Affairs enough to keep France quiet and to make it observe the Terms of the last Treaty unless it would run the Risk of an Alliance which hereafter would be more fatal to it than ever My last Reflexion shall be about the Advantages which England has gain'd by the present Peace As for the King he has rais'd an Eternal Monument of Fame and Glory to himself by it in bringing of a War in which he had already gain'd an Endless Renown in exposing his Person so freely to all the Dangers and Fatigues of it every Campagne to so happy a Period in spight of all the difficulties which seem'd rather to intail it upon himself and his Dominions in steering all along so justly and nicely among all the different Parties Nations Religions and Interests that made up the Body of the Allies as to bring them to joyn and Center together in effecting his Peaceable and quiet Settlement upon the Throne of these Realms even notwithstanding too many ill Successes in the Course of the War both for his and their Affairs and by this Union among the Chief Powers of the League so strictly carried on and so happily manag'd of which the French themselves when Enemies gave the * Father la Rue his Funeral Oration upon the Marechal of Luxembourg Applause to our Great Prince to compass an Honourable Peace for his Allies as well as for himself But the Glory of Kings does not alwayes make the Happiness of Subjects this would not amount to so much for us if the welfare of England was not joyn'd with it and here it is that we must take a view of the Advantages which England reaps at present by that Peace it owes to the Wisdom and Valour of our Good and Gracious as well as Great Sovereign in which case it would be enough to say that England has gain'd its cause by it and compass'd the great and noble design it did chiefly aim at in the War of recovering under His Majesty's Government its Rights Priviledges and Liberties which had been so notoriously violated before and of securing thereby the Protestant Religion not onely amongst us but in the rest of Christendom which was then in so manifest and apparent a danger by the violent Irruptions of a Popish Government so as for the future we might intail both our Religion and Liberties to Posterity upon a surer and more solid Foundation then they could have when in the reach of Tyranny and Arbitrary Power But over and above which indeed is but a necessary consequence of the former England is again re instated in its prerogative of holding the Ballance of Europe and keeping a due aequilibrium among the contending Powers of Christendom as it is its true interest for Popery nor Arbitrary Power can hardly be introduc'd amongst us but by a pernicious Adherence or rather Servility to one side or t'other to render it formidable thereby to the rest of the World by this means to compass such Tyrannical designs under the shelter of it and I think we have had but too much experience already to vouch for the Truth of this Assertion And as England has so gloriously recover'd itself and is reinstated in the Umpireship of the Affairs of Europe by gaining of our Cause in the happy Conclusion of a War in which we were so necessarily ingag'd so consequently is it in our Power to make the present Peace Solid Lasting and Durable for neither side will think it their advantage to be troublesome whilst a powerful Umpire is resolv'd to maintain the Ballance of Affairs Whilst England is in this Condition it is in its true Posture and as it should be but in order to keep and maintain our selves in it these two things seem to be absolutely necessary The first is a Careful regard to the State of Affairs abroad not to look upon them with an indifferency because we are in an Island happily divided from the rest of the World which frees us from a great many of its Commotions and Disturbances but whenever this point of the Umpireship in which our own Safety as well as Glory is so nearly concern'd lies at Stake then to ingage heartily and freely for the Liberty of Europe for otherwise we must at length become a Prey our selves or be involv'd in a War at last which will then cost us more Millions than in taking things at the beginning it would have cost us Hundred Thousands of Pounds for the Truth of which I need but appeal to the vast Expences of the late War The Second is Peace and Unity among our selves for besides that this Umpireship of the Affairs of Christendom wholly depends upon it which will always shelter us from Enemies abroad at the same time that it makes us great in the World it is the onely bottom that the present Government and with it our Religion Priviledges and Liberties can stand upon for their Fate is at present inseparable and I may boldly venture to say that as Affairs are now in Europe if our unhappy Divisions should work to that height as to produce a Change which God forbid no Revolution can happen in England from the present Government but for Popery and Tyranny without a very great Miracle to prevent it which is a Risk no wise Protestant can expose the Common Interest of all that call themselves Reformed to And therefore whatever Designes too many people amongst us may directly propose to themselves in carrying off of Factions and Divisions to work a Change of Affairs either in Church or State to their own Advantage of what side soever they may be yet in effect they onely work for their own Destruction and must of Course be involv'd in the Ruines of that very Fabrick which they endeavour to pull down and thus open the only remaining Inlet to Popery and Slavery And I pray God that all that call themselves Protestants may lay these things seriously to their Hearts that so our own Divisions may not one day effect what all the Power of France prompted and incouraged by the Treacherous and base Contrivances of an Unnatural Party of Men at home has not been able to perform and to this End may the God of Peace guide our judgements in all things and endow our Hearts with a healing Christian Charity among our selves which is the onely Bond of Peace so that though we cannot bring Matters to an exact Uniformity of Sentiments in Matters of Religion yet thereby we may at least be hinder'd from biting and devouring one another which cannot end otherwise but in a Common Ruin and united in the Methods of a mutual defence as we have at present more than over an Unity of Interest against the Common Adversary FINIS Books printed for Matthew Wotton at the Three Daggers in Fleet-street Numb 7. Shewing the Usefulness of Humane-Learning in Matters of Religion Numb 8. Shewing the Necessity of such a Christian Discipline as is Consistent with Civil Power in Opposition to the Extreams on both sides Books printed for John Newton at the Three Pigeons in Fleet-street THE Honourable Hugh Hare Esq has Charge at the General Quarter-Sessions of the Peace for the County of Surrey held at Darking The Second Edition Corrected Dr. Falle's Account of the Isle of Jersey with a new Map dedicated to the King His Three Sermons on several Occasions Sir Francis Bacon's Essays A Discourse of Natural and Revealed Religion in several Essays Or The Light of Nature a Guide to Divine Truth By Mr. Tim. Nurse The Anatomy of the Earth By Thomas Robinson Rector of Baâ—by in Cumberland
Tedious Cruel and Destructive War that has been known for many Ages in Christendom if we consider the Universalness of its Extent with the Duration of it and wherein his Thoughts could be entertain'd with nothing but Toilsom and Fatiguing Marches and Countermarches between Opposite Armies some to Execute others to Frustrate Designes and others barely to subsist at the Cost and Charges of the Poor Husbandmen and of a Miserable Countrey For what else makes up the Subject of such Histories can contain little besides the unwelcom account of the Effusion of but too much Christian Blood in Cruel Battles Bloody Sieges and Barbarous Bombarding Burning and Destroying of Towns and Villages some to satisfie and others to withstand the Ambition of Princes I have thought I could do no less than bring those Accounts to that happy Period we find in the present Blessings of a General Peace especially when for this very reason the History of the last Campagne must yet be the most acceptable that has been given to the Publick concerning the late War I must Confess nevertheless that little can be said in this Relation to the Advantage of the Allies for the most that could have been expected during the last Campagne from them considering how much they were over power'd of the French by the separate Peace of Savoy and Italy had been to have stood effectually upon their Defence which I believe could yet have been done if the Germans had taken the Field as early upon the Rhine as we did in Flanders or that the Spanish Government were capable of any manner of Vigour to have provided by times for the Defence of Barcelona the only place they had to look after in Catalonia by which they could have baulk'd at once the whole designes of the French for the Campagne on that side However this very thing includes more Real Glory than all the Triumphs and Victories our Great Monarch could have reap'd in the Bloody Fields of War besides the great Happiness it is attended with for all his People that at the End of it we can see the most Formidable Power of Christendom a Power that for many years had resisted the Confederate Attempts of most of the Princes and States of Europe a Power that seem'd to have tir'd the Allies more than it self by a long and expensive War a Power that with all these Advantages design'd no less than our Kings Ruin with that of our Religion Lawes and Liberties oblig'd to seek Peace with us and yield to his Majesty the just and quiet possession of the Crown 's he wears to the great Comfort and Happiness of His People under his Easie and Auspicious Government which with the security of all that can be dear to a Nation must promise us all the Blessings that can be expected from Peace abroad and a great and flourishing Trade at home And that even all the advantages which this great and formidable power has had over the Allies in the Course of the last Campagne have only serv'd as a means to procure it a quicker and more speedy accommodation with them instead of prolonging a then unsuccessful War on their side This is what I am now to Relate and which must give much more Satisfaction to the Honest Reader than if I were to speak of Battles won and other Warlike Triumph's and Victory 's and therefore a Subject which without any farther preface I shall enter immediately upon The Campagne of 1696. had produc'd nothing extraordinary besides the extraordinary though not new proceedings of the Court of Savoy in making an underhand Treaty with France separate from the Allies expresly contrary to the Tenour of the Offensive and Defensive Alliance the Duke had enter'd in with them besides other Obligations he had to them And though the Conditions offer'd him by the French were very Advantagious yet it has so evidently appear'd since in the whole Course of Affairs that France wanted Peace all its Successes during the last Campagne having been made use of to no other purpose than to oblige the Allies to this very thing that we need not doubt but the Duke of Savoy would at least have had as good Terms in a general Treaty and the Allies certainly much better when France by the diversion of the War of Italy would have been frustrated of those Successes it has had in Catalonia and Flanders which have inabled it in a manner to give the Law in the General Treaty of Ryswick But 't is not the first time the Court of Savoy has made use of such Politicks we shall find the same Management in the War about the Succession of Mantua and the putting of Pignerol in the hands of the French contrary to the Treaty of Quierasque which place has now been rescued out of their hands by the very same Methods when as the event has shew'd it 't is plain enough he could have had the same Condition by sticking to the Obligations of the Offensive and Defensive Alliance and leaving things to the fair and just Issue of a General Treaty And yet notwithstanding this separate Treaty 't is the Opinion of several people that France would not have been much the better for it but certainly Savoy much the worse if the Emperour and King of Spain had continued the War in Italy as it seems to have been their Interest especially at a time when there were Overtures of a General Peace The most that France could have done in such a Case would have been the taking of Valence whereas the Spaniards would have had the whole Winter before them in putting the Milane's in a posture of Defence in getting Forces from the Empire and increasing their own Troops by the help of England and Holland who t is to be presum'd would have given the same assistance upon the account of Milan as they had done before to the Duke of Savoy By this means Italy would have had a greater share in the Burden of the War and whatever Success the French could have propos'd to themselves the Campagne following on this side yet 't is evident that Spain would have had this advantage by it that it would have sav'd Barcelona and warded that great blow it has receiv'd at home and the Allies would have been able by the diversion of Italy to have acted offensively both upon the Rbine and Flanders These were the visible Consequences of a War in Italy and therefore because the Emperor and King of Spain agreed to the Peace on that side contrary to their Interest and that of the Allyes in General several persons begun to suspect the Popish Princes as if they had a design to leave the Protestants in the Lurch and the Bigots of the Church of Rome fed themselves with hopes of a Religious War in which they thought of nothing less than the Extirpation of what they are pleas'd to call Heresie But the Emperour and King of Spain could not be impos'd upon by this pretext of
and the Allies are fallen very short of their Expectations in the last War France propos'd to it self at least to have chang'd the Twenty Years Truce into a perpetual Treaty in pursuance of the repeated Instances made by the French Ambassadour at the Dyet of Ratisbone for that purpose and nothing in the World could have prevented not only this but even the Ruin of the Protestant Religion every where and with it the Truckling of the Empire the Spanish and United Netherlands to the Power of France save the Happy Wonderful and Sudden Revolution in England when in all Humane Probability His Majesty's Expedition with so considerable a Body of the States Forces in that Kingdom must have created such Civil Wars as would have been rather Subservient to carry on the great Designs of France instead of hindering them which I think is a sufficient Argument to convince any Man unless he is byass'd by his Passions Prejudices and Interest that it was the doing of that over-ruling Providence who as the Psalmist tells us * Psal 33. Maketh the Devices of the People to be of none effect and casteth out the Counsels of Princes As for the Allies they had sufficiently felt the Effects of that Great Power which the French had come to by the Treaty of Nimeguen and whilst the Court of England was ingag'd in the Interests of France that turn'd the Scale so much that there could be no resistance for them But that powerful Kingdom having been so happily and suddenly drawn out of the Interests of France or rather deliver'd out of its Power by the late Revolution in the Government and brought over by it to the side of the Allies in whose Cause the Religion Laws Priviledges and Liberties of that Kingdom were so nearly concern'd as the Liberties of Europe were reciprocally involv'd in the Destiny of that Nation so the Allies conceiv'd very great Hopes thereupon of reducing France to much lower Conditions than the Treaty of Nimeguen and of hindering it hereafter from disturbing so often the Peace and Quiet of Christendom But several Accidents have stop'd the Progress of the Allies Affairs thus far the first has been the War of Ireland which hinder'd England from bending the Force of its Arms against France at the beginning to imploy them for the three first Campagnes to recover a Kingdom which so undoubtedly belongs to it and in which it was certainly the Interest of the French to maintain the War as long as possibly they could not to mention the persidious Malice of a Party of Men and unnatural Patriots we have at Home which has weaken'd our Efforts very much and clogg'd the Progress of our Affairs so as to make them often drive heavy The second has been the Over-sight of the Imperial Court in not making a Peace with the Grand Seignior after the Siege of Belgrade as the Turks so earnestly sollicited it at that time And the third The Obstinacy of the Turks so prejudicial at last to their true Interest in carrying on so unsuccessful a War in Hungary when by the necessity of the Emperour's Affairs whilst ingag'd in a War against France they could have made a very Advantageous Peace for themselves which they ought to have done chiefly when they found that notwithstanding the great Diversion they expected from the French upon the Rhine the Imperialists could give them an intire Rout at Salankement and take in the Campagnes following Guyla and Great-Waradin from them for which ill Policy they find at present but too much reason to repent when they see themselves left in the Lurch and to deal with a Powerful Confederacy which now that there is a General Peace in Christendom can bend all its Forces against a weaken'd and drooping Empire The first of these Obstacles being at length happily surmounted by the Reduction of Ireland France contriv'd an Invasion in the Year 1692. to make us look to our own defence at home instead of increasing the strength of the Allies abroad by which though it miscarried in the main yet it gain'd the Town of Namur And the defeat of Landen in 1693 having shew'd the necessity there was for England and the States to augment considerably their Land Forces the Scale begun to turn the Campagne following and the weight of England appear'd very considerable in the Ballance chiefly in the Campagne of 1695 by the Glorious Recovery of Namur which if it be true that France offer'd to treat upon the Foot of Nimeguen before upon the Issue of the Campagne of 1694 sufficiently justified the Conduct of the Allies in the rejecting of it when the French lost Cazal in Italy at the same time And there is a great deal of reason to think that the carrying of the War by the Allies thereafter would have been attended with many other Glorious Advantages and very Fatal to the French had it not been for the Duke of Savoy's deserting of the Common Interest in the Campagne of 1696 and what was may be in some measure the Cause of it the Money difficulties which happen'd in England at that time and oblig'd us to Reform our Coin which had been Clipp'd and Debas'd almost to nothing so that it could bear no Price abroad but must have hinder'd our Armies at last from Subsisting in Flander's and drawn the loss of the Spanish Netherlands after it without a speedy Remedy And as we could not carry on the War nor indeed our Trade without Reforming our Coin so France expected we should be reduc'd to such Extremities in the doing of it as might have put a People together by the Ears that is not us'd to want which would have made it worth its while to continue a War in which it would once more have had a fair Chance to subdue the League and Compass its great Designes by the Ruine of England This may be reckon'd the true Cause both of the inaction and weakness of the Allies for the two last Campagnes and of the continuing of the War then by the French King But though our Money difficulty's occasion'd in a great measure this prolonging of the War by the French yet our overcoming of them so happily and in so little a time which demonstrated the vast and unexpected Wealth of a Nation they reckon'd altogether impoverish'd and which was represented as such by our Domestick Enemies has made amends for it in opening the Eyes of our late Enemies and letting them see that the Continuation of the War would Ruin France before it could Beggar England which has contributed very much to facilitate and bring about that Universal Peace which Christendom now Enjoys And though the Allies have fallen short of their Expectations in the War and that France still continues in the main upon the Foot of the Treaty of Nimeguen yet England having so successfully rcover'd its Liberties and maintain'd and vindicated the Liberties of all Europe at the same time it is thereby in a Condition to ballance
THE HISTORY OF THE Campagne IN FLANDERS For the Year 1697. Together with a Journal of the Siege of At h and a Summary Account of the Negotiations of the General Peace at Ryswick By EDWARD D'AUVERGNE M. A. Then Chaplain to His Majesties Regiment of Scots Guards LONDON Printed for Matt. Wotton at the Three Daggers and John Newton at the Three Pigeons in Fleetstreet 1698. Where are Sold the Histories for the Years 1692 1693 1694 1695 and 1696. Written by the same Author TO His EXCELLENCY THE Earl of Portland His Majesty's Ambassadour Extraordinary in France Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter c. My LORD I Humbly beg leave to offer the following History to your EXCELLENCY to which among other Considerations a Principle of Gratitude has determin'd me to express in some measure the Sence I have of the present Blessings we all enjoy and which bring my Labours of this kind to a most Happy Conclusion by a Glorious Peace in the Management whereof your EXCELLENCY has been so much concern'd My LORD This is a Work which will make your Name Great and Happy in the Memory of all Succeeding Generations as it ingrafts it at present in the Hearts and Affections of all Men in England that value their Religion Rights and Liberties which they find establish'd upon a stable and solid Foundation in the perfection of so Great a Work But this My LORD is not the only Title you have to our Thanks and Praise the great hand you had in bringing about the happy Revolution and the Share you have had in almost all the Actions of our great Monarch ever since are what ought to make you ever dear to England and almost all the rest of Europe My LORD I will not pretend to enter upon your EXCELLENCY's Panegyrick in this Epistle it is indeed more than can be compriz'd in it as well as a Subject above the Power of my Pen You were dedicated even in your Youth to His Majesty's Service at which time you gave such uncommon Demonstrations of Zeal Fidelity and Affection as have justly fix'd you in His Royal Favours And as might well be expected from such beginnings you have been ever since ingag'd in the Great Atchievements of Glory and Renown In Warre you have been a constant Partaker of all those Dangers to which our Great Monarch has so often and so wonderfully expos'd Himself in the Bloody and Hazardous Fields of Mars you have still been with Him in so many Battles and Sieges you have shar'd in all the Fatigues of so many Campagnes and have been a considerable Actor in His most Happy and Successful Enterprizes In Peace Your EXCELLENCY has had the Ministry of the most Important Affairs of Europe 〈…〉 equal Integrity Wisdom and Faithfulness and 〈…〉 for His Majesty's Advantage as your own Honour and Reputation Such Rare and Extraordinary Qualities have induc'd the King to make Choice of Your EXCELLENCY for his Ambassadour Extraordinary in a Court where especially in the present Conjuncture of Affairs they are more than ever requisite In the discharge of which most Noble Function you have justified the Choice that has been made of your Person by answering in all things the Greatness of Your Master and the Credit Wealth and Renown of a Nation you have always had a particular Ambition to be a Member of and whose Welfare Happiness and Prosperity you aim at in all your Proceedings But My LORD all this would be but Vanity were there not a better Foundation for the Glory of another World by a true Sence of Piety and an uprightness of Conscience for which your Life is so Exemplary And may your EXCELLENCY go on daily more and more in doing good especially in this respect both by your Authority and good Example that Vice Irreligion and Profaneness meeting with all Discouragements from so eminent a Person we may see Vertue Justice and Godliness which is like to be our best Security for the continuance of the present Peace flourish under so good an Influence These are the Hearty Wishes and Prayers of My LORD Your EXCELLENCY ' s Most Humble and most Obedient Servant E. D'Auvergne TO THE READER THE onely occasion I have for a Preface is to give the Reader some Satisfaction for the coming out of this History so late and the Reason in few words is that I could not get the several Lines of Battle of the French Armies in Flanders the last Year soon enough having receiv'd them from France but in the Christmas Holidays besides several Memoirs from Holland particularly about the Electors Motions the last Campagne which I got about the same time and which were absolutely necessary for the compiling of this Work And when I have told the Reader that I have Compos'd it since the beginning of January I believe he will be satisfied that I have made some dispatch in the Publishing of it I must desire the Reader to observe that whereas I have intimated in the Body of this Account that Pensionary Heinsius his Journey from the Hague to the Camp the last Campagne might have been to open a way for the Conferences between the Earl of Portland and the Marechal of Bouflers because they happen'd two or three dayes after upon good information I find that the first overture was made by one Monsieur de Gy Brother or near Relation to Prince Vaudemont's Master of the Horse who passing through the Marechal de Boufler's Camp the Marechal desir'd him to make his Compliments to My Lord Portland and to let him know that he was very desirous to Embrace him which Monsieur de * He is since made Town Major of Mons for this Service Gy signified to his Lordship at his coming to Brussels and My Lord having return'd the Compliment That he would be very glad to meet him half way for that Purpose the Marechal sent an Express of it to the French Court and having Receiv'd an Answer he dispatcht a Trumpet in our Camp for the first Meeting I have no more to desire of the Reader but to take Notice that this History as well as all the former goes by the old or Julian Account observ'd in England and to Correct the few Errours of the Press he may meet with the most unpardonable being inserted here below ERRATA PAge 42. Line 17. Vlbray Lege Vibray p. 48. l. Antopen and the Dender near the Denmonde at Wiese Le and the Dender between Dendermonde and Wiese p. 85. l. 7. ti◠'t was in the Night Le. till 't was late in the Night p. 86. l. 2. Major of the Day Le. Major-General of the Day p. 89. l. 36. Malenbec Le. Mulenbeck THE HISTORY OF THE Campagne IN FLANDERS For the Year 1697. HAving given the Publick an Account of several of the former Campagnes in which the Reader could find but little pleasure besides the satisfaction of knowing the Truth of several Matters of Fact in the Tragical Scenes of the most
5. All places in Catalonia in the Kings possession which have been taken since the Treaty of Nimeguen in the state they were when taken 6. To the Bishop of Liege the Town and Castle of Dinant in the state they were at the taking of them 7. All the Reunions made since the Peace of Nimeguen 8. Lorrain according to the Conditions of the said Treaty Monsieur de Callieres having made the said declaration to the Mediatour in the presence of Monsieur Dyckvelt they went afterwards to the Sieur Boreels House who because of his indisposition could not come to the Mediatours as it had been agreed and the Mediatour having follow'd them thither Messieurs Dyckvelt and Boreel did signifie to him in Monsieur de Callieres presence that they had agreed that upon the Conclusion and Signing of the Peace the Most Christian King should Recognize the Prince of Orange for King of Great Britain without any Difficulty Restriction Condition or Reserve which Monsieur de Callieres confirm'd to the Mediatour in the name of his Most Christian Majesty all which was accordingly Enter'd and Sign'd by the Mediatour in his * A Signing Book kept by the Mediatour Protocol the 31th January 10th February 1697. Most people especially those who are Well-wishers to the Kings Person and Government expected that His Majesty should have been acknowledg'd by the French for King of Great Britain in the Preliminaries as a necessary step without which no General Treaty could be thought of wherein His Majesties Ambassadours should not be receiv'd by the French as Ambassadours from the King of Great Britain but the French Court would not yield to this Point because if the Treaty should break off yet the King would gain thereby the onely difficulty that was to be regulated between England and France the other difficulties being but inconsiderable and easily accommodated and therefore offer'd that it was sufficient seeing the case was so that His Majesty should be acknowledgd for King of Great Britain at the Conclusion and Signing of the Treaty His Majesty preferring the Peace and Quiet of Europe to what at the bottom was but a meer Formality Consented that the Negotiations should be manag'd this way being satisfied with the Guaranty of Sweden upon this point in the Preliminaries And notwithstanding that the French King did not acknowledge His Majesty till the Signing of the Peace yet the whole Treaty was so manag'd at Ryswick that our Ambassadours and Plenipotentiaries met with nothing that might derogate in the least from the Honour due to Ministers of that Character from the Crown of England However his Majesties Domestick Enemies had some hopes upon this account and they thought themselves in no ill Condition by it As for the Imperial Minister the Count de Caunitz he was not present at the Signing of the Preliminaries because the French allow'd no other Conditions in them for the Duke of Lorrain but those of Nimeguen which had been protested against in due Form by the last Duke of Lorrain and which neither the Emperour nor the present Duke could ever accept of Affairs being brought thus far towards a General Treaty as to have the Preliminaries Sign'd by the Mediatour no other difficulty remain'd to hinder the opening of the Congress but the agreeing upon the Place of Treaty Breda Maestricht or Nimeguen were sometimes propos'd by the French other people talk'd of Vtrecht the Imperialists were for having the Congress in Germany either at Cologne or Aix la Chappelle but the Emperour was very backward in explaining himself upon this Article his Minister still insisted at the Hague to have the Business of Lorrain put in a way of accommodation before the Place of Treaty was nam'd for though the French made no other overture in the Preliminaries for the Dutchy of Lorrain but the Treaty of Nimeguen yet France gave hopes of better Conditions for that Duke when-once it should come to a Treaty the Imperial Court would have had these Conditions explain'd in the Preliminaries but France would not consent to it These Contestations took up a great deal of time and prov'd a great obstacle to the agreeing upon a Place to Treat in In the mean while the French and the Dutch pitch'd upon a place of Treaty which I dare say is the most convenient that can be met with in Christendom for such a Business and that was His Majesties Royal Palace at Ryswick so situated that it has the advantage of two large and populous Towns just by it being not above an English Mile from the Hague and two from Delft where consequently the Ambassadors on both sides could Lodge themselves conveniently without being press'd for Scarcity of Lodging or impos'd upon in the Excessive Rates of Houses both which inconveniencies must have been the Consequence of having the Treaty in any one Town of Holland besides or Germany and were sufficiently felt in the Congress of Nimeguen Besides the French were to come from Delft to Ryswick one way and the Allies from the Hague another directly opposite so that no unlucky meeting of Coaches and wrangling for precedency could ever happen to interrupt the Negotiations This Palace is call'd the House of Newbourgh built aside of the Village of Ryswick about two Bowes shot to the West by Frederick Henry Prince of Orange His Majesties Grandfather and is a Fabrick of Modern Architecture onely a little too low consisting of three Pavillons or Piles of Buildings upon a Line joyn'd together by two Galleries all of Free Stone and of an equal Height the Front of the House looks to the Hague Northwards and the back with the Gardens towards Delft Southwards and therefore it afforded all the Accommodations that could possibly be desir'd for a Congress to Negotiate a Peace an Apartment in the Center for the Mediator and one upon the Right and another upon the Left for the two different Parties whereby no manner of Dispute could happen about the going out or coming in and such other accidents which it has been very difficult to Regulate in other Places Most of the Allies agreed immediately that a Palace so conveniently situated and having such Accommodations to prevent any differences about the Ceremonial should be the Place of Treaty and accordingly His Majesty order'd it forthwith to be Repaired and the States had it handsomly Furnish'd for such an occasion and certainly it could signifie no less than a good Omen to his Majesties Affairs that after so long and cruel a War wherein the French had done whatever lay in their power to dispute his possession of the British Throne yet at last they very willingly came to Treat of Peace in his own House Whilst these advances were making towards a General Treaty there were no less preparations in the Frontiers between France and the Allies than if it had been the very middle of the War and indeed 't is very necessary to be more cautious than usual in such a Conjuncture because the
what relates to the main drift of the Campagne The 27th of May His Majesty had an account of the Capitulating of At h whereupon Major General de Bay was commanded out the next day towards Binch and Herlaymont-Capelle with seven Squadrons of Horse and Dragoons to get intelligence of the Marechal of Bouflers Motions who upon the taking of At h might have march'd towards Pieton or the Sambre Colonel Lloyd of the Queens Dragoons commanded the Vanguard of this Detachment with which he defeated a party of Carabiniers of Boufler's Army took Seventeen Prisoners several Horses and one or two Subaltern Officers the rest were put to flight The 29th Brigadier Maitland was commanded to go to Brussels with his Regiment and that of Denhoff where he was joyn'd with the Danish Battallion of Prince Charles that had been there since the march from Bois-Seigneur-Isaac to Iseringhen to post himself between this place and Vilvorde for the defence of the Canal and especially the Fort des trois Trous The same day Captain Hunter Major of the first Brigade of Dragoons lost his Horses by the Perfidy of his Servants who brought a French Party to take them whilst they were grazing but Prince Vaudemont having inform'd the Marechal of Bouflers of the Truth of the Matter he very freely sent them back again although some of them were already Sold adding That he hop'd the same Justice would be observ'd on our side to prevent the Villany of Servants The 31th the Army having Forag'd upon the Left along the Dyle towards Wavre and the King being present His Majesty at his return to the Camp gave the Royal Regiment of Dragoons vacant by the Death of Brigadier Matthews to my Lord Raby and the Regiment of Foot vacant by the Death of Colonel Aeneas Mackay to Colonel Robert Murray Lieutenant Colonel of the Regiment of Scotch Guards Brigadier Matthew's and Colonel Mackay being dead some days before in London That Evening the Prince of Anhalt-Zerbst came to the Camp at Promelles where he gave His Majesty an account of the Siege of At h having Commanded the Dutch Forces in Garrison in this place during the Siege June the 2d Prince Cerclas of Tilly came to Brussels from the Electors June Army with the Liege Horse and Dragoons the four Battallions of Foot that were design'd to have acted in the Electors Army being still in the Liege Garrisons upon the Meuse for the Marquis de Harcourt was now upon his March towards this Countrey having left Montroyal the 31th of May after he had detach'd the Marquis de Lomaria Major General with ten Battallions and nine Squadrons to reinforce the Marechal of Choiseul upon the Rhine to march himself with six Battallions and eight Squadrons through the Countrey of Luxembourg towards the Meuse and the Sambre The French being now Masters of At h we did seem to design a third Army about Brussels to put our selves in a condition to cover the Countrey between this place and the Scheld where if our Troops appointed to form it had come sooner we could have kept the Field between Brussels and Alost and secur'd the Forage of that Countrey to our selves which the French have all consum'd in the sequel of the Campagne or if the Marechal of Bouflers had march'd towards Namur the King's Army could have taken the Camp of Fleury to cover it without hazarding of Brussels But now as our affairs were the Kings Army could not stir from the Camp of Promelles and Genap neither one way nor t'other not towards the Plain of Fleury or Corbais for fear of leaving Brussels open nor back towards Halle and St. Quintin for fear of leaving Namur expos'd to a Siege and thus we were oblig'd to continue in this Camp and wait for the motions of the French after the reduction of At h and to guide ours accordingly either for the cover of Brussels or Namur But to return to the Prince of Tilly he had been detach'd from the Elector's Army after the News of the taking of At h because now both Villeroy and Bouflers could joyn their Forces together and march towards Brussels and therefore a reinforcement was necessary here for our Brabant Army Prince Cerclas of Tilly being come to this place posted himself upon the height within the retrenchment made when the French Bombarded Brussels before the Fort of Monterey The 3d Lieutenant General Cohorne was sent to Brussels with several Ingeniers to trace out a Line before the Flanders Porte to cover Brussels from Anderlecht to the Canal Eight Battallions were expected hourly at this time from England and the Lunenbourg Munster and Hesse Troops from the Rhine but not having as yet any competent number of Forces about this Town nothing was made of this Line at present more than the Plan for want of Men to work about it which if it had been put forthwith in any tolerable posture of defence would have given the King's Army a great deal more liberty of marching for the conveniency of Camps and Forrage And indeed we have had about the middle of the Campagne a sufficient number of Troops to have put not onely Namur and Brussels but the whole Countrey in a posture of defence if they could have been brought into the Countrey at the beginning We have had 17 Battallions from the Rhine Eight from England and Three from Bavaria and these if they had been ready in the Countrey at the beginning to take the Camp of Mazy near Namur could have then been reinforc'd by seven or eight Battallions of this Garrison which could have been spar'd over and above those that came to the King's Army from thence and four Battallions of the Elector of Cologne's Forces which the Meuse being secur'd by this Army could have march'd out of the Liege Garrisons By which Computation this Army would have consisted of about 40 Battallions besides all the German Horse and what could have been detach'd from the Brabant Army where we were stronger in Horse than the French In this case Prince Vaudemont could then have march'd from Bois-Seigneur-Isaac to Ghislenghien and cover'd both At h and Audenarde too but 't is to be presum'd that the Necessity of our Affairs in relation to Money was not only the cause of the late coming of our Reinforcement from England but likewise in some measure of that of the Lunenbourg Munster and Hesse Troops and the French had the time both to take At h and to pen us up under the Walls of Brussels whilst they had the whole Country between the Canal and the Scheld to range freely in and Forrage at their pleasure as it shall appear in the Sequel of this History The Third a French Ingenier deserted over to us that had serv'd in the Siege of At h pretending to have fought a Duel which oblig'd him to fly for his Life he gave an account of the little loss there had been in this Siege the whole on both sides of kill'd and
by the Ears in which 't is to be fear'd they meet but with too much Encouragement from the People on both sides The Second The Marechal of Villeroy sent a Trumpet to the Prince of Vaudemont to notifie to him that a Courier had pass'd through the Marechal of Catinat's Army the day before going to the French King with an Account of the Prince of Conti's Election to the Crown of Poland and that he had been proclaim'd King by the Cardinal Primate before the Courier came away from Warsaw The same day all our Artillery was drawn off from the Batteries upon the Retrenchment and paraded upon the Height near the Wind-mill of Ganshoren the Post where it had been before at our first coming to this Camp it was at first suppos'd that this bringing of the Artillery together was for a Feu de joye for the Duke of Saxony's Election to the Crown of Poland but it was brought from thence to incamp in the Rear of the Second Line two or three days after The Fourth in the Evening all the Artillery in the Marechals of Villeroy and Boufler's Armies being drawn up together in a Line upon a Height between them both toward Brussels it was thrice fir'd with as many rounds of Small-shot in both Armies for the News of the Prince of Conti's Election to be King of Poland and the same thing was done in all the other Armies of France by the King's Order The Fifth My Lord Portland went to the second Conference with the Marechal of Bouflers privately as before and it was held in the same place in the open Field several General Officers and others waited upon the Marechal of Bouflers to the place of Conference and the Marechal told My Lord Portland that if his Lordship would come attended with the Generals and other principal Officers of our Army they should be very Welcome Orders were given this Evening for all the Horses to Graze in the day-time thereby to spare Forrage which began now to grow very scarce about our Army The Horses belonging to the Infantry graz'd accordingly the next day before our Camp towards Zellich Releghem and Wemmel having a good Detachment to cover them of which the Marechal of Bouflers having Intelligence he came with about 30 Squadrons to disturb them and all our Graziers were forc'd to come back into the Camp without any considerable Loss but upon first notice on our side the Earl of Athlone was commanded out with about 20 Squadrons of Horse with orders not to ingage himself in any Action only to observe the French and shelter the Retreat of our Graziers Several Squadrons of the French Horse and ours came very near one another and drew up in Opposition a deep hollow way remaining between them and fac'd one another for a while the Trumpets and Kettle-drums making a very good Entertainment at the same time on both sides without any Disturbance but at last one of our Troopers or some body else fir'd a Shot or two from behind a Hedge which alarm'd the French and some of them fir'd again and kill'd two of our Troopers which broke up this kind of an Interview the French drew off and went their way and so did we The Tenth was held the third Conference between My Lord Portland and the Marechal of Bouflers in the open Field as before My Lord went attended this time by about twenty Persons of note from our Camp among whom were the Earl of Rivers Lieutenant General and the Earl of Essex Mr. Hill His Majesty's Envoy at Brussels and Treasurer of the Army and Mr. Stepney the King's Envoy to several Princes of Germany lately arriv'd from thence and several others The Marechal of Bouflers receiv'd them very kindly being presented to him by My Lord Portland and desir'd the Dukes of Roquelaure Luxembourg and Guiche-Grammont to entertain them in Conversation whilst he and My Lord should go aside to talk of Business The French Plenipotentiaries gave in at last their Project of a General Peace with the Allies this day the Affairs of Poland had not succeeded according to the Desires and Expectations of the French Court Monsieur de Pointy's Expedition had produc'd nothing remarkable but the Sacking of Carthagena and the Galleons were safe but Pointy himself seem'd not to be so now and the French were very apprehensive of his meeting with Admiral Nevil that had been sent from England to the West-Indies with a strong Squadron to observe him and there were several Reports at present in Europe which were not at all favourable to Pointy and the Parties concern'd were very much afraid that they should have no great Share in the Booty made at Carthagena and though Pointy should escape Nevil yet he had another Risk to run and that was his getting into Bresl As for the Siege of Barcelona this place was very obstinately defended by the Spaniards who had all the Forces they were Masters of Catalonia concern'd in the Defence by a Communication between the Town and the Army by the Fort of Monjouy and which within and without amounted to about 17000 Men whereas the French were not above 27 or 28000 strong and too weak to take up the Posts all about the Town but were forc'd to leave the Quarter of Monjouy open which serv'd for a Communication between the Besieged and the Spanish Army without where they had not then above six or seven thousand Men commanded by the Vice roy of Catalonia this made the Siege of Barcelona doubtful and there was no likelihood of taking the place as yet The French did not therefore think it convenient to delay the giving in of their Project any longer and it was deliver'd in this day in Congress to the Mediator consisting of three Heads according to the Tenour of the full Powers which the French Plenipotentiaries had of Treating with the Emperor and Empire the King of Spain the States General and their Allies and 37 Articles The French King by this Project offer'd chiefly in relation to the Empire either to restore Strasbourg in the Condition it was when taken or to give in exchange all the places he had in Brisgow and Alsatia on the right side of the Rhine as Brisack Fribourg c. and the Fort of Kell on the same side of the Rhine opposite to Strasbourg and likewise to restore Philipsbourg and all other places taken in the Palatinate or elsewhere in the Empire since the Treaty of Nimeguen and in case the Emperor and Empire accepted of the Equivalent for Strasbourg that then the Rhine should serve as a common Limit to Germany and France all above Philipsbourg and thereupon that the Emperor and Empire should have no Forts nor Fortifications from thence upon the left side of the Rhine nor the French upon the right side of it according to which Propositions if agreed to the New Town of Brisack on the left side of the Rhine the Bridge of Philipsbourg and the Work that covers it on the
have a great deal of Honour allow'd them upon this account 'T is true that they ransack'd all the Forts and Garrisons in Languedor and Provence whereby they got a Reinforcement of six or seven thousand Men to repair their Losses and were by this means almost as strong at the end of the Siege as at the beginning of it but if the number of Burghers that were in Barcelona who no doubt had a hand in the Defence of it be consider'd this will not very much lessen the Glory of taking of it I do not know the Situation of Barcelona yet it can hardly be imagin'd but if the Spaniards having no other place to defend to put a stop to the Progress of the French Conquests in a Country where they could not subsist with great Armies had made by times a good and strong Retrenchment on one side of Barcelona for to cover their Army and at the same time good Fortifications and Out-works on the other that if the French had besieg'd it in such a Posture of Defence Barcelona could have taken by them and even as Barcelona was if Spain had transported the Troops they had to spare in Italy since the Peace on that side it would have been an Attempt above their Power As to this last the Spaniards say that the Duke of Savoy kept still the Forces on foot he had during the War and therefore that they could not leave the Milane's open and expos'd to an arm'd Neighbour if it was so the Duke of Savoy has done in that a signal piece of Service to the French King as to the first the Spaniards pretend that the English and Dutch were to send a good Squadron to their Assistance and then that Barcelona would have been in no Danger for the French Army before this place could not subsist but by the Communication it had by Sea with Provence and Languedoc and the Sea-ports they were Masters of in Catalonia and if we had sent a Fleet in the Mediterranean at that time the French must not only have rais'd the Siege but the Army could not have got off but with very great difficulty Whatever reason the Spaniards might have to expect a Fleet from England and the States yet no Man can say that this does excuse them from acting their part in providing for the Safety of the Place and putting of it in a good Posture of Defence chiefly considering that we had already a Squadron of about twenty Men of War in the West-Indies to watch Pointy's Motions and protect the Galleons which must otherwise have fallen into the hands of the French and may be this was as much as England could do at that time considering our late Money Difficulties Notwithstanding the great Advantages which the French had over the Allies by this great Conquest and that the French Plenipotentiaries had given in their Project the Tenth of the foregoing Month in the very middle of this Siege and that no Relief could be expected for the Place but purely from the vigorous Defence of the Besieged yet this did not seem to hasten the Negociations amongst them at Ryswick Copies of this Project had been given to the Plenipotentiaries of the Empire Spain and Holland according to the Tenour of it and the Project as well as full Powers of the French being directed to treat with the Emperor and Empire the Empire had therefore in the Dyet at Ratisbonne made a Solemn Deputation to treat on the behalf of all the States and Princes of Germany with the French King in which among the Ecclesiastical Electors that of Mentz the Secular those of Bavaria Saxony and Brandenbourg and out of the College of Princes for the Catholicks the Arch bishop of Saltsburg the Great Master of the Teutonick Order the Bishops of Wortzburg Spire Constance Hildersheim Liege and Munster the Princes of the House of Austria Palatine and Newbourg c. and for the Protestants Brandenbourg for the Dutchy of Magdebourg Sweden for the Dutchies of Bremen and Deuxponts Saxen-Cobourg Saxen-Gotha Brandenbourg-Cullenbach Brunswick-Zell Brunswick-Wolfembuttle Hesse-Cassel Wirtemberg Holstein Anhalt and the Counts of Wetteravia out of the Imperial Towns for the Catholicks Cologne and Augsburg and for the Protestants Francfort and Nuremberg were appointed by their Plenipotentiaries at Ryswick to represent the whole Body of the German Empire and to treat in its Name with the French King's Ambassadors These having a Copy of the Project laid before them gave in their Answer to it wherein they insisted upon the full and entire Restitution of every thing as it had been establish'd in the Treaty of Westphalia reserving a Power to the Emperour and Empire of keeping a Garrison in the Town of Straisbourg for which they could not accept of an Equivalent neither could they allow the French King to keep Saar-Louis with the pretended District about it in the Dutchy or Lorrain but that the whole must be restor'd to that Duke This was the chief Substance of their Answer when at this time the French were pressing the Siege of Barcelona very hard that they had taken At h in Flanders and that Prince Lewis of Baden was still on the other side of the Rhine notwithstanding the Weakness of the French that way This Answer seem'd to raise great Obstacles to the forwarding of the Treaty if the Empire would insist upon it to the last and yet notwithstanding these Difficulties 't was about this time * The first Conference August the Sixth that they began to treat personally at Ryswick in the Mediatour's Chamber whereas hitherto the Conferences had been carried on in Writing by the Mediatour the Allies and the French keeping to their respective Apartments The Term given by the French in their Project was now drawing near but in the mean while 't is fit to see what the Armies were doing in the Field The two French Armies commanded by the Marechals of Villeroy and Bouflers were now advanc'd a great way from any of their Frontier Towns which made Convoys tedious and every thing but Forrage very scarce in their Camps and had it not been for the Conveniency of Water carriage from Tournay to Renay upon the Scheld and from Grammont to Alost by the Dender no Land carriage remaining but from the Scheld to Grammont and from Alost to the Armies which were just by it had been impossible for them to have subsisted where they were and the great Rains that fell about this time so broke the ways that the little Land-carriage they had became extreamly difficult and the Boats could hardly for the same reason be drawn by Horses If this made Provisions scarce and dear in the French Armies it created no less an Inconveniency for the bringing in of Forrage and they were forc'd at this time to cut down vast Quantities of Fascines for the repairing of the Ways and the making of Bridges over the Ditches being all fill'd with Water by the excessive Rains The 12th the two Brigades of Foot
that had been commanded to Grammont were order'd to return to the two Armies and the 11 Battallious detach'd from Montrevel came back from Helchin to their former Post because the Brandenbourg Troops had not march'd to Rousselar with the Elector but continu'd in the Pays de Waes and therefore the Marechal of Catinat did not want Assistance for the defence of the Lines But the French having consum'd by this time all the Forrage hereabouts and being oblig'd to Forrage the last time on the other side of the Dender towards Ghendt began to think of retreating with their Armies and coming nearer to their Frontiers and thereupon order'd this day 8000 Men to go and cut Fascines under the cover of a Brigade of Swissers and some other Battallions for the Reparation of the Ways and making Bridges over the Dender which were carried to the places appointed by the Horse and Dragoons for the Weather was so bad at this time that we thought the French could not stir at present because they as some suppos'd could not carry off their Artillery but by the help of vast quantities of Fascines and of Trees cut down and laid a-cross under them in the most dangerous places they compass'd this Difficulty The Marquis de Harcourt who had left Bossu to come and incamp at Solre lower upon the Sambre was driven by the Rains from the Banks of this River to incamp between Walcourt and Florennes The 14th The French having repair'd the Ways and finish'd the Bridges over the Dender the Artillery and heavy Baggage was commanded away out of both Armies that of the Marechal of Villeroy pass'd the Dender and that of Bouflers kept on the right side of it The 15th The Marechal of Villeroy's Army march'd upon the Left to pass the Dender and Prince Vaudemont who had Information of their Design and of the March of their Artillery the overnight order'd then a Detachment of 1500 Horse and 1000 Foot to be ready the next Morning with which he went betimes to observe the Marching off of the French and see if any Attempt could be made upon their Rear-guard having advanc'd for this end between Zellich and Asche but the French march'd off in such order that no advantage could be taken and no other Action happen'd but that of some Pickeering of our Hussars amongst them and thus pass'd the Dender upon several Bridges at and about Alost and incamp'd with the Right near this Town and the Left at Denderleuwe where the Marechal of Villeroy had his Quarter The same day the Marechal of Bouflers march'd upon the Right to change Post again with Villeroy and came to incamp at Alost the Dender remaining between them and 16 Boats came down that River this day from Grammont to Alost laden with Bisket for the use of the Armies which wanted it very much at present The 16th the Artillery and heavy Baggage march'd on before because of the badness of the Ways having a strong Escorte of several Squadrons and Battallions commanded by the Marquis de Crequi Lieutenant General The Marechal of Villeroy's Army halted this day but that of Bouflers march'd from Alost up the Dender which River was upon the right Colomn of the March and came to incamp at Ninove keeping still on the same side of the Dender The 17th The Marechal of Villeroy's Army march'd on upon the Left towards Audenarde and the Scheld and came to incamp with the Right beyond Esche the Left at Ste Marie-Oudenhove and General Quarter at Steinhuys to destroy the Forrage and subsist between the Scheld the Dender and Ghendt where the Armies had not yet incamp'd this Year but Bouflers Army halted this day and march'd on the 18th upon the Right higher up the Dender towards Grammont where it incamp'd for the Conveniency of Forrage on both sides of the River with the Right at Stanberg towards Gamerage and the Left on the other side towards the Scheld The 19th the Marechal of Villeroy remov'd his Quarter from Steinhuys to Ste Marie-Oudenhove upon the Left where the French and Swisse Guards and the Dragoons of Fimareon had Orders to come and incamp to cover his Quarter The Marechal of Bouflers Army being now posted near Grammont Monfiour de Montrevel was order'd to incamp at Helchin with the Body under his command consisting of 16 Battallions and 20 Squadrons These Motions of the French seem'd to threaten Audenarde and we were apprehensive of it for the Marechal of Villeroy had gone at his first coming to this Ground to view all the Posts and Avenues about this place and the Banks of the Scheld both above and below with a strong Detachment of the King's House Light-Horse and Dragoons as if he design'd to Invest it and the Siege of Audenarde was discours'd of very hotly upon this occasion in case the Peace was not Sign'd by the 20th Iustant according to the Time prefix'd by the French in their Project and it being now just upon the time every Body long'd to know the Event of that day at Ryswick The Affairs relating to the Differences between France England and Holland were adjusted and the Treaty ready to be Sign'd Spain had just now lost all Catalonia in the loss of Barcelona and therefore had no reason to stand upon very high Terms and the Empire had as little Prospect of bringing the French to the Treaty of Westphalia this made most People expect that a General Peace would be Sign'd that day but when it came to the very nick of time the Imperialists pretended to have a longer time for their Instructions which they could not have time enough to Sign at present and insisted upon having better Terms than those offer'd by the French which in several cases derogated from the Treaty of Westphalia and thereupon refus'd to Sign Our Plenipotentiaries and those of Spain and Holland having no Instructions to Sign separately from the rest of the Allies were therefore oblig'd to stand out too The French who had their Measures ready as if they expected this from the Imperialists gave in a Memorial to the Mediator the very next day in which they laid out the great Advantages their Master had gain'd over the Allies in the whole Course of the Campagne and especially by the taking of Barcelona which could not do otherwise than give him great Hopes of gaining considerably by the farther Prosecution of the War and although the Allies had let the Term given in their late Project pass and consequently that they had a Right to enter upon new Propositions yet the French King to shew his great Moderation to the World and that in the midst of his Conquests he sincerely desir'd the Peace and Repose of Christendom was contented notwithstanding all his Advantages to change and alter nothing in the said Project but in relation to Strasbourg which he did now pretend to keep to himself and that the Emperour and Empire should be oblig'd to take the Equivalent without any farther liberty of
The Elector left the Army to go in Relays to Antwerp this day where Prince Vandemont was to meet His Electoral Highness the day following from Brussels and the Command of the Army in Flanders fell thereby to the Count d' Arco General of the Bavarians The Seventh Prince Vaudemont came accordingly from Brussels to wait upon the Elector at Antwerp and conferr together upon the present State of Affairs the Prince went back the same day to the Army at Brussels but the Elector remain'd in that Town The Term prefix'd by the late Memorial given in by the French drawing near His Electoral Highness was more conveniently here than in any other Town of his Jurisdiction to send Expresses to or receive them from Don Bernardo de Quiros the first Plenipotentiary of Spain at the Congress of Ryswick who had receiv'd express Orders from the Court of Spain alarm'd by the Loss of Barcelona to Sign then upon the Conditions offer'd by the French Sign who will for the rest and as 't was reported had had a Reprimand for not Signing the 20th of August the Term given before in the Project which was a Tune many Notes lower than at the beginning of these Negociations when Spain as well as the Empire were so unwilling to Treat upon the Foot of the Peace of Nimeguen The Prince at his return to Brussels began to review the Army Brigade by Brigade not so much to be sati fied of the Strength of the Regiments as to see them Exercise there being little to do at present for them The Ninth Selwyn's Brigade posted at Laacken exercis'd before him and the Tenth the half Brigade of Guards of the first Line continued the same Pass-time The 11th The Prince being inform'd that the Marechal of Villeroy had advanc'd with his Army from Ste Marie Oudenhove nearer to Ghendt and was come to incamp at St. Lievens-Houthem order'd Selwyn's Brigade and the Regiments of Columbine and Granville of Fairfax's to send for their Baggage-Horses from Grass in order to march the next day being design'd for a Reinforcement to the Brandenbourg Foot incamp'd at Heusen for the Defence of the Scheld between Ghendt and Dendermonde for if the Peace had not been Sign'd the over-night of which there could be no News as yet in our Camp it was expected that the War would begin again with more Vigour and Animosity than ever and that Villeroy thereupon might have endeavour'd either to Bombard Ghendt or pass the Scheld But it pleas'd God at length to put an end to a War which for nine Years together had Harass'd and severely Chastis'd most Parts of Christendom and the Peace was Happily Sign'd the 10th at night between England Spain and Holland on one part and France on the other The Spanish Plenipotentiaries Sign'd about Midnight and after them those of the States General which being done the French were now oblig'd according to the Preliminary Articles to acknowledge His Majesty for King of Great Britain without any Restriction Condition or Reserve our Plenipotentiaries were thereupon introduc'd by the Mediatour and receiv'd by the French with all the Civility that was due to the Plenipotentiaries of the Crown of England after which the Articles were Sign'd between England and France in the presence of the Mediatour and the Plenipotentiaries on both sides embrac'd one another with all the Demonstrations of Friendship Esteem and an intire Reconciliation and the Conversation soon fell upon the Panegyrick of the two Most Powerful Monarchs in Christendom whose great Actions must hereafter make the best part of the History of these Times the French especially spoke of the great Veneration that all Brave French-men had for so Renown'd a Prince as King William the Third and of the great Esteem and Value the King their Master had for him As for the Imperialists they still stuck out and refus'd to Sign alledging that they had not time enough given them to have Instructions from the Emperour and Empire about the Matters in Debate and especially one of such Consequence as the Dismembring of Strasbourg from the Body of the Empire was and insisted still upon the full Restitution of Lorraine without the Reservation of Saar-Louis and Longwy to the French After this second Refusal of the Emperour 's Plenipotentiaries those of England Spain and Holland Sign'd without them according to the Instructions they had receiv'd but a Separate Article was added at the end of every one of these three several Treaties in which it was stipulated between the Mediatour the Powers that had Sign'd and the French that a farther time should be allow'd to the Emperour and Empire till the 22th day of October inclusive next ensuing being six Weeks time to regulate the Affairs relating to the Empire during which time all manner of Hostilities should cease between the Germans and the French for the Performance whereof the Powers that had Sign'd ingag'd themselves as Guarrantees but if by that time the Peace was not Sign'd between the Empire and France that nevertheless the Treaty concluded at Ryswick should stand good and the Powers that had Sign'd should remain Neuter in the War between France and the Empire I will not pretend to advance that there was a Design in the refusing to Sign by the Emperour 's Plenipotentiaries both the former Term and this but this may be said for Truth that the refusing to Sign the time before put it out of the Empires Choice to take Strasbourg or the Equivalent and their refusing to Sign now left them to Treat with the French among themselves which has brought in the Fourth Article of the Treaty for the Empire so Prejudicial to the Protestant Religion in Germany and Derogatory to the Treaty of Munster in its behalf which may be look'd upon as the Fundamental Constitution of the Empire as 't is now divided between the Protestant and the Romish Religion which Article 't is very probable would not have been so easily gain'd to the Prejudice of the Protestant Interest if the Imperialists had acted and sign'd in Conjunction with the rest of the Allies I need not give an account of the three several Treaties Sign'd at Ryswick the Tenth because they are already Printed by themselves to which I shall referr the Reader only I shall mention something concerning Luxembourg and the Equivalent offer'd to Spain in lieu of it namely That the Equivalent offer'd by the French being Maubeuge Condé Menin and Ipres was much more Advantagious for the Spanish Dominions in the Low-Countries because it made them more united and gave them a better and more defensible Frontier and for the same reason was so to England but the French restoring Lorrain it was better for the Common Interest of Europe to have Luxembourg back again for a Communication between Lorrain the Empire and the Low-Countries for otherwise without it the French might still have over-aw'd the Empire upon the Lower-Rhine and have had an In-let into Holland for which reason Luxembourg
several Princes and States ingag'd in the War together in order to open their Conferences * April 5. 1697. dye as 't were upon the very Threshold of the Congress and yet the Treaty not delay'd at all by so Fatal an Accident The Regency under his Successor Charles the Twelfth who was then a Minor carried on the Mediation without any Intermission by dispatching new full Powers to the Swedish Minister at the Hague and both the Allies and France receiv'd it without any Wrangling or Hesitation which as on the one hand it redounded very much to the Glory and Honour of the Crown of Sweden so on the other it demonstrated plainly the Sincerity of the most Powerful Parties concern'd in the War and that they desir'd in earnest the Peace and Quiet of their own Dominions and the General Repose of Christendom We have seen France gain considerable Advantages over the Allies both in Land and Sea Expeditions the last Campagne and yet not stand upon much higher Terms for it in the Treaty unless it was the keeping of Strasbourg and the giving an Equivalent for it which if duly consider'd was as much for the Advantage of the Empire as Strasbourg was for that of France for Strasbourg an Imperial Town would have made but a very weak Barriere to the Empire but as it is now that the Empire has the Fort of Kehl opposite to Strasbourg and all the Forts and strong Places on the right side of the Rhine it seems to be in a better Condition to hinder the French from passing of the Rhine than in the State 't was left by the Treaty of Nimeguen And indeed 't was well for the Peace and Quiet of Europe that those met with most Success the last Campagne who wanted Peace the most else a General Peace could not have been negociated with so much Expedition and so few Difficulties to overcome And for this reason we find no Losers in the Treaty but it seems at once Advantagious for all the Parties concern'd Spain has reduc'd the French by its strict Union with the Allies more than by any Efforts of its own within the Bounds and Limits of the precedent Treaty notwithstanding that the French were Masters of the whole Dutchy of Luxembourg before the War whereas before in all the precedent Treaties since that of Vervins the Spaniards were always giving up considerable Towns and Provinces to France and especially in those of the Pyrenees Aix la Chappelle and Nimeguen The Empire has a much stronger Frontier by this Treaty than by that of Nimeguen considering the better Conditions given at present to the Duke of Lorraine and that France has quitted all the Country Towns and strong places it had on the other side of the Rhine before by vertue of the Westphalian Treaty and that of Nimeguen and although the Empire has quitted Strasbourg and deliver'd it up to the French in lieu of Brisach Fribourg and all that France had beyond the Rhine yet having the Fort of Kehl by vertue of this Treaty on the opposite side of the Rhine to Strasbourg it will always be a Curb and a Bridle upon the French and will hinder them from Subsisting beyond the Rhine with an Army as long as this Place is in the hands of an Imperial Garrison which Strasbourg of it self could not have done if it had been restor'd to the Empire in the Condition wherein 't was taken by the French The States General have plainly gain'd their Cause about the Electorate of Cologne which was one of the Articles upon which France declar'd War against Holland and by regaining with it the Dutchy of Luxembourg to Spain in the late Treaty they have remov'd the French altogether from their Frontier especially from the Rhine whereby they made that Fatal Irruption upon them in the Year 1672. They have likewise Parried a Mortal Stroke to their Religion Commerce and Liberties by the Happy and Miraculous Turn of Affairs in England just at the beginning of the Wars which in a great Measure was due to their Assistance and their Liberty laying upon the same Stake with ours and the Protestant Interest all over Christendom but especially in the United Provinces being imbark'd upon the same Bottom with the Fate of the Church of England we may say that they have been together with us deliver'd from Popery and Slavery As for the Advantages of France in this Peace notwithstanding that it has lost all Footing in Italy by the Separate Treaty with Savoy by giving back Pignerol after a Possession of above Sixty Years to obtain it that Lorrain is restor'd upon much better Terms for that Duke and the Empire than those agreed upon in the Treaty of Nimeguen and notwithstanding the great and prodigious Expences to which the French King has been oblig'd to carry on so long and tedious a War which in truth he began himself against so many Confederates and yet that he is still reduc'd to the Bounds and Limits of the precedent Peace which for this reason looks like so much Blood shed and Treasure spent to no purpose that Cazal has been taken by the Allies Lorrain and Dinant restor'd both which were in his Possession even at the Treaty of Nimeguen and Luxembourg given back to the Spaniards all which Places were in the hands of the French before the beginning of the War and that he has been oblig'd to evacnate all the Towns and Fortresses he has taken since at the Expence of so much Blood and Money and all the Country he was Master of beyond the Rhine in Exchange for Strasbourg Yet it must be own'd that the French King has manag'd the whole War with abundance of Art and Wisdom that he has gain'd very great Advantages over the Allies that he has brought them to make a Peace upon his own Terms and extricated himself very gloriously thereby out of all the Difficulties which a Powerful Confederacy had brought his Kingdom to not so much by the Vigour of their Efforts as by the Necessity of his own Affairs the Consequence of a Burdensome and Expensive War carried on by himself against so many Potent Enemies which had reduc'd most of the Provinces of France to an Universal Poverty and Misery and at last he remains Master of Strasbourg in Alsatia Longwy and Saar-Louis in Lorrain much more to his Advantage than the Equivalents he gives being thereby in a Condition to hinder Lorrain though restor'd from being troublesome to France and still to keep the Rhine and the Empire in awe and has Power enough left by it to be still formidable to the rest of Europe and to disturb the Peace and Quiet of Christendom as soon as his Coffers are replenish'd unless his Adherence to the Publick Faith and Sacredness of Treaties constrains him more than the Apprehension of the Power and Greatness of any of his Neighbours Yet notwithstanding these Advantages on both sides in the Treaty of Ryswick it is certain that both France