Selected quad for the lemma: england_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
england_n	bring_v	king_n	queen_n	4,239	5	6.8428	4	true

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A48071	A Letter from no far countrey being a judgement upon the present posture of affairs in England &c. : written to, and made publike at the request of a worthy person elected to serve in the approaching parliament, as worth the serious consideration of his fellow members.		1660 (1660)	Wing L1492; ESTC R43392	9,179	15

Senate o● popular assembly being rightly ordered amounts unto an equal Common-wealth Nor are these cheeks such as may be arbitrary but to be holding must each of them sufficiently preponderate in riches or territory that is the King in the absolute Monarchy the Lords in the mixed Monarchy and the people in the equal Common-wealth must hold the perfect overballance in wealth or freehold but if these be all the kinds of Government that are in Art or Nature then a single assembly as I said before can be none at all which were it otherwise to be doubted is sufficiently acknowledged by it self In that a single assembly debating and resolving sayleth not to fall immediately into faction and in factions the stronger party kicking out the weaker divides and subdivides till the whole come to nothing as we have had sufficient experience in England where such an assembly having a King will be thinking to mend it self by pulling him down and having no King by setting one up Nor can I conceive which way this in our case should be curable but as hath been shewn already that is by assembling a free Parliament in the true form of an equal Common-wealth An equal Common-wealth is the most certain root of the most prudent and righteous Laws because in this form no law can be passed but by the wisdome of the nation and the true test of the publike interest An equal Common-wealth is the mother of the most potent and lest chargeable Militia because in this form the whole body of the people is one disciplin'd Army taking equally and methodically their turns as there shall be occasion upon the Guard or in Arms. An equal Common-wealth is of all other the most proper soyle for the plantation and preservation of true Religion For wheras the causes of corruption in matter of Religion are but two ambition in a Clergy vying for rule with the state or ignorance In this form all hope of propagating any by interest of their own is intirely cut off from a Clergy in regard that no Clergy without a co-ercive power in matters of Religion can betake themselves unto any such designe now civil and spiritual liberty being inseperable or imperfect it follows that for the maintenance of civil liberty without which this Government is none an equal Common-wealth must also assert and maintain the liberty of conscience which wholly frustrates a Clergy of co-ercive power in matter of Religion and yet defends Religion from the other corruption or that which might redownd from ignorance by a known rule and exercise of the same or by the prudent institution of a National religion National Religion as to the form is arbitrary and therefore in different Countries or different times according as a people shall grow up in light or increase in knowledge of divine truth may be different But in England through the education of the people and as their judgement now stands ought in my mind to consist of the Articles of the Church and the Common Prayer Book mutatis mutandis For if education amount unto matter of confidence and liberty of conscience be as the Sectaries now feel not to be secured unto our selves but by giving it unto others this is that w●y of worship which the Sectaries their liberty being safe had as leif as any and the people rather Nay whereof the people of England are not to be debarred without conceiving themselves to be under a force and resolving to revenge it as soon as they are able In sume of all and for a fuller answer to your main query whether a Common-wealth taking in all other interests may not be brought to take in that also of the King I say whether the King be restored or not restored the form of Government in England must be new and democratical which that it be also rightly ordered is of great concernment for there is no firme State of peace or security save onely under a proper form of Government Absence or imperfection of form produceth a State of War or of tumult Whence apparently to restore the King upon security of the form is to provide for the safety of the King and the people but to restore him upon any other conditions then security in the form is to cast both the safety of the King and of the people upon the faith of men nay upon the faith of men in matters wherein men cannot keep that faith and so a crime against God and man exposing a Nation unto ruine Sir you are obeyed I have given you my judgement upon the point proposed in order unto the Feast for which you prepare Never tell me that I observe not the manner of your invitation or that those proceedings which I assert to be from the necessity of things are therein excused upon the necessity of the times it moves not me that I reckon without your Host seeing by his means you and your Fellow-Members go up resolved to eat Venison where you will find nothing but Beeve But I am like the Monky at Chests with my Masters if you make any further use of this Paper I beseech you to lay a cushion upon my head by tearing out the name of Sir Your humble Servant April 6th 1660. FINIS

anciently in use to call a free Parliament in the form of an equal Common-wealth For Formis dat esse dat operari the form gives the being and the natural or necessary operation or working to every thing To the calling of a free Parliament in form of an equal Common-wealth there goeth no more of charge or trouble then that the territory to the end the Common-wealth may find no rubs in her bowling or rotation be first more equally divided The territory once equally divided and the people in every division electing annually equally and freely two assemblies or more particularly into each house of Parliament one third part of the Members for three years to act there as they must whether they will or no according to the nature of their form they by this means perpetuate not one assembly in the same men the certain end whereof is dividing and subdividing till it come to nothing but two assemblies changeable in the persons and duly qualified for the whole matter of Government as not consisting of any party but of the wisdome and interest of the whole Nation and cast not themselves upon trust in men nor upon the faction incident to a single assembly but upon the strongest security in nature even that whence the operation of each creature proceeds and which the operation of no creature can exceed I mean of form of such form as transformeth the genius of a people and rightly ordered is that onely which in a popular State can and of necessity must hold all parties united It must be confessed how unseasonably soever that Common-wealths-men such I mean as are principled cannot be with the forwardest where it is arbitrary to advise that in such a form as this there 〈◊〉 be any Prince or single person nevertheless it neither hath been nor can be denyed by them but a like form may regno laconico or veneto admit of a King with royal dignity and revenue Which kind of reign like that of Evander in Livy magis authoritate quam imperio is that which the ancients particularly Aristotle call Heroick and oppose to the Eastern which they call barbarous And indeed if you observe the prayses and pleadings that are now in mens mouths for our old Government they run all upon this that the power of the Kings in that was no more All which practise and pleadings are therefore the Stronger arguments against the old Government in that such being the intention of it the form was not sufficient to secure that intention witness the many bloody wars made formerly by the Nobility and of later times by the Commons for nothing else but to hold Kings to the true intention of that form nor is this were there no other less then good and sufficient reason to change that form which never made good the true intention of the Government for such a Government as must at all points secure unto us for the future the true and full intention of that form And to hold the King in fruition of his royal dignity and revenue from invading the rights and liberties of the people Of the royal dignity there is nothing imbezeld and for the revenue Putting the case that the publike debts amount to three Millions if the excise and custome amount annually to one this with the Regalia yet remaining might in a matter of twelve years pay off the publike debts maintaining the Court in due splendor and raise a royall revenue in new lands Whereas resumption of the old they being for the greater part in the hands of Souldiers and in themselves but small would be obstructive and not effectuall It is not insinuation but an apparent truth that the King thus restored would have these not conveniencies but felicities He would have the whole honour of the Common-wealth without any of the burthen He would bring in his party otherwise in danger to be loft out and by equal participation of such a Government repair them He would have his hands fairly rid for him of the Scotch Presbytery a Fanaticisme neither consistent with a Monarchy nor with a Common-wealth the basest kind of bondage a Pedantisme which they who press most to have imposed by the rod or by power are lest able to defend by reason He would look down upon other Kings as being armed with or followed without Hyperbole by the most potent Militia in Christendome both at land and Sea Had Queen Elizabeth or King Iames been founder of the like Government in England how little had the Crown lost How much had the people saved in blood and Treasure Queen Elizabeth who it is known had good advise surcesed courting of her Lords for God bless you my good people it is true since that different courses with what success I leave to your judgement have been taken But other means of Empire than what have been shewn were they definable are not now attainable in the present state of England where a King henceforth either can have no power at all or must have such power as cannot be limited for all the waies whereby any King can have any power are but two either a potent Nobility or a standing Army Where a King is founded upon a Nobility they are the limits of his power but where he is founded upon an Army his power can have no limit Where the Nobility then are gone wholly to decay there is no limiting the power by which a King shall reign seeing it is without a standing Army impossible to give him any such power whereby a King may reign But England seemeth to have a reach I cannot say beyond but beside all ages and all Nations Whether she have an Army or no Army she is still running upon an invention of her own A Parliament with a Council in the intervals this if she have no King must be the Government this if she have a King unless he get an Army and this Parliament must have both the debate and the result too that is be a single Counsel without any check at all and so be a Government and no Government but a tumult as the faction or humor hits sometimes popular sometimes Oligarchical somtimes a Divan For all the kindes of Government that have been or can be are but three That is a Counsel with a monarch for the check in which the Counsel debates as the Senate of Rome after the Common-wealth or the Turkish Divan and a Monarch resolves as the Roman Emperour or the great Turk Or a counsel with an Aristocracy for the check in which the people debate as anciently in the house of Commons and the Lords resolve or are such without which there can be no result as the ancient house of Peers in which case the Peers will have a King and this comes to the Government of King Lords and Commons Or a councel with a Democracy so the check as the Senate of Rome in time of the Common-wealth debating and the assembly of the people resolving which the