Articles of Faith then surely they were such before else the bare determination of them would not have made them such Besides if there were Truth in what he sayes that the particulars he has mentioned had not been determined as Articles of Faith before Ethelwolf's time nor could have been Popish without such a determination yet very many other Instances may be given of Doctrines and Practices properly Popish sufficient to prove not the Church of Rome in general only but the then Church of England also which was a Member of that and for at least seven continued Successions received her Metropolitan Bishop out of the Romish Church to be Popish according to the Definition his Brother Priest has given of Popery in his Friendly Conference pag. 149. § 21. But to clear those times from the imputation of Popery he undertakes to reply to the Instances I had given in my former Book First he sayes Fâ—r those pag. â—01 the Quaker lays not much streâ—â— upon them and there are some of them allowed by the best Protestants and all men that understand Antiquity know those â—ecretal Epistles to be forged which first attributed these Constitutions to those early Popes Is not this a pretty way of replying to say his Opponent lays not much stress on them what may one not answer after this rate Next he sayes there are some of them allow'd by the best Protestants but which are they why did he not distinguish betwixt those he doth allow and those he doth not allow The Instances were The use of Holy Water to drive away Devils said to be Instituted by Alexander the first The Consecration of Chrism once a Year by Fabianus That all should stand up at the Reading of the Gospel by Anastatius That Wax Tapers should be Consecrated on the holy Sabbath by Zozimus That Processions should be made on Sundayes by Agapetus Some of these he sayes are allowed by the best Protestants but which they are he keeps to himself Lastly he sayes All men that understand Antiquity know those Decretal Epistles to be forged which attribute those Consâ—itutions to these early Popes Whether those Epistles be forged or no I will not undertake to determin nor need Iâ— for I delivered not those Instances upon my own Authority but gave the Authors out of whom I gathered them namely Fasâ—ic Temp. Platina and Burdegalensis to which more might be added if need were But suppose what he â—ayes that those Decretal Epistles are forged yet all men that understand Antiquâ—ty know that the things there instanced were in use before Ethelwolf's time and therefore must needs be instituted before So that his exception against the Decretal Epistles is but an idle shift for if it should be granted that those Constitutions were not made by those early Popes to whom they are attributed yet certain it is they were made by Popes earlier then Ethelwolf's Charter for Tythes which is enough to prove that Popery had made her â—ncroâ—chments in the Church before this dear Donation and famous Charter was made Thus we see his tripartitâ— Answer comes to just nothing and doubtless he spake considerately when he said pag. â—â—4 I will content my self to Reply to the Quaker's Instances for it can hardly be supposed he could expect by this Reply to content any boâ—y but himself But perhaps he look't upon those things as too immateriaâ— to deserve his notice and therefore coâ—tentâ—d himself to pass over them as lightly as he could as before he did Ethelwolf's being absolveâ— from his Vows by the Pope going on Pilgrimage to Rome and making such liberal Donations to uphold Superstition there But now that he comes to instances which he accounts more material it is to be hoped he will give a more material Reply First â—aith he concerning deposing of Kings T. E. saith Pope Zachary took upon him to depose K. Chilperick and absolved his Subjects from their allegiance Thus he sayes is a Forgery invented by the Champions of the Pope's Supremacy but denyed by the French who do assure 〈◊〉 that the deposing of K. Chilperick was done by Pipâ—n himself by the consent of the whole Kingdom of France before any notice was given to the Pope about it pag. 125. That the Reader may be the more able to judge of the Truth of this matter I will give him the words of the Authors themselves by whom it is delivered so many of them as I have by me which are but a few in respect of the many by whom this passage is recounted First therefore the Author of Fascic Temp. ad annum 744 sayes thus of Pope Zachaâ—ias Ipse Regem Francorum scilicet Hylderienâ—â— deposuit in locum ejus Pippinum instituit quia utilior fuit Et hic patet potesta Ecclesiae qâ—anta â—uerit hoc tempore qui regnum illud famosissimum transtulit de veris haeredibus ad genus â—ippini propter legitimam cauâ—am i. e. He deposed the King of France namely Hylderick and set Pippin in his place because he was more useful And here sayes he it appears how great the power of the Church was in this time in that he Translated the most famous Kingdom from the true Heirs to the Race of Pippin for a lawful cause platina though he mentions not the deposing of Childerick yet the setting up of Pippin by the Pope he does in these words At Pipinus regnandi cupidus legatos suos ad Pontificem mittit eumque rogat ut Regnum Franciae sibi auctoritate sua confirmet Amuit Pontisex ejas postulatis atque it a ejus auctoritate regnum Franciae Pipino ad judicatur i. e. But Pipin having a desire 〈◊〉 Reign sends his Ambassadors to the Popeâ— and 〈◊〉 him to confirm the Kingdom of France to him BY HIS AUTHORITY â— The Pope grants his requests and so BY HIS AUTHORITY the Kingdom of France was adjudged to Pipin Burdegalensis sayes of Pope Zachary Chronograph l. 2. ad annum 741. 〈◊〉 caepit Francos juramento 〈◊〉 absolvere i. e. This Pope was the first that absolved the French from their Oath of Allegiance For which he quotes Aemil. lib. 2. And a little after of Childâ—rick he hath these words Childerico 〈◊〉 Rege in Monasteriam truso Pipinus concilio Pontiâ—icis a Galliae Proceribus Rex declaratur eta S. Boâ—ifacio Germanorum Apostolo inungitur i. e. Châ—lderick the French King being thrust into a Monastery Pipin is by the counsel of the Pope declared King by the Nobility of France and ancinted by St. Boniface the Apostle of the Germans Iohn Fox in his Book of Martyrs Vol. 1. pag. 116. â—ath it thus By the Authority of the said Arch-Bishop Boniface which be received from Pope Zaehary Childericus King of France was deposed from the right of his Crown and Pipinâ—â— the betrayer of his Master was confirmed or rather intruded â—n Perkins against Coccius prob pag. 223. sayes Depositio Childerici Francorum Regis suit a Proceribus et Popâ—lo
of the Church of Rome yea some of the Cardinals have done the like as Perkins shews â—rob pag. 48. And if it be true that he himself sayes pag. 123. that the putting the Apocrypha into the Canon of Scripture was never decreed till the Council of Trenâ— about a Hundred and Ten Years ago then before that time the Church of Rome it self had not the Apocrypha in the Canon of Scripture any more then the Saxons had and yet I think he will not say the Church of Rome was not Popish oâ— Idoâ—atrous before the Council of Trent In the close of this Section he sayes Finally if T. E. have either shame or grace let him Repent of this foul Slander which he hath as falsly as maliciously cast upon our fore-Fathers the pious Saxons But if T. E. will not Recant I shall leave it to the Reader to judge of his ignorance and impudence pag. 135. Because there is nothing in this but Scurrility and Railing instead of Reason I intend no Reply to it but will take notice of another passage or two in the same page §23 First he sayes The Saxons were more Orthodox in SOME points then ROME it self then was A goodly commendation Was Rome it self so Orthodox then in his account that he makes her the â—tandard to measure others by Rome it self no doubt was somewhat less corrupt then then in after Ages she grew to be yet he that with an impartial Eye shall view the state of the Romish Church in those times will find her far enough from being Orthodox And if the Saxon Church was not in ALL points so depraved as Rome it self then was yet was she also too unsound in Faith to be reputed Orthodox But secondly the Saxons sayes he differed from the present Papists in all the most material Articles of Faith being nearer in Opinion to the Protâ—stant Church of England It seems then they are not one with the Protestant Church of England but only nearer in Opinion to it then to the present Papists Yet in pag. 102. he sayâ—â— The Clergy of that Age were Gods only publick Ministers and pag. 112. he makes no doubt but they were the right Ministers of God which if they were how comes it that they were not positively one with the Protestant Church of England but only nearer to it then to the present Papists But wherein were they nearer to the Protestant Church of England then to the present Papists Not I hope in their shaven Crowns not in their Monkish Life not iâ— their Vows of continency not in their going on Pilgrimages not in their belief of Purgatory not in thâ—ir praying for the Dead not in their sacrificing for the Dead not in the worshipping of Relicks not in the praying to Saints not in saying Mass not in Latine service not in auricular Confession not in extream Vnction not in the use of Chrism not in the use of Holy Water to drive away Devils or of â—onsecrated Oyl to allay Storms and Tempests In these I â—row and such like things as these they were nearer the present Papists then the Protestant Church of England But thirdly He charges me with ignorance and impudence in supposing the Church so much corupted with Popery then that their very Donations were not fit to stand good or be enjoyed no not by a Protestant Ministry No sure not by a Protestant Ministry of all other for since it is denominated Protestant from protesting against Popery what can be more unsuitable to it then to subsist by a Donatioâ— which was made to uphold that which it hath protested against By a Protestant Ministry he means no doubt a true Gospel Ministry the nature and qualifications whereof if he rightly understood he would not think that such a Ministry hath a greater liberty to enjoy a Popish Donation then another but a less in as much as such a Ministry ought more especially to abstain not only from known and certain Evil but even from every appearance of Evil and not only to avoid the works of the Flesh but to hate even the Garment spotted with the Flesh. So that I account the Church so corrupted with Popery then that their Donations of Tythes are not fit to be enjoyed by any Ministry at all much less by a Protestant Ministry That the Church then was indeed greatly corrupted with Popery is evident by the many instances given of Doctrines and Practices received and held therein which beyond all contradiction have through the corruption of time prevailed in the Church of Rome contrary to the true ancient Catholick and Apostolick Church Nor is it likely it should be otherwise if we consider the Constitution of the Church here in those times For when Austin the Monk came hither from Rome and â—ound some reception here he sent to the Pope for advice and direction how to form settle govern that Church which he then was gathering and from the Pope he received Instructions in all particulars he desired to be informed in From the Pope he received the Power he here exercised and the Pall of his Arch-Bishoprick as his Successors generally did And the Religion and Worship which he brought with him from Rome grew by degrees to be the general Religion and Worship of the Nation For although the Profession of Christianity had been in this Island long before Austin came hither yet had it been much deprest by Heathenism and the remains of it shortly after extinguished by Austin and his Sectators Austin being dead his Successors for a long time after were such as the succeding Popes sent over hither Fox reckons them in this order Laurentius Mellitus Iustus Honorius Deusdedit which last being dead Oswi and Egbert Kings of Northumberland and Canterbury sent Wighard a Presbyter to Rome with great Gifts and Presents of Silver and Golden Vessels to Pope Vitalianus to be by him ordained Arch-Bishop but he delivering his Message and Presents to the Pope died at Rome before he could be consecrated whereupon the Pope writes a Letter to King Oswi commending his zeal and care and sends him some Relicks of the Apostles Peter Paul of other Saints as he calls them and to the Queen his Wiâ—e the Pope sent a Cross with a golden Nail in it withal he acquaints the King that so soon as he could find a Man fit for the place he would not fail to send him an Arch-Bishop Accordingly after much inquiry Theodorus at length was found but he being Born at Tharsus of Cilicia had his Crown clipt after the Eastern manner in imitation as they pretended of St. Paul so that he was fain to wait four Moneths till his Hair was grown that he might have the right cut as they accounted it that done he was ordained Arch-Bishop of Canterbury by Pope Vitalianus and soon after he set forward for England accompanied with Adrian and other Monks about the Year 668. This is that Theodorus who Fox sayes was sent into England by
Evil Opinions of the Church of Rome had their Original in those unlearned Ages from about the year 700. till about the year 1400. Vind. pag. 277. Thus he one whiâ—e makes the sâ—ttlement of Tythes older than Popery another while Popery older than the settlement of Tythes In like manner the other Priest in his Right of Tythes pag. 102. says The Clergy of that Age were God's only publick Ministers And pag. 112. The Donors intended Tythes to the Right Ministers of God and I make no doubt they were such to whom they garâ— them Again pag. 178. King Ethelwolf ' s Clâ—â—gy â—greed with the protestant-Protestant-Church of England in more points than with the modern corrupt Church of Rome And yet the saâ—e Priest sayes pag. 99. The benefit of this Donâ—tiâ—n of Tythes hath been enjoyed for eight hundred years by those to whom the Donation was made Now certain it is that the benefit of this Donation was enjoyed by the Popish Clergy all the time of Popery till the very latter-end of Hen. 8. or the beginning of Edw. 6. and afterward again in Queen Mary's time and if all this while Tythes were enjoyed by them to whom the Donation was made then it must needs be made to a Popish Clergy or eâ—se there never was such a thing as a Popish Clergy in England Now though it be thus plainly proved from his own words that Tythes were given to a Popish Câ—ergy yet so daringly confident is he to say they were God's only publick Ministers and that he makes no doubt they were the Right Ministers of God Were they God 's own publick Ministers were theâ— the Right Ministers of God who enjâ—yed the benâ—fit of this Donation of Tythes all along from Ethelwolf's time to the Reformation If so then the Popish Clergy all that while even in the most idolatrous times yea Bonner Gardner and their Associates who drunk so deep of Protestant Blood were in his account Right Ministers of God But if they who eâ—joyed the Benefit of this Donation of Tythes all along from Ethelwolf's time until the Reformation were not the Right Ministers of God but a corrupt popish Clergy then were not they even by his own Argument the Right Ministers of God but a corrupt popish Clergy to whom this Donâ—tion of Tythâ—s was made for he sayes expresly the Benefit of if was enjoyed for eight hundred years by those to whom the Donation was made This is unavoidable and therefore his saying King Ethelwolf's Clergy agreed with the protestant-Protestant-Church of England in more points than with the modern corrupt Church of Rome may cast an imputation on him and his Brethren but cannot clear Ethelwolf his Clergy from Popery But what he cannot prove he is very forward to take for granted and therefore says pag. 178. Since the Donors gave them not to a Popish Clergy but to God and his true Ministers our Kings and Parliaments that took them away from the corrupt Clergy who were fallen into Popery and settled them on the true Protestant Ministry did observe therein the Intention of the Donors and did apply Tythes to the Right Vse for which God intended them He talks idly God never intended Tythes to any such use in the times of the Gospel let him prove it if he can And for observing the Intention of the Donors it is manifest the Donors intended their Tythes to such a Clergy as would SAY MASS for their Souls when they were DEAD Is he one of them or are his Brethren such or was that one of the Points in which he brags King Ethelwâ—lf's Clergy â—greed more with the protestant-Protestant-Church of England than with the modern corrupt Church of Rome However by his own confession here that Clergy from whom Tythes were taken was corrupt and fallen into Popery Seeing then Tythes were taken from the same Clergy to which they were given for the benefit he sayes was enjoyed eight hundrâ—d years by those to whom the Donation was made pag. 99. was not Ethelwolf's Clergy corrupt and fallen into Popery too Again he sayes pag. 178. Since the first Donors did not settle them on the Popish Clergy and the present Laws have given them to the Protestant Clergy I know not whâ—t Title the Popish Priests can justly have to them Nor I neither not that the first Donors did not settle them on them as he begs but because that settlement was not just and with what either Iustice or Credit a Protestant-Minister can thus creep in and plead a Right to Tythes by a Donation Fraudulently obtained by a popish Clergy I leave the Reader to judge To supply his defect of Argument he betakes himself here again to his usual course of Railing and because he cannot fairly answer he sets himself fâ—ully to bespatter me and the Quakers pag. 179. calling us the very Darlings of the great â—gents for Rome saying we learn our Lesson from the Papists and are doing their Work for them calling me a Iourney-man to the Popish Priests and much more of the same bran All which savouring so strong of Ignorance and Envy and being as far from Truth as from all manner of likelihood and probability I will not give so much Countenance to his Charge as to think it worth an Answer And whereas he sayes Their Doctrine of Perfection despising the Letter of Scripture pleading for Ignorance relying on the merit of following the Light within c. are Popery in disguize I shall only tell him at this time that his so saying is down-right Falshood and open Slander withouâ— disguise a further account of which he may expect in Reply to his Brother's Vindication § 9. He is offended at my saying That if Tythes were a suitable Maintenance for a Protestant-Ministry yet the Clergy now do nothing for the People nor indeed have any to do which can deserve so great a Compensation This was spoken upon occasion of the other Priest's saying Friendly Conference pag. 86. Their only work is to explain the written Word of God and apply the same and yet a little after p. 92 93. acknowledged that whatsoever is necessary to Salvation either to be believed or done are in some place or other in holy Scripture fitted to the most vulgar capacity and â—hallowest understanding c. But this Priest not willing to take notice of this which he knew would be an hard knot to untye looks over it as if he had not seen it and says pag. 180. Certainly we do 〈◊〉 much for the People as ever was done by any Clergy in the World We pray for them preach to them administer the Sacraments duly among them we marry and bury we visit the Sick relieve the Poor comfort the Sad reprove Sinners confute Herâ—ticks and shew the Folly of Ellwood c. If they perform the rest no betteâ— then this last they little deserve the Wages they receive But do they perform these particular Services for thâ— Tythes which they receive If not it is but a false pretence to
the Tythes be more worth in value then the first Fruits In the end he concludes Wherefore seeing that neither Christ nor any of the Apostles commanded to pay Tythes it is manifest and plain neither by the Law of Moses nor by Christ's Law Christian People are bound to pay Tythes but by the Tradition of Men they are bound Martyrol vol. 1. pag. 446 447. The Bohemians also not long after in their 15th Article against the Popish Clergy say thu◠They receive Tythes of men and will of right have them and preach and say that men are bound to pay them Tythes and therein they say falsly For they cannot prove by the New Testament that our Lord Jesus Christ commanded it and his Disciples warned no man to do so neither did themselves receive them But although in the Old Testament it were commanded to give Tythes yet it cannot thereby be proved that Christian men are bound thereto For this precept of the old Law had an end in the first Year of our Lord Jesus Christ like as the Precept of Circumcision Wherefore well-beloved consider and see how your Bishops seduce you and shut your Eyes with things that have no proof Christ saith in the eleaventh of Luke Give Alms of those things that remain but he said not Give the Tenth of the Goods which ye possess but give Alms c. William Fulk in his Annotations on the Rhemists Translation of the Bible in Answer to those Iesuits who with this Priest would needs have Tythes to be due by the Moral Law saith thus § 4. on Heb. 7. The payment of Tythes as it was a Ceremonial duty is abrogated with other Ceremonies But as it is a necessary Maintenance of them that serve in the Church it MAY be retained or ANY OTHER stipend appointed that may be sufficient for their Maintenance be it MORE or LESS then the tenth part But that there is any Sacrificing Priest-hood to whom it is due in the New Testament the old payment of Tythes doth not prove Neither did Christ himself our high Priest ever make claim unto them nor his Apostles the Ministers of the Church but only to a sufficient living by the Gospel to be allowed of their temporal Goods to whom they ministred spiritual Goods 1 Cor. 9. 14. Gal. 6. 6. Thus he a man of no small note in the English Church in Q. Elizabeth's time by which it is evident that he accounted Tythes a part of the Ceremonial Law abrogated by Christ. And although he thought they might be retained as a necessary Maintenance of them that serve in the Church yet he layes no more or greater stress on Tythes then on any other sufficient stipend whether it were more or less then the tenth part which is directly contrary to this Priests Assertion of Tythes being due by the eternal moral Law which the Jesuits maintained and Fulk denyed Of the same judgment with Fulk was Andrew Willet a man of great account in the English Church in K. Iames his time He in his Synopsis Papismi fifth general Controversie pag. 313. sayes in the name of the English Church We also acknowledge as Bellarmine seemeth to grant Chap. 25. that to pay precisely the tenth is not now commanded by the Law of God as though that order could not be changed by any human Law as the Canonists hold but men necessarily were bound to pay Tythes And a little after Though sayes he the Law of Tenths be not now necessary as it was Ceremonious but it is lawful either to keep that or ANY OTHER Constitution for the sufficient Maintenance of the Church whether it be MORE or LESS then the tenth part yet we doubt not to say that this provision for the Church-Maintenance by paying of Tythes is the most safe ibid. Here he plainly calls the Law of Tythes Ceremonial acknowledging that men are not necessarily bound by the Law of God to pay Tythes now and although he accounts the paying of Tythes grounded upon human Laws th◠safest provision for the Church-maintenance yet he holds it equally lawful with respect to the Law of God to appoint any other sufficient Maintenance although it be not precisely the tenth but either more or less then the tenth part Which is utterly destructive of the morality of Tythes And indeed he makes Ministers Maintenance in general to be grounded in Equity upon the Moral Law but Tythes to depend upon positive Laws and he shews he understood the Moguntine Synod so But for the Levitical Law of Tything he calls it plainly a politick Constitution of that Country His own words are The Levitical Priest-hood being one whole Tribe it was thought reasonable that the tenth part of their Brethrens Goods should be alotted to them which being a judicial and politick Constitution of that Country doth neither necessarily bind Christians now neither is forbidden but left in that respect indifferent And a little after Although it be a wise and politick Constitution that the People should pay their Tythes and MAY conveniently be retained yet it is not now of necessity imposed upon Christians as though no other provision for the Church could serve but that pag. 314. Much more might be alledged out of these mens Writings to this purpose but this in this place may suffice to shew that the judgment of the Church of England in those times was quite another thing in this case then it is now represented by this Priest to be But leaving these Testimonies to the Reader 's consideration return we to the Author of the Right of Tythes § 9. He comes now to conclude his second Period in the close of which he again repeats his so oft reiterated Suppositions I conclude sayes he page 51. that part of our Substance being due to God by the Natural and Divine Law For he will yet allow God to have right but to a part and it were worth inquiry how God who is Eternally Lord of the World pag. 49. came to be disseized of his right to the whole and who it was that so compassionate to make him a Title to some part again And the Inspired Patriarchs sayes he being taught by Revelation Of which Revelation say I there is no Revelation but a bold presumption of his own That the tenth sayes he was his part and the Priests of God were his Receivers which if it were true say I had been Title sufficient for the Levitical Priests without a particular Law on purpose to make them due God himself adds he having approved also this payment which say I was not a payment but a free and voluntary Gift by a Renewed claim sayes he though never claim'd before say I and an express assignation sayes he of his Right under the Levitical Law to the Priests for the time being but not to any other Priests say I without a new assignation and the same God sayes he having the same Right still to his part and the same Lord of all say I having the same
that 's the Proposition to be proved on the proof of which the Truth of the Conclusion depends Now instead of proving this Proposition That Christ hath assigned Tythes to the Gospel-Ministers he takes it for granted and with no more ado infers from thence that Tythes are now due to Gospel-Ministers jure divino Is this like a Disputant Doth this become a man of his high pretences to Schollarship and Learning Let the intelligent Reader judge § 7. I am now come to the end of his 11th Section in which he undertook to shew That our Lord Jesus and his Apostles have sufficiently established Tythes for the Maintenance of the Gospel Ministers and that they may be proved out of the New-Testament to be due jure divino Before I proceed to his next Section I desire the Reader to observe First that my Opponent hath faln so far short of proving the establishment of Tythes by Christ and his Apostles for the Maintenance of Gospel-Ministers that he hath plainly acknowledged Tythes are not so much 〈◊〉 named in the New-Testament pag. 67. as indeed they are not with relation to Gospel-Ministers Secondly That though he sayes there are positive Laws pag. 62. yet he dares not say those Laws speak positively but only that they do fairly intimate that Tythes were to be the Maintenance of the Gospel-Ministers pag. 63. And to take off the force of his positive Laws more fully and shew how little positive they were with respect to Tythes he himself proves at large that Iesus did not make any new Law for Tythes pag. 68 69. and gives among others this Reason for it That Iesus might expect his Messengers should be gratified freely Nay so eager he is to shew why Jesus made no new Law for Tythes that no considering how destructive it would prove to his former talk of positive Laws pag. 62 63 64. he fairly argues the compulsion of a positive Law to be Iewish and Servile and voluntary charity to be more agâ—eeable to the freedom and ingenuity of Sons which Christians are compared to pag. 70 7â— Thirdly That those two Texts those two Plain places as he calls them Cor. 9. â—4 and Gal. 6. 6. make no mention at all of Tythes or any certain part They shew that some Maintenance is due they shew to whom it is due and from whom but they shew not the quantity of that Maintenance and Consequently do not prove Tythes to be it Besides he sayes pag. 69. Our Lord and his Apostles did not make a new Determination of the tenth part by name and pag. 70. Our Lord â—ight probably on purpose decline determining the proportion too expresly c. Now Tythes being an express Determination of the tenth part by name it is evident even from his own Positions that Tythes or a tenth part was not Determined by our Lord and his Apostles to be the Maintenance of Gospel Ministers Fourthly That although my Opponent begins this Section with a great deal of confidence and seeming Resolâ—tion undertaking to shew that our Lord Iesus and his Apostles have sufficiently established Tythes for the Maintenance of the Gospel Ministers and that they may be proved out of the New-Testament to be due jure divino Yet in the Prosecution of this Argument he flags and sinks he is not positive and plain but delivers himself doubtfully and fearfully We may reasonably believe sayes he that Iesus intended they should remain of Divine Right pag. 62. and in the close of the Section miserably begs the Question that Christ hath assigned Tythes to the Gospel Ministers and on that precarious bottom would set the Divine Right of Tythes Thus far then we have gone and find no firm Foundation for a Divine Right to Tythes under the Gospel No Institution of them No New Determination of them No Establishment of them No Mention of them in all the New-Testament as a Maintenance for Gospel-Ministers Now Reader in the close of this Section take the Judgment of two eminent Divines so called of the Church of England and see how contrary this Priest is to them The first is Fulk in Q. Elizabeth's time The other Willet in K. Iames his time Fulk on Heb. 7. § 4. having shewed that the payment of Tythes as it was a Ceremonial duty is abrogated with other Ceremonies by the death of Christ and that any other sufficient Stipend whether it be more or less then a tenth part may be appointed as well as Tythes adds But that there is any Sacrificing Priest-hood to whom it namely Tythes is due in the New Testament the old payment of Tythes doth not prove Neither did Christ himself our high Priest ever make claim unto them nor his Apostles the Ministers of the Church but only to a sufficient living by the Gospel to be allowed of their temporal Goods to whom they ministred spiritual Goods 1. Cor. 9. 14. Gal. 6. 6. Thus he by which we may see he was far enough from thinking what this Priest affirms viz. That Christ and his Apostles have sufficiently established Tythes for the Maintenance of the Gospel Ministers and that they may be proved out of the New Testament to be due jure divino and that Christ hath assigned Tythes to the Gospel Ministers c. seeing he sayes plainly both that the old Ceremonial payment of them is abrogated and no new claim made either by Christ or his Apostles to Tythes but only to a sufficient living by the Gospel and that too to be allowed of their temporal Goods to whom they ministred spiritual Goods And he quotes the very same Texts to prove the Apostles did not claim Tythes but only a sufficient Maintenance which this Priest has brought to prove that that Maintenance ought to be Tythes namely 1 Cor. 9. 14. Gal. 6. 6. Willet in his Synopsis of Popery fifth general Controversie pag. 315. repeating a Canon of the Council of Orleans thus As it is in the will of the giver to give what pleases him so if he find him stubborn and froward which receiveth it it is in his power to revoke the gift sayes thereupon We see then that the Word of God hath laid no such necessity upon Tythes for then this Council would not have permitted such Liberty And a little after setting down the fifteenth Article of the Bohemians against Tythes he adds Therefore Tythes are not necessarily due by the Word of God And a few lines lower This sayes he may further appear by the practice of other Churches that the payment of Tythes though of all other most fit is not imposed as a necessary Law Then instancing several Churches other wayes maintained he adds I alledge not the practice of these Churches as allowing the same for I prefer the condition of those Churches which yet do enjoy the antient provision of the Ministry by Tythes but only to shew that the â—â—stom â—f Tything is not imposed by any necessity And speaking of Melchizedeâ—'s Priest-stood he sayes Wherefore seeing Melchizedec's
Boniface he sayes pag. 92. If I desire to have the name of Tythes as well as the thing among the Antient Saxons I may find in the Epistle of Boniface to Cuthbert Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Anno. 745. That the English Priests in those dayes were maintained by the taking the daily Oblations and Tythes of the faithful Hitherto he has found neither the thing nor the name among his Saxon Evidences but has given only some ill grounded Conjectures that Church-esset and Ciric-sceat might signifie a kind of Tythes And what he has now found in the Epistle of this Arch-Bishop Boniface comes much too late to clear Tythes from the blemish of Popish Institution For if he could prove an Institution of Tythes in this Nation a general Dedication of Tythes or any positive Law commanding the payment of Tythes here as early as this Epistle of Boniface which yet is far from early in comparison of the earliest dayes of Christianity yet unless he could also wipe away for covering will not seâ—ve those foul Spots and filthy Stains those gross Corruptions and Superstitions wherewith the Church was 〈◊〉 that time and before miserably polluted and deformed all he can say will not acquit Tythes from a Popish Institution even according to the Notion his Brother Priest has given of Popery But though through the blind devotion of that Age some of the most superstitiously Zealous might not improbably give Tythes yet hath not he given or met with any Law Constitution or Synodal Decree of that time of undoubted Credit injoyning the payment of Tythes This very Cuthbâ—rt to whom the fore-cited Epistle of Boniface was written being then Arch-Bishop of Canterbury called together the Bishops and Prelates and held a great Synod near a place called Clomeshâ— the Decrees of which Synod Iohn Fox hath set down particularly in his Acts and Monuments of the Church upon the Year 747. in which Year that Synod was held But in all those Decrees there is not the least mention of Tythes No Constitution yet appears Civil or Ecclesiastical for the payment of Tythes And as for Boniface himself from whose Epistle the Priest would prove the settlement of Tythes in England before Popery take but the Character that Fox gives of him in the place fore-quoted and then think as thou canst of him the Religion and times he lived in First he taxes him with maintaining superstitious Orders of lascivious Nunâ— and other Religioâ—s and restraining the same from lawful Marriage Then he adds For so we find of him in Stories that he was a great setter up and upholder of such blind Superstition and all Popery Who being admitted by Pope Gregory the second Arch-Bishop of Magunce and indued with full Authority legantine over the Germans builded Monasteries Canonized Saints commanded Relicks to be worshipped c. Item sayes he by the Authority of the said Arch-Bishop Boniface which he received from Pope Zachary Childerious King of France was deposed from the right of his Crown and Pipinus betrayer of his Master was confirmed c. From this Boniface adds he proceeded that detestable Doctrine which now standeth Registred in the Popes Decrees Dist. 40. Cap. Si papa which in a certain Epistle of his is this That in case the Pope were of most filthy living and forgetful or negligent of himself and of the whole Christianity in such sort that he led innumerable Souls with him to Hâ—ll yet ought there no man to rebuke him in so doing for he hath Power to judge all men and ought of no man to be judged again Now Reader weigh and consider with thy self what manner of Bishop this Boniface was what a Religion he profest what times he lived in and then tell me whether or no Popery had not made her encroachments in the Church in the time of this Bishop Boniface Next to the Epistle of Boniface before mentioned the Priest offers a Collection made by Egbert Arch-Bishop of York in the Year as he says 750. of all the Canoâ—s that were made in the Councils before his time and whâ—ch were in force in England among which Canons he sayes pag. 93. there is frequent mention of Tythes as particularly in the 4. 5. 99. and 100. The words of the fourth Canon he gives thus That the People be 〈◊〉 in the right manner of Offering them to Gods Church The words of the fifth Canon he sets down thus That the Priest shall take them and set down the names of those who gave them There he stops omitting the rest of that Canon which in the Latine thus follows et secundum Autoritatem Canonicam coram testibus diviâ—ant et ad ornamentum ecclesiae primam eligant partem secundam autem ad usum pauperum atque peregrinorum per â—orâ—â— manus misericorditer cum omni humilitate dispensent tertiâ—â— vero sibimet ipsis Sacerdotes reservent i. e. and according to Canonical Authority shall divide them before Witnesses and shall chuse the first part for the Ornament of the Church The second part they shall with all humility most mercifully distribute with their own hands to the use of the Poor aâ—d of Strangers but the third part the Priests shall keep for themselves I have Transcribed this only to shew the Priest's Craft in concealing it He would have the benefit of this Canon he would use the Authority of it to prove his Claim to Tythes but he would not have the People understand how and to what uses Tythes were appointed by this Canon to be imployed How great a charge are the People now at in maintaining the Poor and in repairing and adorning those Houses which they call Churches over and above their Tythes to the Priests whereas this Canon which the Priest urges for the proof of his Claim to Tythes commands expresly that the Tythes being divided into three parts two parts of the three should be bestowed upon those publique uses and the Priests to have but the one third part that remained But now alas the Priests swollow the whole tenths the two parts as well as the third and the People are fain to make New-Levies to defray those publique charges from which by this Canon they were to be freed But be this spoken by the way only Now to the Canons themselves He sayes they were collected by Egbert about the Year 750. but by whom and when were they made Doubtless that had been very material but he has not a Syllable of it but delivers it in the gross for a Collection made by Egbert of all the Canons that were made in the Councils before his time c. But by what Art did Egbert collect Canons that were not made till after his death For that some such are â—n that Collection which bare his name Selden gives more then probable reasons First he sayes The Authority of the Title must undergo a Censure Then he adds Who ever made it supposed that Egbert gathered that Law and the rest joyn'd with it out of some
former Church-Constitutions neither doth the name Excerptiones denote otherwise But in that Collection some whole Constitutions occur in the same Syllables as they are in the Capitularies of Charles the Great Of which he instances one and sayes There are some others which could not be known to Egbert that died in the last year of Pipin Father to Charles How sayes he came he then by that And how may we believe that Egbert was the Author of any part of those Excerptions Unless you would excusâ— it with that use of the middle timeâ— which often inserted into one Body and â—â—dâ—r one name Laws of different Ages But that excuse will not help since there would still remain tâ—e same doubt and ground for jealousie that these Canons about Tythes were made in some of the latter Ages not in much less before that which Egbert lived in But admit that sayes Selden yet what is Secundum canonicam autoritatem coram tescibus dividant The Antientest canonica autoritas sayes he for dividing Tythes before Witnesses is an old Imperial attributed in some Editions to the leaveâ—th year of the Reign of Charles the Great being King of France in others to the Emperour Luther the first But refer it to either of them and it will be divers years later then Egbert's death And adds he other mixt Passages there plainly shew that whose soever the Collection was much of it was taken out of the Imperial Capitularies none of which were made in Egbert's time Perhaps sayes he the greatness of Egbert's name was the cause why some later Compiler of those Excerptions might so inscribe it to gain it Authority And a little lower he sayes The heads of a Synod holden in Egbert's time under King Ethelbald and Cuthbert Arch-Bishop of Canterbury are yet extant but not any express mention is found in them of Tythâ—â— although most of the particulars of Church-Government are toucht there Thus far Selden in his History of Tythes c. 8. § 1. whose words I have here set down the more at large that the Reader may see not only his judgment of this Collection but the Reasons also on which his judgment was grounded which I doubt not will satisfie the judicious and disinteressed Reader that neither was that Collection of Canons made by Egbert nor are those Canons themselves of so great Antiquity as the Priest pretends and would gladly have them taken to be To these fore-mentioned Canons he adds another of the Council of Chalcuth which he dates in the Year 787. and gives in these words All men are strictly charged to give Tythes of all that they Posses's because it is the Troprierty of the Lord God or thâ— part that specially belongs to him pag. 93. Whether this Canon be genuine or no is somewhat doubtful Some Objections lie against it as the making Renulph King of West-Saxony to joyn with Offa in calling the Council which seems not well to agree with Renulph's time and some other variation of Names which possibly the mistake of Transcribers might occasion But that which is more material is that the very Syllables of this Canon are found among some Constitutions made by Odo Arch-Bishop of Canterbury about 150. Years â—fter the Date of this Canon See Selden's History of Tythes c. 8. § 8. But not to insist on things doubtful that which I observe is that this Council or Synod rather of Chalcuth was held under two Legates â—ent from Rome by Pope Hadrian the first which plainly shews both that the Popes Primacy and Authority was before that time received and own'd in England that this Council was held in Subjection to him and that the Church of England was then in Communion with the Church of Rome All which is deduceable from that Epistle written by the said Legates to the Pope in which giving him a particular Account of the Transactions of that Synod they have these words Haec Decreta beatissime Papa Hadriane in Concilio publico coram Rege Aelfwaldo Archiepiscopo Eanbaldo et Omnibus Episcopis et Abbatibus Regionis seu senatoribus Oucibus et Populo Terrae proposumus et illi ut superius fati sumus cum omâ—i devotione mentiâ— juxtapossibilitatem virium suarum adjurante superna clementia se in omnibus custodive denovorunt signo Sanctae Crucis in vice vestrâ in manu nostrâ— confirmaverunt c. i. e. These Decrees most blessed Father Hadrian WE PROPOSED in the publique Council before K. Aelfwald and Arch-Bishop Eanbald all the Bishops Abbots of the Country as also the Senators Dukes and People of the Land and they with all devotion of mind as we said before did Solemnly Promise that by the help of God's Mercy they would observe them in all things according to their utmost Ability and they confirmed them in OUR hand in YOUR STEAD with the sign of the Cross c. And a little after acquainting the Pope that the same Decrees were forthwith carried to the Council held the same time under Offa for the Western part for the Legates it seems divided and went one to Aelfwald in the North 'tother to Offa in the West adds that upon the reading thereof Omnes consona voce alacri animo gratiam referentes Apostolatus vestri admonitionibus promiserunt c. i. e. They all with one voice and chearful mind returning thanks for the admonitions of YOUR APOSTLESHIP did Promise c. What the Church of Rome at that time was hath been somewhat declared before and may be more hereafter But of Pope Adrian himself who sent those Legates hither and by whose procurement and Authority that Council was held take a Character from Iohn Fox in his Book of the Acts and Monuments of the Church Vol. 1. pag. 117. Adrian the first likewise following sayes he the steps of his Fore-Fathers the Popes added and attributed to the veneration of Images more then all the other had done before writing a Book for the ADORATION and utility proceeding of them Commanding them to be taken for Lay-mens Kalenders holding moreover a Synod at Rome against Felix and all others that spoke against the setting up of such Stocks and Images Judge now Reader whether this Council of Chalcuth be a fit instance to prove that Tythes were settled on the Church before Popery had made her Incroachments in it and that Tythes had not their institution from Popery when this very Council was held by Legates sent by the Pope on purpose for that end § 10. Having said what he can from Councils and Canons he makes a shew as if he would bring forth sâ—me temporal Laws also for the settlement of Tytheâ— in England before Ethelwolf's time His words are these pag. 94. If it be inquired what Laws our Princes made in this matter Not to mention all those Charters which from the first beginning of Christianity do confirm all the Liberties and all the Revenues of the Church among which were Tyâ—â—â—s we will only
Eâ—helbald's grant speaks nothing aâ— all of Tythes His seventh and last of Offa was not any general settlement but a particular 〈◊〉 of the tenth of his own Goods So that amongst all these there is not any one positive Law Ecclesiastical or Civil undoubtedly genuine and certainly made within the time pretended that expresly commands the payment of Tythes or clearly declares that Tythes in those times were generally and constantly paid Then for the qualifications of the Persons by whom he fains Tythes were settled one was A setter up of Images in the Church another A lascivious Adulterer a third A treacherous and cruel Murderer and all superstitiously devoted to the Idolatrous Church of Rome All which dueâ—y considered what advantage I pray has he got at last What additional strength has he gained What further discovery has he made What antienter evidencâ— has he found What 〈◊〉 authentick Charter has he produced for the settlement of Tythes on the English Church then that of Ethelwolf Where 's now his great bâ—ast of Antiquity and his vaunt of the early settlement of Tythes when after so long a search and narrow a scruting among all the old Records he could find he is able at length to shew no Charter for the settlement of Tythes in England of elder date then that of Ethelwolf in the Year 855. nor any Conciliary Canon for the payment of any tolerable reputation save that of Chalcuâ—h in the Year 789. if at least that may be reputed tolerable which was held and governed by the Legates of Pope Adrian a stout maintainer of Image-worship and so in the Priest's own Notioâ— an Idolater sent hither from Rome on purpose § 11. Now come we after this far-fetcht â—ompass to K. Ethelwolf's Charter at last which the former Priest had the wit to begin with at first and not trouble himself with a fruitless search after what was not to be found as this wise man has done to little purpose The occasion of the Donation he tells us pag. 96. was the Danish Invasions which made K. Ethelwolf coâ—sult hiâ— lergy and Nobles by what means they might best avert the anger of God c. Whereupon he sayes it was by general consent there determined That the Tythes throughout all England should be granted to God and the Church He said in the page next before That K. Ethelwolf in this Donation doth rather confirm the right of Tythes then Originally make them due Here he sayes it was determined that Tythes throughout all England should be granted c. Which of these must stand Was it a Grant or a Confirmation Were Tythes throughout all England granted before what need had there then been of a Grant now Were Tythes throughout all England not granted before what was there then for K. Ethelwolf to confirm This hangs not well together But I observe his eager desire to say enough causes him sometimes to say too much I expected now we should have forth-with entred upon the Examination of this Donation But whatever the matter is he interposes another Section to supâ—ly as it seems the defects of the Charter Thus he begins it pag. 97. But lest there should be any defect in this Charter we will shew how it hath been confirmed since in all Ages Hereupon he takes occasion to mention Allured and Guthrum Edward the Elder Athâ—lston Edmund Edger Canute and Edward the Confessor All which he might very well have spâ—red the question not being how late Tythes were settled but how early for if Ethelwolf's Donation be inpugned as Popish I think he takes but an indirect course to Vindicatâ— that by instancing others more apparently Popish then it self Yet as if he had no sense of this he runs on not only to but through the Norman Conquest as far as the time of the Reformation and out of Spelman concludeâ— These Grants had been ratified in thirty nine several great Councils and Parliaments before the Reformation But of whom I pray did those Councils consist before the Reformation Were they not the Popish Clergy the very same or of the same that drank the Blood of so many godly Martyrs and Decreed Tythes to themselves Here he takes occasion to touch again upon his Old string of Divine Right Tythes being Originally due to God c. pag. 99. Which because I would not like him be â—ound alwayes singing the same Song I forbear to reply to referring the Reader to what hath been already said in Answer thereunto in the former part of this Discourse upon his first Period But there is another Passage in this Section pag. 99. which I am not willing to pretermit Amongst other great things which he speaks of this Donation onâ— is Tâ—at the benefit thereof hath been enjoyed for eight hundred Years by those to whom the Donation was made For this I confess I am beholding to him He has helped me to a notable Medium to prove what sort of Priests this Donation was made to by assuring me it was made to them who for so long a time enjoyed the Benefit of it which is a Characteâ— not at all applicable to the present English Clergy nor to any other so aptly as to the Popish Priests who injoyed the benefit of it by far the longest of any Though considering the date of the Charter and the time of Reformation between which scarce full seven hundred Years did intervene I see not how the Popish Priests neither can be said to have enjoyed the benefit of that Donation for eight hundred Years unless he intend that he and his Brethren are fundamentally and in the ground a part of the same Priesthood with them though in some minâ—ter Circumstances disagreeing and so would reckon the benefit of this Donation to have been enjoyed for eight hundred Years by those and these in common But then he should consider that this infers the Donation to be made to those and these in common the consequence of which will be that these and they are Ministers of Christ a like But because this Passage seems somewhaâ— anigmatical if I have not fully reacht his sense I desire he will explain it in his next Meanwhile I go on to his next Section in which he notes three general Exceptions that I take at this Charter of Ethelwolf which in so many Sections he intends I perceive to avoid rather then Answer § 12. My first exception he sayes is in respect of the Author of that Charter pag. 289. And here he sayes I affirm K. Ethelwolf was a Papist I not only affirmed but proved it from History and gave such demonstrations of it as he chose rather to over-look then answer It had become him to have shewed if he could that the instances I gave of Ethelwolf's being a Papist were either not true or not conclusive But he has not so much as attempted either of these I shewed from good authority that Ethelwolf was bred a Monk took upon him the Vow of single Life according
of all Churches Tâ—is was within a few years after Austin's coming from Rome hither and planting the â—oman Religion here From which time for the space of well-â—igh a hundred years all the Arch-Bishops of Câ—nterbury seven in number succâ—ssivâ—ly were Italians and Forreigners as Fox notes in his Martyrology vol. 1. pag. 121. shewing â—articularly in one of them Theodorus by Name that he was sent into England by Vitellianus the Pope to be Arch-Bishop of Canterbury whereupon this Theodorus took upon him the placing and displacing the Bishops at his Pleasure He turned out Cedda and Wilfride the Arch-Bishops of York under Pretence they were not lawfully consecrated notwithstanding says Fox they were sufficiently authorized by their Kings Wilfride hereupon went to Rome to complain but without redress Why did he not complain to his King if he was accounted Viâ—arius Christi Why made he his application to the Pope if the Pope's Supremacy was not then owned Besides if Ethelwolf and his Successors were Vicarij Christi owning no Supream in their Kingdoms but Christ how came it that they subjected themselves and their Kingdoms to the See of Rome making them tributary to the Pope by the yearly payment of Rome scot or Peter 〈◊〉 which was a 〈◊〉 Tax laid upon every House in England and paid to the Popes Treasury at Rome Hâ— adds further Tâ—at Ethelwolf did not hold all the Opinions of the Church of Rome and therefore was no Papist p. 101. That Ethelwolf was a Papist according to the account which the other Priest gives of Popery which he says is the tâ—uest Account he can give of it I have proved before That the holding every Opinion of the Church of Rome is absolutely necessary to the denominating a Papist I deny A great part of the professed Papists do not hold all the Opinions of the Church of Rome His Consequence therefore is false although he should prove his Proposition Suppose a man hold Purgatory Indulgences praying to Saints worshipping of Saints praying for the Dead sacrificing for the Dead worshipping of Relicks Auricular Confession â—ennance Absolution Pilgrimages Single Life of Priests Latin Services Masses Merits and abundance more of such like Romish Ware shall this man be denyed to be a Papist because he holds not every particular of the Church of Rome How absuâ—d were that Verily I cannot see what should induce this Priest thus to argue unless he should have apprehension that the account which his Brother Priest has given of Popery will take in him and his Brethren too as holding such Doctrines and superstitious Practices which by the corruption of time have prevailed in the Church of Rome contrary to the true ancient catholick and apostolick Church and has therefore to secure himself from the Imputation of Popery invented this new Definition of a Papist But when he cannot clear Ethelwolf from being a Papist he atttempts to justifie his Donation of Tythes though a Papist and therefore sayes pag. 101. If we should grant that Ethelwolf was a Papist yet neither would that make his Donation of Tythes void for an erroneous Opinion in the person who doth a thing good in it self as we have proved Tythes to be doth not make the Act void How lightly doth he speak of Popery how willing he is to extenuate it An erroneous Opiâ—ion It seems then Popery in his Opinion is but an erroneous Opinion I alwayes thought Popery had been at least one degree worse then a bare Erroneous Opinion But suppose it for the present to be but an erroneous Opinion yet may not an erroneous Opinion be sufficient to make void an Act which flows from that Erroneous Opinion and is designed to uphold that Erroneous Opinion as this Donation of Tythes did The Opinion which was the cause of this Donation was this That this Gift would be a means to appease the Anger of God obtain remission of Sins and Salvation of his Soul This was to say on more of it a very erroneous Opinion and from this erroneous Opinion did spring the Donation of Tythes Now this Opinion which was the cause being thrown aside and rejected the Donation which was the Effect is void of it self according to that known Maxim Sublata Causâ tollitur effectus i. e. When the Cause is taken away the Effect is taken away also Nor was this Donation Erroneously grounded in respect only of the Remission and Salvation expected by it but also in respect of the Personâ— to whom and the Service for which it was given They to whom Tythes were then given were not the Ministers of Christ but his Eâ—emies and that Religion which Tythes wâ—â—e given to support was not the true undefiled Religion and uncorrupted Worship of God but the false corrupted Religion and Worship of the degenerate Church of Rome Whaâ— he sayes of the Act or thing being good in it self hath no place here unless he could as really prove as readily say that Tythes are good in themselves How Tythes or Tenths are good in themselves any more then Ninths Eights Sevenths or any other number I confess I do not understand But sayes he pag. 101. If all the good acts of Papists in the true sense and all their Charters and Donations be void meerly because â—ade and done by Papists then all the Charters of our Kings all the endowments of Hospâ—â—als and Schools Magna Charta and all publick Acts for some Hundreds of Years before K. Henry the eighth would be void Which Principle sayes he would destroy the Maintenance of the Poor the Priviledges of Cities and the Freedom of all English Subjects With him in this part agrees the other Priest in his Vindication pag. 303. urging for instance Magna Charta to both which one and the same Answer may serve This is all grounded upon a mistake â—nd I doubt a wilfull one too His interest diswades him from distinguishing as he ought between Religious and Civil Acts. What the Papists did as men as Members of a Body Politick is one thing what they did as Christians as Members of a Religious Society is another Though in their Religious capacity they were wrong yet in their civil capacity they were right they were really men they were truly Members of the Political Body though they were not truly Members of the Body of Christ their Kings were true Kings their Parliaments were true Parliaments their Civil Government a true Government though their Church was not the true Church The making void therefore this Charter of Tythes which had direct Relation to their Religion and was designed to suâ—port their Church and Worship which was false doth not at all shake much less overthrow those civil Acts Laws Charters and Priviledges which in a civil capacity as Members of the Body politick and with relation to the civil Government which was true were made or enacted by them He grounds his Thesis on a false Hypothesiâ— when he sayes If all the good Acts of Papists in the true sense
and all their Charters and Doâ—ations be void meerly because made and done by Papists c. For I do not say that all the good Acts of Papists in the true sense are void but I say that thâ—s Act the Donation of Tythes was not a good Act being given to maintain that Ministry which was not the true Ministry of Christ but a false Mâ—nistry and to upholâ— that Worship which was not the true Worship of God but a false Worship Nor were all their Charters and Donations void meerly becauâ—e made and done by Papist but this Charter of Tythes is therefore void because made to support and sustain a Religion and Worship by which God was dishonoured So that I impugne not all the good Acts of Papists meerly because done by Papists nor indeed any good Act of theirs in the true sense neither seek I to evacuate all their Charters and Donations or indeed any of them meerly because made by Papists but I impugne this Donation and Charter of Tythes as an evil Act proceeding from the erroneous unsound and corrupt judgment of Papists and tending to uphold and maintain an erroneoâ—â— unsound and corrupt Religion and Worship Safe then and sound may all the good acts of Papists in the true sense all their civil and political Acts Laws Charters Grants and Donations the maintenance of the Poor the Priviledgeâ— of Cities and the Freedom of all English Subjects stand and remain inviolate and untoucht notwithstanding the enervation of this Charter for Tythes § 13. The second Objection which he offers in my Namâ— is this That Tythes were given to maintain thâ— Popish Clergy This he sayes is a mistake pag. 102. for sayes he It was for the Maintenance of the English Clergy who had a Patriarch of their own in those dayes and were a Church of themselves not holding all the Opinions of the Roman Church nor professing any Canonical obedience to the Pope and therefore they cannot justly be called a Popish Clergy That Tythes were given to maintain the English Clergy is not doubted But what then Does their being an English Clergy acquit them from being a Popish Clergy Cannot an English Clergy be Popish I wish with all my Heart it could not But what I pray was that Clergy that drank such great Draughts of Protestant Blood in Q. Mary's time was it not both English and Popish Since then an English Clergy has been Popish now vain a shift is it in him to say Tythes were not given to maintain the Popish Clergy because they were given to maintain the English Clergy But this English Clergy had he sayes in those dayes of Ethelwolf a Patriarch of their own Had they so How much was Ethelwolf then overseen in sending to Pope Gregory for absolution from his Vows when he might as well have had it from his own Patriarch at home What was the matter was the Patriarch busie or out of the way or did not Ethelwolf know there was one But who I pray was Patriarch in his time what was his Name When began the Patriarcâ— at of England and how long stood it Out of what Legend I wonder did the Priest take this Fable that he quotes no Authority for it This Patriarch doubtless must be a man of a very soft and easie temper to let the Pope send over his 〈◊〉 hither to be Arch-Bishops of canterbury the chief Seâ—t of his Patriarchat and send his â—egats hither to call and govern Councils And when Thâ—odorâ—s the Italian Arch-Bishop of Canterbury took upon him to displace Wilfride Arch-Bishop of York was not Wilfride very much to blame to neglect his own Patriarch and go to Rome to complain to the Pope What Patrâ—arch alive but a very good natured Man would haâ—e endured all this But I am partly of the Opinioâ— when it comes to the upshot we shall find no other Patriarch of England but the Pope or some Deputy of his who being in the time of the Council at Nice one of the four Patriarchs of the Christian World as it was then called took in these Western parts into his Patriarchat And when Gregory Bishop of Rome dispenced with the English in the case of Degrees prohibited he did it sayes Perkins as Patriarch Problem pag. 204. Whence it appears that England was then subject to the Patriarch of Rome which it would not have been if it had had a Patriarch of its own He adds They were a Church of themselves not holding all the Opinions of the Roman Church nor professing any Canonical obedience to the Pope What he means by their being a Church of themselves I understand not They were such a Church of themselves as the Pope sent his Creatures to be Arch-Bishops in They were such a Church of themselves as whose Councils the Pope sent his Legats to govern They were such a Church of themselves as in case of grievance had recourse to the Pope for redress And for the Opinions of the Roman Church that they held them all I will not say but I dare affirm they held enough to justly denominate them a Popish Clergy Whateveâ— the Opinions of the Church of Rome then were that thâ—se were in Communion with that Church is notorious and that some time before Ethâ—lwolf Pope Vitellianus sent Theodorus over into England and divers Monks of Italy with him to set up here in England Latine Service Masses Ceremonies Letanies and such other Romish Ware c. if Fox and his Testimony may be taken whose very words these are Martyrol vol. 1. pag. 112. And what Observance they paid to the Pope may be not only gathered from that passage in Arch-Bishop Wilfride's address to the Pope wherein speaking of Thâ—odore by whom he was turned out he sayes Quem quidem pro eo quod abhac Apostolicae sedis summitate directus est accusare non audeâ— i. e. Whom in as much as he hath been directed by this high Apostolical See I dare not accuse And from Rainolds De Rom. Eccles. Idolatria Where in his Epistle pag. 13. He tells the English Semiâ—aries that about the Year 800. the King of England Revereâ—cing the Pope as St. Peters Vicar gave him Yearly a Penny out of every Family c. But also most plainly concluded from the words of Florilegus cited by Camden in his Brittania pag. 411. where mentioning divers Priviledges of the Monastery of St. Albanes founded by K. Offa and endowed by him and his Successors he giveth this for one that The Abbat or Monk appointed Arch-Deacon under him hath pontifical Jurisdiction over the Priests and Lay-men of all the Possessions belonging to this Church so as he yieldeth subjection to no Arch-Bishop Bishop or Legate save only to the Pope of Rome To the Pope of Rome then it appears this Abbat notwithstanding all hiâ— Priviledges did yield subjâ—ction How much more then did the rest of the Clergy who were not priviledged as he was yield obedience to the Pope The same Author there likewise adds
That Offa the magnificent King granted out of his Kingdom a set Rent or Imposition called Rome-scot to St. Peter's Vicar the Bishop of Rome and himself obtained of the said Bishop of Rome that the Church of St. Albane the Protomartyr of the English Nation might faithfully collect and reserve to their own use the same Rome-scot throughout all the Province of Hertford c. We sâ—e now what respect what regard what obsâ—rvance what veneration what subjâ—ction and obedience was used towards the Popes of Rome by the Kings and Clergy of England even before Ethelwolf's time much more was it increased afterwards as times grew worse and Popes higher That the Church of Rome was then idolatrous and that grosly too in the Worship of Images I have shewed before as also that divers Monks were sent into England by the Pope to set up their Latin Service Masses Letanies Ceremonies and other Romish Ware here That this Romish Ware was set up here cannot be doubted since Theodore one of those Monks which the Pope thus sent was made Arch-Bishop of Canterbury From all which let the Reader judge whether the Clergy of those times was Popish or no. But if they were 't is much alike for ought I seâ— to the Priest For he says pag. 102. Suppose again the Saxon Priests had been Papists that would not have made the Donation of Tythes invalid because Tythes are God's Right and the Grant was intended to God So that how bad soever the Clergy was to whom Tythes were given 't is all one the Donation if he may have his will must stand But why Because says he Tythes are God's Right But how come Tythes or Tenths to be Gods Right more then Nineths or Eighths He begs the Question on and gives it for proof He adds The Grant was intended to God He said himself but a few Lines before It was for the Maintenance of the English Clergy using the words of Ingulf Universam dotaverat Ecclesiam Anglicanam i. e. He endowed the whole Church of England But suppose the Grant intended to God must all Grants stand then that were intended to God A notable way indeed to revive all the old Grants and Donations which in the thickest Darkness of Popish Ignorance were by blind Zeal and superstitious Devotion given to Holy Church as they called it and intended to God But what thinkest thou Reader makes this Priest play the Advocate thus for God and stickle so hard for God's part is it his Care for God or his Love to himself thou shalt see anon the Reason He intends to make himself God's Receiver and therefore no wonder if he talk so much of God's part But he sayes The Clergy of that Agâ— were God's only publick Ministers It seems then he can be content to call the Popish Clergy God's publick Ministers but I hope he sees the consequent that then thâ— popish Church was God's publick Church and the popish Worship Gods publick Worship also and where then was the Church Worship and Ministry of Antichrist so much cry'd out against by God's Confessors and holy Witnesses in almost every Age Were they the publick Ministers of God who believed and held the Doctrine of Purgatory of praying for the Dead of sacrificing for the Dead of praying to Saints of worshipping Relicks of Auricular Confession of Pilgrimages of Consecrations of Water Oyl Salt Crism of Latin Servicâ— Masses Letanies and other Ceremonies of the Church of Rome By this Reader thou mayst guess what a kind of Minister he himself is He adds The Donors supposed them a good Ministry and as such endowed them for they esteemed them to be God's Receivers p. 103. There 's no doubt but the Donors supposed them a good Ministry but that Supposition doth neither make nor prove them so And seeing they were not what the Donors supposed them to be there is no reason why that Donation should stand which was made upon such a mistake and without which it had not been made For it cannot be supposed the Donâ—â—s would have made such a Donation had they not by Mistake supposed that Ministry to which they made it to be what it was not and Reason would that what was done upon a mistaken Supposition should when the Mistake appears be â—oid But if all that has been given upon wrong Suppositions must stand his Office of Receiver may in time grow very considerable for not here to mention all other popish Gifts what does he imagine the Turks think of their Priests Do not they suppose them to be a good Ministry and as such endow them Do not they esteem them to be God's Receivers Whatever Donations then amongst them have been made or shall be upon this Supposition shall be valid and in force according to his Argument in succeeding Ages and if ever the Turks should be prevailed upon to assume the Name and Profession of Christianity though otherwise sufficiently erroneous and corrupt this Priest stands ready to be the Receiver of what was given to the Turkish Priests up on the same Reasons by which he claims what was given to the popish Priest viz That the Donâ—rs supposed them to be a good Ministry and as such endowed them that they esteemed them to be God's Receivers that the Grant was intended to God that if there had been a Fault in the least that would not prejudice the Masters Title and that if they had been a Turkish Clergy and forfeited their own Right they could not forfeit his The other Priest one may see has the Office in his Eye already for he says Suppose the Turkish Empire through God's Mercy should be converted to Christianity may not the Muffti himself and those whom T. E. calls Emaums which are the Turkish Priests together with all the Mosche which are their Temples and Revenâ—es now belonging to them be reconsecrated to Christianity Vindic. pag. 314. Judge now Reader whether with these men all be not Fish that come to Net and whether it is likely they would stick at any thing that is like to be gainful who have already contrived a Reconsecration of the Turkish Priests Revenues But to go on The Author of the Right of Tythes pursues his Argument to the same purpose again pag. 104. sayes he of Ethelwolf 's Clergy If they were erroneous neither Prince nor People knew it and they did not give these to maintain their Errors but to maintain that which they believed to be a good Ministry and the true Worship of God and therefore the Donation remains good May not all this be said of the worst state of the Roman Church nay may it not be said of the very Turk whom I mention not for comparison but illustration sake Does either Prince or People know that their Priests are erroneous or do they endow them to maintain their Errors nay do they not give their Endowments to maintain that which they believe to be a good Ministry and the true Worship of God But must those
having most treacherously and inhumanly murdered Ethelbert King of â—ent did thereupon give the tenth part of his Goods to the Church and founded Monasteries The latter having occasioned the Death of her Husband Earl Ethelwold murdered her Son in Law King Edward did found Religious Houses for Monks Nuns To EXPIATE that I may use the words of a great and learned Antiquary and make SATISFACTION for that most foul and hâ—inous Fact wherewith so wickedly she had charged her Soul by making away King Edward her Husband's Son as also to wash out the murdering of her former Husband Aethelwold a most Noble Earl c. Camden Brittan pag. 262. And that these Acts and such like of those and other Princes of those times have been thus taken and understood by men of Note and Learning appears not only by the last quoted Authority but also by the Testimony of Fâ—x who compiled the Book of Martyrs He in his first Volumn pag. 110. enumerating the many Monasteries and other Religious Houses founded and endowed before Ethelwolf's time says thereupon The End and Cause of these Deeds and Buildings cannot be excused being contrary to the Rule of Christ's Gospel for so much as they did these things seeking thereby MERITS with God and for Remedy of their Souls and REMISSION of their Sins For Proof whereof he produces a Charter of King Ethelbald above fifty years older then that of Ethelwolf granting certain Priviledges to Religious Men in which aâ—ter the Preamble are these words Qua propter ego Ethelbaldus Rex Merciâ—rum pro amore caelestis Patrie et remedio animaâ— mea studendum esse previdi ut eam per bona opera liberam efficeâ—em in omni vinculo delictorum i. e. Wherefore I Ethelbald King of the Mercians for the Love of the Heavenly Country and for the Remedy of my Soul have foreseen it needful to endeavour by good Works to make my Soul free from all bond of Sins â—rom which senteâ—ce Fox observes how great the ignorance and blindness of those men were who lacking no Zeal only lacked Knowledge to rule it withal seeking sayes he Salvation â—ot by Christ only but by their own deservings and MERITORIOUS deeds And in pag. 123. setting down the Charter of Ethelwolf so dear and precious to the Priests upon these words in it Pro remissione animarum peccatorum Nosâ—rorum he hath this Note Hereby sayes he it may appear how when the Churches of England began first to be indued with Temporalities and Lands also with Priviledges and exemptions inlarged moreover and that which specially is to be considered and lamâ—â—ted what PERNICIOUS Doctrine was this wherewith they were led thus to set Remission of their Sins and Remedy of their Souls in this Donation and such other Deeds of their Donation contrary to the information of Gods word and no small derogation to the Cross of Christ. Thus far Fox by which the Reader may at once see both the Opinion and Practice of Ethelwolf's Age in this matter and also the Censure of this Ecclesiastical Writer in thâ— early Age of Protestancy Yet the Priest sayes pag. 106. This Popish Doctrine of Merit and expiation by good works is not so old as that Age which he infers from some directions given by Anselm to those who visited the Sick in which is mention of being saved by the death of Christ as also from the words of Popâ— Adrian who calls as he sayes Merits a broken Reed c. The Popish Doctrine of Merits and Expiation by good works was not on a sudden and at once received in the grossest sense in which it hath since been hâ—lâ— but by degrees and for a while remission of Sins was attributed to the death of Christ and good workâ— joyntly which is the reason that in the writings of those elder times mention is made of the death of Christ and of good works promiscuously and the work of Redemption Salvation Remission indifferently ascribed to each This the Priest seem not ignorant of when he sayes pag. 10â— We may perceive they did not think this good work ALONE could expiate their Sins or merit Salvation wiâ—hout God's Mercy As for the judgment of Anselâ— Adrian or any other such it is not conclusive in this case for we are not so much to regard what was the private judgment of some one or few particular Persons as what was the general Opinion of the theâ— Church We find in Queen Mary's time when Popery was as its height when Dr. Day Bishop of 〈◊〉 came to visit Stephen Gardiner the bloody Bishop of Winchester lying then at point of Death and began as Fox relates to comfort him with words of Gods promiâ—e and with the free justification in the Blood of Christ our Lord repeating the Scriptures to him Winchester hearing that What my Lord quoth he will you open that Gap nâ—w then farewell all together to 〈◊〉 and such other in my case you may speak it but open this Window unto the people then farewel all together Martyrol vol. 2. pag. 1622. None I think can doubt but the Doctrine of meriting Salvation and of Expiating Sins by good works was then generally believed in the grossest sense by the Church of Rome and yet we see by this inâ—tance some of thaâ— Church had a private Judgment otherwise and some of the worst of that Church too For scarce did Bonner himself send more Sheep to the Roman Shambles then did this Buâ—cherly Bishop of Winchester who as Fox observes in the place fore cited on the day that Ridley and Latimer were burnt at Oxford deferr'd his Dinner till about four of the Clock in the afternoon reâ—using to eat till by a Post from Oxforâ— â—e had certain intelligence that the Fire was kindled upon those Godly Martyrs Thus we see some of the worst of the Romanists did not hold all the Opinions of the Church of Rome yet neither doth that prove either that those Romanists were no Papists nor yet that the Church of which they were Members did not hold those Opinions But the Priest as if he hoped to wind himself off from the Objection by criminating the Quakers says To merit Pardon and Salvation by good works is now a Doctrine of the grosser Romanists and I fear of some Quakers also who sleighting merit and necessity of Christ's Death ascribe Salvation to the following the Light within p. 10â— In this he slanders the Quakers I reject his Charge and in the Name of the Quakers deny it Let him name those Quakers that sleight the Merit and Necessity of Christ's Death I solemnly declare I know no such and yet I think if any such there were I might as well pretend to know them as he Nor do the Quakers ascribe Salvation to the following the Light within but they ascribe Salvation to Christ Iesus to whom the Light within doth lead those that truly follow it Herein he hath wronged the Quakers as in his next words he abuses me T.
Donation of Tythes he left out the instances I had given to prove the Donation popish and took no notice of them In this which next follows he leaves out some and gives the others false I to manifest further the corruption of that time and Apostacy of that Church did set down what the Clergy on their part undertook in consideration of the said Charter to perform as in Spelman's Brittish Councils I found it thus It pleased also Alhstan and Swiâ—hin the Bishops of the Churches of Shirborn and Winchester with their Abbats and the Servants of God to appoint that upon the Wednesday in every Week all our Brethren and Sisters in every Church should sing Fifty Psalms and every Priest say two Masses one for K. Ethelwolf and another for his Nobles that consented to this Gift for a reward and for an abatement of their Offences And that they should say for the King so long as he lived Oremus Deus qui justificas for his Nobles also while they lived Pretende Domine but after they were dead for the deceased King by himself and for the deceased Nobles in common c. Instead of this he hath these words pag. 109. Some slighter Cavils he hath pag. 292 293. As fi â—st his calling the Clergy of that Age Apostates and corrupt for being so grateful to their Benefactors as to engage to sing David's Psalms and to make Prayers twice a Week for them that God would reward their bounty and pardon their Sins What is there in this at all like my quotation unless it be the word Psalmes Do I call them Apostates and corrupt for being grateful to their Benefactors Or do I not note the manner of their expressing their gratitude as an instance of their Apostacy and Corruption in that they undertook to say Masses for them both Living and Dead instead of which he sayes they engaged to make prayers for them Yet he is fain to confess pag. 110. they called these Prayers Missas but sayes they were far different from the Missal of the Church of Rome whose Offiâ—â—s he sayes were first brought in here by Osmund Bishop of Sailsbury Anno. 1096. But in that he speaks wrong For long before Osmund's time 300. Years at least under Pope Adrian who according to Genebrand entred the Popedom in the Year 772. about eighty years before Ethelwolf's Donation the Roman Missal made as they say by Pope Gregory was by decree of a Council at Rome with the help of a Popish Miracle commanded to be universally received and used The Story whereof for brevity here omitted is set down at large by Durundus in his Rationale l. 5. c. 2. and out of him and other Authors by Iohn Fox in his first Volumn of the Book of Martyrs pag. 117. This Decree for the establishing Gregory's Missal and making it universal was vigorously prosecuted by Charles the Emperor not only threatning but punishing those that refused it and burning the other Service Books where-ever he â—ound them insomuch that as Fox observes Gregory's Service had only the place and hath adds he to this day in the greatest part of Europe And that it was received used here in England as well as in other Countries not only the Devotion this Nation then had to the Church of Rome and the influence Charles the Emperor had upon the English may make it probable But the occasion of Osmund's bringing in that Service which was called the Use of Sâ—rum set down at large both by Fox and Stow doth fully and plainly prove Fox vol. 1. p. 166. sayes Thurstan coming out of Normandy with William the Conqueror and being made Abbat of Glastenbury fell out with his Monks to such an height that from Words they went to Blows by which divers were Wounded and some Slain the occasion whereof was that Thurstan contemning their Quire Service then called the Use of St. Gregory compelled his Monks to the use of one William a Monk of Fiscaâ— in Normandy Stow in his Annals of England pag. 157. upon the Year 1083. relating the same matter sayes thus This Man Thurstan among other his Fellows despising the Song called Gregory's Song began to counsel the Monks to learn the Song of one William of Festamps and to sing it in the Church which to do when they refused as they that had been ever used not only in this but in other service of the Church to follow the manner of the Roman Church sudainly on a day with a company of Armed men brake into the Chapter-house c. and so goes on to relate the Skirmish which being beside my purpose I omit and only observe from these Testimonies first that this Roman Mass instituted by Gregory and bearing his Name and by Pope Adrian his Roman Council appointed to be used in all places was received and used here in England before the Conquest secondly that the English Clergy had been ever used not only in this but in other service of the Church to follow the manner of the Church of Rome thirdly that this Missal of Gregory thus by decree of Council made universal and then received and used here in England was in substance the same that was used afterwards both here and elsewhere untill the time of Reformation Fox saying expresly that Gregory's Service had only the place and yet hath to this day in the greatest part of Europe But that the Reader may the better judge whether these Masses were such innocent things as the Priest doth here represent them whether the Priests that said them were the right Ministers of God as pag. 112. he makes no doubt they were whether the People that used them were nearer in Opinion to the Protestant Church of England then to the present Papists as pag. 135. he sayes they were And whether if they were so it is not greatly to be lamented take here a Story out of Bede shewing what Opinion they had in those times of the vertue of their Masses In the Wars between Ecgfrid and Edilrâ—d Kings of Northumberland and Mercia a Young Man named Innua one of Ecgfrid's Souldiers was lâ—ft for dead among the Slain where after he had â—ain a Day and Night recovering sense and strength he got up intending to escape to his Friends but falling into his Enemies hands he was made a Prisoner and after his Wounds were â—ured he was bound that he might not get away But no Bonds would stay upon him but alwayes at a certain hour fell off Of which Bede gives this reason This Young man had a Brother a Priest named Tunua who was at that time Abbat of a Monastery called from his Name Tuâ—uacestir This Abbat hearing his Brother was slain went to search out his Body among the dead and found a Corps so like his Brother's that not doubting it to be the same he took it up and buried it in his Monastery and took care that Masses were said often to obtain pardon for his Soul by the celebration of which
the Church of Rome Gods Ministers which says hâ— is a malicious and false Inference since the Priesthood to whose Maintenance Tythes were given was neither Idolatrous nor the Priesthood of the Church of Rome pag. 111. The Inference is neither malicious not false but plain and true These Priests both one and t'other affirm that Priesthood to whose Maintenance Ethelwolf gave Tythes to be God's Ministry I have proved they were a Popish Priesthood by the Testimonies of divers approved Authors by the tenour of the Charter it self and by the Definition the former Priest gave of Popery viz. That it is such Doctrines and superstitious Practices which by the corruption of time have prevailed in the Church of Rome contrary to the true antient catholick and apostolick Church I have shewed at large that those Priests to whose Maintenance Ethelwolf granted Tythes did hold and use such Doctrine and superstitious Practices as by the corruption of time have prevailed in the Church of Rome contrary to the true antient catholick and apostolick Church of which I have given maâ—y instances I have also proved that Priesthood Popish by the assertion of this latter Priest my present Opponent who in his Right of Tythes pag. 99. sayeâ— The Benefit of this Donation hath been enjoyed for eight hundred years by those to whom the Donation was made which must of necessity be understood of popish Priests otherwise the Assertion is utterly false For he is a meer Stranger to History who doth not know that from Ethelwolf's time until the Reformation which in this Nation began little more then a hundred years ago Romish Superstitions Corruptions and Idolatries encreased daily and prevailed and the English Clergy in every Age grew more devoted to the Observance of the Sea of Rome Now when I have so fully proved that that was a popish Priesthood to whose Maintenance King Ethelwolf gave Tythes and yet these Priests plainly affirm that that Priestâ— hood was God's Ministry what inference can be more plain and true then that they call that idolatrous Priesthood of the Church of Rome God's Ministers This Priest sayes pag. 102. The Clergy of that Agâ— was God's only publick Ministers and pag. 99. The benefit of the Donation had been enjoyed for eight hundred years by those to whom the Donation was made The Donation was made in the year eight hundred fifty five to which 800 years of enjoyment being added brings to the year one thousand six hundred fifty five I desire thee Reader to compare these two sayings of this Priest together and to examin well the account of time and then judge whether this very Priest who cryes out so vehemently against me for inferring that the other Priest call'd thâ— idolatrous Priesthood of the Church of Rome God's Ministers calling it a malicious and false inference doth not himself call that idolatrous Priesthood of the Church of Rome God's own publick Ministers When he sayes The Clergy of that Age to whom this Donation of Tythes was made was God's only publick Ministers and that the Benefit of this Donation was enjoyed for eight hundred years by those to whom the Donation was made doth it not clearly follow that he accounts all the popish Clergy in England in the blackest and bloodiest times of Popery even Bonner himself and his â—rethren God's only publick Ministers who were indeed the publick Ministers of Antichrist and the greatest Enemies of God Nay he adds pag. 112. It is certain the Donors intended them viz. Tythes to the right Ministers of God and I make no doubt sayes he they were such to whom they gave them and they to whom they were given enjoyed sayes he pag. 99. the benefit thereof for eight hundred years What 's the Consequent That he makes no doubt they were the right Ministers of Christ who enjoyed the Tythes for eight hundred years after Ethelwolf which comprehends the Popish Priesthood in its most filthy and poluted state Can any one believe this Priest to be himself a Minister of Christ Let him clear himself hereof if he can and shew how the Benefit of this Donation of Tythes was enjoyed for eight hundred years by any Priesthood that was not Popish and Idolatrous § 17. In his next Section he falls foully upon me and he that was so fine-mouthed that he would nâ—t meddle with Scurrility because Railing is not Reasoning p. 12. bestows here again on me his usual Rhetorick of Dishonesty Ignorance and Impudence The Occasion he takes from hence The former Priest had said in his Friendly Conference pag. 146. Tythes being given to God for the Maintenance of his Ministry nâ— blemish in the Dedication of them can alter their prâ—perty Hereupon in my Answer pag. 294. I observed he was for having all he could get be it dedicated by whom it will or how it will and that he wanted nothing but power to revive all the old Donations of the Papists given in the mid-night darkness of Popery to redeem thâ—ir Souls out of a supposed Purgatory then I added Nay so general is his Assertion no Blemish c. that nothing once dedicated by whomsoever would seem to come amiss to â—im not the Offerings of the Gentiles to their Heathenish Deities not the Endowments of the Turks to their Mahâ—metan Priests nor yet the thirty pieces of Silver the price of Innocent Blood had Judaâ— chanced to have dedicated it would upon this Position have been unwelcome tâ— this man could he once but have got them into possession To this the latter Priest sayes pag. 113. Were these given to the true God or were these Offerings Tythes If they were not both of these why doth this Quaker mention them here To justifie Ethelwolf's Donation of Tythes to the Popish Clergy the Priest often urges the Intention of the Donors as pag. 103. The Donors supposed them a good Ministry and as such endowed them for they esteemed them to be God's Receivers Again pag. 112. It is certain the Donors intended them to the right Ministers of God And pag. 104. They gave Tythes to maintain that which they believed to be a good Ministry and the true Worship of God and therefore the Donation remains good Here its evident he makes the validity of the Donation to depend upon the Intention of the Donors But when the Gentiles offered to their Heathenish Deities did they not suppose and believe those Deities to be true Gods and the Priests of those Deities to be a good and a right Priesthood and did not some of them offer Tythes also as the Priest has takâ—n some needless pains to prove Now if as he argues pag. 104. The Donation therefore remains good because the Donors gave Tythes to maintain that which they believed to be a good Ministry and the true Worship of God although in very deed it was a bad Ministry and a false Worship I appeal to the judicious Reader whether the same Argument doth not serve and the same Reason reach to fetch in the Gentiles
Christian Temples but also advanced their Veneration commanding them most ethuically to be increased c. This was about One Hundred Years before Ethelwolf's Donation of Tythes and if the Church of Rome which was then the Mother Church to England was so Idolatrous then what may we think she was in Ethelwolf's time one Hundred Years after and what may we suppose that King himself to be who was so great an Admirer of her and bountiful Benefactor to her He sayes Thirdly I instance in Miracles and Intercession of Saints taxing Bede with these points of Popery and the Saxons of his time To this sayes he pag. 131. I reply That if the belief of Miracles make men Papists then T. E. and his Quakers are all Papists for they believe they are immediately taught which is a stranger and greater Miraclâ— then any they can find in all Bede's History What a miserable shift is this Is this Reasoning or Railing would any man that had either a good Cause or good parts have shewed so much weaknesâ— to give a meer Quibble instead of a solid Reply In his 28 Sect. pag. 161. He charges me though very unjustly as in its place c. 5. S. 4. I have shewed with evading all serious Answers by some petty Cavil Judge now Reader if himself be not here guilty of what he there charges upon me Hath he not in this very place evaded a serious Answer by a petty Cavil But this is an usual way with him when he is hard set and willing to avoid the matter I alledged that long before Ethelwolf was Born Popery had made her encroachments in the Church among many instances whereof that I brought one was the belief of strange kind of Miracles wrought by the Relicks of Popish Saints nor only so but by thâ— Wood of the Cross and by Holy Water also This I proved by divers quotations out of the Ecclesiastical History of Beda the Saxon. To which after his prophane Iest he replyes It is not unlikely but some extraordinary Miracles might be wrought at the first Conversion of the Saxons the more easily to Convince that rugged People and the want of human learning in that Age might occasion the credulous reception of more then was true and yet we must not condemn them presently for Papists ibid. He that will take the pains to read Bede's History particularly his third Book 2 11 13 and 15. Chap. and his fifth Book 4. Chap. may there find relation of Miracles as palpably Popish as any in the Roman Legend And if it should be granted that Miracles were then wrought to Convince that People it must be supposed that those Miracleâ— if wrought by the Power of God were wrought to Convince them of the true Faith and Worship of God and to establish them in it But the Miracles mentioned in those Chapterâ— of Bede's History to which I have above refer'd tend not to the setting up of the true Worship of God but a false Worship even the Worship of the Church of Rome in the veneration and adoration of Relicks of Popish Saints of the Wood of the Cross of Holy Water and of consecrated Oyl which all men know to be a part and a corrupt part too of the present Romish Religion So that in these things the Saxon Church then appears to have been in the same condition in which the Church of Rome both then was and now is He sayes They might be credulous and apt to be imposed upon but that was their infirmity and amountâ— but to Superstition not to Popery ibid. He forgets his Brother's Definition of Popery Friendly Confer pag. 149. That it is such Doctrines and SUPERSTITIOUS Practices which by the corruption of time have prevailed in the Church of Rome contrary to the true ancient Catholick and Apostolick Church So that if those things recorded by Bede to be wrought and believed by and among the Saxons were such superstitious practices as by the corruption of time have prevailed in the Church of Rome contrary to the true ancient Catholick and Apostolick Church then they are Popery and they by and amongst whom they were so wrought believed and received were Papists but no Protestant I hope will deny the instances above given to be superstitious Practices to have prevailed in the Church of Româ— through the corruption of time and to be contrary to the true ancient Catholick and Apostolick Church Besides if as he sayes they might be credulous and apt to be imposed upon and so could be excused as he would have them upon the score of their Infirmity yet who I pray were they that took the advantage of their credulity and did impose upon them were they not their Priests their Clergy and what were they mean while If the People werâ— credulous and easie to be beguiled and imposed upon the Priests were not less crafty and ready to imposâ— upon them and beguil them But was not this the same Priest-hood to which Tythes were afterwardâ— given who thus imposed upon the credulous People and deluded them with lying Wonders As for Intercession of Saints he sayes If I mean that the Saxons prayed to the Saints as their Intercâ—ssors with God I do egrâ—giously wrong them pag. 132. About what time the Opinion of the Intercâ—ssion of Saints was received in the Church and how understood Perkins in his Problem of the Church of Rome pag. 87. c. shews First he sayes it was altogether unknown in the Church of God for the space of two Hundred Years after Christ. After which time Origen he sayes and other Fathers disputed concerning the Saints Intercession for us but very diversly and doubtfully untill the Year 400. From that time it seems to have been a received Opinion For the Ancients he sayes pag. 89. teach that the Saints do interceed not only openly by Praying but interprâ—tatively also by meriting or deserving of which he there gives many instances and concludes that among the Anâ—ients the Saints are made immediate Intercessors to God for us From this belief of the Saints Intercession sprang the custom of Invocation or Praying to Saints which Perkins shews was not in the Church for three Hundred and Fiâ—ty Years after Christ but began to creep in about the Year 380. and after the Year 400. he sayes the Ancients sinâ—ed and were guilty of Sacriledge in praying to the Saints of which he gives many Instances some whereof shew that the Saints were prayed to as Intercessors to God yea as Mediators between God and Man For Paulinus in natali 3. in Faelicem sayes Exora ut precibus plenis Meritisque redonet Debita nostra tuis i. e. Pray O Faelix that he would forgive us our Sins for the sake of thy full Prayers and Merits And Fortunatus in vita Martini lib. 2. thus intreats Martâ—n Inter me et Dominum Mediator ad esto benigne i. e. Be thou O Martin afavourablâ— Mediator between the Lord and me Noâ— was this Opinion of the
Intercession of the Saints and consequently the custom of praying to the Saints the private Belief and Practice only of some but the same Perkins pag. 94. tells us that the Invocation which in former Ages was of private devotion began to be publick about the Year 500. for then sayes he Petrus Gnaphâ—us mixed the Invocation of Saintâ— with the publick Prayers of the Church for he is said to have invented this that in every Prayer the Mother of God should be named and her divine 〈◊〉 called upon and Gregory the great adds he about the Year 600. commanded that a Letany of Prayers to Saints should be sung publickly This is spoken of the Church in general Now concerning the Church in this Nation it is to be noted that this is that Gregory who sent over Austin the â—onk to Plant the Romish Religion here and whose Successors for many Years after had the ordering of the English Church and making Bishops in it and for the space of one Hundred and Fifty Years at least the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury were Italians or other Forreigners of the Popes placing How those Italian Prelates that came out of the Bosom of the Roman Church did form the Church here I leave to the Readers judicious consideration adding only to shew the devotion of the English then to the Roman Church that Beda in his Eccles. Hist. l. 4. c. 5. sayes Oswi King of Northumberland was so greatly in love with the Roman and Apostolical Institution that had he recovered of an Infirmity whereof he died he intended himself to have gone to Rome and there to have ended his dayes as Iâ—a Offa Kâ—nredus with other of the Kings of this Land afterward did in Monkish Orders as â—ox reports And that Stow in his Annals pag. 157. speaking of the English Monks unwillingness to change their manner of singing which they had reâ—eived from Rome sayes As they that had been â—ver used not only in this but in other sâ—rvice of the Church to follow the manner of the Roman Church Now inasmuch as the Church of Rome did pray to Saints as their Intercessors with God and the then Church of England was in subjection to the Church of Rome and had thâ— Roman Church in so great veneration and esteem since the same Pope Gregory that sent Austin to set up the Popish Worship here did appoint a Let any of Prayers to â—aints to bâ— sung publickly and since it appears by Bede and others that the Opinion and Belief of the Saints Intercession was received and held by the Saxons in those times what reason can there be to doubt of the Saxons praying to Saints as their Intercessors with God If they believed them Intercessors at all with whom could they think they interceded but with God And if they believed they interceded with God for them what should hinder their praying to them as their Intercessors with God especially seeing that Church from which they received both Doctrine and Discipline did so But a passage there is in Bede's Eccles. Hist. l. 5. c. 22. from which the judgment of the Saxon Church in the point of Intercession and Mediation of Saints may pretty well be guessed at Adamnan a Scotch-Abbat coming Ambassadour into England about the Year 720. visited the Abbey of Wire in the Bishoprick of Durham of which Ceolfride was then Abbat The Scot it seems had the wrong cut on his Crown not after the Mode of St. Pâ—ter but after the fashion of Simon Magus which the English Abbat observed and reproved the Scot for He excused it by the custom of his Country protesting that although he was Shorn like Simon Magus yet in his Heart he abhorred Simon 's Infidelity and desired to follow the steps of the blessed Princâ— of the Apostles St. Peter To which the English Abbat replied That as he desired to follow St. Peter's Deeds or Admonitions so it became him to imitate his manner of Habit whom he desired to have for his Advocate with God the Father quem apud Deum patreâ— habere Patronum quaeris or as Fox renders it Whom you desire to have a Mediator between God and you On which word Mediator Fox in his Margin vol. 1. pag. 114. gives this Note There is but one Mediator between God and Man Christ Iesus plainly shewing he understood by this Sentence the Saxons made other Mediators between God and Man besides Christ Jesus But leaving this to the Reader 's censure I proceed The Priest sayes pag. 132. There is but one thing more wherein the present Church of Rome is charged with Idolatry and that is in adoring the Host or Body of Christ which they say is Transubstantiate in the Sacrament but neither in this sayes he were the Saxons guilty for they did not believe Transubstantiation no not in K. Edgar's dayes An. 9â—5 He said before pag. 123. the Doctriâ—e of Transubstantiation was not received for a point of Faith till the Lateran Council above one Thousand two Hundred Years after Christ No wonder then if it were not believed by the Saxons But that will not â—cquit the English-Sâ—xon Church from the charge of Idolatry any more then it will the Church of Rome which hath been by many sufficiently convicted of Idolatry long before that â—aâ—eran Council in the Year 1215. wherein Transubstantiation was made a point of Faith And though the Priest sayes This is the only thing more wherein the present Church of Rome is charged with Idolatry yet doubtless he must be very forgetful or much too favourable to the Roman Church For Rainolds de Romane Ecclesia Idolatria against Bellarmine and others of the Popish Patrons doth charge the Church of Rome downright with Idolatry not only in the worshipping of Saints Images and the Sacrament of the Euâ—harist but of Relicks also and of Water Salt Oyl and other Consecrated things which out of the Papists own Books he proves in the assumption of his â—rgument l. 2. c. 1. And that the Saxons followed the Church of Rome in these things is too well known to be denyed §22 More Instances he sayes he could give to prove that the Saxons were like the Protestants in the most fundamental matters but that two shall suffice at present 1. of the merit of good Works 2. of the Canon of Scripture For the first of these he offerâ— some sentences out of Bede and Alcuin against the merit of Works which if faithfully given may serve to shew the judgment of those particular Men but are not sufficient to prove the general received Opinion of those times much less of the after times wherein Ethelwolf lived and gave Tythes for Bedâ— dyed in the Year 735. 120. Years before Ethelwolf's Donation as the Epitome of his Ecclesiastical History shews and Alcuin was one of Bede's Hearers as Burdegalensis testifies And if the private judgment of some particular Men be made the measure of the general Opinion he may thereby excuse the Church of Rome all along â—rom this and
other unsound Doctrines since there is scarce a Century wherein somâ— or other have not delivered themselves contrary to the common received Opinions of that Church Stephen Gardiner himself in Q. Mary's dayes discovered to Dr. Day Bishop of Winchester how he understood the Doctrine of free Iustification by Christ as out of the Book of Martyrs is noted before yet no man I think will question whether the Church was then Popiâ—h or no oâ— whether the Popish Doctrine of merits was not then commonly and generally received That very Pope Leo the fourth whom Ethelwolf went in such devotion to see towards whom he was so liberal and to whom he committed his Son Alfred to be brought up being ready to joyn Battel with the Saracens at Ostia thus prayed O God whose right Hand lifted up St. Peter that he was not droâ—ned when he walked upon the Waves and delivered the Apostle Paul from the bottom of the Sea in his third Shipwrack hear us favourably and for the MERITS OF THEM BOTH grant c. Plat. in vita Leon. 4. li. But what the common Opinion was of the merit of good Works among the Saxons may be collected from the Tenour of the Charters of their â—eligious endowments which as they often sprang from some flagitious Wickedness so they usually declare the intendment of the gift to be for the Salvation or Redemption of the Donors Soul or for the Remission of his and his Ancestors sins or some such-like Expression as plainly imports an expiation or satisfaction for Sin And that this is not my judgment only but that they were thus understood by men of note in former times hear the judicioâ—s Camden who in his Brittania pag. 262. speaking of a Monastery founded by Q. Aelfrith saith Q. Aelfrith Built a Monastery to EXPIATE and make SATISFACTION for that most foul and hainous Fact wherewith so wickedly she had charged her Soul by making away K. Edward her Husbands Son as also to wash out the Murthering of her former Husband Aethelâ—old c. And elsewhere pag. 254. speaking of Ambresbury in Wiltshire he saith In that place afterward Alfritha K. Edgar's Wife by Repentance and some good deed to EXPIATE and make SATISFACTION for Muthering of K. Edward her Son in Law built a stately Nunnery c. And Fox in his Acts of the Church Vol 1. pag. 120. enumerating the many Religious Houses that were built in England in the sixth seventh and eighth Centuries hath these words thereupon Thus ye see what Monasteries and in what time begun to be founded by the Saxon Kings newly converted to the Christian Faith within the space of two Hundred Years who as they seemed then to have a certain zeal and devotion to Godward according to the leading and teaching that then was so it seemeth again to me two things to be wished in these foresaid Kings first that they whâ—ch begun to erect these Monasteries had foreseen the danger c. secondly that unto this their Zeal and Devotion had been joyned like Knowledge and Doctrine in Christ's Gospel especially in the Article of our free Justification by the Faith of Jesus Christ because of the LACK whereof as well the Builders and Founders thereof as they that were professed in the same seem both to have run the WRONG way and to have been DECEIVED For albeit in them there was a Devotion and Zeal of mind yet the end and cause of their Deedâ— and Buildings cannot be excused being contrary to the Rule of Christ's Gospel for so much as they did these things seeking MERITS with God and for REMEDY of their Souls and REMISSION of their Sins as may appear testified in their own Records c. Thus he Whence its plain that he who undertook to write an History of the Acts and Monuments of the Church and may well be thought to understand something of those times as well as this Priest concluded that although the Saxons in those dayes whom the Priest so often calls his pious Ancestors and famous Tytâ—eâ— givers were Zealous according to the teaching that then was yet they had not the true knowledge and Doctrine of Christ's Gospel especially in the point of justifiâ—ation but for lack thereof were deceived and ran the wrong way seeking remedy of their Souls and remission of their Sins by the merits of their works And for proof that they so did Fox there sets down the very same Charter of Ethelbald which this Priest brings to prove the Right of Tythes pag. 94. which Charter being by Fox set down in the place fore-cited toward the end of his second Book he there adds as followeth By the contents hereof sayes he may well be understood as where he saith Pro amore calestis partie proremedio animae pro liberatione animae et absolutione delictorum c. i. e. For the love of the Heavenly Country for the remedy of my Soul for the delivering of my Soul and for the pardon of my Sins c. how great the IGNORANCE and BLINDNESS of these men was who lacking no Zeal only LACKED KNOWLEDGE to rule it withal seeking their Salvation NOT BY CHRIST ONLY but by their OWN DESERVINGS and MERITORIOUS deeds And the same Fox but two pages further entring upon the Reign of King Ethelwolf sayes This Ethelwolf as being himself once muzled in that order was alwayes good and devout to Holy and Religious orders insomuch that he gave to them the Tythe of all his Goods and Lands in West-Saxony with liberty and freedom from all servage and civil charges Whereof this Charter instrument beareth Testimony after this tenor proceeding much like to tâ—e Deâ—aâ—ion of Ethelbald above mentioned Then râ—citing the Câ—arter even that vâ—ry Charter so hug'd and so exâ—ol'd by these Priests and therein finâ—ing these words Pro remissione animarum et peccatorum nostrorum i. e. For the deliverance of our Soulâ— and the remission of our Sins he adds Hereby it may appear how and when the Churches of England began first to be indued with Temporalities and Lands also with Priviledges and Exemptionâ— enlarged moreover and that which specially iâ— to be considered and LAMENTED what PERNICIOUS Doctâ—inâ— was this wherewith tâ—ey were led tâ—us to set REMISSION of their SINS REMEDY of their Souls in this Donation and such other deeds of their Donation CONTRARY to the information of God's word and no small derogation to the Crosâ— of Christ. Thus far Fox which I have set down the more largly that the Reader may see what his judgment was of the Religion of those times wherein this Donation of Tythes was made and may himself be the better able to judge whether I here wronged the People and Clergy of those times in calling them Papists The Priest's next and last instance of the Saxons not being Papists is their keeping the Canon of Scripture entire and rejecting the Apocrypha from being of divine Authority But this if they did so will not clear them from being Papists since many
the Pope and with him divers other Monks of Italy to set up here in England Lâ—tine Service Masses Ceremonies Letanies with such other Romish ware c. Vol. 1. pag. 112. And Adrian the chief of those Monks was sent as Bede observes not only to assist Theodore but to have an Eye also over him that he introduced nothing after the Greek manner into the Church contrary to the Truth of the Faith received then from Rome Not long after in the time of this Theodore came over from Rome Iohn the Arch-Chanter or chief Singer sent hither by Pope Agatho to teach them how to sing here after the same manner as they sang in St. Peter's as they called it at Rome besides which he had particular instructions from the Pope to inform himself fully of the Faith of the English Church and at his return to Rome to give the Pope an account thereof Great care we see waâ— taken by the â—opes to frame the Church of England by the Romish square and that the English-Saxons did imitate the Church of Rome Bede shews when he sayes that Naitan King of the Picts having a desire to reform the Church in his own Dominion that he might do it the more easily and with greater Authority sought the assistance of the English Nation who he knew long before had ordered their Religion according to the example of the Holy and Apostolick Church of Rome which was then had in so great veneration with the Saxons that many of the Kings of this Island laid down their Scepters and went in devotion to Rome desiring to sojourn a while as Pilgrims on Earth as near the Holy places as they could that they might afterward be received the more familiarly in Heaven by the Saints And this sayes Bede was so customary in those times that many of the English Nation both Noble and Ignoble Laity and Clergy Men and Women seemed to strive who should get thither first And that it was thus in Ethelwolf's time may appear by his going in great devotion as Speed saith to Rome and there committing his youngest Son Alfred to the Popes bringing up as Fox Records together with his liberal presents made to that Church Thus â—eest thou Reader how devout the Saxons were to the Church of Rome and how solicitous and careful that their own Church might follow its example If thou wouldst further know what the Church of Rome then was which was cried up for the Mother Church she was full of Superstition Idolatry Blasphemy She was a worshipper of Images of Saints and of Râ—licks she prayed to Saints as Intercessors and Mediators between God and Man She prayed and sacrificed for the Dead She held the Doctrines of Purgatory Indulgences Merits Ear-Confession Pilgrimages and single Life of Priests To mention all her Corruptions and Superstitions were to write a Volumn Then for the Popes themselveâ— fit Heads enough they were for such a Body Their own Writers are not able to cover the infamy of their Lives The Author of Fascicul Temp. confesses Constantine the second whom he makes to have sate Anno. 764. to have been the fifth infamous Pope and Pope Ione he reckons for the sixth who so far as I can gather possest the Roman Chair within a Year or two after Ethelwolf was there to the irreparable infamy of the Roman Church And for the other Popes who sate in the latter end of that Century in which Pope Ione fâ—ll and in the beginning of the next nothing but what is scandalous can be said of them as Fascic Temp. confesses If we seek a Character of those times not only Fox in his Acts of the Church dividing the time from Châ—ist's Incarnation into divers Periods or Ages reckons the third Period of time from about 600. to about the Year 900. whicâ— comprehends most of the Saxons Reign and the earliest Tythe Donation the declining time of the Church and of true Religion But even Platina in vitae Steph. 3. well nigh a Hundred Years before Ethelwolf's Donation laments the Wickedness of the times in these words Nunc vero adeo refrixit pietas et religio non dico nudis pedibus c. i. e. But now Devotion and Religion is grown so cold that Men can sâ—arce find in their Hearts to Pray I do not say bare-Footed but even with their Hose and Shoes on They do not now Weep as they go or while they are Sacrificing as did the holy Fathers of Old but they Laugh and that impudently I speak even of those of the Purple Robe they do not sing the Hymns for that they account Servile but they entertain one another with Jests and Stories to stir up Laughter In a word the more prone any one is to Jesting and Wantonness the greater praise he hath in such corrupt manners This Clergy of ours dreads and shuns the company of severe and grave Men. Why so Because they had rather live in so great Licentiousness then be subject to one that counsels or governs well and by that means the Christian Religion grows every day worse and worse Thus Platina of the times before Ethelwolf And of the times a little after another Popish Writer cries out lâ—eu heu heu Domine Deus c. i. e. Alas alas alas O Lord God how is the Gold darkned how is the best Colour changed What Scandals do we read to have happened about these times even in the holy Apostolick seat What â—ontentions Emulations Sects Envyings Ambitions Instrusions Persecutionâ— O worst of times in which Holiness fails and Truth is cut of from the Sons off men â—ascic Temp. ad an 884. Thus hast thoâ— Reader a short view off those times those Popes those Churches by which thou mayst perceive both the degeneration and Apostacy of the Roman Church from the Simplicity and â—urity of the Gospel as also the dependence of the Saxon Church upon the Church of Rome its continual recourse and application to her as to its Mother and Nurse from whose Breasts it sucked that corrupt Milk which filled it with putrefaction and unsoundness ever after And very little if any whit at all did the Saxon Church differ from the Church of Rome but as Superstitions and Idolatries encreased in the Church of Rome so they were brought over hither and received here as fast as the distance of place would well permit Judge then whether the Saxon Church be not rightly called Popish whether Ethelwolf who gave Tythes was not a Papist whether the Clergy to which he gave them was not Popish whether the Religion which Tythes were given to uphold was not the Popish Religion and whether it becomes a Protestant Ministry who are so denominated from protesting against Popery to receive and exact that Maintenance which was given by a Popish Prince to Popish Priests to uphold Popery § 24. In his next Section the Priest urges thaâ— Tythes were not Popish because received by some of the Martyrs pag. 136. Tâ—is being offered
to teach them all things they have not the Spirit at all These are not my words as he that will consult the place may see but an inference of his own made on purpose to abust me And the other Priest in his Vindication pag. 284. though he nibbles at the same passage yet neither doth he quote it as this Priest doth nor charge me with affirming that If the Saints have not the Spirit in them so as to teach them all things they have not the Spirit at all But sayes The Quaker seems to fancy that if the Spirit be not with Believers in this immediate manner his is not with them at all Observe now Reader how I am dealt with between these two Priests One of them sayes positively that I affirm The other sayes The Quaker seems to fancy The one sayes I affirm if the Saints have not the Spirit in them so as to teach them all things they have not the Spirit at all The otheâ— sayes The Quaker seems to fancy that if the Spirit â—e not with believers in this immediate manner he is not with them at all And yet these Priests both one and t'other pretend to repeat the self-same sâ—ntence out of my Book and that in my own words Is this faiâ— dealing Yet upon this and his former mistake of immediate teaching he sayes pag. 137. All that T. E. allows for Saints got their knowledge in an Instant as the Apostles did This also I reject for a slander Nor do I believe that the Apostles got their knowledge as he says in an instant But that they grew in Grace by the Grace in the knowledge of our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ as the Apostle Peter exhorted the Saints 2 Pet. 4. 18. and as Paul did the Colossians chap. 1. ver 10. But from these false Premises he draws this lame Conclusion Either therefore he must deny these Holy men were taught immediately and then by his Rule they could have no knowledge in divine things or else he must confess Truths were not revealed to them by degrees But there is no necessity for this For I will suppose those Holy men were taught immediately in respect of the manner of teaching not in respect of time They might be taught by the Spirit of God in their own Hearts without the help of outward means and yet those Truths which they were thus taught might be revealed to them by degrees The Wind that bloweth where it liâ—teth bloweth also when it lifteth and â—e that turns the Key of David opens and shuts at his own pleasure Upon my saying Those good men Godly Martyrs lived at the very dawning of the Day of Reformation He thus sports himself Very pleâ—sant sayes he Let 〈◊〉 then ask the Quaker what Hour of the Morning it was when his other Martyrs as he falsly calls them Thorp Swinderby Brute and Wickliffe lived If it was but Day-break in Cranmer's time it was dark as mid-night in Wickliffe's if Cranmer and Bradford had but little Light Wickliffe and Thorp had none at all and therefore unless they had Cats Eyes they could not see then pag. 138. Surely his flouting humour was up when he writ this and he was resolved to indulge his Genius whom soever he spatter'd But letting his unhandsome expression pass which is obvious enough to every Reader that has not Cats Eyes I reply to his question that what ever Hour Thorp Swinderby Brute and Wicâ—liâ—â—e lived in or how dark soever it then was they had light enough given them to discover that Tythes were but an human Institution ought not to be paid And though they lived before Cranmer in times of greater Darkness and not see so many of the Corruptions of the Church of Rome as Cranmer and his Associates did yet they saw some and what they did see was as really a Corruption and their Testimonies against it ought as â—ell to be received as the Testimonies of those other Martyrâ— against other Corruptions afterwards Nor ought those earlier Testimonies to be weakned much â—ess rejected by the example or practice of later Martyrs since both the former and later are by the same Historian recorded to be good and godly men stout Champians and valiant Souldiers for the Truth of Jesus Christ all bearing Testimony against the Corruptions and Superstitions of the Church of Rome though not all against the self-same particular Corruption For Wickliffe inveighed against the Pride Pomp Luxury and temporal Possessions of the Clergy Brute denyed all Swearing and Thorp denyed to Swear upon the Bible the evil of which was not seen by many of the Martyrs that came after And even among those of greatest note and eminency in point of Learning who were not only contemporaries but Co-sufferers as I may say with respect both to cause and time there was not in all things an equal discovery and sight of Corruptions and Romish Superstitions For â—ooper being elected Bishop of Glouster in King Edward the sixth dayes when Cranmer himself was Arch-Bishop of Canterbury refused to be consecrated in the Episcopal vestiments or habit and to take the Oath used in the Consecration of Bishops both which he complained were against his Conscience and therefore petitioned the King either to discharge him of his Bishoprick or to dispence with him in those things which were offensive and burdensom to his Conscience And although he thereupon obtained Letters from the King and the Earl of Warwick to the Arch-Bishop in his behalf yet so little did Cranmer anâ— the other Bishops discern the Superstition and Evil of those things that as Fox observes they stood earnestly in defence of the aâ—oresaid Ceremonies saying It was but a small matter that the fault was in the abuse of the things not in the things themselves that he ought not to be so stubborn in so light a matter and that his wilfulness therein was not to be suffered Nor would they yield to his consecration but upon condition that sometimes he should in his Sermon shew himself Apparrelled as the other Bishops were which Fox in plain terms calls a Popish attire and sayes that Notwithstanding that godly Reformation of Religion that began in the Church of England besides other Ceremonies more ambitious then profitable or tending to Edification they used to wear such Garments and Apparel as the Popish Bishops were wont to do which he sayes tended more to â—â—perstition then otherwise and sayes he when Hooper was appointed to Preach before the King he came forth as a new Playeâ— in a strange Apparel on the Stage having for his upper Garment a long Scarlet Chymere down to the Feet and under that a white Linnen Rochet that covered all his Shoulders upon his Head he had a Geometrial that is a foursquared Cap albeit that his Head was round What cause of shame says Fox the strangeness hereof was that day to that good Preacher every man may easily judge Martyr Vol. 2. pag. 1366. Thus seest thou Reader that what
doth King Ethelwolf he either prâ—sumptuously exalts King Ethelwolf into an equal power with God or impiously debases God to such a scantling of power as Ethelwolf had or was capable of in either of which he has been too daring and a great deal over confident My Argument however that it is a ridiculous and unreasonable thing for any man to undertake the disposing of that which himself hath nothing to do with and that that man who takes upon him 〈◊〉 make a perpetual grant of Tythes doth thereby â—â—dertake to dispose of that which himself hath nothing to do with namely the labour pains charges care skill industry diligence and understanding of another This Argument I say remains firm and sound not weakened or any way impaired by any thing the Priest hath alledged against it but his false application of it to God and his malicious reflections upon me are sufficiently exposed to make him ashamed of what he has writ if he be not wholly past shame◠§ 7. As I argued it unreasonable that such a grant should be made so I shewed it was not agreeable to Iustice and Equity that it should be continued because the consideration was taken away for which the grant was made If said I pag. 326 327. Ethelwolf a Papist gave Tythes to the Romish Clergy he did it upon a consideration for the health of his Soul and remission of his Sins which he believed he might obtain in that Church and by the help of that Ministry to whom he gave his Tythes mediation of those Saints in honour of whom he granted thâ—s Charter Now if the consideration be taken away why should the charge be continued To this the Priest answers Right of Tythes pag. 174. I have already proved that T. E. falsly supposes King Ethelwolf to have held all the Opinions of the present Church of Rome I reply that the Priest falsly charges me with supposing so and cunningly urges this both here and elsewhere to acquit Ethelwolf from being a Papist as if a man could not have been a Papist unless he held ALL the Opinions of the present Church of Rome whereas ALL the Opinions of the present Church of Rome were not then held in the Church of Rome it self but there were enough held then in the Church of Rome of which Ethelwolf was a zealoâ—s Member and to which he was a liberal Benefactor to make it an Erroneous Corrupt Superstitious and Idolâ—trous Church He endeavours also to clear Ethelwolf and the Saxons from the Popish Doctrine of Merits using thereto as before the Testimony of Alcuin But he does but for his profit sake set a fair gloss on a foul matter Tâ—at they were corrupt in the Doctrine of Merits both the express words of their own publick Instruments do declare and the Testimonies of learned men concerning them do confirm which having insisted on largely before Chap. 4. Sect. 18. I refer the Reader thither for a more full Answer that I may not too much swell this Treatise by needless Repetitions Concerning Ethelwolf's obtaining Remission by the help of that Ministry to which he gave his Tythes the Priest sayes pag. 175. No wise man will deny but that there was a true Church in England in thâ—se dayes and if in that Church and by that Ministry no pardon could be had from God then there was no Salvation to be had in this Nation at all in that Age no nor in any Nation in Christendom which is a strange Assertion A strange Assertion indeed Because there was a true Church in England in those dayes must the Popish Church needs be it Hee 'l say perhaps There was no other How knows he that If there were but two or three that held the Faith of Jesus Chriâ—â— in a pure Conscience and did not joyn with the Abominations of the times in which they lived they â—ere a true Church for neitheâ— numbers nor visibility make a true Church as himself knows if he understands Protestant Principles God had a true Church all along the Apostacy even in the thickest time of Popish darkness before Luther began to Reform will the Priest thence infer that the Church of Rome was a true Church all that time Let him carry on his Argument from Ethelwolf's time to Luther's and say no wise man will deny but that there was a true Church in England all that while and if in that Church referring to the National â—hurch and by that Ministry no Pardon could be had from God then there was no Salvation to be â—ad in this Nation at all in those Ages no nor in any Nation in Christendom which is a strange assertion indeed Salvation doubtless was obtained in those times as well in this as other Nations in Christendom though not by the help of a false Ministry but what then must those indirect and wrong means contrived to obtain Salvation by in those times be therefore still kept up and ought the charge to be still continued when the consideration for which it was given is taken away But the Priest I think is almost ashamed of the consideration for which Tythes were given and therefore he shuns it as much as he may and when he cannot avoid it he smooths it over as fairly as he can Did that good King sayes he pag. 176. covenant with God or his Priests that they should give him remission or else this gift to be of no effect Was it inserted as a condition or Proviso He hoped indeed Remission of Sins might follow through Christ's Merits Gods mercy and the Churches prayers but he did not indent with God for it By his leave there is not a word of Christ's meritâ— in all the Charter nor of God's mâ—rcy neither in any of the Copies that I have seen but that he gave Tythes for the remission of his Sins is expresly set down And the Bishops with their Abbats and the rest of the Clergy engaged on their part to sing fifty Psalms and say two Masses every Wednesday for the King and his Nobles both during their Lives and after their Deaths By this Reader thou mayst a little judge what the Religion of those times was and what it was he calls the Churches prayers which were Popish Masses to be said for his Soul after he was dead which the Priest confesses he hoped Râ—mission of his Sins might follow As for the Saints he sayes T. E. is mistakâ—n in thinking they then did believe the Saints usurped Christ's Office Whether they thought so or no let Perkins speak Prob. pag. 93 94. Veteres sayes he praesertim post an 400. Invocatione Sanctorum peccarunt imo sacrilegij sunt rei Nam aliquando spem fidem fidâ—ciam in ijs collocant i. e. The Ancients esâ—â—ciallâ— since the Year 400. have sinned yea and are guilty of Sacriledge too in praying to Saints For sometimes they place their Hope Faith and Confidence in them of which he there gives very many Instances shewing that the Saints were prayed
to as Intercessors and Mediators which is Christ's Office which having mentioned before c. 4. S. 18. I omit here But in the Charter it self the Grant is made to God and St. Mary and all Saints together and Ingulf who relates it sayes it was made for the honour of Mary the glorious Virgin and Mother of God and of St. Michael the Arch-Angel and of the Prince of the Apostles St. Peter as also of our holy Father Poâ—e Gregory of whose Saintship let the Reader judge But sayes the Priest pag. 177. If we suppose Ethelwolf as much a Papist as King Stephen yet his Donations to pious uses must stand good even though the Opinion of merit it had been the motive to him to make them or else sayes he T. E revokes all the Charters and Donations made in those really Popish times to never so good and pious uses The donation of Tythes was not to a pious use unless he will call it a pious use to uphold Impiety for it was given to maintain and uphold a corrupt and false Worship and Ministry For not to run over again all the Errors Corruptions Superstitions and Idolatries that were then crept into and received in the Church were not saying Masses for the Souls of the dead one of the uses he calls pious For Ethelwolf â—o give two Hundred Marks a Year to burn Day-light at Rome and one Hundred Marks more to the Pâ—pe were not these pious uses indeed Tâ—ou mayst judge Reader by these of what kind and nature his pious uses were which he so often talks of But this is an old Popish trick to cry out Holy Church Holy Church and pious uses to keep simple People in awe that the matter might not be inquired into Thus no doubt all the rest of the likâ—kind of donations given in old time to the Popish Priests to pray for the Souls of the Donors and deliver them out oâ— Purgatory were set off by the Priests with the specious Titles of Donations to pious uses and endowments to Holy Church But as many of them notwithstanding their specious pretences have been long â—ince alienated from those uses and yet other donations that were made to uses truly good and pious although by Papists were no way thereby hurt or impaired so likewise may this Donation of Tythes given to an evil use be rightâ—y and justly made void and yet other Grants Donations and Charters made by Papists also to uses truly good and pious not thereby be revokâ—d or any way infringed § 8. The foul stains of Popish Corruption and Superstition which stick upon this Donation and Charter of Tythes are so visible and obvious to every Eye that the Priest is greatly troubled at them and fain would he wipe them off if he could He rubs and scrapes hard to get them out but still the Spots remain And indeed as well might he undertake to wash a Brick white or change the Colour of an Ethiopian's Skin as hope to clear the Donation of Tythes from the just imputation of Popish Corruption Fain he would perswade his Reader that Ethelwolf's Clergy was not Popish But Popery is writ upon them in such Capital Letters by Historians of all sorts that speak of those times that if he expects to gain belief he must first perswade men to shut their Eyes and utterly abandon the use of their understandings The gradual creeping in of those false Doctrines and superstitious Practices in almost every Century after the Apostles dayes which afterward obtained the Name Popery is so particularly set down and plainly proved by Protestant Writers of no mean credit that there is no room left to doubt it Nay the other Priest in his Vindicatioâ— of the Friendly Conference pag. 277. forgetting perhaps that Ethelwolf's Donation bares date in the Year 855. has unluckily dated the entrance of Popery in the Year 700. no less then 155. 〈◊〉 before Ethelwolf's Charter of Tythes was made His words are these We may observe sayes he that when by the furious inundation of the barbarous Nations into the Roman Empire learning fell into decay and wheâ— Arts and Sciences were discouraged and neglected at the same time all manner of Corruptions crept into the Church and as ignorance increased Errors multiplied So that most of the present evil Opinions of the Church of Rome had their Original in those unlearned Ages from about the Year of Christ 700. till about the Year 1400. about the mid-night of which Darkness there was scarce any Learning left in the World These were sayes he the unhappy times which bâ—â—d and nursed up Invocation of Saints Worship of Images Purgatory with all the fanaâ—ical Visions and Revelations Miracles c. Then began Shrines Pilgrimages Relicks purchasing of Pardons and the Popes attempts for an universal Monarchy Thus he Wherein though he mention but few of the many particular Errors and Corruptions which in those times were grown up in the Church and though he mistake in point of time in saying these which he hath mention'd were bred and nursed up about or after the Year 700. most of them if not all being of older standing as I have already shewed yet he hath said enough to disprove all his Brother Priest hath said or can say towards clearing Ethelwolf's Clergy from being Popish For if these Errors and Corruptions had sprung up no earlier thâ—n the Year 700. yet consider I pray to what a height such weeds were like to grow in the fruitfull Soyl of superstitious Devotion and cherished with the warmth of a blind and mis-guided Zeal in the space of an Hundred and Fifty Years Yet the Author of the Right of Tythes pag. 178. denyes again that Tythes were given to the Popish Priests and says King Ethelwolf's Clergy agreed with the Protestant Church of England in more points tâ—an with the modern corrupt Church of Rome If this were true it were more to the discredit of the Protestant Clergy than to tâ—e credit of Ethelwolf'â— Câ—ergy But I deny his Assertion unâ—ess he mean it of those who as his Brother says Friendly Conference pag. â—1 for a corrupt Interest intrude themselves into the Ministry of which number himself is very likely to be one But he that diligently shâ—ll observe the accounts these Priestâ— themselves give of those times will see they writâ— not plainly and â—airly but strive to colour over a corrupt Interest and that 's the Reason they neither agree one with another nor with themselves The Author of the Friâ—ndly Conference pag. 148. sayes Tythes were settled upon the Church before Popery had made her 〈◊〉 in it for Popery is not of that Antiquity c. And he refers to Ethelwolf's Donation for the settlement pag. 146. which was made in the year 855. Yet the same man if he be the same that writ the Vindication as is pretended makes Popery as antient as the year 700. above one hundred fifty years older then Ethelwolf's Charter Most sayes he of the present
metâ—inks the Modesty and Wariness of my Expression might have won upon him to have pardoned such an Omission and thereby have oblieged me to have done him the like Kindness another time But since he stands so upon it let us see what other Statute he has brought and whether I am guilty indeed of a Mistake in this case or no. He says The very first Law in the Statute-Book is a Grant for the Church's injoying her Rights inviolable What then Is there any mention of Tythes in that Grant or was it a Law made for the payment of Tythes Not a Tittle of Tythes is in it How then was this a Parliamentary Law made for the payment of Tythes when neither Tythes nor Payment are so much as mentioned in it This was a Confirmation of Liberties to the Church but not a Law made for the payment of Tythes nor do I yet think the Priest will find though he turn the Statute Book over again any Law made directly for the payment of Tythes before that which I have quoted which if he do not instead of fastning a Mistake in this case â—pon me hee 'l find a Charge of a woâ—e nature return upon himself The next Mistake he charges me with is that I say This Statute of 27 Hen. 8. was made by a popish King and Parliament Whereas says he that very Statute declares the King Supream Head of the Church of England as T. E. may see if he read it over And how they can be Papists that have renounced the Pope's Authority I cannot well understand sayes he ibid. He needed not have taken the pains to inform me that Hen. 8. had assum'd the Supremacy before the making of that Statute since I had advertised him of that in the same page out of which he pretends to pick these mistakes pag. 333. where I say Henry 8. being more Papist then Protestant though he had transfer'd the Supremacy from the Pope to himself and believing as most of the other Doctrines of the Church of Rome so that of Tythes being due to God and Holy Church in the twenty seventh Year of his Reign made a Law for the payment of Tythes c. But that which he either cannot or will not understand is how they can be Papiâ—tâ— that have renounced the Popes Authority Truly though he has not deserved much kindness of me yet I will take a little pains to inform him how this may be and in order thereunto I will begin with the definition of Popery which his Brotheâ— gives in his Conference pag. 149. Popery is sucâ—â— Doctrines and superstitious Praâ—tices which by the Corruption of time have prevailed in the Church of Rome contrary to the Trâ—e Ancient Catholick anâ— Apostolick Church As this is Popery so â—e thaâ— holds believes and uses such Doctrines and Pâ—acticeâ— is a Papist but so did Hen. 8. after he had renoâ—nced the Pope's Authority and assum'd the Supremacy to himself And if Herbert who writ his Life may find credit with the Priest he will tell him pag. 369. that though he separated from the obedience oâ— the Roman Church yet not from the Religion thereof some few Articles excepted Of which more full Teâ—â—imonies we may find in Fox's Acts and Mâ—numents and in Speed's Chronicle The six Articles were â—naâ—ted after the Popes authority was â—eâ—ounced and after this Law for the payment of Tythes was made also which Articles were for the establishing of Doctrines grosly Popisâ— viz. Transuâ—stantiation the half Communion the single Life of Priestâ— Vows of perpetual Chastity private Masses and auricular Confession and stood in force all his time And many suffered Maâ—tyrdâ—m under him after he had renounced the Pope's Supremacy as Laubert Barns Askew and many others who to be sure were no Renegadoes but such as certainly sealed their Testimony with their Blood Besides he might have learnt from his Brother Priest that Hen. 8. did establish the six bloody Aâ—ticles to shew himself as ill a friend to Protestants as to Tythes Vindication pag. 305. which if he had considered might perhaps have helped to open his understanding a little in this dark and difficult point However by that time he has read and weighed what has now been offered concerning it I hope he may begin to understand how they could be Papists that had renounced the Popes authority and then I expect he should withdraw his action and not charge me with a mistake in saying the Statute of 27 Hen. 8. for the payment of Tythes was made by a Popish King and Parliament But he sayes I mistake a Statute made in 32 Hen. 8. c. 7. for a Statute made in 37. Hen. 8. Who but would take this man to have been Domitian's Schollar he is so ready-handed at catching Flies What a grand mistake was this to set 37 foâ— 32 A mistake it was however But common ingenuity would rather have imputed it to the Printer than the Aâ—thor especially considering how ill the Book is Printed throughout He knows well enough that till he had made a second Correction of Errors his own Book was not free from such mistakes if it be yet And if I could have taken the same Course 〈◊〉 had not had this Straw to stumble at He adds that I bring in Protestant King Edw. 6. for a Popish confirmer of Tythes He wrongs me in that My words are these pag. 334. In pursuance of these Laws of Hen. 8. â—is Son and Successor Edward 6. made another grounding is upon those which his Father had made before This is not calling Edw. 6. a Popish confirmer of Tythes § 11. But he takes great pains to prove Tythes a Free-hold and spends several pages about it using great earnestness therein and calling me Heretick for but so much as questioning it I do not profess my self a Lawyer and therefore will not take upon me to Answer all his Law-quotations lest I should need the same Excuse that he at last is fain to make pag. 188. Ne sutor ultra crepidaâ— But I observe he sayes pag. 185. that In the very Statute of 32. Hen. 8. There is mention made of an Estate of Inhâ—ritance or Free-hold in Tythes By this I perceive he confounds the Claiâ—s of Priest and Impropriator for that Clause in the Statute hath plain relation to the Impropriators a directing how and where Lay-men possessing Tythes and being thereof disseized may have their Remedy The words of the Statute run thus And be it further enacted c. that all cases where any Person or Persons which now have or which hereafter shall have any Estate of Inheritance Free-hold term Right or Interest of in or to any Parsonage Vicarage Portion Pension Tythes Oblations or other Ecclesiastical or Spiritual profit which now be 〈◊〉 which hereafter shall be made temporal or admitted to be abide and go to or in temporal Hands and lay uses and profits by the Law and Statutes of this Realm shall hereafter fortune to be disseised c.
me indeed and which is worse false News too How chance he quoted no Author of his News Is not that a sign 't is News of his 〈◊〉 making I confess I never heard before that in the very beginnings of Christianity there were any such Canons made or any such Diocesses as he dreams of It behoves him therefore to set forth his Author left himself be repuâ—ed and that deservedly a Raiser and Spreader oâ— falsâ— News But in the mean time let us â—ift his News a little and see how well it hangs together He told us but now that Tmothy and Titus werâ— fixed at Ephesus and in Crete and that by the Apostles themselves though he does not know by whom yet we find not only the Apostle Paul sendâ—ng Tychicus a dear Brother and faithful Minister in the Lord Ephes. 6. 21. to the Ephesians 2 Tim. 4. 12. But Timothy also at Corinth at Athens at Thessâ—lonica at Philippi at Rome c. So likewise for Titus whom he fixes in Crete Doth not the Apostle speak of sending Artemas and Tychicus thither and of sending for Titus to Nicoâ—â—lis Tit. 3. 12 Doth he not intimate that Zenas and Apollo one of whom was an Expounder of the Law the other an eloquent Preacher of the Gospel were at Crete ver 13 â—nd did not Titus himself travel up and down into divers Cities and Countries in the labour of the Gospel Was he not at Corinth once and again anâ— went he not also unto Dalmatia 2 Tim. 4 10 Now if Timothy and Titus had been fixt as he fancies at Ephesus and in Crete if Bishops and Pastors had been fixt by the Apostles in all eminent Churches in the several Cities they had converted and if in those times in which fell the very beginnings of Christianity there had been any such Diocesses as he dreams of or any such strict Canons as he conjectures made against the Clergy of one Diocess going into another to officiate Pray how did Tychicus Apollo and otherâ— observe those Canons when they went as they did to Ephesus and Crete On how well did Timothy and Titus obey them when they went to officiate at Corinth Thessolonica Philippi Româ— and other places which according to this Priest were distinct Diocesses belonging to otheâ— men into which by the Canon they were strictly forbidden to go to officiate Doth not this discover the emptiness of his story and manifest the falness of his News But we may guess at his date of Christianity by the after-Instance he gives of a Canon of the General Council of Chalcedon the date of which he willingly leaves out but that Council was held according to Genebrard under Pope Leo the first in the Yeaâ— 454. Was this in the very beginnings of Christianity No nor of the Apostacy from Christianity neither for much Corruption both of Doctrine and Practice was in the Church before that time Thus Reader thou mayst see what his confident talk of strict Canons and Diocesses in the very beginnings of Christianity is come to Would any man of honesty ingenuity or modesty impose such falshoods upon ignorant Readers or expose such folly to judicious Eyeâ— He talks also pag. 225. of a Synod among the Britains held by S. Patrick anno 456. but without any mention of Parisâ—es and very confidently takes for granted that long before the Popes of Rome so much as directed any thing hâ—re the Brittains had fixed Arch-Bishops Bishops and Priests by which if he means those Priests were fixâ—d to Parishes as now they are which I observe he doth not expresly say but only that they were fixed they may believe it that dare take his word for it but prove it he never can Selden in his History of Tythes Chap. 9. Sect. 1. shews the contrary But the division of Parishes aâ—ong the Saxons the Priest ascribes to Honorius the fifth Arch-Bishop of Canterbury about the Year â—4â— or to Theodorâ—s the next bâ—t one in that Sea 〈◊〉 tâ—enty or thirty Years after Hence I perceivâ— he thinks he hath sufficient ground to deride me for asking If it was not a Pope that divided Provinces into Parishes and set up Parish-Priests Whether Parishes were divided by Honorius Theodorus or some other of later time I think not worth Inquiery I know the common Opinion attributes this work to Honoriâ—s which yet is doubted by many and some of great judgment It sufficeth my purpose that whether Parishes were set out and Parish-Priests fixt thereto by Honorius or Theodorus it was done by the Pope's power for either of these received his Archiepiscopal Authority from Rome Honorius says Bede Eccles. Hist. l. 2. c. 18. received the Pall of his Arch-Bishoprick from Honorius at that time Pope of Rome and withal a Letter in which the Pope grants to this Honorius Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and to Paulinus then Arch-Bishop of York to whom also he sent a Pall this power at thâ—ir request that which soever of them should die first the surviver might by the authority of the Pope's Command make such an Ordination of another in his room as should be pleasing to God This shews they received their authority from the Pope and what they acted by that authority was done by the Pope's power If therefore Honorius as Arch-Bishop of Canterbury divided that Province into Parishes and set up Parish Priests therein it cannot be denyed but those Parishes were divided and Priests set up by the Pope whose Instrument Honorius was therein and by whose power it was done And thus seems Caâ—den to understand it in his Brittania pag. 100. wherâ— he says When the Bishops of Rome had assigned several Churches to several Priests and 〈…〉 unto them Honorius Arch-Bishop of Canterbury about the Year of our Redemption â—36 began 〈◊〉 to divide England into Parishes as we read in the History of Canterbury So that he refers this Act of Honorius to the Bishop of Rome not oâ—ly in point of power but of example also In imitation then of what the Popes had donâ— and by vertue of Authority received from the Pope were these Parishes set out and were Parish-Priests at first set up whoever was the Pâ—pe's Agent therein The Priest conâ—ludes this Section thus And now says he we see T. E. hath neither Learniâ—g nor Truth in him who attributes our fixing to a â—ope when the Apostles themselves shewed the way in this Practice not intending that any â—agabond Speakers should be allowed after once the Christian Church was settled pag. 22â— I am better acquainted with my self than to pretend to any great store of Learning and with his manner of writing than to regard his Râ—flection on the Truth of what I have written With great readiness I submit both to the Censure of the judicious and impartial Reader But as little Learning as he is pleased to allow me I have enough at least to let him see that for all his great stock of Learning wiâ—h the conceit of which he is so over-blown