prouinces So that I conclude it were both folly and impietie for them to make any such peace or for vs to drawe them to it yea more folly in vs then euer was committed in any state For what will not the enemie be able to doe vpon vs when besides the forces he now hath he shall haue a countrey in his handes able to find him 60000. or 80000. souldiers 500. shippes of warre besides insinite numbers of transporting vessels and commodious Portes that are but a dayes sayling from the very heart of England But the low countries shall be giuen to the Infant shee marryed to the Archduke Albert and so that state deuided from the crowne of Spaine in a farte safer hand For the disuniting of them I answere the Infant is if the Prince of Spaine haue no children to be heire to her brother and her brother in like case to her and then are the states vnited the onely likelihood of their remayning seuered is if they both haue children and yet since none of that house doe marry farther of then cosen Germaines I see nâ—t why we shuld not suspect their coniunction by such a match But allowe them â—euered is not Albert sonne in lawe to the late king and brother in lawe to the presentâ— is he not to be backed by the force of Spaine and maintained by the purse of Spaineâ— will hee not serue the Spanish kings turne aswell to ioyne in warre against England as the Duke of Sauoy that marryed the other sister did in war against Fraunce Nay hath he not a suspected strengâ—â— of his owne by being brother to the present Emperor and in no vnlikely hope to bee Emperour himselfe hereafter 〈◊〉 Nay is not the Infant the person whose title to the croâ—â— of England Parsons so laboured to prooue Is not the lowe countries the rise by which hee must leape into England Is not such a peace as this in hande the meanes to assure her of all the Iowe Countries Is not the armie which is nowe vnder her newe husbande the force on which the enemie for his enterprize of England must set his rest yes yes this cohaerence is manifest and their designe clearely discouered And it is too plaine what is to be expected of our peace if we include the lowe countries Now let vs consider how good it may be if we abandon them I haue euer thought that such a peace might bee good for vs if they that perswade vnto it câ—â— prooue three thinges First that they of the lowe Countries will haue both will and strength to maintaine thâ— warre though we make peace and forsake them Secondly so we leaue them wee may haue good conditions 〈◊〉 our selues And thirdly that as our affaires nowe stand a neutralitie can be possible kept by vs while the vnited prouinces and the enemie are in warre In the will of 〈◊〉 Iowe Countries to continue warre and to refuse all conditions that the enemie shall offer I vnderstande the resolution and counsell of the gouernours of the state 〈◊〉 the conformitie of the people to such a resolution In tâ—â— strength I meane aswell the strength of the gouernours to force the people if they bee aduerse as the strength and sufficiencie of their meanes to endure so great and so sharpe a warre as will fall vppon them Of the chiefe gouernours resoluing there may be these doubtes that they shall be tempted by the enemies offers who if he can wil purchase the seuerally that he may reduce them vniuersally And that they shall be terrified with the danger of counsell for it soundes both harshly aforehand and is â—â—e to fal out vnsuccessinely at the first the enemie being so much maister of the fields as some place will be caried I know they doe pretend to be resolute one way and protest against giuing eare to treatie but that may be eyther to moue vs by example or to make vs to leaue pressing of them to a treatie or to seeme to hold out to the last that we may seeme rather to haue vndone them then they to vndoe themselues But if they vpon mature deliberation should chuse the continuance of the warres as the lesse of the two euils yet that they people will be like affected it is not probable for when a people that hath been long â—yted with the miserie of the war shall heare the pleasing name of peace when they that had two mightie Princes ioyned with them in a straight defensiue and offensiue league shall see themselues abandoned first by Fraunce and then by England when one the one side for the maintenance of the warres they shall haue newe and great contributions demaunded of them and one the other side they shall be offered all plausible conditions of peace nay when they shall see England by making peace get the trade of Spaine from them and they alone by standing out shall be barred of that Nauigation which hath made them so mightie in shipping and so encreased in wealth and riches what then the multitude is like to chuse is it not easie to iudge And if the people be not conformable of themselues how by the authoritie of the gouernours of the state which are called the generall states they may be forced I doe not see First because it is not an absoluteÌ„ and necessary but a limited and voluntarie obedience which they yeelde Secondly because the state hath not as the state of Rome had and the state of Venice hath one place that as the head doth commaund and direct all the partes of the body but is compounded of equal parts Zealand is as absolute as Holland Friseland as eyther of them yea not onely the least prouince but the least town holdes it selfe to haue a kinde of Soueraigntie and will haue as free a voyce as the greatest Thirdly because of the former manner of proceedinges which hath not byn to send commaundementes to binde but deputies to perswade not to resolue and conclude in the greatest causes in any one counsell or assembly but to sound and feele the disposition of euery prouince and so to winne them to like of that they haue deuised of And lâ—stly because that euen amongst themselues they are for the time generall states there is not like to be vnanimitie in opinion and then though they that dissent being sewe will not beare the enuie to stande in counsell against the greater parte yet it is easie for them when they come home to worke in the particular prouinces and townes such a distrust of that which shall be generally propounded to all as the resolution will sticke and the whole businesse bee ouerthrowne it being vnsafe for them to denie libertie of voyce to any such libertie being the true cause of their taking armes and standing out against the common enemie But admit both by the gouernours of state and people it were resolued that the low Countries alone should remaine in war how are their meanes or is their strength like to
he be vsed as an enemie by that places she holdes the peace is broaken but though it were proued neuer so fully that the peace which we might haue if we may haue any at all is full of dangers incoÌ„ueniences yet som are so zelous of it that they will say it is the misery of our state that we neither haue a good peace nor a good warre and of the two euils it is better to haue a practised peace then an insupportable warre But iniurious are these to the men of warre that fight for them and defend them in thinking our Armes which haue euer done honour to our countrey stricken terrour to the heartes of our enemies lesse able to defend our countrey then their treaties which haue neuer beene free from scorne and disaduantage Iniurious are they to the countrey which bredde them which being one of the brauest strongest and happiest states of Christ endome is iudged by these men as weak as their owne weake hearts Iniurious they are to her Maiestie who hath ruled them who being so great so glorious so victorious a Queene shall be iudged vnable to maintaine warre when she cannot haue peace but at the pleasure of her enemie Iniurious and moste vnthankfull to God himselfe are they that hitherto fought for them in that for an vnsase peace with an Idolatrous and irreligious nation they would leaue an honourable and iust warre when they haue done all that they can it the enemie will not conclude peace we must haue warre And shall not reasonable men then aswell be perswaded by necessitie of reason as by necessity of fortune But wherein doe they find such insufficienciâ— to maintayne the warres our Nauy as also that of the confederats was neuer stronger nor the enemy in shipping halfe so weake our nation generally was neuer so martiall nor neuer had so many able leaders Our confederates in the Low Counteies who being firmely knit vnto vs are of more vse then all the friendes in Christendome that euer we had or can haue they I say were neuer more resolute Fraunce hath left vs we are cased of many chardges and shall make warre in fewer places Ireland is chargeable that charge may wel be borne when it is almost the sole burthen that lieth vpon vs yet if there be any weakenes in our meanes to make warre it is in our treasure But if it be considered howe for this present yeare Spaine hath no abilitie to assayle vs howe the next yeare the yearely subsidies will beginne to be paid how in Fraunce we haue an end of all chardges and are to receiue reinbursement of that is due how in the Low Countries her Maiesties expence may alsocease and shee receiue some helpe towardes her other chardges yea though her Maiesties treasure be drawne deepe into and the poore husbandmen by these late hard yeres hath now scant means to liue yet if our sumptuous buildings surfeiting dyet our prodigalitie in garmentes our infinite plate and costly furniture of houses be considered England cannot bee thought to be poore Can we exceed all nations in Christendome in expencefull vanities and can we not arme our selues against one nation which we haue alwaies beaten for our necessary defence was Rome so braue a state as the very Ladies to supply the common treasure to maintaine the warres spoyled themselues of their iewels and rich ornamentes And is England so base a state that the men in it wil not bestow some of their supersluous expences to keepe themselues from conquest and slauerie did the kinges and religious people of the old Testament to maintaine the warres against the enemies of God sell the ornamentes of the Temple and thinges consecrated to holy vses and shall not we which haue as holy a warre spare those thinges which we haue dedicated to our idle and sensuall pleasures and could our nation in those former gâ—llant ages when our countrey was farre poorer then it is now leauie armes make warre archieue great conquests in Fraunce make our powerful arms known as farre as the holy land and is this such a degenerate age as we shall not be able to defend England no no there is some seede yet left of the auncient vertue Remember with what spirit and alacrity the Gentlemen of England haue put themselues into our late actions There will euer be found some Valerij that so the state may stand and flourish care not though they leaue not where with all to bury themselues though other bury their money not caring what case they leaue the state We haue thankes be to God a Queene who neuer hath beene wastfull in her priuate expences yet will sell her plate and iewels in the tower ere her people shall be vndefended We are a people that will turne our silken coates into iron iackets and our siluer plate to coates of plate rather then our Soueraigne shall be vnserued but why should eyther prniceor people be put to that extremity If her Maiestie will but bestow 60000 pound a yeare which the Low Countries doe cost her and 20000. pound a yeare which the States doe offer her and 20000 pound more which I doubt not may be drawn by way of reimbursement from the French king this 100000. pound a yeare with halfe as much more bestowed by the States who to engage her Maiestie in mainteinance of the warre will neuer shrinke for their portion this summe I say of a 100000. pound put into the handes of an honest and sufficient treasurer for the wars and to bee issued by warrant of a counsell of warre well chosen will fully and sufficiently maintaine the war with Spaine yea if this be doubted it shall be made plaine that with 250000. such a force shall be maintained that her Maiestie hauing a conuenient number of her ships and furnishing them as she yearly doth the enemie shall bring no fleete into the Seas for England Ireland and the 〈◊〉 Countries but it shall be beaten nor seeke to gather any in Spaine but the partes of it shall be defeated before the whole be assembled yea those seruices shall be done vpon the enimy that the poorest Prince and state in Christendome shall haue little cause to feare his malice But of this question whether we should think the peace good for vs which the peacemakers wil procure I haue stood long innough I come now to the last question of all whether they doe enter into the treatie of it with due circumstances My purpose is not to deale with complementall circumstances or the Pantilios of honour though I iudge them in their proper time and place worthy of good consideration but the materiall circumstances which any prince or state should waigh before they enter into treatie I iudge to be these The time of treating whether it yeald most aduantage for peace or warre The persons of the treators whether or no the enemy with whom we treate may make aduantage by pretence if nothing be concluded The assurance of the
TO MAISTER ANTHONIE BACON An Apologie of the Earle of Essex against those which fasly and maliciously taxe him to be the onely hinderer of the peace and quiet of his countrey HE that eythet thinketh he hath or wisheth to haue an excellent face no sooner is tolde of any spot or vncomelinesse in his countenance then he hieth â—o shewe himselfe too a glasse that the glasse may â—…w againe his true likenesse vnto him The same cutiâ—…ie mooues me that desires to haue a faire minde to â—…we a true face and state of my mind to my true friend â—…t he like a true glasse without iniurie or flatterie may 〈◊〉 me whether nature or accident haue set so foule a bleâ—…h in it as my accusers pretend I am charged that eyther in affection or opinion or â—…th I preferre warre before peace and so consequently â—…t all my counsailes actions and endeuours dâ—e tende keepe the state of England in continuall warre espeâ—…lly at this time when some say peace may be had and â—…ly impugne it But both my heart disclames so barâ—…ous an affection and my iudgement so absurd an opinion And that the reputation of a most faithfull subiect 〈◊〉 zealous patriot which with the hazard of my life and â—…ay of my estate I haue sought to purchase must not â—…o vgly and odious aspersion that mine actions haue caused maintained or increased the wars or had euer any such scope or intent First for mine affection in nature it was indifferent to books or to armes and was more â—nâ—â—amed with the loue of knowledge then with the loue 〈◊〉 fame witnes your rarely qualified brother and that 〈◊〉 learned and truly honest maister Sauill yea my contemplatiue retirednesse in Wales and my bookishnesse frâ—â— my very childhoode And nowe if time reason and experience haue taught me to wish that to my self which is beâ—â— for my self what would I not wish rather then martial imploimeÌ„ts In which I haue impaired my estate lost my deâ—â— and onely brother the halfe arch of mine house buried many of my dearest and nearest friendes and subiected my selfe to the rage of the seas violence of tempestes infections of generall plagues famines and all kinde of wantes discontentment of vndisciplined and vnruly multitudes and acceptations of euentes while I did not only leaue my known enemies elbow roome to seek their oâ—â— and their friends aduancemnts but was faine sometimes vpon trust of their protestations after new reconcilemenâ—â— to make them the receiuers censurers and answerers 〈◊〉 all my dispatches And as mine affection neither in truâ—â— is nor if I regard my selfe in reason ought to be set vpon those courses of the warres So in my iudgement I haue euer thought wars the diseases and sicknesses and peaâ—â— the true naturall and healthfull temper for all estates I haue thought excellent mindes should come to the waâ—â— as surgions do to their cures wheÌ„ no easie or ordinary yâ—â— no other remedie will serue Or as men in particular questions are allowed to challenge combate when their is no way but by the sword to proue the truth of their plea and to obtaine their detained right yea I will goe one degreâ— further I thinke that Prince or state offends asmuch against iustice and against reason that omitteth a faire occasion of an Hon and safe peace as they which rashly and causelesly moue an vniust warre These principles sâ—â—â—ing made mee conclude this generall Thesis common to all estates that peace is to be preferred before warre I will come to an Hipothesis proper to the state of England wher most part of the wealth of the land and reuenewes of the crowne growe by traffique and intercourse and whereas almost all traffique is interrupted by the warres where state in largenesse of territorie and wealth which is the sinewes of warre is inferiour to that of the enemie where besides all forraine warres there is yet besides a great fire of rebellion vnquenched where associats in warre giue ouer the quarrell neigbours are suspected neutrals and shew ill affection and the people themselues growe weary of the chardge and miserie of warres there of all places peace should be imbraced if it be offered and sought for by honourable and fit meanes if it may be accomplished But though warres bee diseases yet I thinke it better to suffer some sicknesse then to venture vppon euery medicine But to trust an enemies faith when his perfidie shal vndoe or extremely indanger vs and infinitely aduantage himselfe were Medicum haeredem â—acere It is no cure to bring a state from a doubtfull war to an vnsafe treatie It is no more then to put a feuerous bodie out of a hotte fit into a colde To conclude as an vnskilfull Phisition may by weakening a naturall bodie with his medicines bring it from tertian or quartan feuer into an hectique so an vnprouident statesman may with conditions or treatie so disarme a state of the friendes reputation and the strength it hath as the cure will proue farre worse theâ— the disease Therefore it is not the name of warre or peace but the circumstances or conditions of eyther of them that should make vs flee the one and imbrace the other Now what are the circumstances of our warre or peace with Spaine it shall appeare in his proper place in the treatise following But eâ—re I pà sse further least this profession of my disposition and affection too warre or peace be challenged to be but a faire pretence and these rules which I auowi to holde in iudgement be compared to the doctrine of some diuines of our time farthest of all from their practise I haue thought good to answere some obiections of my deâ—ractors who will say mine entring into the action of the low countreyes ere I was out of pupill age my putting myselfe into the iourney of Portugall without chardge or licence my procuring myselfe the conducting of her Maiesties succours to the Frenche king in the yeare 91. my Sea iourneies these twoo last sommers wherein booth myselfe and my friendes ventured deepely of our owne priuate meanes my neare friendshippe with the chiefe menne of action and generall affection to the men of warre of our nation And lastly my opposing myself against the treatie of peace at this time when others perswade vnto it That all these I say are argumentes that I wish not peace but delight in warre But for my going into the lowe countries if neyther the company of my father in lawe the Honourable chardge of the general of the horse in a faire armie when I was but 19. yeares old then taking the start of those of mine owne ranckes when I sawe the state of England not onely disposed to great actions but ingaged in them If these reasons were not sufficient to warrant my course yet consider what choice I had or what else could I haue done with myselfe In the court I had small grace and few friends In mine own house in the country I had not
Walter Rawleigh if shee would but haue let me gone but with halfe the fleete and lesse then half the land armie to such place as my selfe and the counsell of warre had chosen for to be sure the enemie and not her Maiestie should feele the waight and charge of the iourney And when her Maiestie accepted not of that offer euen a little before my last going foorth I went to her Maiestie to offer the attempting of the fleete in Farroll if she would giue me leaue to hazard the 1000. land souldiers with some number of the flie boates and merchantes ships and the Saint Mathew and the Saint Andrew for my selfe and one other commaunder to goe in as a guard for the rest as â—it ships to beare the greatest of the Gallions leauing al the queenâ— shippes and the other principall commaunders without in the Bay till we had tryed our fortune Of this letter I receiued answere tying me to hazard none but these and yet with some limitations But I lost the Saint Mathew by breaking the fore mast and I lost company first of the S. Andrew ere I came to the opening of the Groine and then the same night while I was faine to lie by the lee for stopping of a desperate leeke I lost the company of my Lord the vice admirall by a mischaunce that fell to his shippe and 30. sayle amongst which were many of the companies of the souldiers so that in effect I wanted all those meanes that were allotted for my attempt And then I houered vp and downe those coastes in which I had directed such as should lose company to seeke me in and sent out Pinnaces euery way till the Admirall of the squadron that was missing sent me word when I was in the height of 40 that the Adelantado was gone foorth with his fleete and gone straight to the Terceras to wast home the Indian fleete then I resolued after I had called a counsell to goe foorth to seeke him and though I fayled of him because he neuer offered to come foorth till long after yet I missed very narrowly and vnfortunately of the west Indian fleete if I had met them before they got to the Terceras there could none of them haue escaped And meete with them I had if a false intelligence had not made me stand one night a contrary way But it was the wil of God there should bee ino blowe strooken at Sea that yeare else when at the same time I returned from the Ilandes and the Adelantado bare for the coast of England we had not so narrowly missed the one the other as we did I haue nowe shewed you worthy Maister Bacon with what minde I vndertooke these forraine imploimens and actions of the warre A word for my friendshippe to the chiefe men of action and fauour generall to the men of warre and then I come to the maine obiection which is the crossing of the treatie in hande For most of them which are accounted the chiefe men of action I doe intirely loue them they haue beene my companions both abroad and at home Some of them began the wars with me most of them haue had place vnder me and many of them had me a witnesse of their rising from Captaynes Lieuetenants and priuate men to these charges which since by their vertues they haue obtayned Now I knowe their vertue I would chuse them for friends if I had them not but before I had tryed them God in his prouidence chose them for me I loue them for my owne sake for I finde sweetenesse in their conuersation strong assistance in their imployment with mee and happinesse in their friendshippe I loue them for their vertues sake for their greatnesse of minde For little mindes though neuer so full of vertue can be but a little vertuous For their vnderstanding For to vnderstand little or thinges not in vse is little better then to vnderstand nothing at all For their affection For soft loâ—ing men loue ease pleasure and profit But they that loue paines daunger and fame shewe they loue the publique profite more then themselues I loue them for my countries sake for they are Englands best armour of defence and weapons of offence If we may haue peace they haue purchased it if we must haue warre they must manadge 〈◊〉 yet whilst we are doubtfull and in treatie we must value our selues by what may be done and our enemie will value vs by what hath beene done by our chiefe men of action That generally I am affected to the men of warre it should not seeme strange to any reasonable man Euery man loueth those of his owne profession the graue iudge fauours the student of the lawe the reuerend Bishoppes the labourers of the ministerie And I since her Maiestie hath yeerely vsed my seruice in her late actions must reckon my selfe to the number of her men of warre Before action prouidence makes me cherish them for the seruice they can doe and after action experience and thankefulnesse makes me loue them for the seruice they haue done I know great scandal lieth vpon the profession of Armes as if it were a schole of dissolutenesse but that groweth by coÌ„mandemeÌ„t charg giuen to dissolute chiefs it is a fault of the professors not of the profession For a campe ought to be and if it be well goâ—â—â—ned is the bâ—st schoole to make religion truely felt and piety and honestie to be duly practised For my selfe I am sure they that loue me least if thou know any thing of my gouernment when I am abroad wil taxe me rather for being to be too seuere then charg me for being to remisse popular But I long to leaue these disputations which are but skirmishes and will come to ioyne with my aduersâ—â—ies in that encounter wherein they labour both to ouerthrowe my credite with my Soueraigne and my country They say that England cannot stand without peace peace cannot growe but by treatie treatie cannot bee had but when the enemie offers it and now when the enemie offers to treate the doubtes I cast and argumentes I frame doe shew I would not haue her Maiesties commissioneâ— sent ouer I answere in a word that if I saw them to build vpon any true principle I should not so much dissent from them as I doe but if they will promise themselues they may haue peace without ground or thinke that peace may be good for vs without reason or leape blind folded into a treatie without due circumstances I say then I doâ— not suspect too much but rather they too little For a ground that we may haue peace it is alledged that a commission is come to the Cardinall out of Spaine and that by vertue of that commission he offers to send his deputy to meet with her Maiesties What is the conclusion therfore The enemie desires and intends peace Allow this for a good syllogisme and you may put to schoole al the Lâ—gicians in Christendome It were well
lowe countries Naples Millaâ—ne see that Spaine that hath so long tirannized ouer them is gladde after so many ouerthrowes disgraces and losses to make peace with England vpon equall termes and they will know that the Spanish are Hombros commo losotos and that it hath bin basenes in them all this while Seruitutem suam quotidié emere quotidié pasâ—â—â—e so as I conclude by such a peace the Spanish shuld loose all reputation of his Armes and honour of his greatnes and his countreyes would not be kept from reuolting lâ—y any possibility And therefore conuenienty cannot moue him to any peace with vs. That necessity or want of meanes shuld dâ—iue him to it I thinke it both improbable and impossible improbable that he that so lately assailed England Fraunce and the lowe countries at once hauing nowe brooken the bande of league and deuided Fraunce from the other two should thinke himselfe vnable to make warre with vs. Impossible that heè shouldé lâ—cke meanes Wants he treasure his Partido to pay his armie is made with the Genowaies for a great time to come And as his enterprises are his obtides to make his treasure tunne low so his Indian retouâ—nes are his floudes to fill the bankes againe Wantes he men why besides all his new allies he hath those forces that were imployed in Fraunce free to be vsed against vs. Wantes he ships he buildes euery day and may embarge in Spaine as many as he list and is now both combining himselfe with the Easterlinges and conspiring with them against vs Wantes he victuals besides the helpes he was woont to haue he shall now by the peace in Fraunce haue asmuch as hee list So as I conclude which way soeuer I turne my selfe I see no likelihood of his disposing himselfe to peace with vs and if no peace be to be had theÌ„ no treatie is to be entred into For from him by intertayning treatie we can draw nothing nor succour any body and he may make vs and our onely confederats so iealous one of the other as in striuiug to take the start we should striue who should lose them selues first But if I allow our peacemakers their assurance of peace let me see what is their purchase if they can make any peace with Spaine good for vs it must be by including our confederates in the low countries or excluding them but I suspect neyther of these can be good or safe for vs therfore I iudge they can make no good peace at all To include the low countries in our peace it is impossible except they acknowledge the king of Spaine or him that shall claime vnder him for their Soueraigne as the Duke of Burguâ—die which if they doe all thinges else which should giue power to the enemie and bringes slauerie vpon the Netherlandes and danger vpon will necessarily follow The reason is manifest for when the authoritie of the generall states and the present forme of gouernment of the vnited prouinces shall bee broaken and dissâ—lued a monarchie set vp and a prince acknowledged there shall nothing limit the princes absolutenesse but his owne will The strength of a contract cannot limit it for neither will he keepe faith with those whome he accounteth Heretiques and calleth rebels neither will they make any longer delay to betray themselues for prouince will striue with prouince towne with towne and man with man who shall be obsequious and shew themselues most seruile all care of defence neglected by minds bewitched with the name of peace all memorie of former tirannie blotted out of their heartes resolued to accept a Soueraigne Some will seeke for charge of souldiers some for magistracie in townes some for gathering of custome and handling of money some for offices of iustice some for benifices and spirituall liuinges all for trade into Spaine and into the Inides euery man for priuate gaine and no man for pubelique safetie The magistrates and gouernours cannot limit it for the chiefe men which now bare rule in martiall and ciuill gouernment will prouide by flight for their owne safetiz for if the braue Count Edmoundes bought his trust and confidence in his Maiestie with the price of his head what shall any lowe countrey subiect hope in when his many memorable seruices especially those two memorable battles of Graneline and S. Quintinâ— and his putting himselfe into the Spaniards handes could not ouerweigh the suspition of the combining with the reuolters what hope of future merit shall weigh downe the offence of those which haue by counsell or action maintained the state of the lowe countries against Spaines garrisons Nor troopes of souldiers cannot limit it for there will be nothing to pay them when any thing aboue the kings ordinarie is demanded of the people it will be answered is not he our enemie Why doe wee acknowledge him as our prince Is he our prince Why doe we stand out against him as against an enemie besides all low strangers besides and the enemie will oppresse vpon any sodaine by force for his meanes depend vpon himselfe the others vpon the will of a people that will be glad to spaie the purse when they see present wars and the enemies number will be farre greater then the States banish straungers on both sides yet the enemie shall be strengthened with espaniolized Netherlandes and the states defended but by such as shall take oathe to the enemie Stipulation of other princes cannot limit it for the state wil be oppressed on the suddaine when their helpes will come too late and those princes that were glad to make peace when the enemie was weake themselues vnited and the low countries flourishing will not begin a new quarrell when the enemies strength is recouered themselues deuided and the lowe countries lost Yet those that I haue named are the least assurances that either our peace makers can pro pound or the vnited prouinces receiue I wil adde further that as it is certaine no peace is to be had with the vnited prouinces except a Soueraigne be acknowledged so is it with out all doubt that there can be no peace concluded except popish religion be either vniuersally established or else freely exercised in the townes and prouinces where nowe it is banished Allowe the first that they banish Gods true seruice to bring in idolatrie the leaue truth to receiue faslhood they refuse the protection of the most merciful god in heauen to win the fauour of the most tirannical prince in the erth Allowe the second you bring in a pluralitie of religions which is no lesse crime and which is against the pollicie of all states because where there is not vnitie in the Church there can be no vnitie nor order in the state for as the mingling of poyson with wholesome liquor in one vessell doth not corrupt that which is Letheal but corrupteth that which is wholesome so the poysoned doctrine of these espaniolized Iesuites once brought in will quickly leaue no one professour in al the vnited
maintayne warre Of all forraine helpe they are vtterly destitute Fraunce makes no diuersion England can yeeld no succours and in all Christendome their is no other prince or state likely or able to back them Their owne meanes and abilitie grow either by the fruit of the earth or by traffique and merchandise for the fruites of the earth that meanes is like to be but small for the enemy being maister of the fields and able to deuide his forces into diuerse places will euery day eyther winne from them part of that they hould or at the least so infecte those partes that are already in the States obedience as except it bee in Holland or Zealand which the enimie cannot yet come vnto the husbandrie will bee ill followed and yealde little profitte And as for their meanes by traffique it is vnlikely that merchauntes that may remoue their dwellinge to peaceable places nere hande where they may haue safe and free trade will remayne in the Low Countreies which onely is in warre of all these partes of Christendome and if they keepe their dwelling yet will the Spaniarde without doubt banish them the trade into Spaine when both Fraunce and England and the Easterlinges shall supply him and will seeke both to banish and impeach them of other trade as much as hee can pretending that they are now the onely perturbeâ—s of the peace of Christendome So as I conclude when I thinke with myselfe what the gouernours of the state of the vnited prouinces are like to resolue what the people in generall will be like to desire howe hardly the multitude will be forced against their liking or the meanes of the Low Countries make them subsist to themselues I see nothing but danger that the enemie will shortly and suddély be master of all the country which how it importeth vs to preuent it hath bin before made plain I will now coÌ„sider what conditions we are like to haue for our selues so we wil forsake our confederats restitutioÌ„ of places we can not demand as Fraunce did for the enemie holds none of ours Reparation of damage we can as little seeke for for from him we haue sustained no losse And trade into the Indies our zealous peacemakers wil not stand for least the enemie offended wil grant no peace Trafâ—ique into Spaine and Portugall we shall haue and that is the onely condition that carries any shewe of aduantage to vs. But if we consider howe greedie our merchantes will be of such a trade at first and how easie it will be for a faith breaking enemie to confiscate all our countrimens goodes and to embarge and vse English shipping against England wee would not bragge to much of this aduantage But on the other side he will require alteration in our gouernment or in the execution of our lawes for matters of religion deliuering vp the townes her Maiestie hath in the Loue Countries and reparation of all the damages susteyned in the wars The first is a condition only for a conquerour to impose and vnfitte for a braue state that in all the wars heretofore hath had the better once to heare mentioned The second should neuer be asked of a Queene so iust as shee will not yeald vp the keyes of a countrey deliuered by her best confederates into the handes of her greatest enemies nor of a prince so wise as shee will not adde strength to him whose strength alreadie shee holdeth so much suspected nor inable him to inuade whose ambition and malice thirsteth after inuasion and conquest The third condition is vnpossiblè to be graunted for the losse the king of Spaine hath receiued in these wars amounteth to a greater summe then the treasure of al the kings in Christendome If It be asked how I knowe that these conditions will be demaunded I answere I learne Albertus mind of Albertus himselfe and the Spaniards conditions out of the instruction giuen to the Spanish commissioners If it be sayd though in the intercepted letters and instructions such conditions were to bee asked but neuer meant they should be insisted vpon I answere that in the instruction to the Spanish commissioners it is expresly set downe in the first and third condition the legaâ—e shall be pressed to vrge the French king to stand with them in obtayning them and for the second if the English commissioners doe cut of all hope of deliuering the townes that then the treatie shall instantly breake of which is as much as if he should say except England will giue vs the keyes of the Low Countries whereby we may reduce them and let vs haue the Port of Flushing in which our Galleys may winter and from which we may set out our fleete for the conquest of England whensoeuer we will breake wee will haue no peace with England at this time But if it be graunted that the Low Countries wil maintaine the wars alone and that Spaine will grant vs good conditions so we wil abandon the states how wil it appear that it is possible for vs betwixt these two to hold a neutralitie If we do not the vnited prouinces some fauour vnderhand at least by letting them be serued by such of our nation as will voluntarily offer themselues vnto them their state cannot be maintained nor they kept our friendes whom we suffer to perish On the other side if we doe them in this kinde or any other any fauour which shall keepe them from perishing we giue the Spaniard and the Archduke a newe quarrell and so make them of new become our enemies Besides her Maiestie hath bestowed in the action in the Low Countries at the least 4 millions of crownes and shee hath in pawne for the debt which the states oweÌ„ her the townes of Flushing and the Brill to reimburse that which is due and to maintaine the warres the states are vnable to deliuer the townes without reimbursement were vtterly to loose all the treasure spent and the authoritie and bridle which her Maiestie hath vpon that people which is one of the greatest securities of her state to keepe them especially Flushing and to remaine in new treatie in my vnderstanding seems altogether vnpossible for when the enemie shall see that neither by treatie nor offer of his large conditions the states will be wonne he will assayle them by force yea he will take that way which will bee shortest and easiest for the reduction of the whole which will be to bring his Galleys into the riuers and to transport men into the Ilandes for so by peircing into zeland he shall make his way into Holland and if hee haue once good sooting in these 2. prouinces he is straight master of the whole state If Flushing which is the onely bulwarke against the Ilandes and the Castle of Ramnekins which commaundeth the riuer of Stoad shall notimpeach nor offend the enemie he will carrie all the rost of the Iland of â—aterezen and so consequently all Zeland if after he is become her Maiesties friend