in Shoe-lane by a Lease from the Bishop of that See temp Edw. VI. yeilding some Rose or other small or not valuable Rent 19. The Bishop of LINCOLN'S Place was Southampton-house in Holborn convey'd temp Edw. VI. to the Lord Writoheseley then Lord Chancellor in fee for which the Bishop hath no other house in or near London as is thought 20. The Bishop of CHICHESTERS Place or Palace as Matthew Paris in his Chronicle calleth it reciting the story of the Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury visiting St. Bartholomews did at that time lye in that house which was in Chancery-lane where Sir Richard Read sometime a Master of the Chancery and Mr. Atkinson the Counsellor at Law and others dwelt and dwell in and is said to be in Lease from the Bishop's Predecessors for divers years What the Rents reserv'd yearly be the Lease will shew the same 21. The Bishop of St. ASAPH never had Place at or near London that I can learn of neither in the valuation of the See where all his Possession and Jurisdictions be valu'd in the First-fruit-office is there mention of any such Place neither doth the now Bishop of that See know the same 22. The Bishop of the ISLE OF MAN call'd Sodorensis Episcopus altho' the same be an ancient Bishoprick yet was he never Lord of the Parliament of England having no Chapter or other Clergy but only an Archdeacon and all the Incumbents of the several Parishes of that Isle And before the said Statute of 33. Hen. VIII was neither a Suffragan of the Province of Were wont in former times to ride on Mares or Mules 119. Prohibited to take cognizance of Wills 129. Blackney Harbour 151. Blicking 151. The birth place of Q. Anna Bullen ibid. Bocland what 12. Not subject to Homage 35. Bond-men anciently not valu'd or rated 15. Reputed only as part of their Master's substance 11 15. Boors who 14. Bouthorpe 157. Bramsil 108 109. Brancaster 147 148. Breakspear Nich. converted Norway 139. Made Cardinal and Pope ibid. Breclys 161. Brennus a Britain invades Greece 3. His attendants ibid. Brictrick a Saxon Thane 22. Britains none of 'em remaining after Cadwallador's departure 100. Their Laws alter'd by the Romans 101. Bronholm 152. Brotherton Tho. Earl of Norfolk and Earl Marshal of England 167. When he dy'd 168. Buckenham 158. Burg-Castle 155. Burghesses of old not call'd to consult of State-matters 64 65. Burghbote and Brugbote 17 22 40. Burnham in Norfolk 149. Burnham-East in Com. Bucks 23. By what it signifies 3. 154. By-laws 3 154. C Cadwallader Prince of the Britains fled into Armorica 100. Calthorp 151. King Canutus how he publish'd his Laws 61. His Constitution touching Festivals 79. Capet Hugh usurpt the Kingdom of France 5 He grants his Nobility a perpetual enjoyment of their Feuds and Honours ibid. 14. Capitales plagii 52. Capitanei Regis regni 58. Caput feodi aut Capitaneus feodi 11. Carbrook 161. Carolus Calvus Emperour and King of France his Synodical Edict 54 55. Carolus Magnus or Charlemaigne divided his Territories between his three Sons 128. Castle-acre 141. Castle-rising in Norfolk the Parson has the Probate of Wills in that Town 130. Caston 151. Castor 155 156. Ceorls who 12. Of two sorts 14. The chiefest part of their profits redounded to their Lords ibid. Their service no bondage ibid. Their valuation and priviledges ibid. Not capable of a Knights Fee ibid. Champain in France 128. Chancery-Court 94. Charta de Foresta 109 114. Charter the first by whom made and where kept 8. Saxon Charters usually writ in that Language ibid. Charters of Thane-lands granted by several Kings 19 20. Chichley Henr. Arch-bishop of Canterbury canoniz'd St. George's day 93. The occasion of that Constitution ibid. Chindavintus King of the western Goths his Law concerning Wills 130. Cingulum quo sensu accipiendum 185. Cinque-Ports priviledges granted to them by King Edward the Confessour c. 26. Clacklose-Hundred 139. Clergy-men forbidden to use hunting 109 112 113. seq When they took upon them to prove Wills 129. Prohibited by Justinian to meddle with those matters ibid. Cley harbour 151. De Clifford Rob. Marshal of England 167. K. Canute's Charter of donation to the Thane Orc. 20. Coin of England in Q. Elisabeth's time 203 c. Colloquia 65. Comites who and why so call'd 3. Commendati 35. Congham 145. Conradus Salicus made a Constitution touching Feuds 4 5. Consecration a strange one of Eadmer a Monk of Canterbury 119. Consilium regni 60. Controversies among the ancient Britains by whom judg'd 74. Conveyance of lands how made by the Saxons 8. Cosshering what 60. Cossey 157. Counties in England 5. County-Courts how often kept 54. Were proclaim'd a sennight beforehand ib. Earl's County and Bishop's Diocess had but one limit 130 131. Ecclesiastical and Secular causes there decided 131. Court-Baron 4. It s Original 51. Court-Leet 51. Sometimes granted to the Lords of Mannours ibid. Court-Christian or Ecclesiastical when it sprung up 131 132. High Courts of Justice why they sit not in the Afternoons 89 90. Why they sit not all some days 90 91. Why they sit on the Rogation days ibid. Why on some Festivals and not on others 91 The Admiralty-Court why always open 94. Chancery-Court said to be always open ib. Cowshil 153. Creak 149. Cromer 152. Crostwick 153. Crowner's Office not before the Conquest 27. D Dane-blood 149. Dane-law 45. Danes not capable of devising lands by will 22 David I. King of Scotland and Earl of Huntingdon 11 131. Dean his Office and Functions 50. The priviledges of a Bishop's Dean ibid. Deerham West 140. Defensor Plebis 129. Degradatio Militis 185. Deira a Province 13. Demains or Demesne what 12. Ancient Demesnes had not any lands by Knight-service 44 57. D'Evreux Robert Earl of Essex Viscount Bourchier c. 171. Sent into Spain with an army ibid. Storm'd Cadiz ibid. Created Marshal of England ibid. Made Lord Deputy of Ireland ibid. When beheaded ibid. Dies juridici 72 73. Dies feriales 72. Dies pacis Ecclesiae ibid. 79. 82. Dies pacis Regis ibib 82. Dies novem Lectionum 91. Dies feriati repentini 93. Dower why judg'd to belong to the Ecclesiastical Court 132. Downham 140. Druides who 74. The sole Judges of controversies among the old Britains 74. Suppos'd to have us'd the Greek tongue 103 Had no knowledge of the Latin ibid. Dudley John Duke of Northumberland and Earl Marshal of England 170. E Eadmere a Monk of Canterbury made Arch-bishop of St. Andrews in Scotland 119. King Eadwigus's Charter of Thane-lands granted to Aelswine 19. Earl Marshals of England 169 170 171. Earl of a County see Alderman Earldoms not hereditary in ancient times 13. Earldoms in France ibid. 14. Earls among the Saxons 13 14. Earl no title of dignity anciently 13. Their Office depended on the King's pleasure ibid. An Earls Heriot 31. Easter-Term how limited anciently 83. Easter-week when exempted from Law business 76. Ebsam in
of Peace between their Neighbours Congratulations Embassages and such like Viand But what moves you to let slip King John Edward II. Richard II. Henry VI. and Richard III. Selv. Not for that they were free from foreign Expences which is not possible for it oppressed them all but for that most of them omitted such necessary charge as in policy they ought to have undergone both for strengthening themselves with Friends and weakning their suspected Enemies such as when occasion serv'd were like to do them damage For if Edw. III. had not by this means fortify'd himself with the alliance and friendship of the noble Knight Sir John of Henault the Dukes of Brabant and Gelderland the Arch-bishop of Colein the Marquess Gulâ—ck Sir Arnold de Baquetien the Lord Walkenbargh and others and also greatly impaiâ—'d the power of the French King by winning the Flemings from the obedience of the Earl of Flanders his assured friend and by procuring the stay of much of the aid by him expected out of the Empire Scotland and other places he had not only fail'd in his French attempts but also put his Kingdom of England in hazard by the Scots who were sure of all the help and backing that France could any way afford them So had it not been for the aid and friendship of the French King the Earls of Bullogne St. Paul the Gascoines and other foreigners Henry III. had been bereav'd of his Kingdom by his own Subjects which notwithstanding he held with great difficulty So the rest likewise But on the contrary part the others whom you nam'd neglecting this right precious tho' costly ground work not only wanted it when need required but with the ruine of their People State and Kingdom lost their Crown and dearest lives by the infernal hands of cursed Murtherers their rebellious Subjects getting once the better hand Viand But Edw. II. used means also to have procured the amity and assistance of divers foreigners as the Duke of Britain the Lord Biskey the Lady Biskey Governess of the King of Castile and Leon James King of Arragon and others And Rich. II. sought the like of the hands of the French King and so the rest likewise of others Selv. True not examining the dependencies of time present they imagined in their prosperity that things to come would ever have good success and therefore deferr'd still the doing of it till extream necessity compell'd them to it and then their Estates being utterly desperate and ruinated no man willingly would lend them aid or ear Knowing that when the fury of the disease hath once possessed the vital places it is then too late to apply Physick This reason made the Princes you speak of to refuse King Edward II. And as for Richard II. when the French King saw how he was entangled and overladen with dangerous Rebellions and Divisions of his Nobles and Commons at home war in Scotland Flanders Spain Portugal Ireland sending forces against the Infidels releiving the expell'd King of Armenia and many other such turbulent affairs he then thought and truly that there was more to be gotten by being his Enemy than his Friend and taking advantage of that opportunity defied him also and warr'd upon him So that King Richard wholly void of aid and hope fell into the hands of his proud Barons and lost both Crown and Life In like miserable sort stood the case with Henry VI. For being once descended to the lowest exigent who almost durst releive him or any of the rest for fear as our Proverb saith of pulling an old house upon his own head Whereas if in their flourishing estate they had employ'd their treasure to encounter future perils being yet afar off they had no doubt securely held their Crowns and perhaps without much business illuded all the practices of their Enemies drawing nearer Had Richard II. at the time when being in France he bestow'd the value of 10000l. in gifts upon the fickle French King stay'd there and employ'd the other 300000. and odd marks by him also wasted at that bravery in gaining the amity of his neighbour Princes to serve his turn when need should be it is not unlikely but afterwards it might have sav'd all the rest For it is a good rule that is taught us in the art of Fencing to break the blow or thrust that might endanger us as far from our Bodies as we can For as I said before when things be drawn to the last period the time of help is past according to the saying of Hecuba to her betray'd husband being about to arm himself Quae mens tam dira miserrime conjux Impulit his cingi telis aut quo ruis inquit Non tali auxilio nec defensoribus istis Tempus eget non si ipse meus nunc afforet Hector Most Royal therefore are the Providence and Expences of her Excellent Majesty who as it were with Linceus eyes looking into the lowest secrets of the practices of her Enemies hath not only for these 36. years utterly cancell'd and made them frustrate but foreseeing also what mighty consequences may depend on mean beginnings omitteth no diligence to defeat them whilst they are yet in the shell or so to environ the mark whereat they are levell'd as being hatch'd they shall be able to perform nothing Knowing it to be far greater wisdom to preserve the body whilst it is sound from all infirmities than by admitting a dangerous disease to gain the credit of an excellent cure And tho' mony be the Blood wherein the Life of all Common-wealths as in a nest is cherisht yet nature teacheth that to preserve health and cure an impostumate disease we ought to let blood out and that sometimes in great abundance And as Themistocles said Pecunia nervus belli mony is also the sinews of war and look how necessary Peace is in a Common-wealth so necessary is War to beget Peace for Peace is Belli filia the daughter of war But to return to our matter lest we fare like the unskilful hounds that undertake a fresh hare when they have hunted the first till she be almost spent It appeareth by that that hath been said that a main Port by which our treasure hath been vented from us heretofore is now shut God be thank'd and that instead thereof no new is opened So that thereby our store must needs remain better by us than it hath and we by consequence must be the richer It is also to be added that whereas in former times much of the treasure that came into the land was buried up in superstitious employments as about Images Shrines Tabernacles Copes Vestiments Altar-cloaths Crucifixes Candlesticks c. by means whereof the Common-wealth became no whit richer than if that part so employed had never come within the Land Now we do not only retain that Idolatrous charge still in our purses which makes us much the wealthier but the rest also which for many hundred years together was so employ'd is
Surrey 23. King Edgar's Charter of donation of certain Thane-lands 19. Another Charter granted by him to the Monastery of Hide near Winchester 20. By whose advice his Laws were made 61. King Edward the elder how he propos'd his Laws 61. The first that prohibited Law business on Festivals 77. King Edward the Confessor's Charter of donation to Thola 20. Several priviledges granted to the Cinque-Ports 26. His Laws by whom collected 61. His Constitution touching Festivals 79. Edward Earl of Norfolk and Marshal of England 168. Dyed in his minority ibid. Edwin son of Othulf gave certain lands to Arch-bishop Odo 29. Elfere a Saxon bequeath'd Snodland to the Church of St. Andrews 128. Publish'd his Will before Odo Arch-bishop of Canterbury c. 130. Elfstane Bishop of Rochester 130. Elfsy Priest of Croyden 130. Ellingham 161. Elmham 150. Erpingham 151. Erpingham Tho. Commissioner for executing the Office of Earl Marshal of England 169. Escheats the signification of the word 37. No feodal Escheats among the Saxons 37 38. Escuage what in the Empire 36. Neither its name nor rules us'd by the Saxons 37. Essoyning the manner of it not in use before the Conquest 27. King Ethelbald's Charter to the Monks of Croyland 22. Ethelbert the first Christian King of the Saxons 8. He causes his Laws to be put in writing ibid. He took somewhat from the Roman law 102 Etheldreda daughter of K. Alfred her dowry 8. King Etheldred ordain'd every eight Hides of land to find a man for the naval Expedition 17. His Charter of donation to Aethelwold 19. Another Charter granted by him to his Thane Sealwyne ibid. King Ethelstane whom he consulted in making his Laws 61. King Ethelwulfs Charter of priviledges 23. He divided his lands by Will among his three sons 128. Euricus King of the Goths 102. Exauctoratio Militis 185. Expeditio what it signifies in Latin 17. F Fakenham 150. Fasti or Law days among the Romans why so nam d. 72. Seldom two Fasti together 75. Fasti proprie ibid. Fasti intercisi ibid. Fasti Comitiales ibid. All the Fasti not apply'd to Judicature ibid. Fealty the definition of it 35. No Fealty but for a fee. 36. What manner of Fealty among the Saxons ibid. Felbrig 152. Felewell 161. Feodal words none among the Saxons 7 8 9. Feorme what it signifies in the Saxon tongue 15 Ferdwite 37. Festa majora vel principalia 91. Festivals how exempted from Law days 76. The differences of them 91. The Festivals of St. Peter and Paul 92. Of St. George 93. Of Gun-powder Treason ibid. A Feud what it is 1. It s general and particular definition 2. Feuds among the Jews ibid. Among the Gauls 3 Their original 4. Made perpetual and hereditary 5. When and how they became so ibid. Especially in England ibid. The difference between them and Benefices 6 9. The great growth of them ibid. No proper Feuds before the Conquest ibid. Feudal-law generally receiv'd in every Kingdom 5. It s youth infancy and full age 9. Where it had its original ibid. Feudatarii 9. Feudum militare nobile 4. Rusticum ignobile ibid. Feuda majora regalia ibid. The word Feudum or Feodum not us'd in K. Beorredus's days 9. Fideles who 4. Fidelity what 59. Fines for Licence of alienation 33. The Thane-lands free from them ibid. Not in use among the Saxons 34. Fitz-Alan Jo. Lord Maltravers Marshal of England 168. Fitz-Osborn Will. Lord Marshal to King William the Conquerour 165. Flegg 154. Flitcham 145. Flitchamburrough 52 145. Folcland what 12. Not alienated without licence 33 34. Free from homage 35. Ford-Park 110. Forests belong to the King alone 118. Subjects can have 'em only in custody ibid. Fouldage 162. Franc-almoin 2 7. Frank-tenements 12. Freeborgs or Tithings 51. Frekenham 153. G Garbulsham 158. Gavelkind what and why so call'd 12. Observ'd throughout all Kent 43. At first the general Law of all Nations ibid. Germans their Customs and Tenures carry'd into several Countries 5. They receiv'd the Roman Law 127. Gey-wood 143. Gilbert the third son of William the King's Marshal 166. Made Marshal of England ibid. Kill'd in a Tournament ibid. Gimmingham 152. Goths carry the German Laws into Spain Greece c. 5. They were the first that put their Laws in writing 102. Trusted Priests with the passing of wills 130 Government the ancient Government of England 49. c. 53. Grand-days in France and England 92. Grand Serjeanty 2. Grantesmale Hugh Marshal under K. William I. 165. Greeks from whom they had much of their ancient Rites 74 127. Gresham 152. Gressenhall 150. Grey Rad. de exauctoratur 185. Guthrun the Dane 61 77. H Hales 156. Harkela Andr. de exauctoratur 185. Harleston ibid. Hartlebury-park 110. Hawkins Pet Keeper of Bramsil-park wounded by Arch-bishop Abbot 109 c. Hengham 157. King Henry I. imprison'd the Bishop of Durham 62. His Constitution about Festivals and Law-days 81. King Henry II. ratify'd the Laws of Edw. the Confess and Will the Conquerour 81. Henry Bishop of Winchester conven'd K. Stephen to his Synod 132. Heribannum what 17. Heriots paid after the death of great Men. 31 32 To whom forgiven 32. The difference between them and Reliefs 32 33. By whom and when first ordain'd 32. What the word Heriot signifies ibid. Heriots and Reliefs issuing out of the same lands 33. No badge of lands held by Knight-service ibid. Heydon 151. High Courts see Court of Justice Hikifricus Pugil quidam Norfolciensis 138. Hilary-Term its ancient bounds 82 83. The end of it sometimes held in Septuagesima 95. Hockwold 161. Holkham 149. Holland Tho Marshal of England 168. Holland Tho. Earl of Kent Duke of Norfolk 169. Made Earl Marshal of England ibid. Holland Tho. Farl Marshal of England during the minority of John Mowbray 165. Holme in Norfolk 147 152 Homage by whom first instituted 5. Feodal homage 34. Of two sorts ibid. When begun in France and England ibid. The reason of it 34 35. Who are to do it 35. Usual in Soccage-tenure 35. As well a personal as a praedial duty ibid. Homines commendati 35. Hominium homagium what 34. Homagium ligeum ibid Feodale aut praediale ibid. Hoveden Roger when he wrote 31. Howard Sir John Kt. created Duke of Norfolk and Earl Marshal of England 17â— Slain in Bosworth-field ibid. Howard Tho. the son of the former Earl of Surrey 170. Imprison'd in the Tower ibid. Defeated the Scotch under K. Henry VII ibid Made Lord Treasurer of England and restor'd to his fathers dignities ibid. Kill'd James IV. K. of Scotland in battel ib. Sent Ambassadour into France ibid. Made Vice-Roy of England ibid. Where he dy'd ibid. Howard Tho. the fourth Duke of Norfolk of that name and Earl Marshal of England 1â—1 Howard Tho. the Grand-son of the former Earl of Arundel and Surrey ibid. The first Earl of England ibid. Made Earl Marshal for life ibid. Hugh Bishop of Coventry exercis'd the Sheriffs place 116. Excommunicated ibid. De Humâ—z
to the Grant whether it be a part of the Grant and the modus concessionis or whether it be a distinct thing and Aliud from the Grant For so the Printed Case represents their Opinion if the Reservation of the Tenure and the Grant of the Land be aliud aliud two distinct things in the consideration of the whole Grant made and the authority given by the said Commission for the making thereof then the Patent may be void as to the Tenure and yet good for the Grant of the Land But if the Reservation of the Tenure be incident unto the authority and included within it and the Reservation of the Tenure and the Grant of the Land make up but one entire Grant so that the one is a part of the other and the Reservation of the Tenure be Modus concessionis then the granting of the Land reserving a diverse or contrary Tenure to that which their nude authority did warrant them to reserve is a doing of Idem alio modo and so the whole Act is void They who pleaded for the validity of the Letters Patents as to the Lands and their being void only as to the Tenure urg'd among other arguments That Tenures in Capite were brought into England by the Conquest but Grants were by the Common-Law and therefore Grants being more ancient than Tenures the Tenure must of necessity be aliud from the thing granted And to prove that this Tenure came in with the Conqueror they cited Mr. Selden in his Spicileg ad Eadmerum p. 194. where he hath that out of Bracton de Acquir Rerum Dominio b. 2. Forinsecum servitium dicitur Regale servitium quia spectat ad Dominum Regem non ad alium secundum quod in Conquestu fuit adinventum But this Argument and the Authority were both over-ruld and it was affirm'd that Tenures were not brought into England by the Conqueror but were common among the Saxons Their Answer to Mr. Selden's Opinion with the Reasons upon which they grounded their position I will transcribe at large from the Printed Case the Book being very scarce and this the only Point wherein Sir Henry Spelman is concern'd It was answered that Mr. Selden in that place does barely recite the words of Bracton not delivering any Opinion of his own For in that Book cited pag. 170. and in his Titles of Honour the last Edition p. 612. We find that he was of another Opinion and that this Tenure was in use in England in the times of the Saxons What were those Thani Majores or Thani Regis among the Saxons but the Kings immediate Tenants of Lands which they held by personal service as of the Kings person by Grand Serjeanty or Knights-service in Capite The Land so held was in those times called Thain-land as Land holden in Socage was called Reveland so frequently in Dooms-day Haec terra fuit terra Regis Edwardi Thainland sed postea conversa est in Reveland Cokes Instit Sect. 117. After some years that followed the coming of the Normans the title of Thane grew out of use and that of Baron and Barony succeeded for Thane and Thain-land Whereby we may understand the true and original Reason of that which we have in the Lord Cromwels Case 2. Coke 81. That every Barony of ancient time was held by Grand Serjeanty by that Tenure were the Thain-lands held in the time of the Saxons and those Thain-lands were the same that were after called Baronies 'T is true the Possessions of Bishops and Abbots were first made subject to Knights-service in Capite by William the Conquerour in the fourth year of his Reign for their Lands were held in the times of the Saxons in pura perpetua Eleemosyna free ab omni servitio saeculari But he then turned their Possessions into Baronies and so made them Barons of the Kingdom by Tenure so that as to them this Tenure and Service may be said to be in Conquestu adinventum But the Thain-lands were held by that Tenure before As the Kings Thane was a Tenant in Capite so the Thanus mediocris or middle Thane was only a Tenant by Knights-service that either held of a mean Lord and not immediately of the King or at the least of the King as of an Honour or Mannour and not in Capite What was that Trinoda Necessitas which so often occurs in the Grant of the Saxon Kings under this Form Exceptisistis tribus Expeditione Arcis pontis exstructione See it in a Charter of King Etbeldred in the Preface to Cokes 6. Report c. But that which was after expressed by Salvo forinseco Bracton lib. 2. cap. 26. 35. 12. Edw. 1. Gard 152. 26. Ass 66. Selden Analect Anglobrit 78. And therefore it was said that Sir Henry Spelman was mistaken who in his Glossary verbo feudum refers the original of Feuds in England to the Norman Conquest It is most manifest that Capite Tenures Tenures by Knights-service Tenures in Socage Frank-almoigne c. were frequent in the times of the Saxons And if we will believe what is cited out of an old French Customary in a MS. Treatise of the Antiquity of Tenures in England which is in many mens hands all those Tenures were in use long before the Saxons even in the times of the Britains there it is said The first British King divided Britain into four parts And gave one part to the Arch-Flamines to pray for him and his posterity A second part he gave to his Earls and Nobility to do him Knights-service A third he divided among Husbandmen to hold of him in Socage The fourth part he gave to Mechanical persons to hold in Burgage But that Testimony was wav'd there being little certainty or truth in the British Story before the times of Caesar Neither would they make use of that which we are taught by William Roville of Alenzon in his Preface to the Grand Customier of Normandy that all those Customs among which these Tenures are were first brought into Normandy out of England by Edward the Confessor Besides that which hath been said we find Feuds both the name and thing in the Laws of those times among the Laws of Edward the Confessor cap. 35. where it is thus provided Debent enim universi Liberi homines secundum feodum suum secundum tenementa sua Arma habere illa semper prompta conservare ad tuitionem Regni servitium dominorum suorum c. Lambard Archaionom 135. This Law was after confirmed by William the Conqueror vid. Cokes Instit Sect. 103. As these Tenures were common in those times so were all the fruits of them Homage Fealty Escuage Reliefs Wardships For Releifs we have full testimony in the Reliefs of their Earls and Thanes for which see the Laws of King Canutus cap. 66 69. The Laws of Edward the Confessor cap. de Heterochiis And what out of the Book of Dooms-day Coke hath in his Instit Sect.
Dom. 1627. With the Imprimatur of Sir John Bramston July 6. 1640. Many Instruments in this Collection are printed in the Second Volume of his Councils and it might be much improv'd from some Historians that have been publisht since his time In the Year 1641. there came out a Discourse de Sepultura by Sir Henry Spelman concerning the Fees for Burials 'T is likely that it was compos'd on occasion of his being one of the Commissioners for regulating the Fees in our Civil and Ecclesiastical Courts The Treatise consists of five sheets in 4 to so that I wonder why J. A. in his Preface to the Glossary should tell us that is was no more than two leaves His Latin Treatise entitled Aspilogia was next publish'd with Notes by Sir Edw. Bish Anno 1654. in Folio In this tho' it was one of his first Pieces he discourses with great variety of Learning concerning the Original and different kinds of those Marks of Honour since call'd Arms. He also drew up a scheme of the Abbreviations and such other obsolete forms of writing as occur in our old Manuscripts to facilitate the reading of ancient Books and Records There are several Copies of it in Manuscript as one in the Bodleian Library another in the Library of the late Dr. Plot a third in the possession of Mr. Worsley of Lincolns-Inn and 't is probable there may be more of em abroad in other hands Two other things he was concern'd in which I shall but just mention The Villare Anglicum or a view of the Towns in England publisht in the Year 1656. was collected By the appointment at the charge and for the use of that worthy Antiquary Sir Henry Spelman And Mr. Speed in his Description of Great Britain acknowledges that he receiv'd the account of Norfolk from the same Learned Knight As for his Posthumous Works which are publisht together on this occasion I shall give a more particular account of 'em in the Preface and in this place shall only add an instance or two of his Encouragement to Learning and Learned Men. It was he who first advis'd Dr. Wats to the study of Antiquities and when he had arriv'd to a good skill in those matters put him upon a new Edition of Matthew Paris The Doctor in the Preface to that excellent Work makes this grateful mention of his Friend and Patron Tertium Manuscriptum accommodavit Nobilis ille Doctissimusque Dominus Henricus Spelmannus Eques Auratus Eruditionis reconditioris Judicii acerrimi Vir nostrae Britanniae Lumen Gloriaque Amicus insupermeus singularis in studiis adjutor praecipuus qui me primus ad Antiquitates eruendas tam verbo quam exemplo aliquoties stimulavit erudivitque He was likewise a great Favourer of Sir William Dugdale who had been recommended to him by Sir Simon Archer a Gentleman of Warwickshire very well versed in Heraldry and the affairs of our own Nation At that time Mr. Dodsworth who was much assisted and encouraged by Sir Henry Spelman had got together a vast collection of Records relating to the Foundation of Monasteries in the Northern parts of England Sir Henry thought that these might be very well improv'd into a Monasticon Anglicanum and lest the design should miscarry by Mr. Dodsworth's death he prevail'd upon Mr. Dugdale to join him in so commendable a Work promising to communicate all his Transcripts of Foundation Charters belonging to several Monasteries in Norfolk and Suffolk For his further encouragement he recommended him to Thomas Earl of Arundel then Earl Marshal of England as a person very well qualify'd to serve the King in the Office of Arms. Accordingly upon his character of him seconded by the importunity of Sir Christopher Hatton he was settl'd in the Heralds-office which gave him an opportunity to fix in London and from the many assistances there to compile the laborious Volumes which he afterwards publisht His revival of the old Saxon Tongue ought to be reckon'd a good piece of service to the study of Antiquities He had found the excellent use of that Language in the whole course of his Studies and very much lamented the neglect of it both at home and abroad which was so general that he did not then know one Man in the world who perfectly knew it Paulatim says he ita exhalavit animam nobile illud Majorum nostrorum pervetustum idioma ut in universo quod sciam orbe ne unus hodie reperiatur qui hoc scite perfecteve calleat pauci quidem qui vel exoletas literas usquequaque noverint Hereupon he settl'd a Saxon Lecture in the University of Cambridge allowing 20l. per An. to Mr. Abraham Wheelock who tells us that upon his advice and encouragement he spent the best part of seven years in the study of that Language Magnam septennii quod effluxit partem consumpsi Saxonum nostrorum inquirendo Monumenta eorumque vetus idioma Veritatis pacis Catholicae magistram perquirendo ne nobilissimi Viri in his studiis monitoris mei honoratissimi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 D. Henrici Spelmanni Antiquitatum nostrae gentis instauratoris eximii consilio defuissem This stipend was intended to be made perpetual but both He and his eldest Son dying in the compass of two years the Civil Wars breaking forth and the Estate being sequester'd the Family became uncapable of accomplishing that Design Nor indeed was that a Time for settlements of this kind when such a terrible storm threatn'd the Universities and the Revenues that belong'd to ' em After he came into business he was intimately acquainted with the most considerable Persons of that Age. He calls Mr. Camden his ancient Friend and how entire a Familiarity there was between him and Arch-bishop Usher we are inform'd from the Life and Letters of that Learned Primate To these I might add Sir Rob. Cotton Mr. Selden Olaus Wormius with Peireschius Meursius Beignonius and others of great note both at home and abroad whom he himself occasionally mentions as the chief Encouragers of his Glossary Upon the whole matter as his Loyalty Wisdom and Experience in publick Affairs would sufficiently recommend him to the great States-men of his time so his eminent Piety and Learning must needs make him highly esteem'd among Divines and Scholars He had eight Children four Sons and four Daughters His eldest Son the heir of his Studies as he calls him was John Spelman Esq a Scholar and a Gentleman who had great assurances of favour and encouragement from King Charles I. This good Prince sent for Sir Henry Spelman and offer'd him the Mastership of Suttons Hospital with some other things in consideration of his good services both to Church and State But after his humble thanks to his Majesty he told him that he was very old and had one foot in the grave and that it would be a much greater obligation upon him if his
p. 121. VIII Of the Original of Testaments and Wills and of their Probate to whom it it anciently belong'd p. 127. IX Icenia sive Norfolciae Descriptio Topographica p. 133. X. Catalogus Comitum Marescallorum Angliae p. 165. XI Dissertatio de Milite p. 172. De aetate Militari p. 174. De evocatis ad Militiam suscipiendam p. 175. De modo â—reandi Militem honoratum primo de Cingulo militari p. 176. Qui olim fiebant Milites p. 179. Qui possint militem facere p. 180. Judices etiam sub appellatione Militum censeri scil Equ esse Palatinos p. 182. De loco tempore Creationis p. 183. De Censu militari p. 184. Modus Exauctorandi Militem quod Degradare nuncupatur XII Historia Familiae de Sharnburn p. 187. XIII Familiae Extraneorum sive Lestrange accurata descriptio p. 200. XIV A Dialogue concerning the Coin of the Kingdom particularly what great treasures were exhausted from England by the usurpt Supremacy of Rome p. 203. XV. A Catalogue of the Places or Dwellings of the Arch-bishops and Bishops of this Realm now or of former times in which their several Owners have Ordinary Jurisdiction as if parcel of their Diocess tho' they be situate within the precinct of another Bishop's Diocess p. 211. THE Original Growth Propagation and Condition OF FEUDS and TENURES BY KNIGHT-SERVICE In ENGLAND CHAP. I. The occasion of this Discourse and what a Feud is IN the great case of Tenures upon the Commission of Defective Titles argued by all the Judges of Ireland and published after their resolution by the commandment of the Lord Deputy this year 1639. it fell out upon the fourth point of the Case to be affirmed That Tenures had their original in England before the Norman Conquest And in pursuit of this Assertion it was concluded That Feuds were then and there in use In proof hereof divers Laws and Charters of the Saxon Kings and some other Authorities be there alledged which being conceived to have clear'd that point it thus followeth in the Report p. 35. And therefore it was said that Sir Henry Spelman was mistaken who in his Glossary verbo Feodum refers the original of Feuds in England to the Norman Conquest And for a Corollary p. 38. addeth these words Neither is the bare conjecture of Sir Henry Spelman sufficient to take away the force of these Laws Vide Spelman in Glossar verbo Feodum Being thus by way of voucher made a chief Antagonist to the Reverend opinion of these learned grave and honour'd Judges I humbly desire of them that writing what I did so long ago and in a transitory passage among a thousand other obscure words not thinking then to be provok'd to this account they will be pleas'd to pardon my mistakings where they fall and to hear without offence what motives led me to my conjectures which they speak of It is necessary therefore that first of all we make the question certain which in my understanding is not done in the Report For it is not declared whether there were divers kinds of Feuds or no nor what kind they were that were in use among the Saxons nor what kind those were that I conjectured to be brought in by the Norman Conqueror I will therefore follow the direction of the Orator and fix the question upon the definition A Feud is said to be Vsus fructâ—s quidam rei immobilis sub conditione fidei But this Definition is of too large extent for such kind of Feuds as our Question must consist upon for it includeth two members or species greatly differing one from the other the one Temporary and revocable as those at Will or for Years Liâ—e or Lives the other Hereditary and perpetual As for Temporary â—euâ—s which like wild fig-trees could yield none of the feodal fruits of Wardship Marriage Relief c. unto their Lords they belong nothing unto our argument nor shall I make other use in setting of them forth than to assure the Reader they are not those that our Laws take notice of To come therefore to our proper Scheme let us see what that Hereditary Feud is whereupon our Question must be fixed for none but this can bear the feodal fruits we speak of Wardship Marriage c. A Feud is a right which the Vassal hath in Land or some immoveable thing of his Lord's to use the same and take the profits thereof hereditarily rendring unto his Lord such feodal duties and services as belong to military tenure the meer propriety of the soil always remaining unto the Lord. I call it as the Feudists do Jus utendi praedio alieno a right to use another mans Land not a property in it for in true feodal speech the Tenant or Vassal hath nothing in the propriety of the soil it self but it remaineth intirely unto the Lord and is comprehended under the usual name which we now give it of the Seignory So that the Seignory and the Feud being joyned together seem to make that absolute and compleat estate of Inheritance which the Feudists in time of old called Allodium But this kind of Feud we speak of and no other is that only whereof our Law taketh notice though time hath somewhat varied it from the first institution by drawing the propriety of the soil from the Lord unto the Tenant And I both conceive and affirm under correction That this our kind of Feuds being perpetual and hereditary and subject to Wardship Marriage and Relief with other feodal services were not in use among our Saxons nor our Law of Tenures whereon they depend once known unto them As shall appear by that which hereafter followeth CHAP. II. The Original Growth and Propagation of Feuds first in general then in England BEfore I enter into the Question in hand it will be necessary for better understanding that which followeth to set forth the original growth propagation and condition of Feuds in general which I conceive to be thus There were no doubt from the beginning of Jus Gentium Lords and Servants and those servants of two sorts Some to attend and guard the person of their Lord upon all occasions in War and Peace Some to manure his Lands for the sustenance of him and his Family When private Families were drawn into a Kingdom the Kings themselves held this distribution Examples hereof are in all Nations King David well observ'd it in the Institution of the Kingdom of Israel where if such services have any shew of Feuds or Tenures we have a pattern for them all viz. For that of Francalmoine in the Levites for Knight-service Tenure in Capite and Grand Serjeanty in the Military men which serv'd the King personally by monthly courses for Socage in those whom David appointed to manure the Fields dress the Vineyards the Olive-trees the Mulberry-trees and that had the care of the Oyl of the Oxen of the Camels Asses Sheep c. For the
therefore and truly is it said by the ever honoured Justice Littleton that Feodum idem est quod haereditas and the captious criticism of Sir Thomas Smith Dr. of the Civil Law in denying it is to his own reproach for his great Master Cujacius as before appeareth supporteth Littleton and his fellow Civilians do tell him quod in feudis particularis localis consuetudo attendenda est And Littleton received it as used in this signification from the eldest writers of our Law Of the like indiscretion is that of Dr. Cowell who carpeth at this ancient phrase used in the formulis of our pleading where it is ordinarily said Rex seisitus fuit in Dominico suo ut de feodo as tho de feodo was there to be understood according to the Court of Milan for praedium militare superiori Domino servitiis obnoxium not by the laws of England pro directo dominio vel haereditate pura absoluta To conclude therefore It appeareth by this passage of Justice Littleton's joyned to that we have formerly delivered that our Law took no notice of Feuds till they were become hereditary with us which being since the Conquest as we have already shewed and shall prove abundantly hereafter overthroweth all the arguments in the Report produced for proving our Feodal rites of Tenure Wardship Marriage Relief c. to have been in use among the Saxons for till they were hereditary these appendances could not belong to them It is also very improbable that Feuds were made hereditary here in England before other Countries or that the more civil Nations of Europe should take example herein from our rude if not illiterate Saxons CHAP. III. That none of our Feodal Words nor Words of Tenure are found in any Law or ancient Charter of the Saxons IT appeareth by that which hath been said that our modern kind of Feuds could not be in use among our English Saxons And it will now be a question whether any of our modern Tenures or which of them were then in use or not The Report saith It is most manifest that Capite-Tenures Tenures by Knight-service Tenure in Socage Frank-Almoign c. were frequent in the time of the Saxons I desire that without offence I may examine this that is so manifest and so frequent I confess there be many specious shews of Knight-service and Socage among our Saxon Ancestors but whether by way of Tenure Contract or De more Gentium must be well examined For the Romans and other Nations had formerly as great command over their followers and such as dwelt upon their lands as our Saxons had yet was it without any rule or speech of Tenure The word Tenura is neither known nor found in any Latin Author of antiquity nor any conjugate thereof as tenentes tenementa tenere or tenendum in a feodal sense The first place where I meet with tenere in that manner is amongst the Saliques and Germans in the Constitution before mentioned of Conradus the Emperour about the year 915 when Beneficia which we now call Feuds were first continued to some of the sons and grand-children of the male line of them that then enjoyed them But I find not one of those words or any consignificant or equivalent to them in all our Saxon-laws The word Feodum Feud or Fee it self is never mentioned in them nor is there any sound of Tenure in Capite Tenure by Knight-service Tenure in Socage Frank-Almoign c. either in our Saxon laws or in the laws of any other Nation that I can find till the time that Feuds began to be perpetual or hereditary as before is mentioned It is true that in some Latin Charters of the Saxon time we now and then find the words Tenere tenementum and tenendum and in a Charter of Beorredus King of the Mercians dated Anno 868. the words de eodem seodo as tho' Lordships at that time had been distributed into Feuds which being reported by Ingulfus a Saxon giveth great probability that Feuds were then in use But it is to be noted that these Charters are as I said in Latin and not in Saxon and therefore not likely to be the very originals but translations of them made after the Conquest for the instruction of the Normans either by Ingulf himself or some other expert in the Norman language laws and customs Who applying himself to the understanding of the Normans used Norman words and such interpretation as they were best acquainted with tho' differing from the propriety of the Saxon tongue and so perhaps translated de eodem fâ—odo for de eodem territorio or patrimonio and tenentes tenementa and tenendum for possidentes possessiones and possidendum Not unlike our translators of the holy Scriptures who tell us of the Arms of Families Chancellors Sheriffs Recorders Townclerks Doctors of Law Homage done to Solomon and of the arraignment of our blessed Saviour as tho' the Jewish and Asiatick Nations had in those days of old their College of Heralds the same Magistrates Officers Degrees in School Customs of Law Pleas of the Crown and form of Government which we in England have at this day By such allusions I suppose or illusions rather came our later Feodal words into ancient Latin Charters I desire to see but one Charter in the Saxon tongue before the Conquest wherein any Feodal Word is apparently expressed A Saxon Chronicle telleth us that King Alfred in the year 896. gave London to Ethelred an Earl or Alderman that married his daughter Ethelfled to healdo that is ad tenendum which some understand Feodally as to hold it of him but Wigorniensis reports the matter plainly ad servandum that is to keep and defend it So among the customs of Kent the word healder i. e. holder is used for a Tenant in the Saxon distich there cited But it is to be noted that those customs were collected long after the Conquest and therefore written in the Norman tongue not in the Saxon and that the distich it self is not of the ancient Saxon but of a puisne dialect used vulgarly since the Conquest But because the Charter of Beorredus produced by my self against my self is more material for proof of Feuds among the Saxons than all that is alledged to that purpose in the Report First in respect of the Antiquity thereof then for that it nameth the word feodo expresly and thirdly for that it declareth certain lands to be de eodem feodo as if there were many other Feods then in use Give me leave I beseech you to examine this Charter yet more largely and particularly It is therefore to be understood that the elder Saxons made their ordinary conveyance of Lands c. without deed or writing by delivery of a Turff or Spear a Staff an Arrow or some other symboll in token thereof Yea their very Laws like those of the Lacedaemonians called Rhetra were unwritten till Ethelbert their first
Christian King caused his own Laws to be put in writing about the year 605. as other Western Nations in an age or two before had done and as Bede saith wrote them in the Saxon tongue The first Charter if I shall so call it or writing touching lands and privileges was as a MS. of Canterbury reporteth made by Withredus King of Kent in the year 694. and as that Charter it self witnesseth was appointed to be kept in the Church of our Saviour at Canterbury as a precedent for posterity to imitate and tho' it appeareth not there in what language it was written yet I presume it was in the same with their Law which was the Saxon tongue For there be two copies of it extant in Latin so differing the one from the other as thereby they both appear to be translations For proof thereof the one of them useth the words Charta and Chartula which Ingulfus affirmeth to be brought in hither by the Normans that is above three hundred years after the time of this Charter of Withred's The other Latin copy termeth it Scriptum not Chartam and the Saxons themselves used neither of those words but called such writings in Latin Chirographos not Chartas as Ingulfus there also testifieth So that it hereby appeareth that the Prototype or first pattern of Charters which the Saxons imitated was not in Latin but in Saxon. Secondly it is therefore to be presumed and very strongly that tho' this Charter of Beorredus remaineth to us by a Latin copy yet the original it self like a thousand others was in the Saxon tongue Nor could it in all probability be otherwise for at the very time when it was made viz. in anno 868. learning was so generally subverted throughout England by the barbarous Danes that King Alfred who began to reign within four years after the date thereof saith Paucissimi fuerunt cis Humbrum qui vel preces suas communes sermone Anglico intelligere potuerant vel scriptum aliquod è Latino transferre Tam sane pauci fuerunt ut ne unum quidem recordari possum ex australi parte Thamesis tum cum ego regnare occaeperam But as their original Charters were in the Saxon tongue so in the Leiger-books in which they are preserved to us they are often set down in the Saxon and then because the books themselves are in Latin they are there translated also into Latin and often times set down in the Latin only without the Saxon as in the book of Ramsey-Abby which having no Charters in it in the Saxon tongue the Author of it saith that himself had there translated them all into Latin after that that Abby in the days of King Stephen had recovered her liberty Yet I deny not that Latin Charters might be often used by their latter Clergy-men when learning which in Beorred's time was utterly subverted began at last to recover life again Thirdly I conceive that the word feudum or feodum was not in use in Beorredus's days viz. anno 868. For proof whereof we are to consider the infancy youth and full age of the Feodal Law for according to these several times the Feodal Lands had their several denominations First they were called Munera then Beneficia and lastly Feuda as is aforesaid Marculfus who collected the Formulas or Precedents as we call them of Charters and Instruments of the time he lived in which was under Clodovaeus II. King of France about the year 660. maketh mention in his first book of Munera and in his second of Beneficia but no where of Feuda and he who a hundred years or more after him collected the Formula's incerti Autoris speaketh divers times of Beneficium but never nameth Feudum for that this term came not into use till afterwards when these Beneficia began to be granted in perpetuity Beneficium Regis saith Bignonius postea Feudum dictum est And in another place he saith Beneficii nomine ea praedia dicta sunt quae Feuda posteritas dixit initio namque vita accipientis finiebantur As if he should say they were called Beneficia when they were granted only for life of the Grantee but were called Feuda when they began to be granted in perpetuity and not before Cujacius therefore speaking of Feudatarii which word came into use with Feudum for Relatives mutuo se ponunt auferunt saith that when Actores custodesque proediorum nostrorum temporarii perpetui esse caeperunt c. when those who had the use and ordering of our Lands for a certain time began to enjoy them in perpetuity and yet retained their Latin name of Homines our Men they grew then also to be called after new and forreign names Vassalli Leudes and Feudatarii by the Princes and great Noblemen who choosed rather to grant them lands in perpetuity in consideration that they should do them military service And he saith that these names were first brought into Italy by the German Princes Where and particularly in Milan as Merula reporteth the Feodal Laws and Customs have had their original and from thence been propagated throughout Europe By this it appeareth that the words Feudum and Feudatarii were not in use till that the word Munera was grown obsolete Nor afterward till Beneficia leaving to be temporary or but for life became to be perpetual possessions which as I have often said was not long before the Conquest So that the word Feudum could not be in use in Beorredus's time who lived two hundred years before Fourthly Tho' the word Feudum were in the original Charter of Beorredus yet doth it not prove that our Feuds were then in use For call them Beneficia or call them Feuda certain it is that neither the one nor the other were then hereditary or perpetual but either temporary or for life only which at length begat the difference between Feuda and Beneficia for Beneficia in a restrained sense began to signifie no more than an estate for life in which sense it resteth at this day in our Clergy-men's Livings called Benefices and the word Feuda grew to be understood only of such Beneficia or Benefices as were perpetual and hereditary To return from whence we digressed I suppose it now appeareth sufficiently how some Feodal words are crept into Charters and writings of Saxon date and I think I may conclude that the words before mentioned Tenura tenentes tenementa tenere or tenendum in a feodal sense or feodum it self were not in use among them Much less Tenure in Capite Tenure by Knight-service Tenure in Socage or Frank-Almoign tho' the like services were performed to the Saxon Lordships by their Thanes and Theodens their Socmen or Husbandmen and their Beads-men or Clergy-men by way of contract for the lands received from them as were after the Conquest to the Norman Lordships by way of Tenure for lands holden of them The Neapolitan and Sicilian Constitutions which
had their original from Princes of Norman lineage do ..... the Conquest here in England make mention of tenens tenere tenementum and tenere de Rege in Capite but whether the Normans carried these terms into Italy when they Conquer'd Naples about the year 1031. or brought them from thence into Normandy I cannot determine Certain it is that from the Normans they came to us in England for being not met with before in any authentick Author we presently after the Conquest begin to hear of them even about the third or fourth year of the Conqueror's reign as appeareth by his Charter of Emendationes Legum in the Red book of the Exchequer f. 162. b. and in Lambard's Archaionomia CHAP. IV. Of Tenures in Capite more particularly TOuching Tenures therefore in Capite I think I may boldly say that here were none in England in the Saxons time after the manner now in use among us First For that their Feodal Lands as we have shewed were not descendible before the Conquest For tho' there were hlaâ—ord and ðane amongst the Saxons that is Lord and Thane or Servitour whom beyond the Seas they called Seigneur Vassall alias Vassallum Dominum Clientem while their feuds were arbitrable or but for years or life yet grew not the words of tenure into use till that Feuds became descendable to posterities and thereby obliged the whole succession of heirs to depend and hold upon their Capital Lords by the services imposed at the creation of that Feud Secondly The word in Capite is like a Relative in Logick which being a supreme degree of it self implieth some other degrees to be under it as Tenant in medio or Tenant in imo or both viz. Tenant in Capite Tenant in menalty and Tenant Paravale or at least Tenant in Capite and Tenant Paravale which inferiour Tenants could not be in the Saxons time for that the granting of Feuds in perpetuity out of which the under-Tenancies must be deduced was as I have said not yet in use Thirdly to hold in Capite is of two sorts The one general which is of the King as Caput regni caput generalissimum omnium Feodorum the fountain whence all feuds and tenures have their main original The other special or subaltern which is of a particular subject as Caput feudi or terrae illius so called because he was the first that created and granted that feud or land in that manner of tenure wherein it standeth and is therefore at this day so to be understood by the ordinary words in our Deeds of tenendum de Capitalibus Dominis feodi illius c. signifying that the lands so granted since the statute of Quia Emptores terrarum must now be holden mediately or immediately of him or his heirs or assigns that was Caput Feodi the first that created or granted that Feud in that tenure who thereupon was called Capitalis Dominus Caput terrae illius among the Feudists Capitanus feudi illius And the Grantee and his heirs were said to be Tenants in Capite because they held immediately of him that first granted that feud or land in that manner Hereupon David I. King of Scots and Earl of Huntingdon here in England was in right of his Earldom in the time of King Henry I. said to be Capud terrae de Crancfeld Craule post regem Angliae And Roger de Molbray about the same time or shortly after made a grant in these words Roger de Molbray omnibus hominibus fidelibus suis Normannis Anglis salutem Sciatis quod ego concessi Roberto de Ardenna Clerico amico meo totum nemus de Bedericheslea cum omnibus antiquis libertatibus consuetudinibus ejusdem nemoris ad tenendum de me in Capite haeredibus meis ita libere quiete c. sicut ego unquam c. The Deed is without date but note that the direction of it is Omnibus hominibus fidelibus suis Normannis Anglis which implieth that it was made before Henry II's time for he being of Anjou in France and bringing in French-men with him altered then very properly the directions of Charters into Hominibus fidelibus suis Francis Anglis Yet I find the same direction tho' more improperly to be some time used under the Norman Kings Qu. So likewise as before W. Marshall the great Earl of Pembrock in a Charter of his useth these words about the beginning of Henry III's time as I take it Nisi fortè forinseca tenementa tenueris de me in Capite And Mat. Paris in An. 1250. making mention of one G. a Knight saith that Rex memoratus Hen. III. cuidam militi tenenti de Ecclesia S. Albani in Capite c. warennam concessit where the words tenenti de Ecclesia S. Albani in Capite do signifie that some Abbat of the Church of St. Alban first created and granted that Feud Having thus in general manner prepared my way to the ensuing discourse I shall now God willing by the patience of them whom it most concerneth examine such particular assertions as are produced in the Report either to prove our Tenures and Feuds with their dependancies to have been in use among the Saxons or to disprove what I have affirmed in my Glossary or in the Chapters here precedent and will first shew therein as followeth CHAP. V. What degrees and distinction of persons were among the Saxons and of what condition their lands were FOr the better understanding of our discourse it is necessary that we should shew what degrees and distinctions of persons were among the Saxons and of what condition their lands were Touching their persons they are by themselves divided in this manner Eorle and Ceorl and Ãegn and Ãeoden In Latin Comes and Villanus Tainus unus alius singuli pro modo suo That is to say the Earl and the Husbandman the Thane of the greater sort called the King's Thane and the Thane of the lesser sort called the Theoden or Vnder-thane More degrees the Saxons had not in their Laity and among these must all the tenures lye that were in use with them As for their bond-men whom they called Theowes and Esnes they were not counted members of that Common-wealth but parcels of their Master's goods and substance Touching lands among the Saxons they were of two sorts Bocland and Folcland Bocland signifieth terram codicillarem or librariam Charter-lands for the Saxons called a Deed or Charter an bec i. e. librum a book and this properly was their terra haereditaria for it commonly carried with it the absolute inheritance and propriety of the Land and was therefore preserved in writing and possess'd by the Thanes and Nobler sort as proedium nobile liberum immune a servitiis vulgaribus servilibus In which respect the Thanes themselves were also called liberales as appeareth by Canute's Forest-laws Art 1. 3.
have been in use among our Saxons than it doth in all the rest of them and enforceth me thereby to the greater labour in examining it and discovering the contrary Touching the name Wardship I confess it carryeth a Saxon sound but from Norman God-fathers with whom Gard signifying the same that Ward doth with us and they bringing this custom into England our English Ancestors as in a multitude of other words changed the Norman G. into a W. and so made Ward for Gard and thereof Wardship for Gardship Yet to this day we call him that hath the custody of the ward after the Norman manner his Gardian not his Warden But I find neither Ward Wardship nor Warden in this sense in any Saxon Law Charter or Manuscript or any thing conducing to such signification The proof being in the affirmative lyeth on the other side yet doth not the Report produce one single Case Text or Precedent to maintain their assertion but like Pythagoras's Schollars resteth wholly upon Ipse dixit such and such have said it and I am now turn'd over to those Authors They have chosen a right good foreman 1 confess Mr. Selden of whom I say as she in Ovid Nomine in Hectoreo pallida semper eram But let us hear what he affirms according as the Report conceiveth him where the words be thus That Wardships were then viz. in the Saxon's time in use and not brought in by the Normans as Mr. Cambden in his Britt 179. nor by Henry III. as Randolph Hygden c. would perswade Vid. Selden's notes to Fortâ—scue 51. The Report says Vide and I say audi Mr. Selden to confute this opinion attributed to Rand. Hygden useth these words Neither is the custom of Wardship so new as R. Hygden in his Polycronicon or rather some others not understanding him ignorantly make it by supposing the beginning of it here under Hen. III. clearly Wardships were before or from the Normans at least Thus Mr. Selden There may be some amphiboly in the word before as doubtful whether it shall relate to the Normans or to Hen. III. but the occasion of his speech is to confute the opinion of them that did attribute the beginning of Wardships to Hen. III. saying that clearly they were before and tho' he determineth not how long before yet he concludeth that from the Normans at least citing Glanvill to shew they were in use in Hen. II's time and the Grand Custumer of Normandy to fetch them higher than so from the Normans who by the opinion of Berhault that writ the Commentary to that Custumary did first bring them into England Mr. Selden God be thanked is living to explain himself and I find by chance where he hath done it fully His words in the Titles of Honour be thus These kind of Military Fiess or Fees as we now have were not till the Normans with whom the customs of Wardship in Chivalry they began not under Hen. III. as most ignorantly R. Hygden the monk of Chester and Polydore tells you came into England And speaking by and by of Malcolm second King of Scotland who dyed about twenty two years before the Conquest he saith But in this Malcolme's time Wardships were not at all in England Thus Mr. Selden whom they so often press against me out of ambiguous places is clearly with me Their next Authority to prove Wardships to have been in use amongst the Saxons is saith the Report that amongst the priviledges granted by Edw. the Confessour to the Cinque Ports we meet with this That their heirs shall not be in Ward For this they cite Lambard's Perambulation of Kent p. 101. but I demand Oyer of the Record and I verily perswade my self Nul tiel Recorde nor in truth hath Lambard averr'd that there is Lambard's words be these The priviledges of these Ports being first granted by Edw. the Confessour and William the Conqueror and then confirm'd and encreased by William Rufus Hen. II. Rich. I. Hen. III. and King Edw. the first be great c. And in reciting some of these priviledges he tells us amongst the rest That they themselves the Inhabitants of the Cinque Ports be exempted from all payments of Subsidies and their Heirs freed from Wardship of body notwithstanding any Tenure He doth not say that this is in the Charter of Edward the Confessor but that it is among the priviledges granted by him and William the Conqueror and then confirm'd and encreas'd by the succeeding Kings Doubtless the word Subsidies here mention'd in this sense was not in use either in the Confessor or Conqueror's time nor in many years after till Taxes Aids and Tallages were grudged at and restrain'd I am therefore confident that this came in among the encreased priviledges afterward and it appeareth that Mr. Lambard was not perswaded that there was such a Charter of the Confessor's time and therefore waving it seeketh the original of the priviledges of the Cinque Ports no further than the Conqueror Why then do we father this upon the Confessor especially seeing the Charter of Anno 6. Edw. I. wherein all the Charters of the precedent Kings seem to be mention'd that of Edw. the Confessor is not spoken of The third assertion is that in the customs of Kent which are in Magna Charta of Tottil's Edition and in Lambard's Perambulation there is a rule for the Wardship of the heir in Gavelkind and that he shall not be married by the Lord. And those customs say of themselves that they were devant le Conqueste e en le Conqueste The words in Lambard be devant le Conqueste e en le Conquest e toutes houres ieskes en ca. That is before the Conquest and at the Conquest and ever since till now which word now relateth to the 2â— of Edw. I. there immediately before mention'd And to save the credit of the Author must be favourably understood to be meant of such customs as were in use either before the Conquest or at the Conquest or at any time since in the disjunctive not in the aggregative For if it be taken conjunctively then is it notoriously false for some things mention'd in it had their original under Hen. II. as the Grand Assize and Justices of Eyer whereof that of Eyer was not instituted till the Council or Parliament as we now call it of Nottingham An. Dom. 1176. viz. in the 22. or 23. of Hen. II. And for that of the Grand Assize it is expresly said in the customs that it was granted them by Hen. III Many other things there be as the Office of the Crowner the manner of Essoyning Writ of Cessavit c. which I suppose was never heard of before the Conquest But if you mark it the words in question viz. devant le Conquest c. stand in Lambard at a little more distance than the lines precedent as if himself conceiv'd them not to belong unto the
text of customs And to clear the doubt in the elder Edition publish'd by Tottill 12. June 1556. no such thing is mention'd but if it were there are such other differences in their copies as both their authorities may be question'd and I in the mean time well delivered from this objection Let us see what followeth Fourthly For the antiquity of Wardships in England and Scotland See also says the Report Hector Boet. lib. 2. Buchanan rerum Scot. lib. 6. and the laws of Malcome II. which prove the antiquity of Wardships in Scotland and in England before the Conquest For in those times it is probable the laws of both Nations did not much differ as for the times after it appears they did not by comparing their Regiam Majestatem with our Glanvil Neither is the bare conjecture of Sir Henry Spelman sufficient to take away the force of those laws Vid. Spelman's Glossary verbo Feudum Upon all this saith the Report they the Justices of Ireland did conclude and proceed to sentence With the sentence as a sacred thing I will not meddle But as touching that part of this argument which In nostros fabricata est machina muros I 'm tyed either to answer or to submit For Hector Boethius therefore I confess the place to be truly alledg'd and that hitherto hath seldom happened but for the credit of that Author I wish Leland were alive to deliver the censure he hath left upon him with his own mouth I forbear it True it is he relateth that Malcolm II. gave all his lands well nigh unto his Nobility in reward of their service and that they in thankfulness to support his dignity regranted unto him Vardam Desponsationem releviam al. relevatam Wardship and Marriage of their Heirs within age and Relief of those of full age The Paragraph there is long but to the effect we spoke of It is also true that Buchanan doth report the like and since him Cameraris and a little before them all Johannes Major but all their harping is from the sound of one string which in the Report is not left unstrain'd i. e. the laws of Malcolme before mention'd where it is said that ad montem placiti in Villa de Scona omnes Barones concesserunt sibi Wardam Releviam de Haerede cujuscunque Baronis defuncti ad sustentationem Domini Regis Which because they concern a noble Kindom and have been receiv'd as authentical by an ancient Parliament I will not presume to contradict it But I humbly offer to the consideration of the Learned of that Kingdom and to those of ours and theirs that are conversant in Antiquities these particulars following First It being agreed which the Scots affirm that Malcolm II. began his reign in the year 1004. i. e. above 60. years before the Normans Conquer'd England how it cometh to pass that Malcolm useth so many Norman words in his Scottish Laws and whether those words be found in any other monument there before for in England it was not so Secondly Whether their Kings then had not only a Seal but magnum sigillum in the custody of the Chancellor and set-fees appointed for the use of it for in England it was not so tho Edward the Confessour had a Seal after Malcolm's time Thirdly Whether they had brevia clausa in cera and other ordinary instruments seal'd cum magno sigillo and fees appointed for it for in England it was not so Fourthly Whether they had solemn presentations to Churches and Hospitals under Seals in that manner for this was long before the Council of Lateran Fifthly Whether they had then the names of Barons Seneschallus Constabularius Mareschallus not in use in England in the time of the Confessour as appeareth for the two latter by the Appendix to the Confessours laws and for their Seneschallus called their Steward Buchanan says he was brought in by Malcolm III. into Scotland Sixthly Whether the Norman Officers of Justiciarius Vicecomes Coronator Ballivus c. were then in use by any other proof than by or from these laws sic de caeteris Many other things I pretermit and take no exception to the frequent mention of Pounds and Shillings tho' I know they were scarce with them in Scotland as not abundant then in England but paid in Truck and Cattel But I admit that which the Report saith that in those times it is probable the laws of both Nations did not much differ As for the times after it appeareth they did not by comparing their Regiam Majestatem with our Glanvil They run much I confess paribus vestigiis and oftentimes totidem verbis iisdem paragraphis Whether of them leads or follows the other I dare not define and am loath to dispute The Preface to the Regia Majestas sheweth it to be written at the command of King David whom Skeneus in his Annotations calleth the first and saith he began to reign Anno 1124. i. e. 24. or 25. of Hen. I. And 't is certain that our Glanvil was not written till the time of Hen. II. who began not to reign till 1154. so that if this be true it must needs follow that we took a great part of the modell of our laws or at least the expression of them from the Scots which our Ancestors never yet acknowledg'd It may perhaps fall out upon better examination that David I. may be mistaken for David II. But for the part of Malcolm II's laws which speak of Wardship Marriage and Relief in Scotland at that time to have risen from their own Nobility Buchanan himself recedeth from that opinion and concludes Hunâ— morem ab Anglis Danis potius acceptum credo quod in tota Anglia parte Normanniae adhuc perseveret And Demster himself their greatest Antiquary ingeniously consesseth that there were no Barons in Scotland till Malcolm III. created them And he might well take his precedent from the Conquerour for he liv'd all the time of the Conquerour and about seven years after so that if there were no Barons in Scotland in the time of Malcolm II. as Demster affirmeth or the precedent taken out of England for Wardship as Buchanan believeth then could not this law be made in Malcolm II's time but seemeth rather by both their opinions to be ascrib'd to Malcolm III. and that the error hath risen as easily it may in writing II. for III. But in the mean time all this makes no proof against me CHAP. XV. No Marriage of Wards AS for Marriage it is here and in some other places mention'd by the Report but not a word any where to prove that it belonged to the Lord in the Saxon time I will help them with what I meet in the old MS. Book of Ramsey Sect. 120. where it is said that one Edwine son of Othulf gave five hides of land to Archbishop Odo Pro eo quod Regem Edredum inflexerat ut ei liceret
by the Saxons it casteth anchor chiefly on Reliefs as a thing most evident and unanswerable the rest save Wardship it scarcely fortifieth with a breath besides the bare assertion This it saith was common and in pursuit thereof addeth these words For Reliefs we have full testimony in the Reliefs of their Earls and Thanes for which see the laws of King Canutus Cap. 68 and 69. the laws of Edw. the Confessor cap. de Heretochiis and what out of the book of Doomsday Coke hath in his Instit Sect. 103. Camden in Berkshire Selden in Eadmer 154. Great authorities secumque Deos in praelia ducunt We must not meddle with them all at once let us try them singly The law cited out of Canutus is in these words And beon ða heregeata Let the heriot which was to be paid after the death of great men be according to their dignities An Earl's eight Horses four sadled and four unsadled four Helmets four Corslets eight Spears and as many Shields four Swords and two hundred marks of Gold The heriot of a Thane next to the King four Horses two sadled and two unsadled two Swords four Spears four Shields one Helmet one Corslet and fifty marks Of the inferiour or midling Thane an Horse furnished and his weapon c. And he that less hath and less may let his heriot be two pound Here is speech indeed of an heriot but none of Relief I shall anon shew the difference between them and then hath this law nothing against me Touching the law alledged to be Edward the Confessor's the words be these Qui in bello ante Dominum suum ceciderit sit hoc in terra sit alibi sint ei relevationes condonatae c. Here I confess is mention of Reliefs but I deny this to be the law of Edward the Confessor 't is true that it is published by Lambard among his receiv'd laws but if you mark it in a differing letter as noting it to be an addition In an ancient MS. therefore which I have of those laws it is not sound nor in the printed copy of Roger Hoveden who wrote till the third year of King John that is 134. years after the Confessor's time with reverence therefore be it spoken it is mistaken both in the Report and by my Ld. Coke himself whom it followeth if they say that these words were part of the law of Edw. the Confessor yea the text it self maketh ..... of William the younger call'd Rufus But to conceal no truth it is delivered by Jornalensis Monachus in the very same words as a law of an elder King amongst us than the Confessor namely of Canutus our Danish King who in the 157. Chap. of his laws speaking of one slain in battel in the presence of his Lord saith expresly Sint ei relevationes condonatae Now the game seemeth to be wonn but stay a while and remember what I said before of the translations of our Saxon Laws and Charters into Latin The Saxons and the Danes whose Language and Laws differ'd little in those days wrote their Laws only in their own tongue and the translating of them hath begotten much variety and many controversies we must therefore resort to the original Saxon where this passage is in the 75 th Chap. of the second part of his Laws in these words se man ðe aet ðam syâ—dung toforan his hlaâ—ord â—ealle sy hit innan lande sy hit of lande beon herogeata forgyfene which is thus verbatim The man that in a military Voyage is slain before or in the presence of his Lord be it upon land or off of land let the Heriots be forgiven him He saith not let the Releifs but let the Heriots be forgiven him and I deny not but this might be one of the Danish Laws which Edward the Confessor took out of Canutus's Laws when he compos'd the Common Law out of the West Saxon Law Mercian Law and Dane Law if the copies of them were extant and it is very probable that William the Conquerour or one of his sons did turn that Law of Heriots into this of Reliefs For that which my Lord Coke hath out of Doomsday is the same which Mr. Cambden hath in Barkshire touching all that County Vt Tainus vel Miles Regis Dominicus moriens pro releviamento dimittebat Regi omnia arma sua Equum unum cum sella alium sine sella quod si essent canes vel accipitres praestabantur Regi ut sivellet acciperet Here is releviamentum us'd in the Conquerour's time which I doubt not but our Question is of it in the time of the Saxons That also cited by and out of Mr. Selden is of the same nature and one answer therefore serveth to all the three Yet by way of corollary I shall anon discover another error of this sort rising even from Doomsday it self and the Normans possessing this Kingdom of the Saxons but not well instructed in their Laws and Customs which is as followeth CHAP. XVIII Difference between Heriots and Reliefs HEriots were usual among the latter Saxons Reliefs among the elder Normans before their coming into England This according to the custom of the Feudal Law and other Nations that ordain'd by Ludovicus al. Clodoveus King of France about the year 511. to tame the Almans whom he then had brought to servitude I find it not in England till the Soveraigntie of the Danes The first Laws which I find that mention it are those of Canutus before mentioned who perhaps for the assurance of his throne us'd this politick device to have all the Armour of the Kingdom at his disposition in this manner when he had dismissed his Danish Army But it falling so out as the Heriot being to be paid at or after the death of the Old Tenant and the Relief at or before the entry of the new the Normans in this did like our Ancestors the Saxons who because our Christian Pascha or Passover fell out yearly to be celebrated about the time of the Feast of their Idol Easter call'd our Passover by the name of their Easter so they seem to have conceiv'd the Saxon heriot to be the same that their Norman Relief was and therefore translated the word heriot by Releviamentum or Relevium and raising the form of their Feudal Law in England drew the Saxon customs to cohere therewith as much as might be But there is great difference between Heriots and Reliefs for Heriots were Militiae apparatus which the word signifieth and devised as I said before to keep the conquered Nation in subjection and to support the publick strength and military furniture of the Kingdom the Reliefs for the private commodity of the Lord that he might not have inutilem proprietatem in the Seignory The Heriots were therefore properly paid in habiliments of war the Reliefs usually in money The Heriot for the Tenant that died and out of his goods the Relief for the Tenant
that none should be put to further trouble unless the King 's own necessity or the common good of the Kingdom required it Therefore the Bishops Earls Sheriffs Heretoches or Marshals of Armies Trithingreves Leidgreves Lieutenants Hundredors Aldermen Magistrates Reves Barons Vavasors Thungreves and other Lords of land must be all diligently attending at these Assemblies lest that the lewdness of offenders the misdemeanor Gravionum i. of Sheriffs and the ordinary corruption of Judges escaping unpunished make a miserable spoil of the people First let the laws of true Christianity which we call the Ecclesiastical be fully executed with due satisfaction then let the pleas concerning the King be dealt with and lastly those between party and party and whomsoever the Church-Synod shall find at variance let them either make an accord between them in love or sequester them by their sentence of excommunication c. Whereby it appeareth that Ecclesiastical causes were at that time under the cognizance of this Court But I take them to be such Ecclesiastical causes as were grounded upon the Ecclesiastical laws made by the Kings themselves for the government of the Church for many such there were almost in every King's time and not for matters rising out of the Roman Canons which haply were determinable only before the Bishop and his Ministers To proceed Before they entered into any causes as it is commanded in the Laws of Canutus which we mentioned par 2. ca. 17. the Bishop to use the term of our time which from hence taketh the original gave a solemn charge unto the people touching Ecclesiastical matters opening unto them the rights and reverence of the Church and their duty therein towards God and the King according to the word of God and Divinity Then the Alderman in like manner related unto them the Laws of the land and their duty towards God the King and Common-wealth according to the rule and tenure thereof Of all which because I find a notable precedent in a Synodal Edict made by Carolus Calvus Emperour and King of France in Concil Carissiaco An. Dom. 856. I will here add it not to shew that our Saxons took their form of government from the French but that both the French and they as brethren descending from one parent the German kept the rights and laws of their natural Country Episcopi quinque in suis parochiis Missi in illorum Missaticis Comitesque in eorum Comitatibus pariter placita teneant quo omnes Reipub. Ministri Vassi Dominici omnesque quicunque vel quorumcunque homines in iisdem parochiis Comitatibus sine ulla personaram acceptione excusatione aut dilatione conveniant c. That is The Bishops in their parishes or Diocesses and the Justices Itinerant or Aldermen in their Circuits and the Earls in their Counties shall hold their pleas together whereunto all Ministers and Officers of the Common-wealth all the King's Barons and all other whatsoever they be or whose Tenants soever they be within the same parishes or Counties without any respect of persons excuse or delay shall assemble together And the Bishop of that parish or Diocess having briefly noted sentences touching the matter out of the Evangelists Apostles and Prophets shall read them to the people and also the decrees Apostolick and Canons of the Church and in open and plain terms shall instruct them all what manner and how great a sin it is to violate or spoil the Church and what and how great pennance and what merciless and severe punishment it requireth with other accustomed necessary and profitable admonishments The Aldermen also or Justices shall note down such sentences of law as they call to mind and shall publish unto them the Constitutions of us and our predecessors Kings and Emperours gathered together touching this matter And the Bishops by the Authority of God and the Apostles and the Aldermen or Justices and Earls under the penalty of the King's Laws shall with all the care they can prohibit every man of the Kingdom from making any prey or spoil of the Church c. OF PARLIAMENTS WHEN States are departed from their original Constitution and that original by tract of time worn out of memory the succeeding Ages viewing what is past by the present conceive the former to have been like to that they live in and framing thereupon erroneous propositions do likewise make thereon erroneous inferences and Conclusions I would not pry too boldly into this ark of secrets but having seen more Parliaments miscarry yea suffer shipwrack within these sixteen years past than in many hundred heretofore I desire for my understanding's sake to take a view of the beginning and nature of Parliaments not meddling with them of our time which may displease both Court and Country but with those of old which now are like the siege of Troy matters only of story and discourse Because none shall go beyond me in this argument I will begin with the foundation of Kingdoms which of necessity must be more ancient than Parliaments for that a Parliament is the grand Council of the Kingdom assembled at the commandment of the King for advice in matters of State Our first labour is then to see what this Grand-Council was originally It is confest on all hands that the King is universal Lord of his whole Territories and that no man possesseth any part thereof but deriv'd from him either mediately or immediately This derivation thus proceeded The King in the beginning divided his whole territory into two parts one to be manured by his own Tenants and Husbandmen then call'd Socmen For the Kings of England us'd in those days to stock their grounds themselves like the Kings of Israel and by the profits thereof especially to maintain their Hospitality their Court and Estate having in every Mannour Officers and Servants for that purpose This part was Sacrum Patrimonium the inseperable inheritance of the Crown call'd in Doomsday Terra Regis and in Law the Ancient Demaine And because it belong'd to the husbandry of the King all that manur'd or held any part of this land were said to be Tenants in Socage and might not be drawn into the wars of which nature as touching their Tenure they continue at this day The other part of his whole territory he portioned out to Military men which tho' the other was the more profitable yet this was always held for the more honourable and therefore so divided this among his Nobles and chief servants and followers for supportation in his wars and Royal Estate To some in greater measure to others in less according to their merit and qualities Provinces to Dukes Counties to Earls Castles and Signiories unto Barons rendring unto him not ex pacto vel condicto for that was but cautela superabundans but of common right and by the Law of Nations for so I may term the Feodal-law then to be in our Western Orb all Feodal duties and services due from the Donees and their
and others This point of use and example I have in a manner answered before speaking as it fell in my way of Bishops being secular Judges One line serveth to level at them both yet for further and more perspicuous resolution of the matter see both the example and the use censured in the Decret 34. Distinct ca. 1. by Pope Nicholas ad Albinum Archiepisc alias Aluinum Quemadmodum relatione fidelium nostris auribus intimatum est quod Lanfredus Episcopus qui juvenis esse dicitur venationi sit deditus quod vitium plurimos etiam de Clericali Catalogo genere duntaxat Germanos Gallos irreverenter implicat Verum iste si ita est ut audivimus merito juvenis dicitur qui juvenilibus desideriis occupatus nulla gravitate constringitur Et infra Nam ut Beatus dicit Hieronymus Venatorem nunquam legimus sanctum Then blaming him also for being too familiar with his daughter he saith Oportet ergo fraternitatem tuam Synodale cum Episcopis Suffraganeis tuis convocare Concilium hunc salutaribus colloquiis Episcopum convenire atque illi pastorali authoritate praecipere quatenus ab omnium bestiarum vel volucrum venatione penitus alienus existat or in short to Excommunicate him Here he sheweth Hunting to be used both by a Bishop and by a multitude of Clerks plurimos But neither the Person and Dignity of the one not the multitude nor frequent use in the other maketh the Pope to abstain from condemning it Howbeit they whose example the Apologist alledgeth little respected as I think the whole Volume of Canons Touching the Record of the Earl of Arundel's Excommunication for taking up the Arch-bishop of Canterbury's Hounds coming into the Earl's grounds to Hunt and the Arch-bishop's pleading That it was lawful for him to Hunt in any Forest of England whensoever he would we must as we before said pray Oyer of the Record for parols font plea and their certainty appears not here nor what became of the issue which tho' it fell out to be found for the Arch-bishop yet perhaps it discharged him not against the Canon And well might he be as bold with the Canon as he was with the Law For it is directly against the Law both of England and France to Excommunicate a Peer of the Realm without the King's assent and therefore Henry III. was sore offended with the Arch-bishop for this Excommunication and the Bishops of London and Norwich were called in question for the like in Henry the Second s time as Matthew Paris reporteth pa. 99. But because his case sways the cause to the ground I must dwell a little the longer upon it to shew what became of it The truth is it was ended by comprise in the Chappel at Slyndon upon Friday after the Circumcision of our Lord 1258. that is 43. Henr. III. in this manner quod idem Archiepiscopus successores sui semel in quolibet anno non plus cum transierint per dictam Forestam i. e. de Arundel cum una lesia de sex leporariis sine aliis canibus sine arcu habeant unum cursum in eundo alium in redeundo ita quod si capiant unam feram illam habebunt si nihil capiant in illo cursu nihil habebunt Si vero capiant plus quam unam feram Archiepiscopi qui pro tempore fuerint habeant quam elegerint residuum habeant dictus Dominus Johannes haeredes ejus c. Then is it further awarded that the said Earl his Heirs and Assigns shall yearly for ever pay unto the said Arch-bishop and his Successors 13. Bucks and 13. Does captas de fermysun as the Record saith at times there appointed And then followeth this close which maketh all plain Et actum est expresse inâ—â—r partes de praecepto ordinatione dictorum Arbitratorum quod dictae partes procurabunt confirmationem Domini Papae Domini Regis super praesenti confirmatione By this Record it appeareth that neither the Earl could make this grant without Licence from the King for that all Forests are the Kings and no Subject can have them otherwise than in custody nor the Arch-bishop could safely use the priviledge of Hunting without dispensation from the Pope and tho â—yet find not where the one was obtain'd from the Pope yet I find where the other was granted from the King and namely from Edward the First in the 2 d. year of his Reign where all the award and composition beforesaid is by way of Inspeximus recited and confirmed But the composition for the Bucks and Does was after in Edw. the third's time released by the Arch-bishop Simon Islip having taken for the same 240. marks as witness Antiqq Britann ca. 55. And it seemeth further by this Record that the Arch-bishops of Canterbury had not at that time dispensation from the Pope to Hunt where they listed in any Forest of England for then should he not have needed special Dispensation in this case But howsoever the Dispensation or Confirmation was hereupon obtain it is apparent that it stretched no further than to Hunt with Grey-hounds for the Bow is expresly forbidden and excepted It may be some will extend the word Confirmation to be meant of some right of Hunting which the Arch-bishop upon this arbitrement was to disinherit his Church of which I leave to the judgement of Lawyers For it may contain both tho' I never saw any precedent of the Popes in that kind for so small a matter but of the other kind we have before made mention of one to Roger Bishop of Salisbury and a multitude of others are to be produc d. Again if they have a Dispensation for Hunting yet it hath some limitation either for the place or the manner which his Lordship if he justify under that must shew particularly To come now at last to to the last point of the Apologie drawn from the particular example of Arch-bishop Cranmer who in the description of his Life Britannicarum Antiqq ca. 68. is set forth to Hunt Shoot and Ride a great or stirring Horse with notable activity even when he was Arch-bishop and in the words recited by the Apologist But these be Exercises of War not of Religion fit for Barons not for Bishops who in ancient time following the example of our Saviour and his Apostles walked on foot as appeareth by Bede Eccl. Hist l. 3. ca. 14. lib. 4. ca. 3. and beginning to Ride used here in England Mares as Bede also witnesseth lib. 2. ca. 13. in other places Mules not Horses for Bellum haec armenta minantur as not only the Poet saith but as the Scripture also Prov. 21. ult Equus paratur ad diem belli And such belike did this Arch-bishop Cranmer mount upon and mannage as the words imply ut in famulatu suo non fuerit quisquam qui in generosum equum salire ac tractare elegantius potuisset Besides
that make me think that our wealth should continue with us better now than in times past it hath done are for that the Roman-coffers are not now glutted as they have been with English-treasure continually flowing into them For it is a world to consider the huge stocks of mony that those cozening Prelates have heretofore extorted out of her Majesties Kingdoms by their Antichristian and usurpt Supremacie As by Pope Innocent constraining King John to redeem his Crown at his hands and to take it for ever in farm for the yearly rent of 1000. marks to be paid to him and his Successors By causing Henry III. to maintain his wars against Frederick the Emperor and Conrade King of Sicil By drawing from our Kings many contributions and benevolences By laying upon their Subjects as well temporal as spiritual tenths and taxes in most ravenous manner and that very often So that in the time of Henry III. the Realm was by such an extream tax mightily impoverished as our Chronicles witness as also at many other times since and before For when the Pope was disposed to use mony he would tax our people as if they had been his natural Subjects by many Congratulations of the Clergy as 11000. marks at one pull to Pope Innocent IV. by private Remembrances from single Bishops as 9500. marks from the Arch-bishop of York to Pope Clement V. in An. 34. or 35. Edw. I. and from divers of them jointly 6000. marks to the foresaid Innocent By their rich Revenue of the First-fruits and Tenths as well of the Archbishopricks as of all other Spiritual Livings now reannext unto the Crown by the Parliament in the first of her Majesty By Installing Consecrating and Confirming Bishops By dealing Benefices By appellations to the Church of Rome By giving definitive Sentences By distributing heavenly Grace By granting Pardons and Faculties By dispensations of Marriages Oaths and such like By selling their blessed trumpery and many such other things that I cannot reckon whereof that merchandizing Prelate knoweth full well how to make a Commoditie according to the saying of Mantuan Venalia nobis Templa Sacerdotes Altaria sacra Coronae Ignis thura preces coelum est Venale Deusque All this consider'd and that the summs of mony by them receiv'd before the time of Henry VIII were according to the value of our Coin at this day three times as much as before is shewed you must needs confess that the fat of the Land larded the Roman dishes whilst our selves teer'd upon the lean-bones Besides it must not be forgotten that one tenth granted to the Pope impoverisht the Realm more than ten unto the King For what the King had was at length return'd again among the Subjects little thereof going out of the Land much like the life-blood which tho' it shifteth in divers parts yet still continueth it self within the body But whatsoever came into St. Peter's pouch was lockt up with the infernal key Et ab infernis nulla est redemptio England might lick her lips after that it came no more among her people Thus we were made the Bees of Holy-Church suffer'd to work and store our hives as well as we could but when they waxed any thing weighty his Legates were sent to drive them and fetch away the honey Yea if his Holyness were sharp sett indeed he would not stick to use a trick of Husbandry rather burn the Bees than want the honey I may tell you too his Legates and Nuncio's were ever trim fellows at licking of the hive as in our Chronicles you may read abundantly Viand You have made the matter so plain that I must needs grant that our treasure goeth not out of the Land in any comparable measure as it did in times past For as you say tho' these actions of the Low-Countries France Portugal and other places hath somewhat suck'd us yet I consider that we have ever had such a vent even in the several days of our Kings as in the time of Queen Mary King Edw. VI. King Henry VIII c. Selv. Their occasions indeed are best known unto us because many men living were witnesses thereof But I will recite unto you cursorily somewhat of the rest that you may the better be satisfy'd that it is no novelty in England And for to begin with Henry II. what store of treasure think you was by him and his wasteful sons whereof two namely Henry and John were Kings as well as himself daily carry'd into France Flanders Saxony Sicil Castile the Holy-land and other places sometime about their wars and turbulent affairs other some time for Royal expence about meeting feasting and entertaining the French King the Pope foreign Princes and such other occasions the particular whereof were too long to recite But we may well think that England must needs sweat for it in those days to feed the riotous hands of three several Kings spending so much of their time on the other side the Seas as they did The like was done by Richard I. about his ransome and business with the Emperor and Leopold Duke of Austria about his wars in France and the Holy-land where it is said that by estimation he spent more in one month than any of his predecessors ever did in a whole year By Henry III. about the affected Kingdom of Sicil and his wars in Gascoigne and other parts of France and in bounty to strangers He at one time sent into France at the direction of the Poictovins 30. barrels of Starling Coin for payment of foreign Souldiers and at another time these his wasteful expences being cast up the summ amounted to 950000. marks which after the rate of our allay encreaseth to By Edw. I. about his Actions of Guien Gascoigne France Flanders and the Conquest of Scotland and the striking of a League with Adolph the Emperor Guy Earl of Flanders John Duke of Brabant Henry Earl of Bar Albert Duke of Austria and others against the French King and Earl Jo. of Henault his partaker By Edw. III. about his Victories and designs in France and elsewhere which exhausted so much treasure as little or none almost remain'd in the Land as before is shewed By Henry IV. about the stirs of Britain and in supportation of the confederate faction of Orleance By Henry V. about his Royal Conquest of France By Edw. IV. in aiding the Duke of Burgundy and in revenging himself upon the King of France By Henry VII about his wars in France in annoying the Flemings in assisting the Duke of Savoy and Maximilian King of the Romans I need not speak of Henry VIII whose foreign Expences as they were exceeding great so they are sufficiently known to most men Neither have I more than lightly run over the rest who besides these that I have spoken of had many other foreign charges of great burden and much importance and yet not so much as once touch'd by me as Marriage of their Children with foreign Princes Treaties
now to our greater enrichment return'd again amongst us by dissolution of these Popish Ceremonies Viand You may also reckon the mony given to maintenance of Priests Monkery Lights Obits Anniversaries and all the plate and treasure of the Clergy at that time to be of the same sort Selv. That did Edward the first well consider and therefore to the end that he might dig it out of the grave and bring it abroad again among the people that had need thereof he suffer'd the matter to be so handl'd by one of his Treasurers that certain Captains appointed to work the feat placing their Souldiers in every quarter through the Realm made search at one time in July at three of the clock in the afternoon for all such mony were it hid or laid up in hallowed places and taking the same away brought it unto the King who dissembling the matter as he that stood in need excused the act done by his Treasurer and thought it no offence but rather a good work Besides all this there is yet another means whereby the Treasure of our Land must needs be much encreased and that is by divers good Laws and Statutes made both for causing it to be brought into the Realm and also for containing it within the lists of the same when it is come And that is by the Stat. 14. Edw. III. whereby it was enacted that every man denizen or stranger that should transport any wooll out of the Land should find sufficient sureties to bring again unto the King's Exchange for every sack of wooll transported plates of Silver to the value of two marks And by the Statute of 3. Henry V. confirm'd and quickned by 32. Hen. VI. which provided that every Merchant-stranger buying wooll in England not coming to the Staple to be sold shall bring to the Master of the Mint of the Tower of London of every sack one ounce of Bullion of Gold and in the same manner of three pieces of Tin one ounce of Bullion of Gold or the value in Bullion of Silver upon pain of forfeiture of the same Woolls and Tin or the value thereof to the King It is provided also for containing of mony within the Land that all Merchant-strangers shall employ all the mony receiv'd by them within this Realm upon the Merchandise and Commodities of this Realm deducting their reasonable expences and that they shall give sufficient surety for doing hereof and the trespasser to forfeit and be punished grievously as in the Statutes is contain'd 3. Hen. VII affirming and enlarging 14. Edw. IV. and many other of like effect And by 4. Hen. VII that no man dwelling in England shall pay or deliver wittingly to any Merchant or other born out of the King's obedience for any Merchandise or Wares or in any other wise any Gold coined Plate Vessels Bullion Jewels of Gold or Silver upon pain of forfeiture thereof And by 14. Edw. IV. affirm'd by 4. Hen. VII and for a time continued by 1. and 3. Henry VIII with a mitigation of the bloody penalty all men except such as had the King's Licence or were dispensed with by those Statutes were utterly inhibited from carrying out of the Realm any manner of Coin plate vessel massy Bullion jewels of Gold or Silver Which Law and many other of the like effect tho' they continue not now in force yet the fruit thereof remaineth to us still as Children enrich'd by their Fathers sparings Besides it is not altogether to be passed in silence that our treasure is somewhat increased by the Gold and Silver try'd out of our own Mines here in England Which tho' it be little or nothing in respect that in this latter age we have wimbl'd even into the bowels of Plutus's Treasury the Western Indies yet is it so much as our Historiographers both new and ancient have thought it worth the noting and all our Kings from time to time have made especial account of as well appeareth by a multitude of Leases thereof granted by them to many noble Personages extant in the Checquer Records and also by the process and argument of the Earl of Northumberland's Case concerning a Copper-mine 10. Eliz. which in Plowden's Commentaries is at large reported But be it little or great Many littles as our Adage saith make a great and continual accession amasseth at length to a mighty thing as is well seen in the Hill Testacchio in Rome which standing in a plain and being about half a mile in compass and exceeding in height any Tower in the Town-wall is said to have been made of the shards of the potts wherein the tribute-mony was brought to Rome or as pleaseth rather the more Learned sort of broken potts thrown out of the VII College of Potters built by Numa Pompilius But be it the one or other the semblance serves my turn and there 's an end THE PLACES or DWELLINGS OF THE ARCH-BISHOPS and BISHOPS of this Realm Now or of former times in which Houses their several Owners have Ordinary Jurisdiction and be as parcel of their Diocess as is recited in the Stat. of 33. Hen. VIII ca. 31. altho' they be situate within the precinct of another Bishop's Diocess 1. THe Lords Arch-bishops of CANTERBURY of long time enjoyed and do enjoy Lambeth-house as appeareth in Historia Cantuariensium Archiepiscoporum set forth as is thought by Dr. Ackworth in the Lord Arch-bishop Parker's time The which house was never severed from the Lord Arch-bishop's See of Canterbury since the annexion thereof to that See 2. The house at Lambeth-marsh commonly call'd Carlisle-house was the Bishop of ROCHESTER'S Palace until about 26. Hen. VIII as appeareth in the foresaid Historia Cantuariensis and also in the Act of Parliament of 22. Hen. VIII ca. 9. made against poysoning whereby it doth appear that the house of John Bishop of Rochester was at Lambeth-marsh But afterwards about An. 27. Hen. VIII or after the same being some ways the Kings was convey'd to Robert Aldridge Bishop of CARLILE and his Successors in exchange for his houses near Ivie-bridge now the Earl of Worcester and Salisbury's and other houses there toward the Street and of a yearly Rent of 16l. or thereabouts out of those houses given to the Bishop of Carlile and his Successors for those houses formerly call'd Carlile-place But the said Bishop Aldridge leas'd the house of Lambeth-marsh for some small and not valuable Rent for divers years yet enduring 3. The Bishop of ROCHESTER had given for his Palace to dwell in certain houses lately call'd Rochester-house near adjoining to Winchester-place and sometime as it is reported parcel of the possessions of the Priory of St. Swithins in Winchester but that place is lately divided into several little dwellings 4 WINCHESTER Place with the liberty of the Prison of the Clynke and Bancke belonged and doth belong to the Bishop of Winchester and the house was in Edw. the Sixth's time conveyed to the Marquess of
Richard Tribunus Regis or Marshal to King Henry II. 166. Hundradors 51. Hundreds their original 50. Hundred Courts 51. Hunting forbidden to Clergy-men 109 112 113 114 115. Hydes what 17. When disus'd 4â— I Ibreneys Rad. de 190. Iceni 135. Eorum nomina derivatio ibid. Icenia 135. Ejusdem termini ibid. Coelum solum 13â— Ina King of the West Saxons adjusted the quantity of Rent for every Plough-land 15. By whose advice he made his Laws 61. Made a strict Law against working on Sundays 57. Ingolsthorp 146. Inland what 12. Intwood 157. K. John's Magna Charta 63. John Marshal to King Henry I. 165. Irregularity of Clergy-men wherein it consists 109 112. I se fluvius unde dictus 135. Ejusdem aestus 139. Islepe Sim Arch-bishop of Canterbury 90. Jury taken out of several Hundreds in a County 53. Jurours prohibited to have meat c. till agreed of their Verdict 89. Jus Gentium 2. Justices of Evre when instituted 27. Justinian the Emperor when he flourish'd 129. He prohibited Clergy-men to take cognizance of Wills ibid. Justitium what 72. K Keninghall 158. Kent the custom of Gavelkind in that County 43. Kettringham 15â— The King the fountain of all Feuds and Tenures 1â— The King to have his Tenants lands till the heir has done homage 3â— The King universal Lord of his whole Territories 37. Anciently granted Churches to Lay-men 115 Knight what among the Saxons 51 58. Why there are but two Knights of the Shire for a County 64. Knight's-fees 3 4 51 58. When introduc'd 45. The number of them ibid. The value of a Knights-fee ibid. Knight-service 2 7. Kymberley 158. S Sacha Soca what in the Saxon tongue 51. Saliques bring the German feodal Rights into France 5. Sall in Norfolk 151. Sandringham 146. Sanhadrim when and where the Judges of it sate 75. Satrapies among the Saxons 50. Saxons the first planters of the German Rites in Great Britain 5. Their Charters translated 7. The manner of making their conveyances 8 Distinction of persons among them 11. How many degrees of Honour they had 16. How they held their lands 40. What oblig'd 'em to so many kinds of services ibid. Saxons very much given to drunkenness 89. When they took possession of England 100. They swept away the Roman Laws there 101 Yet took somewhat from them 102. Why their Laws were not at first put in writing ibid. When they had written Laws ibid. The use of wills unknown to the ancient Saxons 127. Our Saxons observ'd the Civil Law in their wills 128. Scutagium 36 37. Sedgeford 146. Segrave Nicholas Marshal of England 167. Seignory wherein it consists 2. Services how many sorts of 'em upon lands 17. Personal services 40. Praedial ibid. Alodial ibid. Beneficiary ibid. Colonical ibid. Servitia militaria what 46. The difference between them and Servitutes militares ibid Seymour Edward Duke of Somerset Nephew of King Edw. VI. 169. Made Lord Treasurer and Earl Marshal of England ibid. Shardlow Joh Justice of Oyer had a licence to hear causes on a Festival 95 96. Sharnburn 146. History of the Family 189 c. Shelton 156. Shouldham 142. Shyre gemot what 53. Signioral authority what 6â— Snetsham 146 189 190 c. Socage 3 7 33 43. Socmen 1â— 15 57. Sprowston 153. Stanchow 146 19â— Star chamber Court 94 95. Stigand Arch-bishop of Canterbury depos'd 119. Stock-Chappel 146. Stow-Bardolfe 140. Strangbow Gilb Earl of Pembroke and Marshal of the King's Palace 165. Suiters of the Hundred 51. When and by whom call'd at this day ibid. Summons the manner of it in the Empire 36. Sunday how exempted from Law Suits 76. Sustenance what 59. Swasham 141. Swainmote-Courts 85. Syndici who 63 64. Synod of Eanham when held 78. T Talbot George Earl of Shrewsbury 171. Executed the Office of Lord High Steward of England ibid. Tallagium 60. Tasburg 156. Tassilo Duke of Bavaria did homage to King Pipin 34. Tenant lands of how many sorts 4. Tenants by Knight-service 4. Tenant in capite 10. Tenant in menalty ibid. Tenant Paraval ibid. Tenant's land or the Tenancy 12. Tenants what they were in ancient time 51. Tenants in Socage 57. Tenants forc'd to pay a fine upon the marriage of a Daughter 60. To furnish their Lords with provisions ibid. To present them with gratuities ibid. Tenure in capite 2. By Knight-service 4 7. The Original of Tenures 4. Tenure in Socage 4 7. Tenures for Life ibid. What tenures were in use among the Saxons 7. When first us'd ibid. No tenures in capite among the Saxons 10. Tenure in capite of two sorts ibid. The fruits of feodal tenures 24. The name of tenures not us'd by the Saxons 40. Terminus what it signifies 71. When the word became frequent ibid. Terms their definition and etymology 71. Several acceptations of the word 70. Full term and Puisne term ibid. The Original of Terms 73 77. Two Terms among the Welch 74. The Terms laid out according to the ancient Laws 82. The ancient bounds of Hilary-Term 82 83. Of Easter-Term 83. Of Trinity-Term 84 85. Of Michaelmass-Term 85 86. How Trinity Term was alter'd 87. Michaelmass-Term how abbreviated 88. Why the Terms are sometime extended into the Vacation 95. Terra Regis 57. Terrae testamentales 12. Terrington 138. Tertium denarium 14. Testaments and last wills not in use among the ancient Hebrews 127. Not found in Scripture before Christ's time ibid. Expresly mention'd by St. Paul ibid. Not us'd by the Saxons or Normans ibid. The custom of making wills from whom taken up ibid. How many witnesses to a will requir'd by the Civil Law 128. Thane or Theoden who 10 11. Their several kinds 16. Not properly a title of Dignity ibid. The Etymology of their name ibid. The quality of their Persons ibid. The nature of their Land 17. The word Thane has no relation to war 21. A Thane's Heriot 31. Thane-lands not subject to feodal service 18. Charters of Thane-lands granted by Saxon Kings 19 20. The occasion of granting them 21. Thane-lands alienated ibid. Devised by will 22. Granted to women ibid. No service upon 'em but what was express'd ibid. Dispos d of at the pleasure of the owner 23. Charged with a Rent ibid. Might be restrain'd from alienation ibid. Thane-lands and Reveland what 38. Thani majores minores 16. Thani Regis ibid. Theinge 50. His jurisdiction ibid. Theowes and Esnes who 11. Thetford 158. Thokus Dominus de Sharnburn 189. Thola the widow of Ore had a grant of certain lands of K. Edw. the Confessour 20. Obtain'd a Licence to devise her Lands and Goods 34. Thrimsa what 15. Thrithingreves or Leidgerevâ—s their Office and Authority 52. What causes were usually brought before ' em ibid. Tribunus militum rei militaris aut exercitus 165. Tribute 59. Trimarcesia what 3. Trinity-term its ancient bounds 84 85. How it was alter'd and shortned 87. Trinodis necessitas 17 43. Trithings or Lathes 50. Why so call'd 52. Turfs why so call'd 139 140. Tydd
139. Tylney 138. Tylney-smeeth ibid. V Vacation what 72. A particular Vacation appointed by the Longobards 84. Valvasini 58. Valvasor 16 17 58. Vassalagium what 34. Vassalli 3 9. Venatio clamosa quieta aut modesta 109 114. Villanus what it signifies in Latin 14. W De Waceio Radulphus Princeps militiae Normannorum 165. Wallington 14â— Walpole 138. Walsham 153. Walsingham 149. Walsoke 138. Walter Arch-deacon of Oxenford 100. Walter Bishop of Durham bought Northumberland 116. Sate himself in the County Court ibid. By whom kill'd ibid. Walter Marshal of England the fourth son of William the King's Marshal 166. When he dy'd ibid. Walton 138. Walworth Sir Will Lord Mayor of London 168. Wapentakes 50. Watton 161. Waxham 153. Wardship no profits arising from it in the Saxons time 25. The original of its name ibid. Wardship in Scotland 27. Warenna Guil. de 19â— Were or Weregild what 15. West-acre 141. West Saxon-Law 49. Wic what it signifies in the Saxon tongue 156. Wichingham 151. Wigenhall 138. William the Conquerour transfer'd his Country customs into Ireland 5. Makes Feuds and Tenures hereditary there ibid. Priviledges granted by him to the Cinque-Ports 26. Gave certain lands to Baldwin Abbot of St. Edmund s-bury 45. His Laws made by the consent of the Bishops and Barons 61. His Constitution concerning Festivals and Law days 8â— Made a Law that no man should be put to death for any crime 82. Laws of Scotland Reg. Maj. 131 Laws Saxon in the King's Library MS. 17. Lind. Cland. Despons 80. Littleton Justice 6. His Tenures 35. Longobard-laws 89 131. Loyseau de Seigneurs 13 92. Ludovici Pii Exauctoratio 185. Vita 185. Lyndwood 109. M Major Joh. 27. An ancient Manuscript of Saxon Laws in the King's Library 17. Marculphus 9 128 129. Matthew Paris 11 62 71 116 118 12â— 138 151 152 166 167. Merula 5. N Neapolitan and Sicilian Constitutions 10 80. Norman Customs 30 80. Novella of Constantine Porphyrogenneta 36. O Osbertus 99. Oswald Bishop of Worcester 4 P Pancirollus 148 154 Pasquier 13. Paulus Diaconus 84. Pausanias 3. Philo Judaeus 75. Placita Coronae 60. de Platea Joh. 64. Plinius 138. Polydorus Virgilius 62 71. Prosper 93. R Radevicus de Gest Frid. I. 82. Radulphus Niger 90 117. Ramsey-Abbey MS 29 53 128 139 140 146. Rastal 86. S Selden 26. Sigonius 127. Skeneus 28. Smith Sir Tho. 6 75. Soto 109 112. Spelman's Glossary 1 3 12 15 Codex legum 96. Spelmans Concilia Britannica 8 17 18 23. Sprott a Monk of Canterbury 45. Statius 84. Stow. 147 154 168 186 213. Suarez 109. Suecus Gravius 3. Synod of Eanham 78. T Tabienus 90 91. Tacitus 3 4 15 35 51 59 74 127 149. V Vegetius 147. Vincent 168 169. Virgilius 93. W Walsingham Hypodigma Neustriae 82 92 151 167. Waraeus 140. K. William I's Laws 82 84. William of Malmsbury 119 145. Y York Herald 168 169. FINIS 1 Pag. 188. 2 Pag. 208. 3 Pag. 212. Durham-house Birth 1 Praef. ad Gloss Edit 1687 by J. A. Education 2 Praef. ad Gloss 3 Letter against Impropriations printed among the Treatises publisht by Jer. Stephens 1647. 4tâ— Sent to Lincoln's Inn. Marriage 1 2 Jac. 1 Employments 2 Hacket Life of Bishop Williams Part 2. pag 93. Knighted Came to live in London 1 Pref. to the Gloss Study of our ancient Historians 1 Law-Terms Chap. 8 in MS. Oxon Glossary 1 Praef. ad Gloss 2 Brady Answ to Mr. Petit pag. 229. The second part of the Glossary 1 Mr. Petit's Jani Anglorum facies Nova p. 219. 265. And the answer to it by Dr. Brady pag. 229. 1 Brady pag. 229. Councils 1 Praef. ad Concil Vol. I. 〈…〉 Councils 1 〈…〉 Council The second Volume of the Councils 1 Life of Mr. Somner 2 Mr. Nicolsons English Library part 2. pag. 43. 1 〈…〉 Asâ—mol Oxon 〈…〉 1 Pag â—24 Larger Work of Tithes The History and Fate of Sacriledge MS 2 Ath. Oxon p. 230. Part 2. Codex Legum Veterum MS. De Sepultura Aspilogia Book of Abbreviations 〈…〉 1 Pref. to that Book 〈…〉 〈…〉 1 Dedicat. ad Tho. Adamsium ante Bedam Acquaintance Children 3 Praef. ad Concil T. 1. 2 Camd. Ep. 226. 〈◊〉 Spelman Clement Spelman 1 Wood At h Oxon. p. 511. part 2. 〈…〉 〈…〉 dâ—finitâ—â—n of a 〈◊〉 Th◠〈…〉 1 Cujac in praefat ad lib. 1. feud p. 10. seq 2 Cujac ad lib. 3. feud tit 1. p. 178. Instances of Feuds among the 〈◊〉 3 1 Chron. â—hap 23 2â— 4 Ibid. Cap. 23. 5 Cap. 27. 1 Num. 21. 14. 1 Kings 13. 17. 2 Lib. de Phocid p. 118. Among the Gauls 3 Bell. Gall. lib. 6. p. 118. Ambactâ— 4 Bell. Gall. p. 184. 5 Ibid. p. 124. 6 Genes 14. 14. 7 Germ. Mor. p. 129. 8 Cujac ad Constit Lotharii feud lib. 5. p. 284. 9 Bell. Gall. lib. 6. p. 120. 10 Germ. Mor. 11 Bell. Gall. p. 121. 12 In Epist ad Bon. Vulcan Vid. Bellagines in Glossario nostro 1 Cujac in prâ—â— aâ— lib. p. 1. 2 Cujac ad liâ— 1. feud p. 21. 3 Vid infra Chap. â—6 Tenuâ—eâ—â—â—r Liâ—e How Feuds became hereditary Feuds hereditary in England 1 Comment in consuet Fâ—â—d Cap. 1. 2 Rex Mediolan lib. 3. 3 Gunt p. 409. 1 Aâ— lib. 1. Feud Tit. 1. p. 21. The great growth of 〈◊〉 â—s to title 2 Cujac Feud lib. 3. p. 180. 3 Ibid. 4 Lib. 1. p. 7. 5 Feud lib. 1. p. 5. 6 〈◊〉 3. â— 5. 〈◊〉 437. No proper Feuds before the Conquest What Tenures were in use among the Saxons Tenures when first used Translation of Saxon Charters No Feodal words among the Saxons The charter of Beorredus examined 1 Hist Lib. 2. c. 5. Saxon Charters in the Saxon tonguâ— 2 Concil Brit. p. 378. 1 In praesatione illius Libri Feudum not in use in Beorredus's days 2 Chap. 20. 21. 3 Ad Marculâ— p. 470. 4 P. 550. 5 Prooem ad lib. Feud p. 7. Feuda and Beneficia 1 Lib. 1. Tit. 65. c. 2 Lib. 3. Tit. 21. c. 3 Norm Reform p. 4. 4 In Gul. Rege No Tenures in Capite among the Saxons Tenure in Capite of two sorts 1 Lib. Ramsey f. 42. d. §. 279. 2 Pap. 157. Distinction of persons among the Saxons Lands among the Saxons Bocland 1 Vid. Gloss in Verb. Foresta Folcland Inland 2 Ing. Sax. p. 864. Outland 3 Praef. ad libr. Fend p. 12. 4 Itinerar Cant. p. 495. Earl no title of dignity anciently 1 Asser de gest Alfredi p. 21. 2 Ibid. No Earldoms hereditary Earldoms in France 3 Loyseau â—e Seignier c. 5. p. 106. lin â—lt Ceorls 1 Cap. 70. Ceorls 2 P. 116. 3 De Mor. Germ. p. 132. 4 Cap. 65. 5 Fol. 55. C. 6 Cap. de Weregild 7 Ll. Aethelst ibid. Earls capable of Knight's-Fees Thane what Thâ— quality of Thanes 1 Hist Seâ—â— Lib. 6. 2 Itâ—n Cant. p. 502. 1 Cap. de dignitate hominum f. 163.
being now corruptly so called for Tridings or Thrithings Those things therefore that could not be determined in the Hundred-Courts either for difficulty or miscarriage thereof were from thence brought unto the Trithing where all the principal men of three or more Hundreds being assembled did debate and determine it or if they could not did then send it up nnto the County Court to be there decided as in Parliament by the whole body of the County This appeareth by the Laws of Edward the Confessor Cap. 34. where it is said Erant aliae potestates super Wapentachia quas vocabant ðriðingas c. that is There were other Jurisdictions over Wapentakes or Hundreds which they called Thrithings because they contained a third part of the Province or County And those that governed these Thrithings were thereupon called Thrithingreves before whom were brought all causes that could not be determined in the Wapentakes or Hundreds Tho' I find no such division of our County of Norfolk yet I see the use thereof remained there both till and after the times of the Conquest For William Rufus in a controversie of the Abbot of Ramsie's about the Town of Holme in Norfolk sent his Writ to H. Chamberlyn then Trithingreve as it seemeth over that part of the County commanding him to assemble three Hundreds and an half at a place called Fliâ—ham-burrough which to this day beareth that name and is the site of the Hundred of Frebridge there to determine the said controversie which Writ for reviewing of the ancient customs of the Kingdom I will here adjoin as it standeth in the book of Ramsey Abbey Sect. 197. Willielmus Rex Angl. H. Camerario salutem Fac convenire consedere tres Hundredos dimidium apud Flicceham-Burgh propter terram illam de Holm quae pertinet ad Ringstedam quam Abbas Ramesiae reclamat ad victum vestitum Monachorum suorum Et si Abbas poterit ostendere ratione testimonio Comprovincialium quod antecessor illius eandem terram habuerit eo die quo pater meus fuit vivus mortuus tunc praecipio ut illam terram omnia quae juste pertinent ad Abbathiam suam pacifice honorifice habeat Teste R. Bigod apud Wind. Out of which Writ I conjecture that this H. Camerarius to whom it was directed might be Trithingreve of that part of the County the rather for that the Writ nameth him not Vicecomes as in the next precedent it doth another man viz. Will. Rex O. Vicecomiti salutem c. And that these three Hundreds and an half were to be Judges of the cause it appeareth by the words fac consedere that is cause them to sit down together For Magistrorum Judicum est sedere famulorum Ministrorum stare Therefore it is said Exod. 18. 13. Moses sat to judge the people and the people stood about him whereupon Hugo also noteth Magistrorum est sedere To this purpose also is the Law of H. I. ca. 8. Si aliquis in Hundrâ—… agendorum penuria judicium vel casu aliquo transferendum sit in dâ—us vel tres vel amplius Hundredos respectetur justo fine claudendum Qu. But it seemeth that these Judges were sworn to do right as well as those before mentioned in the Hundred Court And that our course now used for taking a Jury out of many Hundreds in the County for tryal of a cause arising in one Hundred took the beginning from the tryal in the Trithing and that thereupon the Trithing Court grew out of use The Alderman of the County whom confusedly they call an Earl was in parallel equal with the Bishop and therefore both their estimations valued alike in the Laws of Ethelstane at eight thousand Thrymses He was a man learned in the Laws and had the government of the whole Shire and cognizance over all inferiour Courts and persons both in civil matters and criminal For which purpose he held his ordinary Court by the Shreve once every month and there resorted as Suitors and bound by duty all the Lords of Mannours and principal men of the County with the rest of the Free-holders who were not only assistants but Judges with him of all matters there depending whether entred there originally or coming thither by appeal or provocation from the inferiour Courts Ll. Edw. senioris cap. ult Ic Æ¿ille ðat aelc geresa hebbe gemoâ—e c. I will that every Sheriff hold his Court about every four weeks and that he do right equally to every man and make an end of all Suites under the pain before expressed As the Bishop had twice in the year two general Synods wherein all the Clergy of his Diocess of all sorts were ty'd to resort for matters concerning the Church so also was there twice in the year a general assembly of all the Shire for matters concerning the Common-wealth wherein without exception all kind of Estates were required to be present Dukes Earls Barons and so downward of the Laity and especially the Bishop of that Diocess among the Clergy For in those days the Temporal Lords did often sit in Synod with the Bishops and the Bishops in like manner in the Courts of the Temporalty and were therein as by and by shall appear not only necessary but principal Judges themselves Ll. Canuti Regis par 2. ca. 17. The Shyre-gemot for so the Saxons called this assembly of the whole Shire shall be kept twice a year and oftner if need require wherein the Bishop and the Alderman of the Shire shall be present the one to teach the Laws of God the other the Law of the Land This great assembly was by the Laws of Ethelstan ca. 20. to be proclaimed or published a sennight before hand and every man tyed thereupon to be present at it and in the mean time either to satisfie the wrong he had done to another or to undergo the penalty which if he refused all he had was presently to be seâ—sed and himself put to find sureties for his appearance to answer But because this notable assembly otherwise called by the Authors of that time Mallum and Placitum generale was the supreme Court of County-Justice wherein all things of what sort soever were to be determined we will take a little scope in description thereof Shewing first more particularly who were bound to give their attendance here Then what lay in cognizance of this Court And thirdly in what steps they proceeded to the determination of the same All which because they cannot be more authentically delivered then out of the Law it self I will even from thence report it as it standeth in Ll. H. I. ca. 8. Sicut antiqua fuerat institutione formatum c. As it was devised by an ancient institution and confirmed by true report that the general pleas of the Counties ought to be assembled in every Province of England at certain places and before certain Judges at certain times thereto appointed and