Church as any part of England that I have observed The Cathedral at Salisbury is much pestered with Seats and I have given Order to remove them which I hope your Majesty will approve as well as you did at York and Durham and add your Power if mine be not sufficient For Bristol I find in my Visitation that the Bishop there hath taken very good Pains and Care since his coming thither And that some Clergy-men in Dorsetshire which gave great cause of Suspicion have quit themselves in a better manner than was expected though all be not right in those Parts Concerning Bath and Wells I must needs return to your Majesty that which I would to God I could do of all the rest namely That all your Instructions are punctually observed and the Lectures as many as are in that Diocess read not by any particular factious Persons but by a Company of Learned neighbouring Ministers which are every way conformable to the Church For Exeter where according to many Complaints that had been made here above I might have expected many things out of Order I must do my Lord the Bishop this Right that for your Majesty's Instructions they have been carefully observ'd But a great Division there is between the Dean and Chapter I have twice set them at Peace yet it breaks out again And I doubt there being so many Brothers and Brothers-in-Law in that Chapter is not the least Cause of it the rest siding together for fear of Oppression I find also there hath been and is at this present a great Difference between the Dean and Chapter and the City about Burial within the Church-yard of the Cathedral I shall do my best to set Peace between them and if I cannot as I much fear it I shall be an humble Suitor to your Majesty to take it into your Princely Consideration lest it do more Prejudice to both Bodies than is yet thought of As for Lincoln it being the greatest Diocess in the Kingdom I have now reduced that under Metropolitical Visitation also and visited it this preceding Year My Visitors there found Bedfordshire for the bigness most tainted of any part of the Diocess And in particular Mr Buckley is sent to the High-Commission for Inconformity And in Leicester the Dean of the Arches Suspended one Mr Angell who hath continued a Lecturer in that great Town for these divers Years without any License at all to Preach yet took Liberty enough I doubt his Violence hath crackt his Brain and do therefore use him the more tenderly because I see the Hand of God hath overtaken him For Lincoln it self my Vicar General certifies me there are many Anabaptists in it and that their Leader is one Johnson a Baker and that in divers parts of that Diocess many both of Clergy and Laity are excessively given to Drunkenness That the Town of Boston which was a great Nursery of Inconformity is since the calling of some of the Magistrates into the High-Commission become very Orderly and setled to Obedience But the Town of Louth somewhat to blame At Kelstern dwells the wild young Gentleman Mr South concerning whom I have lately spoken and that often with your Majesty he hath committed a horrible Incest and gotten two Sisters with Child I have called him into the High-Commission against the next Term and I hope your Majesty will give me leave to make South blow West for St. Pauls At Kensworth in Hertfordshire and some other Places many gadd from their own Churches by Troops after other Ministers Which is a common fault in the South Parts of that Diocess where the People are said to be very giddy in matters of Religion The Cathedral of this Diocess is not well ordered either for Reparation or Ornaments but the Dean and Chapter to whom that Care belongs have promised speedy amendment For Eaton College within that Diocess I do not find but that the Provost Sir Henry Wotton hath carried himself very worthily The greatest things thought to be amiss in that Society are those which are referred to me by your Majesty upon the Complaint of Kings College in Cambridge to which I have no more to say till I see whether they of Eaton will decline the Reference or no. Thus far concerning the Diocesses which I have visited this Year In all which I find one great Complaint and very fit to be redressed It is the general grievance of the poor Vicars that their Stipends are scarce able to Feed and Cloath them And which is worse the Vicars in great Market-Towns where the People are very many are for the most part worst provided for But I humbly thank your Majesty some good hath of late been done for them and I shall pursue all just and fair ways to give them Relief Humbly beseeching you to give your gracious Assistance to me and them For Winchester I find my Lord Bishop there hath been very careful for all your Majesty's Instructions and that they are well observed through that Diocess save only that in two Parishes the Bishop finds some defect
he hath made stay of that they may be reduced into Years for the good of that See which abundantly needs it My Lord Bishop of Winchester Certifies that there is all Peace and Order in his Diocess and that himself and his Clergy have duly Obeyed your Majesty's Instructions But he Informs that in the Parish of Avington in Hampshire one Vnguyon an Esquire is Presented for a new Recusant as also Three others whereof Two are in Southwark These Three Bishops for their several Diocesses respectively make return that all Obedience is yielded to every of your Majesty's Instructions The late Bishop of St Davids now of Hereford hath in his time of Residence taken a great deal of pains in that See and hath caused Two to be questioned in the High Commission and Suspended one Roberts a Lecturer for Inconformity Three or four others which were Suspended he hath released upon hope given of their Obedience to the Church and hath absolutely deprived Two for their exceeding Scandalous Life He complains much and surely with cause enough that there are few Ministers in those poor and remote places that are able to Preach and Instruct the People My Lord the Bishop informs that that County is very full of Impropriations which makes the Ministers poor and their Poverty makes them fall upon Popular and Factious courses I doubt this is too true but it is a Mischief hard to cure in this Kingdom yet I have taken all the care I can and shall continue so to do From the rest of the Bishops of my Province I have received no Certificat this Year viz. Covent and Litchfield Worcester Bangor So I humbly submit this my Certificat W. CANT The Arch-Bishop's Accounts of his Province to the King for the Year 1636. May it please your Sacred Majesty ACcording to your Royal Commands expressed in your late Instructions for the good of the Church I do here most humbly present my Yearly Account for my Diocess and Province of Canterbury for this last Year ending at Christmass 1636. And First for my own Diocess I have every Year acquainted your Majesty and so must do now that there are still about Ashford and Egerton divers Brownists and other Separatists But they are so very mean and poor People that we know not what to do with them They are said to be the Disciples of one Turner and Fennar who were long since apprehended and imprisoned by Order of your Majesty's High Commission Court But how this part came to be so infected with such a Humour of Separation I know not unless it were by too much connivence at their first beginning Neither do I see any Remedy like to be unless some of their chief Seducers be driven to Abjure the Kingdom which must be 〈◊〉 by the Judges at the Common Law but is not in our power I have received Information from my Officers that the Walloons and other Strangers in my Diocess especially at Canterbury do come orderly to their Parish Churches and there receive the Sacraments and Marry c. according to my Injunctions with that limitation which your Majesty allowed There have been heretofore many in Canterbury that were not conformable to Church Discipline and would not kneel at the Communion but they are all now very Conformable as I hear expresly by my Officers and that there is no falling away of any to Recusancy There hath been a Custom that some Ministers thereabouts have under divers pretences lived for the most part at Canterbury and gone seldom to their Benefices which hath given a double Scandal both by their absence from their several Cures and by keeping too much Company and that not in the best manner I have seen this remedied in all save only one Man and if he do not presently Conform I have taken order for his Suspension In the Diocess of London I find that my Lord the Bishop there now by your Majesty's Grace and Favour Lord High Treasurer of England hath very carefully observed those Instructions which belong to his own Person And for the Diocess his Lordship Informs me of three great Misdemeanours The one committed by Dr Cornelius Burges who in a Latin Sermon before the Clergy of London uttered divers insolent passages against the Bishops and Government of the Church and refused to give his Lordship a Copy of the Sermon so there was a necessity of calling him into the High Commission Court which is done The second Misdemeanour is of one Mr Wharton a Minister in Essex who in a Sermon at Chelmesford uttered many unfit and some scurrilous things But for this he hath been Convented and received a Canonical Admonition And upon his sorrow and submission any farther Censure is forborn The third Misdemeanour which my Lord complains of is the late spreading and dispersing of some Factious and Malicious Pamphlets against the Bishops and Government of the Church of England And my Lord farther Certifies that he hath reasonable ground to perswade him that those Libellous Pamphlets have been Contrived or Abetted and dispersed by some of the Clergy of his Diocess and therefore desires me to use the Authority of the High Commission for the further discovery of this Notorious practice to prevent the Mischiefs which will otherwise ensue upon the Government of the Church This God willing I shall see performed But if the High Commission shall not have Power enough because one of those Libels contains Seditious Matter in it and that which is very little 〈◊〉 of Treason if any thing at all then I humbly crave leave to add this to my Lord Treasurer's Motion and humbly to desire that your Majesty will call it into a higher Court if you find Cause since I see no likelyhood but that these Troubles in the Church if they be permitted will break out into some Sedition in the Common-wealth My Visitation is yet depending for this Diocess and by reason of the Sickness I could not with safety hold it nor think it fit to gather so much People together but God willing I shall perform that Duty so soon as conveniently I may and then Certifie your Majesty at the next return what shall come under mine own view In this Diocess I find by my Lord's Report from his Officers that there are divers Recusants in several parts of the Country and that some of them have been seduced away from the Church of England within these two or three Years For all things else I receive no complaint thence save only of three or four Ministers that are negligent in Catechising and observe it not at all or but in the Lent only But I shall call upon the Bishop to see this remedied and to be as vigilant as he can against any farther increase of Recusants From Bath and Wells I have received a very good and happy Certificat both that all your Majesty's Instructions have been exactly performed throughout that whole Diocess And
that by God's Blessing and the well Ordering of Church Affairs there have been fewer Popish Recusants presented than formerly and that the number of them is much decreased And this I cannot but highly approve to your Majesty if there be not fewer presented either by the over-awing of them which should present or some Cunning in those which would not be presented For this Diocess my Lord hath given me in a very careful and punctual Account very large and in all Particulars very considerable And I shall return it to your Majesty as briefly as I can reduce it And first he hath for this Summer but by your Majesty's leave lived from both his Episcopal Houses in Ipswich partly because he was informed that that side of his Diocess did most need his presence and he found it so And partly because his Chappel at his House in Norwich was possessed by the French Congregation and so the Bishoprick left destitute But he hath given them warning to provide themselves elsewhere by Easter next His Lordship found a general defect of Catechising quite through the Diocess but hath setled it And in Norwich where there are 34 Churches there was no Sermon on the Sunday Morning save only in four but all put off to the Afternoon and so no Catechising But now he hath ordered that there shall be a Sermon every Morning and Catechising in the Afternoon in every Church For Lectures they abounded in Suffolk and many set up by private Gentlemen even without so much as the knowledge of the Ordinary and without any due observation to the Canons or the Discipline of the Church Divers of these his Lordship hath carefully regulated according to Order and especially in St. Edmonds-bury and with their very good content and Suspended no Lecturer of whom he might obtain Conformity And at Ipswich it was not unknown unto them that now Mr Ward stands Censured in the High Commission and obeys not Yet the Bishop was ready to have allowed them another if they would have sought him but they resolve to have Mr. Ward or none and that as is conceived in despight of the Censure of the Court. At Yarmouth where there was great division heretofore for many Years their Lecturer being Censured in the High Commission about two Years since went into New-England since which time there hath been no Lecture and very much peace in the Town and all Ecclesiastical Orders well observed But in Norwich one Mr Bridge rather than he would Conform hath left his Lecture and two Cures and is gone into Holland The Lecturers in the Country generally observing no Church Orders at all And yet the Bishop hath carried it with that Temper and upon their promise and his hopes of Conformity that he hath Inhibited but three in Norfolk and as many in Suffolk of which one is no Graduate and hath been a common Stage-player His Lordship craves direction what he shall do with such Scholars some in Holy Orders and some not as Knights and private Gentlemen keep in their Houses under pretence to Teach their Children As also with some Divines that are Beneficed in Towns or near but live in Gentlemens Houses For my part I think it very fit the Beneficed Men were punctually commanded to reside upon their Cures And for the rest your Majesties Instructions allow none to keep Chaplains but such as are qualified by Law All which notwithstanding I most humbly submit as the Bishop doth to your Majesty's Judgment For Recusants whereas formerly there were wont to be but two or three Presented his Lordship hath caused above forty to be Endicted in Norwich at the last Sessions and at the Assizes in Suffolk he delivered a List of such as were Presented upon the Oath of the Churchwardens to the Lord Chief Justice and his Lordship to the Grand Jury But they slighted it pretending the Bishop's Certificat to be no Evidence But the true Reason is conceived to be because he had also inserted such as had been Presented to him for Recusant Separatists as well as Recusant Romanists His Lordships Care hath been such as that though there are about One Thousand Five Hundred Clergy-Men in that Diocess and many Disorders yet there are not Thirty Excommunicated or Suspended whereof some are for Contumacy and will not yet submit some for obstinate denyal to Publish your Majesty's Declaration and some for contemning all the Orders and Rites of the Church and intruding themselves without License from the Ordinary for many Years together Last of all he found that one half of the Churches in his Diocess had not a Clerk able to Read and Answer the Minister in Divine Service by which means the People were wholly disused from joyning with the Priest and in many places from so much as saying Amen But concerning this his Lordship hath strictly enjoyned a Reformation If this Account given by my Lord of Norwich be true as I believe it is and ought to believe it till it can be disproved he hath deserved very well of the Church of England and hath been very ill rewarded for it His humble Suit to your Majesty is That you will be graciously pleased in your own good time to hear the Complaints that have been made against him that he may not be overborn by an Outcry for doing Service In the Diocess of Oxon I find all your Majesty's Instructions carefully obeyed and there is but one Lecture in the whole Diocess and that is read at Henly upon Thames by some Ministers of the Diocess conformable Men and allowed by the Bishop His Lordship hath also called upon divers Recusants but upon their being questioned they plead an Exemption from his Authority under your Majesty's Great Seal From my Lord of Ely I have received a very fair Account that his Diocess is very orderly and obedient insomuch that he hath not any thing of Note to acquaint me with My Lord in his Certificat mentions two Particulars fit for your Majesty's Knowledge The First is that one of His Clergy in Bedfordshire a Learned and Pious Man as he saith set up a Stone upon Pillars of Brick for his Communion-Table believing it to have been the Altar-Stone And because this appeared to be but a Grave-Stone and for avoiding of farther Rumours in that Country among the preciser sort his Lordship caused it to be quietly removed and the ancient Communion-Table placed in the room of it But did not farther question the Party because they found him a harmless Man and otherwise a Deserver But how deserving soever he be I must judge it a very bold part in him to attempt this without the Knowledge and Approbation of his Ordinary The Second is that there are risen some Differences in the Southern parts of his Diocess about the Ministers urging the People to receive at the Rails which his Lordship saith he hath procured to be placed about the Holy Table and the People in
within their several Diocesses And so with my Prayers for your Majesty's long Life and happy Reign I humbly submit this my Account for the Year last past being 1638. January 2d 〈◊〉 W. Cant. The Arch-Bishop's Account of his Province to the King for the Year 1639. In Dei Nomine Amen May it Please your most Sacred Majesty ACcording to your Royal Commands expressed in your Instructions for the good of the Church I here most humbly Present this my Account for the Year finished now at Christmas 1639. And First to begin with my own Diocess The great thing which is amiss there and beyond my Power to remedy is the stiffness of divers Anabaptists and Separatists from the Church of England especially in and about the Parts near Ashford And I do not find either by my own Experience or by any Advice from my Officers that this is like to be remedied unless the Statute concerning Abjuration of your Kingdom or some other way by the Power of the Temporal Law or State be thought upon But how fit that may be to be done for the present especially in these broken Times I humbly submit to your Majesty's Wisdom having often complained of this before Many that were brought to good Order for receiving of the Holy Communion where the Rails stand before the Table are now of late fallen off and refuse to come up thither to receive But this God willing I shall take care of and order as well as I can and with as much speed And the same is now commonly fallen out in divers other Diocesses There was about half a Year since one that pretended himself a Minister who got many Followers in Sandwich and some Neighbouring Parishes but at last was found to have gone under three Names Enoch Swann and Grey and in as several Habits of a Minister an ordinary Lay-Man and a Royster. And this being discovered he fled the Country before any of my Officers could lay hold on him Upon this occasion I have commanded my Commissary and Arch-Deacon to give Charge in my Name to all Parsons and Vicars of my Diocess that they suffer no Man to preach in their Cures but such as for whom they will Answer as well otherwise as for the point of Conformity which I hope will prevent the like abuse hereafter In this Diocess the last Year there was some heat struck by opposite Preaching in the Pulpit between one Mr Goodwin Vicar of St Stevens in Coleman-street and some other Ministers in the City concerning the Act of Believing and the Imputation of Christ's Righteousness in the Justification of a Sinner And the Peoples Minds were much perplexed hereabouts This business was quieted by my Lord the Bishop and his Chancellour and a Promise of Forbearance made Yet now lately Mr Goodwin hath preached again in the same way and the same Perplexity is like to be caused again thereby in the City Yet my Lord the Bishop is in hopes to settle this also quietly wherein he shall have the best Assistance I can give him The Arch-Deacons in this Diocess and others are too negligent in giving their Bishops due Information of such things as are committed to their Charge Mr Joseph Simonds Rector of St Martin's Ironmonger-lane is utterly fallen from the Church of England and hath abandoned his Benefice and gone beyond the Seas and so was deprived in September last past Mr Daniel Votyer Rector of St Peter's in Westcheap hath been likewise convented for divers Inconformities and promised Reformation as Mr Simonds also did but being now called into the High Commission Order is taken for the Officiating of his Cure till it shall appear whether he will desert it or no for he also is gone beyond the Seas Mr George Seaton Rector of Bushy in the County of Hertford is charged with continual Non-residency and other Misdemeanours little beseeming a Clergy-man But of this neither my Lord nor my self can say more to your Majesty till we see what will rise in Proof against him My Lord the Bishop of this Diocess gives me a very fair Account of all things regular therein saving that the Popish Recusants which he saith are many in that Diocess do yearly increase there and that this may appear by the Bills of Presentment in his Annual Inquisitions My Lord the Bishop informs me that he hath been very careful in point of Ordination as being a Bishop near the University and to whom many resort for Holy Orders at times appointed by the Church But he complains that having refused to give Orders to Twenty or Thirty at an Ordination most of them have addressed themselves to other Bishops and of them received Orders not only without Letters Dimissory but without such Qualification as the Canon requires In this Case I would humbly advise your Majesty That my Lord the Bishop may enquire and certifie by what Bishops these Parties so refused by him were Admitted into Holy Orders that so they may be admonished to be more careful for the future and that this Abuse may not find Encouragement and increase For Popish Recusants they have been proceeded against in this Diocess according to Law saving only such of them as have pleaded and shewed your Majesty's Exemption under your Great Seal from being question'd in any Ecclesisiastical Court for matters concerning their Religion I find by the Bishop's Certificate that he hath constantly resided upon his Episcopal Houses but saith that he cannot have his Health at Eccleshall and hath therefore since resided in his Palace at Lichfield but with very little Comfort by reason of Inmates left as his Lordship saith upon the Church's Possession His Lordship adds That he hath an ancient Palace at Coventry in Lease but with reservation of the Use thereof in case the Bishop shall at any time come to live there Here he means to reside for a time if it stand with your Majesty's good liking For Popish Recusants his Lordship saith they are presented and prosecuted according to the Law This Diocess my Lord the Bishop assures me is as quiet uniform and conformable as any in the Kingdom if not more And doth avow it that all which stood out in Suffolk as well as Norfolk at his coming to that See are come in and have now legally subscribed and professed all Conformity and for ought he can learn observe it accordingly Yet his Lordship confesseth that some of the Vulgar sort in Suffolk are not conformable enough especially in coming up to Receive at the Steps of the Chancel where the Rails are set But he hopes by fair means he shall be able to work upon them in time His Lordship adds That some have Indicted a Minister because he would not come down from the Communion Table to give them the Sacrament in their Seats But this your Majesty hath been formerly acquainted with by the Minister's Petition which you were graciously pleased to command me to underwrite
In this Particular the Bishop craves to receive Direction whether he shall command them to Catechise only and not Preach because your Majesty's Instructions seem to be strict in this point I think your Majesty may be pleased to have the Ministers to preach if they will so that they do first Catechise orderly by Question and Answer and afterwards preach upon the same Heads to the People for their better understanding of those Questions Besides some Knights and Esquires keep Schoolmasters in their Houses or Scholars to converse with or dyet the Vicar where his Maintenance is little And this they say is not to keep a Chaplain which your Majesty's Instructions forbid Yet most of these read or say Service in their Houses which is the Office of a Chaplain But they read not the Prayers of the Church according to the Liturgy Established The Bishop craves direction in this also And I think it be very necessary that the Bishop proceed strictly and keep all such that they read or say no Prayers but those which are allowed and established by the Church in the Book of Common Prayers There are not observed more than Seven or Eight throughout the whole Diocess which seem refractory to the Church and they have made large professions of their Conformities which the Bishop will settle so soon as he can But this he saith he finds plainly that there are few of the Laity Factious but where the Clergy misleads them And this I doubt is too true in most parts of the Kingdom They have in this Diocess come to him very thick to receive Confirmation to the number of some Thousands There were two Lectures held this last Year the one at Wainfleet and the other at Kirton in Lindsey where some two or three of the Ministers which read the Lecture were disorderly Among the rest one Mr. Show preached very Factiously just at the time when your Majesty was at Barwicke and his Fellow Lecturers complained not of him Hereupon the Chancellor having notice of it called him in question and the business was so foul and so fully proved that the party fled the Country and is thought to be gone for New-England Some other small Exorbitances there are which the Chancellor complains of But there is hope that this Example will do some good among them In this Diocess one Mr. Coxe upon Hosea 4. 4. preached a Sermon to prove that the Church of England did not maintain the Calling of Bishops to be Jure Divino which Sermon troubled those Parts not a little My Lord the Bishop after he had had Speech with him sent him to me When he came it pleased God so to bless me that I gave him satisfaction and he went home very well contented and made a handsome Retractation voluntarily of himself and satisfied the People In the skirts of this Diocess in Shropshire there was a Conventicle St. of mean Persons laid hold on and Complaint was made to the Council of the Marches And the Lord President of Wales very Honourably gave notice of it both to the Lords and my self and they were remitted to receive such Censure as the Laws Ecclesiastical impose upon them These Bishops do all Certifie that every thing is well in their several Diocesses concerning the Particulars contained in your Majesty's Instructions and otherwise The like is Certified by the Lord Bishop of Chichester saving that of late there hath hapned some little disorder in the East parts of that Diocess about Lewis which we are taking care to settle as well as we can And for Non-Conformists he saith that Diocess is not so much troubled with Puritan Ministers as with Puritan Justices of the Peace of which latter there are store And so with my Prayers for your Majesty's long and happy Reign I humbly submit this my Account January 2. 1639. W. Cant. H. W. WHen I wrote the Preface to this first Volume I had intended to reserve what follows as well as the immediately preceding Papers viz the Arch-Bishop's Annual Accounts of his Province for the Second Volume as not believing there would be any room for them in this But the Book having now fallen much short of the number of Sheets by me at first computed I have thought fit to cause these Memorials to be here adjoyned that so this Volume might be thereby increased to a convenient Bulk I made choice of these rather than any other Papers for this purpose because they contribute very much to the more perfect knowledge of the great Transactions of those Times both in Church and State and do indeed constitute a part of the History of the Life and Actions of the Arch-Bishop and are often referred to by him in the preceding History The Original Accounts of the Arch-Bishop to the King concerning his Province Apostilled in the Margin with the King 's own Hand are now in my Custody The Accounts indeed are not wrote in the Arch-Bishop's own Hand that being not thought fair enough by himself to be presented to the King's view upon that occasion but very fairly wrote by his Secretary or some other employed by him But the Notes or Apostils added by the King to them and therewith remitted to the Arch-Bishop are wrote in the King 's own Hand which is fair enough although the Orthography be vitious a matter common to many Learned Men of that time and even to the Arch-Bishop himself which yet however I have caused to be retained as having observed that the Arch-Bishop had caused the King's Orthography to be Literally followed in those Transcripts which he ordered his Secretary and Registrary to make of them either to be kept for his own use or to be inserted in his Publick Register ROME's MASTER-PIECE OR THE Grand Conspiracy of the POPE AND HIS JESUITED INSTRUMENTS TO Extirpate the Protestant Religion Re-establish Popery Subvert Laws Liberties Peace Parliaments BY Kindling a Civil War in Scotland and all his Majesty's Realms and to Poison the King himself in case he Comply not with them in these their execrable Designs Revealed out of Conscience to Andreas ab Habernfield by an Agent sent from Rome into England by Cardinal Barbarino as an Assistant to Con the Pope's late Nuncio to prosecute this most Execrable Plot in which he persisted a principal Actor several Years who discovered it to Sir William Boswell his Majesty's Agent at the Hague 6 Sept 1640. He under an Oath of Secresie to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury among whose Papers it was casually found by Mr Prynn May 31 1643. who Communicated it to the King As the greatest Business that ever was put to him Together with The ARCH-BISHOP's NOTES The Lord both will bring to Light the hidden things of Darkness and will make manifest the Counsels of the Hearts and then shall every man have Praise of God 1 Cor IV 5. It is Ordered by the Committee of the House of Commons in Parliament concerning Printing this first
such Proceeding in this Case The very Parties that tendred this Cap presuming some good Inclination in him to accept it and to the Romish Church which he maintains to be a True Church wherein Men are and may be saved And the Second Proffer following so soon at the Heels of the First intimates That the First was in such sort entertained by him as rather encouraged than discouraged the Party to make the Second And his Second Consultation with the King concerning it insinuates That the King rather enclined to than against it or at leastwise left it arbitrary to him to accept or reject it as he best liked As for his Severity in prosecuting Papists it appears by his Epistle to the King before his Conference with the Jesuit Fisher where he useth these Speeches of his Carriage towards them God forbid that I should perswade a Persecution in any kind or practise it in the least against Priests and Jesuits For to my remembrance I have not given him or his so much as cross Language Therefore he is no great Enemy to them The Second thing which may seem strange to others is this That the Pope's Legat and Jesuits should ever hate or conspire his Death unless he were an utter Enemy to all Popery Papists and the Church of Rome which admits an easie Answer The Truth is the Bishop being very pragmatical and wilful in his Courses could not well brook pragmatical peremptory Jesuits who in Popish Kingdoms are in perpetual Enmity with all other Orders and they with them they having been oft banished out of France and other Realms by the Sorbonists Dominicans and other Orders no Protestants writing so bitterly against these Popish Orders as themselves do one against the other yea the Priests and Jesuits in England were lately at great Variance and persecuted one another with much Violence This is no good Argument then that the Arch-Bishop held no Correspondence with Priests and other Orders and bare no good Affection to the Church of Rome in whose Superstitious Ceremonies he outstripped many Priests themselves What Correspondency he held with Franciscus de Sancta Clara with other Priests and Dr Smith Bishop of Calcedon whom the Jesuits persecuted and got Excommunicated though of their own Church and Religion is at large discovered in a Book entituled The English Pope and by the Scottish Common-Prayer Book found in the Arch-Bishop's Chamber with all those Alterations wherein it differs from the English written with his own Hand some of which smell very strongly of Popery As namely his blotting out of these Words at the Delivery of the Bread and Wine in the Sacrament Take and eat this in remembrance that Christ died for thee and feed on him in thy Heart by Faith with Thanksgiving Take and drink this in remembrance that Christ's Blood was shed for thee c. and leaving only this former Clause the better to justifie and imply a Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ which was given for thee The Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ which was shed for thee preserve thy Body and Soul unto everlasting Life And this Popish Rubrick written with his own Hand The Presbyter during the time of Consecration shall stand AT THE MIDDLE OF THE ALTAR where he may with more Ease and Decency USE BOTH HIS HANDS than he can do if he stand at the North-end With other Particulars of this kind Moreover in his Book of Private Devotions written with his own Hand he hath after the Romish Form reduced all his Prayers to Canonical Hours And in the Memorials of his Life written with his own Hand there are these suspicious Passages among others besides the Offer of the Cardinal's Cap Anno 1631. Jun. 21. 26. My nearer Acquaintance began to settle with Dr. S. God bless us in it Junii 25. Dr. S. with me at Fulham cum Ma. c. meant of Dr. Smith the Popish Bishop of Calcedon as is conceived Jun. 25. Mr. Fr. Windebank my old Friend was Sworn Secretary of State which Place I OBTAINED FOR HIM of my Gracious Master King Charles What an Arch-Papist and Conspirator he was the Plot relates and his Flight into France for releasing Papists and Jesuits out of Prison and from Executions by his own Warrants and imprisoning those Officers who apprehended them confirms About this time Dr Theodore Price Sub-dean of Westminster a Man very intimate with the Arch-Bishop and recommended specially to the King by him to be a Welch Bishop in Opposition to the Earl of Pembrook and his Chaplain Griffith Williams soon after died a Reconciled Papist and received Extream Vnction from a Priest Noscitur ex comite August 30. 1634. he hath this Memorial Saturday at Oatlands the Queen sent for me and gave me Thanks for a Business with which she trusted me her Promise then that she would be my Friend and that I should have immediate Address to her when I had occasion All which considered together with his Chaplains Licensing divers Popish Books with their expunging most Passages against Popery out of Books brought to the Press with other Particulars commonly known will give a true Character of his Temper that he is another Cassander or middle Man between an Absolute Papist and a real Protestant who will far sooner hug a Popish Priest in his Bosom than take a Puritan by the Little Finger An absolute Papist in all matters of Ceremony Pomp and external Worship in which he was over-zealous even to an open 〈◊〉 Persecution of all Conscientious Ministers who made Scruple of them if not half an one at least in Doctrinal Tenets How far he was guilty of a Conditional Voting the breaking up the last Parliament before this was called and for what end it was summoned this other Memorial under his own Hand will attest Decemb 5. 1639. Thursday the King declared his Resolution for a Parliament in case of the Scottish Rebellion The first Movers to it were my Lord Deputy of Ireland my Lord Marquess Hamilton and my self And A RESOLUTION VOTED AT THE BOARD TO AS-SIST THE KING IN EXTRAORDINARY WAYS IF THE PARLIAMENT SHOULD PROVE PEEVISH AND REFUSE c. But of him sufficient till his Charge now in preparation shall come in Observations on and from the Relation of this PLOT FRom the Relation of the former Plot by so good a Hand our own Three Realms and all Foreign Protestant States may receive full Satisfaction First That there hath been a most cunning strong execrable Conspiracy long since contrived at Rome and for divers Years together most vigorously pursued in England with all Industry Policy Subtilty Engines by many active potent Confederates of all sorts all Sexes to undermine the Protestant Religion re-establish Popery and alter the very Frame of Civil Government in all the King's Dominions wherein a most dangerous visible Progress hath
been lately made Secondly That to effect this Trayterous Design they have not only secretly erected some Monasteries of Monks Nuns in and about London but sent over hither whole Regiments of most active subtile Jesuits incorporated into a particular new Society whereof the Pope himself is Head and Cardinal Barbarino his Vicar which Society was first discovered and some of them apprehended in their private College at Clerkenwel together with their Books of Account Reliques and Massing Trinkets about the beginning of the Second Parliament of this King yet such Power Favour Friends they had then acquired that their Persons were speedily and most indirectly released out of Newgate without any Prosecution to prevent the Parliament's Proceedings against them Since which this conjured Society increasing in Strength and Number secretly replanted themselves in Queenstreet and Long-Acre and their Purses are now so strong their Hopes so elevated their Designs so ripened as they have there purchased and founded a new magnificent College of their own for their Habitation near the fairest Buildings of Nobles Knights and Gentlemen the more commodiously to seduce them Thirdly That these Jesuits and Conspirators hold weekly constant uninterrupted Intelligence with the Pope and Romish Cardinals and have many Spies or Intelligencers of all sorts about the King Court City Noblemen Ladies Gentlemen and in all Quarters of the Kingdom to promote this their Damnable Plot. Fourthly That the Pope for divers late Years hath had a known avowed Legat Con by Name openly residing even in London near the Court of purpose to reduce the King and his Kingdoms to the Obedience of the Church of Rome and the Queen at least another Leger at Rome trading with the Pope to facilitate the Design to wit one Hamilton a Scot who receives a large Pension out of the Exchequer granted to another Protestant of that Name who payeth it over unto him to palliate the business from the People's knowledge by which means there hath been a constant allowed Negotiation held between Rome and England without any open interruption Fifthly That the Pope's Legat came over into England to effect this Project and kept his Residence here in London for the better Prosecution thereof by the King 's own Privity and Consent And whereas by the ancient Law and Custom of the Realm yet in force even in Times of Popery no Legat whatsoever coming from Rome ought to cross the Seas or land in England or any the King's Dominions without the King's Petition Calling and Request and before he had taken a Solemn Oath or Protestation to bring and attempt nothing in Word or Deed to the Prejudice of the Rights Priviledges Laws and Customs of the King and Realm This Legat for ought appears was here admitted without any such cautionary Oath which would have crossed the chief End of his Legation to prejudice all of them and our Religion too Yea whereas by the Statutes of the Realm it is made no less than High Treason for any Priests Jesuits or others receiving Orders or Authority from the Pope of Rome to set footing in England or any the King's Dominions to seduce any of his Subjects to Popery And no Popish Recusant much less then Priests Jesuits and Legats ought to remain within Ten Miles of the City of London nor come into the King's or Prince's Courts the better to avoid such traiterous and most dangerous Conspiracies Treasons and Attempts as are daily devised and practised by them against the King and Commonweal Yet notwithstanding this Pope's Legat and his Confederates have not only kept Residence for divers Years in or near London and the Court and enjoyed free Liberty without Disturbance or any Prosecution of the Laws against them to seduce his Majesty's Nobles Courtiers Servants Subjects every where to their Grief and Prejudice but likewise have had familiar Access to and Conference with the King himself under the very Name and Authority of the Pope's Legat by all Arts Policies and Arguments to pervert and draw him with his three Kingdoms into a new Subjection to the See of Rome as Cardinal 〈◊〉 the last Pope's Legat extant in England before this in Queen Mary's Reign reconciled her and the Realm to Rome to their intolerable Prejudice An Act so inconsistent with the Laws of the Realm with his Majesty's many ancient and late Remonstrances Oaths Protestations to maintain the Protestant Religion without giving way to any back-sliding to Popery in such sort as it was maintained and professed in the purest Times of Queen Elizabeth c. as may well amaze the World which ever looks more at real Actions than verbal Protestations Sixthly That the Popish Party and Conspirators have lately usurped a Sovereign Power not only above the Laws and Magistrates of the Realm which take no hold of Papists but by the Parliament's late Care against them here but even over the King himself who either cannot or dares not for fear perchance of Poysoning or other Assassination oppose or banish these horrid Conspirators from his Dominions and Court but hath a long time permitted them to prosecute this Plot without any publick Opposition or Dislike by whose Powerful Authority and Mediation all may easily divine Alas What will become of the poor Sheep when the Shepherd himself not only neglects to chase and keep out these Romish Wolves but permits them free Access into and Harbour in the Sheepfold to assault if not devour not only his Flock but Person too Either St. John was much mistaken in the Character of a good Shepherd and in prescribing this Injunction against such Seducers If there come any unto you and bring not this Doctrine receive him not into your House neither bid him God speed for he that biddeth him God speed is Partaker of his evil Deeds And the Fathers and Canonists deceived in this Maxim Qui non prohibet malum quod potest jubet Or else the Premises cannot be tolerated or defended by any who profess themselves Enemies or Opposites to the Pope Priests or Church of Rome Seventhly That these Conspirators are so potent as to remove from Court and Publick Offices all such as dare strenuously oppose their Plots as the Example of Secretary Cook with other Officers lately removed in Ireland evidence and plant others of their own Party and Confederacy both in his Majesty's Court Privy Council Closet Bed-chamber if not Bed and about the Prince to corrupt them And how those who are thus environed with so many industrious potent Seducers of all sorts who have so many Snares to entrap so many Enticements to withdraw them both in their Beds Bed-Chambers Closets Councils Courts where-ever they go or come should possibly continue long untainted unseduced without an omnipotent Protection of which none can be assured who permits or connives at such dangerous Temptations is a thing scarce credible in Divine or Humane Reason if Adam's Solomon's and others Apostacies by such means be duly pondered
He who sails in the midst of dangerous Rocks may justly fear and expect a Wrack Eighthly That the late Scottish Trouble and Wars were both plotted and raised by these Jesuitical Conspirators of purpose to force the King to resort to them and their Popish Party for Aid of Men and Money against the Scots and by Colour thereof to raise an Army of their own to gain the King into their Power and then to win or force him to what Conditions they pleased who must at least-wise promise them an universal Toleration of their Religion throughout his Dominions e're they will yield to assist him And in case they conquer or prevail he must then come fully over to their Party or else be sent packing by them with a poysoned Fig to another World as his Father they say was it 's likely by their Instruments or Procurement they are so conusant of it and then the Prince yet young and well enclined to them already by his Education being got into their Hands by this wicked Policy shall soon be made an Obedient Son of the Church of Rome Thus the Relator a chief Actor in this pre-plotted Treason discovers And if his single Testimony though out of a wounded Conscience will not be believed alone the ensuing Circumstances will abundantly manifest the Scottish Wars to be plotted and directed by them For Con the Pope's Legat Hamilton the Queen's Agent most of the Jesuits then about London Captain Read their Host the Lord Sterling with other chief Actors in the Plot being all Scots and employing Maxfield and he two other Popish Scots in raising these Tumults the Earl of Arundel another principal Member of this Conspiracy being by their procurement made General of the first Army against the Scots and most of his Commanders Papists the Papists in all Counties of England upon the Queen's Letters directed to them contributing large Sums of Money besides Men Arms and Horses to maintain this War Sir Toby Matthew the most Industrious Conspirator in the Pack making a Voyage with the Lord Deputy into Ireland to stir up the Papists there to contribute Men Arms Moneys to subdue the Scottish Covenanters yea Marquess Hamilton's own Chaplain employed as the King's Commissioner to appease these Scots holding Correspondency with Con and resorting to him in private to impart the Secrets of that business to him the general Discontent of the Papists and Conspirators upon the first Pacification of those Troubles which they soon after infringed and by new Contributions raised a second Army against the Scots when the English Parliament refused to grant Subsidies to maintain the War All these concurring Circumstances compared with the Relation will ratifie it past Dispute that this War first sprung from these Conspirators Ninthly That the subsequent present Rebellion in Ireland and Wars in England originally issued from and were plotted by the same Conspirators For the Scottish War producing this setled Parliament beyond their expectation which they foresaw would prove fatal to this their long-agitated Conspiracy if it continued undissolved thereupon some Popish Irish Commissioners coming over into England and confederating with the Dutchess of Buckingham Captain Read and other of these Conspirators who afterwards departed secretly into Ireland they plotted an universal Rebellion Surprisal and Massacre of all the Protestants in that Kingdom which though in part prevented by a timely discovery securing Dublin and some few Places else yet it took general Effect in all other Parts to the loss of about an Hundred and Forty Thousand Protestants Lives there massacred by them And finding themselves likely to be overcome there by the Parliament's Forces sent hence and from Scotland to relieve the Protestant Party thereupon to work a Diversion they raised a Civil Bloody War against the Parliament here in England procuring the King after Endymion Porter a principal Conspirator in the Plot had gained the Custody of the Great Seal of England to issue out divers Proclamations under the great Seal proclaiming the Parliament themselves Traytors and Rebels to grant Commissions to Irish and English Papists contrary to his former Proclamations to raise Popish Forces both at Home and in Foreign parts for his Defence as his trustiest and most loyal Subjects to send Letters and Commissions of Favour to the Irish Rebels and hinder all Supplies from hence to the Protestant Party And withal they procured the Queen by the Earl of Antrim and Dutchess of Buckingham's Mediation to send Ammunition to the Irish Rebels and to attempt to raise an Insurrection in Scotland too as the Declaration of the Rise and Progress of the Rebellion in Ireland more largely discovers Seeing then all may clearly discern the exact Prosecution of this Plot carried on in all these Wars by the Conspirators therein particularly nominated by the Queen and Popish Party in all Three Kingdoms and in Foreign Parts too who have largely contributed Men Money Arms Ammunition to accomplish this Grand Design through the Instigation of those Conspirators in this Plot who are gone beyond the Seas and have lately caused publick Proclamations to be made in Bruges and other parts of Flanders in July last as appears by the Examination of Henry Mayo since seconded by others That all People who will now give ANY MONEY TO MAINTAIN THE RO-MAN CATHOLICKS IN ENGLAND should have it repaid them again in a Years time with many Thanks the whole World must now of Necessity both see and acknowledge unless they will renounce their own Eyes and Reason that this Conspiracy and Plot is no feigned Imposture but a most real perspicuous agitated Treachery now driven on almost to its Perfection the full Accomplishment whereof unless Heaven prevent it the Catholicks of England expect within the Circuit of one Year as the forenamed Proclamations intimate Tenthly That no setled Peace was ever formerly intended nor can now be futurely expected in England or Ireland without an universal publick Toleration at the least of Popery and a Repeal and Suspension of all Laws against it this being the very Condition in the Plot which the King must condescend to e're the Papists would engage themselves to assist him in these Wars thus raised by them for this end And that none may doubt this Verity the late most insolent bold Demands of the Irish Rebels in the Treaty with them the present Suspension of all Laws against Priests and Recusants in all Counties under his Majesty's Power the uncontrolled multitudes of Masses in his Armies Quarters Wales the North and elsewhere the open Boasts of Papists every where most really proclaim it And if the King after all their many Years restless Labour Plot Costs Pains and pretended Fidelity to his Cause against the Parliament should deny these Merit-mongers such a diminutive Reward as this is the very least they will expect now they have him the Prince and Duke within their Custody Bristol Chester Ireland all his Forccs in their Power this Discoverer an Eye and
MAYO WHO saith That on Thursday last being the Twentieth of July One Thousand Six Hundred Forty Three he being at Bruges in Flanders heard Proclamation made in Dutch who understands it very well That all People within that City that would go to the Governours House and give any Money to maintain the Roman 〈◊〉 in England they should have their Money repaid them again in a Years time with many Thanks HENRY MAYO This Examination was taken before 〈◊〉 EDWARD BOYCE JOHN BOYCE GEORGE TROTTER H. W. I Will conclude this first Volume with three Letters of the Arch-Bishop two of them wrote by him while Chancellor of the Vniversity of Oxford to his Vice-Chancellor there for discovering preventing and punishing the Practices of Romish Emissaries who endeavoured to seduce the Youth of that Place and the third to Sir Kenelm Digby upon his return to the Communion of the Church of Rome being so many Authentick and Vndeniable Arguments of the Arch-Bishop's Since-cerity in the profession of and Zeal for the Established Religion of the Church of England To which I will subjoyn the Testimonies of two worthy Persons yet living concerning the Opinion had of the Arch-Bishop at Rome during his Life and with what Joy they received the News of his Death and Sufferings The first Letter to Oxford was wrote upon Occasion of this following Letter Letter from Oxon to Mr Fish of Clerkenwell to convey two Oxford Youths beyond Sea Mr. Fish brought me this Letter Aug 29 1637. Sir THough unknown I have presumed to be so bold as to solicit you in a Business viz. To know whether you could send over one or two who for Religion sake are desirous to be entred into some Order beyond the Seas especially that of the Fratrum Minorum or Jesuits So expecting your Answer and unwilling to disclose my self till I have it I rest 23. Augu Yours Direct your Letter as 〈◊〉 as you can to one Richard Pully in St John's College Oxon. Superscribed thus To his very loving Friend Mr John Fish in Clerkenwell give these Leave this at one Mr Fishes at Doctors Commons to be delivered unto him London My Letter to the Vice-chancellor Dr Bayly Aug 29 1637. sent presently away for care to be had of this Business Salutem in Christo. S I R I Have yet received no Letter from you this Week If I do you shall have answer on Friday if I have so much Leisure In the mean time I send you this inclosed which came to my Hands this present Afternoon I pray examine the Business with all the care and industry you possibly can as well for the discharge of your own Duty and Credit as mine in the Government of that Place And if there be such a Man as Pully here mentioned be sure to make him fast and examine him throughly touching all Particulars that you shall think material for the discovery of these unworthy Practices for the seducing of Youths in that University or elsewhere Especially concerning the Author of this Letter and what Youths have been dealt withal after this sort either in that House or any other of the Town And whether any Jesuits or other have of late lyen hankering up and down thereabouts or be there at this present to that purpose or any other as bad In all which I desire you to use your utmost Diligence and Discretion that you can and let me have an account with all convenient speed So I leave you to God's Grace and rest Croydon Aug 29 1637. Your very Loving Friend W C A N T. My LETTER to the Vice-Chancellor Dr Frewen for watchfulness against Jesuits Febr 7 You had need be very careful of the University For while none of you think of it the Jesuits and their Instruments are busie thereabouts And at this present they have seduced a young Youth of Exeter College I have forgotten his Name but it begins with a W and the young Organist of St John's who slipt away whilst the President was at Sarum I have granted an Attachment against them if they can light upon them before they take Shipping as also against Cherriton for that I hear is his Name who seduced them You had need be very careful in these Businesses for else we shall very deservedly hear ill of it Lambeth Febr 7 〈◊〉 W Cant. Arch-Bishop Laud's Letter to Sir Kenelm Digby Salutem in Christo. Worthy Sir I Am sorry for all the Contents of your Letter save that which expresses your Love to me And I was not a little troubled at the very first words of it For you begin that my Lord Ambassador told you I was not pleased to hear you had made a Defection from the Church of England 'T is most true I was informed so and thereupon I writ to my Lord Ambassador to know what he heard of it there But 't is true likewise that I writ to your self and Mr. Secretary Cooke sent my Letters very carefully Now seeing your Letters mentioned my Lord Ambassador's Speech with you without any notice taken of my writing I could not but fear these Letters of mine came not to your Hands Out of this Fear your Second Letters took me for they acknowledged the receipt of mine and your kind acceptance of them Had they miscarried I should have held it a great Misfortune For you must needs have condemned me deeply in your own Thoughts if in such a near and tender Business I should have solicited my Lord Ambassador and not written to your self In the next place I thank you and take it for a great Testimony of your Love to me that you have been pleased to give me so open and clear Account of your proceedings with your self in this matter of Religion In which as I cannot but commend the strict reckoning to which you have called your self so I could have wish'd before you had absolutely setled the Foot of that Account you would have called in some Friend and made use of his Eye as a By-stander who oftentimes sees more than he that plays the Game You write I confess that after you had fallen upon these troublesom Thoughts you were nigh two Years in the diligent Discussion of this matter and that you omitted no Industry either of conversing with Learned Men or of reading the best Authors to beget in you a right Intelligence of this Subject I believe all this and you did wisely to do it But I have some Questions out of the freedom of a Friend to ask about it Were not all the Learned Men you conversed with for this Particular of the Roman Party Were not the best Authors you mention of the same Side If both Men and Authors were the same way can they beget any righter Intelligence in you than is in themselves If they were Men and Authors on both Sides with whom you conversed why was I whom you are pleased to Style one of your best Friends omitted True it may be you could not reckon me among
those Learned Men and Able for Direction with whom you conversed Suppose that yet your self accounts me among your Friends And is it not many times as useful when Thoughts are distracted to make use of the Freedom and Openness of a Friend not altogether Ignorant as of those which are thought more Learned but not so Free nor perhaps so Indifferent But the Result you say that first-began to settle you was that you discern'd by this your diligent Conversation and studious Reading that there were great Mistakings on both Sides and that Passion and Affection to a Party transported too many of those that entred into the Lists in this Quarrel Suppose this also to be true I am heartily sorry and have been ever since I was of any Understanding in matters of Religion to hear of Sides in the Church And I make no doubt but 't will one Day fall heavy upon all that wilfully make or purposely continue Sidings in that Body But when Sides are made and continued remember you confess there are great Mistakings on both Sides And how then can you go from one Side to the other but you must go from one great Mistaking to another And if so then by changing the Side you do but change the Mistaking not quit your self from Mistakes And if you do quit your self from them by God's Goodness and your own Strength yet why might not that have been done without changing the Side since Mistakes are on both Sides As for the Passion and Transportation of many that enter the Lists in this Quarrel I am sure you mean not to make their Passion your Guide for that would make you mistake indeed And why then should their Passion work upon your Judgment especially since the Passion as well as the Mistakes are confest to be on both Sides After this follows the main part of your Letters and that which principally resolved you to enter again the Communion of the Church of Rome in which you had been Born and Bred against that semblance of good Reason which formerly had made you adhere to the Church of England And first you say you now perceive that you may preserve your self in that Church without having your Belief bound up in several particulars the dislike whereof had been a motive to you to free your self from the Jurisdiction which you conceived did impose them 'T is true all Churches leave some particulars free But doth that Church leave you free to believe or not believe any thing determined by it And did not your former Dislike arise from some things determined in and by that Church And if so what Freedom see you now that you saw not then And you cannot well say that your Dislike arose from any thing not determined for in those the Jurisdiction of that Church imposes not You add That your greatest Difficulties were solved when you could distinguish between the Opinions of some New Men raised upon wrested Inferences and the plain and solid Articles of Faith delivered at the first Why but I cannot but be confident you could distinguish these long since and long before you joined your self to the Church of England And that therefore your greatest Difficulties if these were they were as fully and fairly solved then as now they are or can be Besides if by these plain and solid Articles you mean none but the Creed and certainly no other were delivered at the first you seem to intimate by comparing this and the former Passage that so you believe these plain and first Articles you may preserve your self in that Church from having your Belief bound up to other Particulars which I think few will believe besides your self if you can believe it And the Opinions of New Men and the wrested Inferences upon these are some of those great Mistakes which you say are on both sides and therefore needed not to have caused your Change To these first Articles you say The Church in no succeeding Age hath power to add as such the least Tittle of New Doctrine Be it so and I believe it heartily not as such especially if you mean the Articles of the Creed But yet if that Church do maintain That all her Decisions in a General Council are Articles Fidei Catholicae and that all Christians are bound to believe all and every of them eâdem Fide quâ Fidei Articulos and that he is an Heretick which believes them not all Where is then your Freedom or your not being bound up in several Particulars And if you reply You dislike no Determination which that Church hath made then why did you formerly leave it to free your self from that Jurisdiction that you conceived imposed them For if the things which troubled you were Particulars not determin'd they were not imposed upon your Belief And if they were determin'd and so imposed how are you now set free more than then You say again You see now that to be a Catholick doth not deprive them of the fore-named Liberty who have Abilities to examin the things you formerly stuck at and drive them up to their first Principles But first then what shall become of their Liberty who are not able to examin shall they enthral their Consciences Next what shall secure them who think themselves and are perhaps thought by others able to examin yet indeed are not Thirdly what Assurance is there in Cases not demonstrable as few things in Religion are that they which are able to examin have either no Affection to blind their Judgment or may not mistake themselves and their way in driving a doubtful Point to its First Principles Lastly how much doth this differ from leaning upon a private Spirit so 〈◊〉 cried out against by that side when Men under pretence of their Ability shall examin the Tenets of the Church and assume a Liberty to themselves under a colour of not being bound But you say this is not the breaking of any Obligation that Church lays upon you but only an exact understanding of the just and utmost Obligations that Side ties Men to I must here question again For first what shall become of their Freedom that cannot reach to this exact understanding And next do not you make your self as a private Man Judge of the Church's Obligations upon you And is it not as great an Usurpation upon the Church's Power and Right to be Judge of her Obligations as of her Tenets For if the Points be left free there 's no Obligation Nor can you or need any other have any Scruple But if the Points be binding by the Predetermination of the Church can you any way be Judge of her Obligation but you must be Judge also of the Point to which she obliges Now I think that Church will hardly give liberty to any private Man to be so far her Judge since she scarce allows so much to any as Judicium Discretionis in things determin'd by her These utmost Obligations to which that Side ties Men
you believe many Men and not of the meanest Note pass over in gross without ever throughly entring into the due Consideration thereof And truly I believe so too that among too many Men on both sides neither the Points nor the Obligations to them are weighed as they ought But that 's no Warrant pardon my Freedom that your self hath consider'd them in all Circumstances or that you have consider'd them better now than you did before when the Dislike of that imposing Jurisdiction was your first Motive to free your self from it by joining to the Church of England And whereas you say That you have return'd into that Communion who from your Birth had right of possession in you and therefore ought to continue it unless clear and evident proof which you say surely cannot be found should have evicted you from it Truly Sir I think this had been spoken with more advantage to you and your Cause before your adhering to the Church of England than now for then right of possession could not have been thought little But now since you deserted that Communion either you did it upon clear and evident proof or upon apparent only If you did it then upon clear and evident proof why say you now no such can be found If you did it but upon apparent and seeming proof a semblance of very good Reason as your self calls it why did you then come off from that Communion till your proof were clear and evident And why may not that which now seems clear and evident be but apparent as well as that which then seem'd clear unto you be but semblance now Nor would I have you say That clear and evident proof cannot be found for a Man in this case of Religion to forego the Communion which had right of possession in him from his Birth For the Proposition is an universal Negative and of hard proof And therefore though I think I know you and your Judgment so well that I may not without manifest wrong charge you that you did in this great Action and so nearly concerning you ad pauca respicere which our Great Master tells us breeds facile and easie rather than safe and warrantable Determinations yet it will lie upon you not only in Honour without but also in Conscience within to be able to assure your self that you did ad plurima if not ad omnia respicere The thing being so weighty in it self and the miserable Division of Christendom never sufficiently to be lamented making the Doubt so great that you who have been on both sides must needs lie under the Dispute of both sides whether this last Act of yours be not in you rather a Relapse into a former Sickness than a Recovery from a former Fall But against this the Temper of your Mind you say arms you a-against all Censures no slight Air of Reputation being able to move you In this I must needs say you are happy For he that can be moved from himself by the changeable Breath of Men lives more out of than in himself and which is a Misery beyond all expression must in all Doubts go to other Men for Resolution not to himself as if he had no Soul within him But yet post Conscientiam Fama And though I would not desire to live by Reputation yet would I leave no good means untried rather than live without it And how far you have brought your self in question which of these two Conscience or Reputation you have shaken by this double Change I leave your self to judge because you say your first was with a semblance of very good Reason And though you say again That it now appears you were then mis-led yet you will have much ado to make the World think so The way you took in concealing this your Resolution of returning into that Communion and the Reasons which you give why you so privately carried it here I cannot but approve They are full of all Ingenuity tender and civil Respects fitted to avoid Discontent in your Friends and Scandal that might be taken by others or Contumely that might be returned upon your self And as are these Reasons so is the whole frame of your Letter setting aside that I cannot concur in Judgment full of Discretion and Temper and so like your self that I cannot but love even that which I dislike in it And though I shall never be other than I have been to the Worth of Sir Kenelm Digby yet most heartily sorry I am that a Man whose Discourse did so much content me should thus slide away from me before I had so much as suspicion to awaken me and suggest that he was going Had you put me into a Dispensation and communicated your Thoughts to me before they had grown up into Resolutions I am a Priest and would have put on what Secrefie you should have commanded A little Knowledge I have God knows a little I would have ventur'd it with you in that serious Debate you have had with your self I have ever honoured you since I knew your Worth and I would have done all Offices of a Friend to keep you nearer than now you are But since you are gone and setled another way before you would let me know it I know not now what to say to a Man of Judgment and so resolved For to what end should I treat when a Resolution is set already So set as that you say no clear and evident proof can be found against it Nor can I tell how to press such a Man as you to ring the Changes in Religion In your power it was not to change in mine it is not to make you change again Therefore to the Moderation of your own heart under the Grace of God I must and do now leave you for matter of Religion but retaining still with me and entirely all the Love and Friendliness which your Worth won from me well knowing that all Differences in Opinion shake not the Foundations of Religion Now to your Postscript and then I have done That I am the first and the only Person to whom you have written thus freely I thank you heartily for it For I cannot conceive any thing thereby but your great Respect to me which hath abundantly spread it self all over your Letter And had you written this to me with a Restraint of making it further known I should have perform'd that Trust But since you have submitted it to me what further Knowledge of it I shall think fit to give to any other person I have as I took my self bound acquainted his Majesty with it who gave a great deal of very good Expression concerning you and is not a little sorry to lose the Service of so able a Subject I have likewise made it known in private to Mr. Secretary Cooke who was as confident of you as my self I could hardly believe your own Letters and he as hardly my Relation To my Secretary I must needs trust it having not
Time to write it again out of my scribled Copy but I dare trust the Secresie in which I have bound him To others I am silent and shall so continue till the thing open it self and I shall do it out of Reasons very like to those which you give why your self would not divulge it here In the last place you promise your self That the Condition you are in will not hinder me from continuing to be the Best Friend you have To this I can say no more than that I could never arrogate to my self to be your Best Friend but a poor yet respective Friend of yours I have been ever since I knew you And it is not your Change that can change me who never yet left but where I was first forsaken and not always there So praying for God's Blessing upon you and in that Way which He knows most necessary for you I rest Lambeth March 27 1636. Your very Loving Friend To serve you in Domino I have writ this Letter freely I shall look upon all the Trust that ever you mean to carry with me that you shew it not nor deliver any Copy to any Man Nor will I look for any Answer to the Quaeries I have herein made If they do you any good I am glad if not yet I have satisfied my self But leisure I have none to write such Letters nor will I entertain a Quarrel in this wrangling Age and now my Strength is past For all things of moment in this Letter I have pregnant places in the Council of Trent Thomas Bellarmin Stapleton Valentia c. But I did not mean to make a Volume of a Letter Endorsed thus with the Archbishop's own Hand March 27 1636. A Copy of my Answer to Sir Ken Digby's Letters in which he gives me an account of his Return to the Ro Communion The Testimony of the Reverend Mr Jonathan Whiston concerning the Opinion had of the Archbishop at Rome and with what Joy the News of his Death and Suffering was there received I Do remember that being Chaplain to the Honourable Sir Lionel Tolmach Baronet about the Year 1666. I heard him relate to some Person of Quality how that in his younger days he was at Rome and well acquainted with a certain Abbot which Abbot asked him Whether he had heard any News from England He answered No. The Abbot replied I will tell you then some Archbishop Laud is Beheaded Sir Lionel answered You are sorry for that I presume The Abbot replied again That they had more cause to rejoice that the Greatest Enemy of the Church of Rome in England was cut off and the Greatest CHAMPION of the Church of England silenced Or in Words to that purpose In witness whereof I have hereunto set my Hand this 28th Day of September 1694. Jona Whiston Vicar of Bethersden in Kent The Testimony of the Learned and Worthy John Evelyn Esq Fellow of the Royal Society concerning the same Matter I Was at Rome in the Company of divers of the English Fathers when the News of the Arch-Bishop's Suffering and a Copy of his Sermon made upon the Scaffold came thither They read the Sermon and commented upon it with no small Satisfaction and Contempt and looked upon him as one that was a great Enemy to them and stood in their Way whilst one of the blackest Crimes imputed to him was his being Popishly affected John Evelyn FINIS BOOKS Printed for RICHARD CHISWELL SCriptorum 〈◊〉 Historia Literaria a Christo nate usque ad seculum xiv facili 〈◊〉 Digesta Qua de Vita illorum ac Rebus Gestis de Secta Dogmatibus 〈◊〉 Style de Scriptis Genuinis Dubiis Suppositiis Ineditis Deper ditis Fragmentis Deque Variis Operum Editionibus perspicue Agitur Accedunt Scriptores Gentiles Christianae Religionis 〈◊〉 Cujusvis Seculi Breviarum Inseruntur suis Locis Veterum 〈◊〉 Opuscula Fragmenta tum Graeca tum Latina hactenus inedita Premissa denique 〈◊〉 quibus plurima ad Antiquitatis Ecclesiasticae Studium spectantia Traduntur Opus indicibus necessariis Instructum Authore Gulielmo Cave SS Theol. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Windesoriensi Accedit Hen. Whartoni Appendix ab ineunte Secula xiv ad Annum usque MDX VII 〈◊〉 Disquisitiones Criticae de Variis per Diversa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bibliorum Editionibus Quibus Accedunt Castigationes Theologi Cujusdam Parisiensis ad Opusculum Is Vossii de Sybillinis Oraculis Ejusdem responsionem ad Objectiones nuperae Critica Sacra 4to Censura Celebriorum Authorum sive tractatus in quo Varia Virorum 〈◊〉 de Claris. Cuiusque Seculi Scriptoribus Judicia traduntur Unde Facilimo 〈◊〉 Lector 〈◊〉 queat quid in singulis quibusque istorum Authorum Maxime Memorabile sit qucnam in pretio apud Eruditos 〈◊〉 Habiti Fuerunt Opera Thomae Pope-Blunt Baroneti Fol V Cl Gulielmi Camdeni Illustrium 〈◊〉 ad G. Camdenum Epistolae cum Appendice Varii Argumenti Accesserunt Annalium Regni Regis Jacobi 〈◊〉 Apparatus 〈◊〉 de Antiquitate Dignitate Officio Comitis Marescali Angliae Premittitur G. Camdeni Vita Scriptore Thoma Smitho S T D Ecclesiae Anglicanae Presbytero 4to Jacobi Usserii Armachani Archiepiscopi Historia Degmatica Controversiae inter Orthodoxos 〈◊〉 de Scripturis Sacris Vernaculis nunc primum Edita Accesserunt ejusdem Dissertationes duae de Pseudo-Dionysii seriptis de 〈◊〉 ad Laodiceos antehac 〈◊〉 Descripsit Digessit notis atque auctario Locupletavit Henricus Wharton A M Rev in Christo Pat ac 〈◊〉 Archiepisc Cantuariensi a sacris Domesticis 4to 1690. Anglia 〈◊〉 sive Gollectio Historiarum Antiquitus Scriptarum de Archiepiscopis 〈◊〉 Angliae a Prima Fidei Christianae susceptione ad Annum 1540. in duobus Voluminibus per Henricum Whartonum Fol. 1691 Some Remarks upon the Ecclesiastical History of the Ancient Churches of 〈◊〉 By Peter Allix D D Treasurer of Sarum 4to his Remarks upon the Ecclesiastical History of the Ancient Churches of the Albigenses 4to Dr Burnet's now Lord Bishop of Sarum Vindication of the Ordinations of the Church of England 4to History of the Rights of Princes in disposing of Ecclesiastical Benefices and Church Lands 〈◊〉 8vo Life of William Bedel D D Bishop of Kilmore in Ireland together with the Copies of certain Letters which passed between Spain and England in matter of Religion concerning the general Motives to the Roman Obedience Between Mr James 〈◊〉 a late Pensioner of the Holy Inquisition in Sevil and the said William Bedel 8vo Some Passages of the Life and Death of John late Earl of Rochester 8vo A Collection of Tracts and Discourses from 1678 to Christmas 1689 inclusive In 2 Volumes 4to Examination of the Letter writ by the late Assembly-General of the Clergy of France to the 〈◊〉 inviting them to return to their Communion together with the Methods proposed by them for their Conviction 8vo Pastorall Letter to the Clergv of his Diocess concerning the
est in Resurrectione Christi non credere si Legem quis Jejunij Die Resurrectionis indicat S. Ambros. Epist. 83. k 〈◊〉 hunc Diem Jejunio decernendum putaverit non parvo Scandalo erit S. Aug. Epist. 86. Christus enim gaudium manducantibus Luctum 〈◊〉 deputavit S. Mat. 9. 15. Ibid. l 1. Cor. 15. 14. m Quis non Deum offendet si velit cum scandalo totius 〈◊〉 ubique dilatata est Ecclesiae Die Dominico Jejunare Ibid. Versùs Med. n Illum ut legitimum diem suis Auditoribus ad Jejunandum constituerunt S. Aug. Epist. 86. o S. Ambrose Epist. 83. Manichaeos ob istius diei Jejunia jure damnamus p Epiphan Haeres 85. n. 3. q Manichaeorum simillimos S. Aug. Epist. 86. r S. Leo. Epist. 93. c. 4. s Conc. Caesar. August can 2. apud Bin. To. I. par 1. p. 553. t Conc. Gangrens c. 18. Baron Annal. An. 361. 〈◊〉 53. The Word coming is added from Rushw. Pryn. To be deliver'd * Be charged * Ad Anglicani Tribunalis Exemplar 〈◊〉 est An. 1610. Aliud in Scotiâ cujus Authoritate Potestate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 efformandum erat Quidam Ministri Episcopalem Jurisdictionem 〈◊〉 in Ecclesia affectantes armati sunt Potestate utriusq gladii quo facilius Episcopalem Dominationem invaderent idque sub diplomate Regio absque 〈◊〉 Statuto vel Specie minimi consensus Procerum Ordinum Regni ut in Anglia Delegata Commissariorum Jurisdictione freti Ecclesiam 〈◊〉 in hunc usque Diem vi subigunt miserum in modum opprimunt Spottiswodius Andr politanus Lawes Glascuensis c. Altare Damascenum p. 28. Typis excusus est hic Liber An. 1623 * 〈◊〉 Grant a Request or 〈◊〉 desired * Proceedings at Perth p. 50. Proceedings of Perth p. 40. †Some other Rushw. Pryn. * of Rushw Pryn. * The Copies Rushw. the Copy Pryn. * Absolute Necessity Pryn. Rushw. †It Rushw Pryn. Can. 69. 〈◊〉 69. †Sermon Rushw. Pryn. a Deut. 10. 12 b Mat. 7. 19. 22. 37. 6. 16. c Esai 1. 19 20. d Ephes. 2. 10. 1 Tim. 6. 18. Titus 2. 7. 14. 3. 1 8 14. S. James 2. 17. 1 S. Pet. 2. 12. S. Je. 〈◊〉 3. 〈◊〉 21. 27. 22. 12. * In the Service-Book both of England and Scotland Can. 113. * B. 〈◊〉 Argumento in Lib. Tertul de 〈◊〉 p. 471. †The like Rushw. Pryn. * What Seeds of Popery he did sow in our Kirk Pryn Rush. a Pauco tempore 〈◊〉 ut 〈◊〉 esse videatur Conc. Elib Can. 21. b In quantum Ratio 〈◊〉 Conc. Valentin Can. 2. c Ut 〈◊〉 secundum peccatorum 〈◊〉 Episcopi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tempora 〈◊〉 Conc. Carthag 3. Can 3. d Author of the Observations 〈◊〉 some of 〈◊〉 Majesty's late Answers p. 34. e Conc. Ancyran Can. 1. 2. †Worship Rushw. Service Pryn. * How far this was my Work you may see afterwards †Memoirs Rushw. Memories Pryn. * Had. Rushw. Pryn. * In Rushw Pryn. †In Rushw. Pryn. To Ross are added from 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 * Rushw. Pryn. Here Rushworth's Copy addeth * To express and discover all would require a whole Book We shall only touch some few in the matter of the Communion So also Pryn. †Praise Rushw. Pryn. S. Lu. 22. 19. * Must Rushw. †Forth Rushw. Pryn. * Viz. Their Argument Taken from the Reason of the Posture of the Priest given in the Rubrick H. W. †Above Rushw. 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Can. 18. An. 1549. Citantur 〈◊〉 Bucero in Script Anglican p. 455. a Memor 〈◊〉 quid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Anglicanis cum primis debeam 〈◊〉 datum est mibi bac in re 〈◊〉 id 〈◊〉 subscribere 〈◊〉 Paternitas 〈◊〉 aliique 〈◊〉 de his Judicabunt 〈◊〉 Epist. ad 〈◊〉 quae extat 〈◊〉 Opera ejus Angl. p. 456. In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 465. In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Viri p. 867. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * †Corporeal 〈◊〉 | * In the Prayer of Consecration in the 〈◊〉 for Scotland * The words in the Canon of the Mass are Ut nobis Corpus Singuis fiant dilectissimi 〈◊〉 tui Domini nostri Jesu Christi * In the Collect of Thanksgiving after the Receiving †In the Prayer of Consecration a Cor. 11. 24. 1 Cor. 10. 16. * Secretaries 〈◊〉 Conference with Fisher §. 34. puncto 4. p. 292. c. * any 〈◊〉 Pryn. | well 〈◊〉 Pryn. * Respons ad Harding Art 17. divis 14. †Differentia 〈◊〉 in modo illic enim Christus 〈◊〉 occisus est Hic 〈◊〉 sit 〈◊〉 Hugo Grot. in Consult Cassandri ad Art 10. p. 25. * In the Prayer of Consecration in the Liturgy for Scotland †when 〈◊〉 Pryn * terrible Rush. Pryn. * kindled Rushw. Pryn. * Rushw. What is meant by 〈◊〉 the King into the Covenant and his Commissioner Subscribing it see the King 's Large Declaration p. 134. c. W. S. A C. 2 Cor 12. 11. * could 〈◊〉 Pryn. †in their 〈◊〉 †p. 40. The place is corrected from Pryn. Rush. * and Proceeding a Can. 1. sub Carolo. b Plures nimirum c. vestra omnia 〈◊〉 urbes insulas castella c. 〈◊〉 bello non idonei c. qui 〈◊〉 libenter 〈◊〉 si non apud istam disciplinam occidi magis liceret quam 〈◊〉 Tert. Apologet. c. 37. And in another place speaking of the Rebellions raised by Cassius Niger and Albinus he Notes that none of their 〈◊〉 were Christians Nunquam Albiniani 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel Cassiani 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christiani And then adds 〈◊〉 nullius est 〈◊〉 nedum Imperatoris c. 〈◊〉 ad Scapulam c 2 § 2. Constantius the 〈◊〉 Emperor 〈◊〉 heavy upon the 〈◊〉 Christians And when it was suggested unto him that 〈◊〉 and other 〈◊〉 had secretly stirred up 〈◊〉 to invade the Empire the Holy Father having fully confuted the Calumny concludes thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S. Athanas. 〈◊〉 ad Constantium Edit Gr. Lat. p 681. The like faithful Subjects the Christians shewed themselves to Julian the 〈◊〉 when he used them very sowrly And though they would not obey him when he commanded them to 〈◊〉 Idols yet in other things they did and Rebelled not S. 〈◊〉 in Psal. 124. Nor did they forbear either for want of strength or opportunity For when Julian dyed the whole Army cryed our We are all Christians Soc. Lib. 3. Hist. 〈◊〉 c. 22. And so St. Amb. to 〈◊〉 the Younger Against your Forces my Weapons are Prayers and Tears 〈◊〉 nec debeo nec possum resistere c. Non ego me vallabo circumfusione Populorum c. which as the case stood then with him he was able to do 〈◊〉 Auguste non pugnamus S. Amb. in Orat. 〈◊〉 inter Epistolas 32 33. The like for Defensive Arms Inde est
Contemporaries of the Apostles that there were then set Forms of Prayer to which all the People said Amen And if Dionysius were not the Author yet the Work is exceeding Ancient And so some set Forms continued till after St. Augustin's Time as appears by Justin Martyr Apol. 2. p. 97. Edit Gr. Lat. An. Christi 150. By Tertull. Apologet. c. 39. An. Christi 200. By St. Cyprian de Orat. Domin By Origen Hom. 5. in Num. An. Christi 230. By the Council of Laodicea Can. 18. 19. An Christi 316. By St. Basil Epist. ad Clericos Naeocaesariensis Ecclesiae By St. Chrysostom ..... both about the same Year As also by St. Cyril of Jerusalem ..... By the third Council of Carthage can 23. An. Christi 397. By St. Aug. Ep. 59. 156. de bono 〈◊〉 c. 13. An. Christi 400. By the second Melevitan Council can 12. And by Prosper Aquitan L. q. de Vocat Gent. c. 4. since which time no question can be made but the Publick Prayers were always in a known and set Form And that it was Vniversal for place appears by the concurrent Testimonies of the Fathers before recited and the Councils and the Practice both of the Asian African and European Churches As Justin Martyr Basil and Chrysostom for the Greek and Tertullian Cyprian St. Augustin and Prosper testifie for the West Insomuch that St. 〈◊〉 says expressly in that place that for the Order of Singing the Psalms in their Publick Service it was agreeable ..... to all the Churches of God Which place is also cited by Whitaker ad Ration 6. Campiani And divers Particulars in their set Form of Prayer remain to this day in the Liturgy of the Church of England As that there should be recited a General Confession of the Faith 〈◊〉 Areopag de Ecclesia Hierar p. 88. Edit Gr. Lat. That Prayers were made for Emperours and Men in Authority and for the Peace and Quiet of the World So Tertullian That the Presbyter should 〈◊〉 them to lift up their Hearts and the People Answer we lift them up unto the Lord. So St. Cyprian and St. Augustin The Interrogations and Answers in 〈◊〉 So Origen That Prayers should be made not only for the Faithful but for Insidels and Enemies to the Cross of Christ. So Prosper And 't is preserved in our Collect for Good Friday And the Peoples Praying with and Answering the Pastor saying Lord have Mercy upon us with Christ have Mercy upon us was before St. Gregory's time and continued down to ours yet with difference from the Mass-Book too As Dr. Rainolds proves Conf. with Hart. c. D. Divi. 4. p. 511. But howsoever set Forms they were and such as in some Particulars ferè omnis Ecclesia Dominica almost all the Church of Christ used So St. Augustin And there is nulla pars Mundi scarce any part of the World in which there is not a Concordant an Agreement in these Prayers So Prosper Which is 〈◊〉 to be but by a set Form And so the Magdeburgians conclude upon due Examination Formulas denique precationum absque dubio habuerunt Out of all doubt the Ancients had set Forms of Prayer Cent. 3. c. 6. 1. 2. 1. 2. 3. Rom. 14. 4. * T. C. L. S. p. 59 60. apud 〈◊〉 L. 2. S. 1. p. 54. 1 Cor. 11. 34. * The Lord Brook Barrow's Reply to Gifford p. 255. p. 48. * The 50. 〈◊〉 taken from his own 〈◊〉 * proposit 19. Pryn in his perpetuity p. 432. †Ezech. 18. 26. Prov. 28. 13. S. Luc. 13. 3. S. Luc. 21. 24. Acts 3. 19. 2 Cor. 6. 9. Gal. 5. 10. and many other places ‖ Rog. in Symb. Art 7. Prop. 5. * Concil Const. 1. Hooker's Pref. to Eccl. pol. S. 3. Ephes. 5. 27. Jer. 2. 24. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. a Athan. in Epist. ad solit 〈◊〉 agentes Edit Gr. Lat. p. 862. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epist. ad Solit. Vitam 〈◊〉 c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. 9. 27. Athanasin Epist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vitam agentes Edit Gr. 〈◊〉 pag. 862. d In 〈◊〉 ad Constantium quae extat apud Athana Ibid. p. 829. e St. Hilary cont Constantium Edit 〈◊〉 p. 272. passim alibi f Quando audiisti 〈◊〉 Imperator in 〈◊〉 Fidei Laicos de 〈◊〉 judicasse quis est qui 〈◊〉 in causâ Fidei in causâ 〈◊〉 Fidei 〈◊〉 solere de Imperatortbus Christianis non Imperatores de Episcopis 〈◊〉 Pater tuus baptizatus in 〈◊〉 inhabilem se ponderi tanti putabat esse judicii c. St. Amb. L. 5. Epist. 32. g Novum inauditum nefas esse dicens ut causam Ecclesiae Judex Saeculi judicaret Sulp. Sever. L. 2. Hist. 〈◊〉 h Pater tuus Deo favente vir maturioris 〈◊〉 dicebat non est meum Judicate inter Episcopos St. Amb. L. 5. Epist. 32. k Vt cum quaestionibus controversiis quae circa fidei dogmata incidunt nibil quicquam commune habeat Nefas est enim qui Sanctissimorum Episcoporum 〈◊〉 ascriptus non est illum Ecclesiasticis negotiis consultationibus sese immiscere Bin. Tom. 1. Conc. Par. 2. p. 166. Ed. Colon. * l. 869. l Quod 〈◊〉 modo iis liceat de Ecclesiasticis causis sermonem movere Hoc enim 〈◊〉 investigare Patriarcharum Pontificum Sacerdotum est qui regiminis officium 〈◊〉 sunt Nos 〈◊〉 oportet cum timore fide sincerâ 〈◊〉 adire c. Bin. Tom. 3. Concil Par. 2. 682. Hist. Trip. L 5. 35. in the case of Hereticks * hold any Instruct adLaud †our Id. ‖ strictly Id. * their Id. * February exemplar aliud Canterbury London Bath and Wells Rochester C R This must be remedied one way or other concerning which I expect a particular account of you Peterburgh Coventry and Lichfield C R If there be Dark Corners in this Dioces it were fitt a true Light should Illuminat it and not this that is falce and uncertaine St. Davids St. Asaph Landaff Lincoln C. R. Certainlie I cannot hould fitt that anie Lay-Person or Corporation whatsoever should have the Power thease Men would take to themselves For I will have no Preest have anie Necessitie of a Lay Dependancie Wherefore I command you to show me the way to overthrou this and to hinder the Performance in tyme to all suche Intentions Hereford and Bangor C. R. As soon as may bee get these Bishoppes Certificats Ely Januar. 2. 1634. Cant. C R Put mee in mynd of this at some convenient tyme when I am at Council and I shall redress it Rochester Sarum C. R. I doe and will express my Pleasure if need be what way you will Bristol Bath and Wells Exon. Lincoln C. R. The South-West Windis commonly the best therefore I will not hinder the blowing that way Winton London Norwich Ely St. Davids St. Asaph Landaff C. R. This is not much unlike that which was not longe since uttered elsewhere viz. That the Jewes Crucified Christ
any inclination to Popery with a perswasion of the which the Authors of the then present Miseries had abused the People and made them take up Arms against their Soveraign A Faithful Servant to the last By means whereof as it is said of Sampson in the Book of Judges That the Men which he slew at his Death were more than they which he slew in his Life So may it be affirmed of this Famous Prelate That he gave a greater Blow unto the Enemies of the Church and the King at the Hour of his Death than he had given them in his whole Life before But this you will more clearly see by the Speech it self which followeth here according to the best and most perfect Copy delivered by his own Hands unto one of his Chaplains and in his Name presented to the King by the Lord John Bellasis at the Court in Oxon. The Speech of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury spoken at his Death upon the Scaffold on the Tower-Hill Jan. 10. 1644. Good People THIS is an uncomfortable Time to Preach yet I shall begin with a Text of Scripture Heb. 12. 2. Let us run with Patience the Race which is set before us looking unto Jesus the Author and Finisher of our Faith who for the Joy that was set before him endured the Cross despising the Shame and is set down at the right Hand of the Throne of God I have been long in my Race and how I have looked to Jesus the Author and Finisher of my Faith he best knows I am now come to the End of my Race and here I find the Cross a Death of Shame But the Shame must be despised or no coming to the Right Hand of God Jesus despised the Shame for me and God forbid but that I should despise the Shame for him I am going apace as you see towards the Red-Sea and my Feet are now upon the very Brink of it an Argument I hope that God is bringing me into the Land of Promise for that was the way through which he led his People But before they came to it he instituted a Passover for them a Lamb it was but it must be eaten with Sour Herbs I shall obey and labour to digest the Sour Herbs as well as the Lamb. And I shall remember it is the Lord 's Passover I shall not think of the Herbs nor be angry with the Hand that gathereth them but look up only unto him who instituted that and governs these For Men can have no more Power over me than what is given them from above I am not in Love with this Passage through the Red-Sea for I have the Weakness and Infirmities of Flesh and Blood plentifully in me and I have prayed with my Saviour Vt transiret Calix iste That this Cup of Red Wine might pass from me but if not God's Will not mine be done And I shall most willingly drink of this Cup as deep as he pleases and enter into this Sea yea and pass through it in the way that he shall lead me But I would have it remembred Good People that when God's Servants were in this Boisterous Sea and Aaron amongst them the Egyptians which persecuted them and did in a manner drive them into the Sea were Drowned in the same Waters while they were in pursuit of them I know my God whom I serve is as able to deliver me from the Sea of Blood as he was to deliver the Three Children from the Furnace and I humbly thank my Saviour for it my Resolution is now as theirs was then they would not Worship the Image the King had set up nor will I the Imaginations which the People are setting up nor will I forsake the Temple and the Truth of God to follow the Bleating of Jeroboam's Calves in Dan and Bethel And as for this People they are at this Day miserably misled God of his Mercy open their Eyes that they may see the right way for at this Day the Blind lead the Blind and if they go on both will certainly fall into the Ditch For my self I am and I acknowledge it in all Humility a most grievous Sinner many ways by Thought Word and Deed I cannot doubt but God hath Mercy in store for me a poor Penitent as well as for other Sinners I have now and upon this sad Occasion ransacked every corner of my Heart and yet I thank God I have not found among the many any one Sin which deserves Death by any known Law of this Kingdom And yet hereby I charge nothing upon my Judges for if they proceed upon Proof by valuable Witnesses I or any other Innocent may be justly Condemned And I thank God though the weight of my Sentence be heavy upon me I am as quiet within as ever I was in my Life And though I am not only the First Arch-Bishop but the First Man that ever died by an Ordinance in Parliament yet some of my Predecessors have gone this way though not by this means For Elphegus was hurried away and lost his Head by the Danes and Simon Sudbury in the Fury of Wat Tiler and his Fellows Before these St. John Baptist had his Head Danced off by a lewd Woman and St. Cyprian Arch-Bishop of Carthage submitted his Head to a persecuting Sword Many Examples Great and Good and they teach me Patience for I hope my Cause in Heaven will look of another Dye than the Colour that is put upon it here And some Comfort it is to me not only that I go the way of these Great Men in their several Generations but also that my Charge as foul as it is made looks like that of the Jews against St. Paul Act. 25. 8. for he was Accused for the Law and the Temple i. e. Religion And like that of S. Stephen Act. 6. 14. for breaking the Ordinances which Moses gave i. e. Law and Religion the Holy Place and the Temple ver 13. But you will then say Do I then compare my self with the Integrity of St. Paul and St. Stephen No far be that from me I only raise a Comfort to my self that these great Saints and Servants of God were laid at in their Time as I am now And it is memorable that St. Paul who helped on this Accusation against St. Stephen did after fall under the very same himself Yea but here is a great Clamour that I would have brought in Popery I shall answer that more fully by and by In the mean time you know what the Pharisees said against Christ himself if we let him alone all men will believe in him venient Romani and the Romans will come and take away both our Place and Nation Here was a causeless cry against Christ that the Romans would come And see how just the Judgment was they Crucified Christ for fear lest the Romans should come and his Death was it which brought in the Romans upon them God punishing them