Honmê° Franciscê° Baconê° Baro de Verulam Vice-Comes S cti Albani Mortuus 9º Aprilis Anno DnÌ„i 1626. Annoque Aetat 66. Resuscitatio Or Bringing into PUBLICK LIGHT SEVERALL PIECES OF THE WORKS Civil Historical Philosophical Theological HITHERTO SLEEPING Of the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban According to the best Corrected COPPIES Together With his Lordships LIFE By WILLIAM RAWLEY Doctor in Divinity His Lordships First and Last CHAPLEINE Afterwards CHAPLEINE to His late MAIESTY LONDON Printed by Sarah Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. A GENERALL TABLE OF THE TRACTATES Contained in this BOOK 1. SPeeches in Parliament Sâ—aâ—-chamber Kings Bench Chancery and other where Fol. 1 2. Observations upon a Libell published in Anno 1592. 103 3. A true Report of Doctor Lopez his Treason 151 4. An Advertisement touching the Controversies of the Church of England 162 5. A Collection of the Felicities of Queen Elizabeth 181 6. A brief Discourse of the Union of England and Scotland 197 6. Articles and Considerations touching the Union aforesaid 206 7. A Beginning of the History of Great Britain 221 8. A Letter and Discourse to Sir Henry Savill touching Helps for the Intellectuall Powers 225 9. Certain Considerations touching the better Pacification and Edification of the Church of England 233 10. Certain Considerations touching the Plantation in Ireland 255 11. Advice to the King touching Mr. Suttons Estate 265 12. A Proposition to the King touching the Compiling and Amendment of the Lawes of England 271 13. A Fragment of an Essay of Fame 281 14. Letters to Queen Elizabeth King James divers Lords and others 1 15. Other Letters 89 16. A Confession of the Faith 115 TO THE READER HAving been employed as an Amanuensis or dayly instrument to this Honourable Authour And acquainted with his Lordships Conceits in the composing of his Works for many yeâ—rs together Especially in his writing â—ime I conceived that no Man could pretend a better Interest or Claim to the ordering of them after his Death then myself For which cause I have compiled in one whatsoever bears the true Stamp of his Lordships excellent Genius And hath hitherto slept and been suppressed In this present Volume Not leaving any Thing to a future Hand which I found to be of moment and communicable to the Publick Save onely some few Latine Works Which by Gods Favour and sufferance shall soon after follow It is true that for some of the Pieces herein contained his Lordship did not aim at the Publication of them but at the Preservation onely And Prohibiting them from Perishing So as to have been reposed in some Private shrine or Library But now for that through the loose keeping of his Lordships Papers whilest he lived divers Surreptitious Copies have been taken which have since employed the Presse with â—undry Corrupt and Mangled Editions whereby Nothing hath been more difficult than to find the Lord Saint Alban in the Lord Saint Alban And which have presented some of them rather a Fardle of Non-sâ—nse then any true Expressions of his Lordships Happy Vein I thought my self in a sort tied to vindicate these Injuriâ—s and wrongs done to the Monuments of his Lordships Penne And at once by setting forth the true and Geâ—uine writings themselves to prevent the like Invasions for the time to come And the rather in regard of the Distance of the time since his Lordsâ—ips Dayes whereby I shall not tread too near upon the Heels of Truth Or of the Passages and Persons then concerned I was induced hereunto Which considering the Lubricity of Life And for that I account my self to be Not now in Vergentibus but in Praecipitantibus Annis I was desirous to hasten Wherein I shall crave leave to open my Counsels and Purposes as concerning this present Edition in these five Particulars First I have ranked the severall Tractates Either according to the Dignity of the Work as Demosthenes or Cicero's Orations do precede Demosthenes or Cicero's Epistles Or else according to the Series of the Times wherein they were written or to which they refer By which Means they may give the better Light the one Part to the other Secondly I thought it fitting to intimate That the Discourse within contained Entituled A Collection of the Felicities of Queen Elizabeth was written by his Lordship in Latine onely whereof though his Lordship had his particular Ends then yet in regard that I held it a Duty That her own Nation over which she so happily reigned for many years should be acquainted and possessed with the Vertues of that excellent Queen as well as Forrein Nations I was induced many years agoe to put the same into the English Tongue Not Ad Verbum For that had been â—ut Flat and Injudicious But as far as my slender Ability could reach according to the Expressions which I conceived his Lordship would have rendred it in if he had written the same in English Yet ever acknowledging that Zeuxis or Apelles Pencill could not be attained but by Zeuxis or Apelles Himself This Work in the Latine his Lordship so much affected That He had ordained by his last Will and Testament to have had it published many years since But that singular Person entrusted therewith soon after deceased And therefore it must now expect a Time to come forth amongst his Lordships other Latin Works Thirdly in the Collection of Letters which is as the Fourth Part of this Volume there are inserted some few which were written by other Pennes and not by his Lordships own Like as we find in the Epistolar Authours Cicero Plinius secundus and the rest which because I found them immixed amongst his Lordships Papers And that they are written with some similitude of Stile I was loath they should bâ— left to a Grave at that time when his Lordships own Conceptions were brought to life Fourthly for that Treatise of his Lordships Inscribed A Confession of the Faith I have ranked that in the Close of this whole Volume Thereby to demonstrate to the World That he was a Master in Divinity as well as in Philosophy or Politicks And that he was Versed no lesse in the saving Knowledge Than in the Vniversall and Adorning Knowledges For though he composed the same many years before his Death yet I thought that to be the fittest place As the most acceptable Incense unto God of the Faith wherein he resigned his Breath The Crowning of all his other Perfections and Abilities And the best Perfume of his Name to the World after his Death Lastly if it be objected that some few of the Pieces whereof this whole consisteth had visited the Publick Light before It is true that they had been obtruded to the World by unknown Hands But with such Skars and Blemishes upon their Faces That they could passe but for a Spurious and Adulterine Brood and not for his
strait-way think with himself Doth this Man beleeve what he saith Or not beleeving it doth he think it possible to make us beleeve it Surely in my conceit neither of both But his End no doubt was to round the Pope and the King of Spain in the Eare by seeming to tell a Tale to the People of England For such Bookes are ever wont to be translated into diverse Languages And no doubt the Man was not so simple as to think he could perswade the People of England the Contrary of what they tast and feele But he thought he might better abuse the States abroad if he directed his Speech to them who could best convict him and disprove him if he said untrue So that as Livy saith in the like case AEtolos magis coram quibus verba facerent quam ad quos pensi habere That the Aaetolians in their Tale did more respect those which did over-hear them then those to whom they directed their Speech So in this matter this Fellow cared not to be counted a Lier by all English upon Price of Deceiving of Spain and Italy For it must be understood that it hath been the generall Practise of this kind of Men many years of the one side to abuse the forraine Estates by making them believe that all is out of Joynt and Ruinous here in England And that there is a great part ready to joyn with the Invader And on the other side to make the Evill Subjects of England believe of great Preparations abroad and in great readinesse to be put in Act And so to deceive on both sides And this I take to be his Principall Drift So again it is an extravagant and incredible Conceit to Imagine that all the Conclusions and Actions of Estate which have passed during her Majesties Raign should be ascribed to one Counseller alone And to such an one as was never noted for an Imperious or Over-ruling Man And to say that though He carried them not by Violence yet he compassed them by Devise There is no Man of Iudgement that looketh into the Nature of these Times but will easily descry that the Wits of these Dayes are too much refined for any Man to walk Invisible Or to make all the World his Instruments And therefore no not in this point assuredly the Libeller spake as he thought But this he foresaw That the Imputation of Cunning doth breed Suspicion And the Imputation of Greatnesse and Sway doth breed Envy And therefore finding where he was most wrung and by whose pollicyâ— and Experience their plots were most crossed the mark he shot at was to see whether he could heave at his Lordships Authority by making him suspected to the Queen or generally odious to the Realm Knowing well enough for the one point that there are not only Iealousies but certain Revolutions in Princes Minds So that it is a rare Vertue in the Rarest Princes to continue constant to the End in their Favours and Employments And knowing for the other point that Envy ever accompanieth Greatness though never so well deserved And that his Lordship hath alwaies marched a Round and a Reall Course in service And as he hath not moved Envy by Pomp and Ostentation so hath he never extinguished it by any Popular or Insinuâ—tive Carriage of Himself And this no doubt was his Second Driâ—t A Third Drift was to assay if he could supplant and weaken by this violent kind of Libelling and turning the whole Imputation upon his Lordship his Resolution and Courage And to make him proceedâ— more cautelously and not so throughly and strongly against them Knowing his Lordship to be a Politick Man and one that hath a great Stake to leese Lastly least while I discover Cunning and Art of this Fellow I should make him wiser then he was I think a great part of this Book was Passion Difficile est tacere cùm doleas The Humours of these Men being of themselves eager and Fierce have by the Abort and Blasting of their Hopes been blinded and enraged And surely this Book is of all that Sort that have been written of the meanest work-man-ship Being fraughted with sundry base Scoffs and cold Amplifications and other Characters of Despite But void of all Iudgement or Ornament 2. Of the presents Estate of this Realm of England whether it may be truly avouched to be prosperous or Afflicted THe Benefits of Almighty God upon this Land since the time that in his singular providence he led as it were by the hand and placed in the Kingdome his Servant our Queen Elizabeth are such as not in Boasting or in Confidence of our selves but in praise of his Holy Name are worthy to be both considered and confessed yea and registred in perpetuall Memory Notwithstanding I mean not after the manner of a Panegyrique to Extoll the present Time It shall suffice onely that those Men that through the Gall and Bitterness of their own Heart have lost their Tast and Iudgement And would deprive God of his Glory and us of our sences in affirming our Condition to be Miserable and â—ull of Tokens of the Wrath and Indignation of God be reproved If then it be true that Nemo est Miser aut Felix nisi comparatus Whether we shall keeping our selves within the Compasse of our own Island look into the Memories of Times past Or at this present time take a view of other States abroad in Europe We shall â—ind that we need not give place to the Happinesse either of Ancestours or Neighboursâ— For if a Man weigh well all the Parts of State and Religion Lawes Aministration of Iustice Pollicy of Government Manners Civility Learning and Liberall Sciences Industry and Manuall Arts Armes and Provisions of Wars for Sea and Land Treasure Traffique Improvement of the Soyle Population Honour and Reputation It will appear that taking one part with Another the State of this Nation was never more Flourishing It is easie to call to Remembrance out of Histories the Kings of England which have in more ancient times enjoyed greatest Happinesse Besides her Majesties Father and Grand father that raigned in rare Felicity as is fresh in Memory They have been K. Henry 1. K Hen 2. K. Hen. 3. King Edw the 1. K. Edw. the 3. K. Henry the 5. All which have been Princes of Royall Vertue Great Felicity and Famous Memory But it may be truly affirmed without derogation to any of these worthy Princes that whatsoever we find in Libels there is not to be found in the English Chronicles a King that hath in all respects laid together raigned with such Felicity as her Majesty hath done For as for the First 3. Henries The First came in too soon after a Conquest The Second too soon after an Vsurpation And the Third too soon after a League or Barons War To raign with Security and Contentation King H. 1. also had unnaturall Wars with his Brother Robert wherein much Nobility was consumed He had therewithall tedious Wars in Wales
Pâ—inces have had many Servants of Trust Name and sufficiency But where there have been great parts there hath often wanted Temper of Affection Where there have beeu both Ability and Moderation there have wanted Diligence and Love of Travaile Where all Three have been there have sometimes wanted Faith and Sincerity Where some few have had all these Four yet they have wanted Time and Experience But where there is a Concurrence of all these there is no marvaile though a Prince of Iudgement be constant in the Employment and Trust of such a Servant 7. Of divers parâ—icular Untruths and Abuses dispersed thrugh the Libel THE Order which this Man keepeth in his Libell is such as it may appear that he meant but to empty some Note Booke of the Matters of England To bring in whatsoever came of it a Number of Idle Jests which he thought might fly abroad And intended nothing lesse then to clear the Matters be handled by the Linht of Order and Distinct Writing Having therefore in the Principall Points namely the Second Third and Fourth Articles ranged his Scattering and wandering Discourse into some Order such as may help the Judgement of the Reader I am now content to gather up some of his By-Matters and Stragling Untruths and very briefly to censure them Page 9. he saith That his Lordships could neither by the Greatness of his Beades creeping to the Crosse Nor exteriour shew to Devotion before the High Altar find his entrance into high Dignity in Queen Maries Time All which is a meer Fiction at Pleasure For Queen Mary bare that Respect unto him in regard of his constant standing for her Title As she desired to continue his Service The Refusall thereof growing from his own Part He enjoyed nevertheless all other Liberties Favours of the time Save only that it was put into the Queens Head that it was dangerous to permit him to go beyond the Sea because he had a great Wit of Action and had served in so Principall a Place Which neverthelesse after with Cardinall Poole he was suffered to do Pag. Eadem he saith Sir Nich. Bacon that was Lord Keeper was a Man of exceeding crafty wit Which sheweth that this Fellow in his Slanders is no good Marks-Man But throweth out his Words of Defaming without all Levell For all the World noted Sir Nich. Bacon to be a Man Plain Direct and Constant without all Finenesse and Doublenesse And one that was of the mind that a Man in his private Proceedings and Estate and in the Proceedings of State should reâ—t upon the Soundnesse and Strength of his own Courses and not upon Practise to Circumvent othersâ— According to the Sentence of Salomon Vir Prudens aduertit ad Gressus suos stultus autem divertit ad Dolos Insomuch that the Bishop of Rosse a Subtile and Observing Man said of him That he could fasten no words upon him and that it was impossible to come within him because he offered no play And Queen Mother of France a very politick Princesse said of him That he should have been of the Councell of Spain because he despised the Occurrents and rested upon the First Plot So that if He were Crafty it is hard to say who is wise Pag. 10. he saith That the Lord Burleigh in the Establishment of Religion in the Beginning of the Queens Time prescribed a Composition of his own Invention Whereas the same Form not fully six years before had been received in this Realm in King Edwards Time So as his Lordship being a Christian Politick Counseller thought it better to follow a President then to innovate And chose the President rather at Home then Abroad Pag. 41. he saith That Catholicks never attempted to murther any principall person of her Majesties Court as did Burchew whom he calleth a Puritan In wounding of a Gentleman instead of Sir Christopher Hatten But by their great Vertue Modesty and Patience do manifest in themselves a far different Spirit â—â—om the other Sort. For Burchew it is certain he was Mad As appeareâ—h not only by his Mad Mistaking but by the violence â—hâ—t he â—ffâ—ed afâ—er to his Keeper And most evidently by his bâ—haviour at his Exâ—cution But of Catholicks I mean thâ— â—raâ—lâ—rus sort of them a Man may say as Cato said sometimes of Caeâ—ar Fum ad evâ—rtendam Remp. sobrium accessisse They came sober and well advised to their Treasons and Conspiracies And commonly they look not so low as the Counsellers but have bent their murdâ—râ—ur Attempts immediatly against her Majesties sacred Person Which God have in his precious Custody As may appear by the Conspiracy of Sommervile Parry Savadge and Six and otheâ—s Nay they have defended it in Thesi to be a Lawâ—ull Act. Pag. 43. he saith That his Lordship whom he calleâ—h the Archâ—Politick hath fraudulently provided that when any Priesâ— is arraigned the Indictment is enforced with many odious Mattâ—râ— Wherein he sheweth great Ignorance if it be not Mallice For the Law permitteth not the Ancient Formes of Indicâ—ments to be alâ—ered Like as in an Action of Trespass although a Mâ—n take away anothers Goods in the peaceablest manner in the World yet the Writ hath Quare vi Armis And if a Man enter upon anothers Ground and do no more the Plantife mentioneth Quod Herbam suam ibidem crescentem cum Equis Bobus porcis Bidentibus depastus sit conculcavit consumpsit Neither is this any Absurdity For in the Practise of all Law the Formularies hâ—ve been Few and Certain And not varied according to every â—articular Case And in Indictmeuts also of Treason it is not so far fetched as in that of Trespass For the Law ever presumeth in Treason an Intention of subverting the State and Impeaching the Majesty Royall Pag. 45. and in other places speaking of the persecuting of Catholicks he still mentioneth Bowellings and Consuming Mens Entraâ—les by Fire As if this were a Torture newly devised Wherein he doth Cauâ—elously and Maliciously suppresse that the Law and Custom of this Land from all Antiquity hath ordained that Punishment in Case of Treason and permitteth no other And a Punishment surely it is though of great Terrour yeâ— by reason of the quick Dispatching of lesse Torment far then either the Wheele or Forcipation yea then Simple Burning Pag. 48. he saith England is confederate with the Great Turk Wherein if he mean it because the Merchants have an Agent in Constantinople How will he answer for all the Kings of France since Francis the First which were good Catholicks For the Emperour for the King of Spain Himself for the Senate of Venice and other States that have had long time Embassadours Liedgers in that Court If he mean it because the Turk hath done some speciall Honour to our Embassadour if he be so to be termed we are beholding to the King of Spain for that For that the Honour we have won upon Him by Opposition hath given us Reputation through the World If
Merchants should pay Strangers Custome in England that resteth upon the Point of Naturalization which I touched before Thus have I made your Majesty a brief and naked Memoriall of the Articles and Points of this great Cause which may serve onely to excite and stir up your Majesties Royall Iudgement and the Iudgement of Wiser Men whom you will be pleased to call to it Wherein I will not presume to perswade or disswade any thing Nor to interpose mine own Opinion But do expect light from your Majesties Royall Directions Unto the which I shall ever submit my Iudgement and apply my Travailes And I most humbly pray your Majesty in this which is done to pardon my Errours and to cover them with my good Intention and Meaning and Desire I have to do your Majesty Service And to acquiâ—e the Trust that was reposed in me And chiefly in your Majesties benign and gracious Acceptation FINIS THE BEGINNING OF THE HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN BY the Decease of Elizabeth Queen of England the Issues of King Henry the 8th failed Being spent in one Generation and three Successions For that King though he were one of the goodliest Persons of his time yet he left onely by his Six Wives three Children who Raigning successively and Dying Childelesse made place to the Line of Margaret his eldest Sister Married to Iames the 4th King of Scotland There succeeded therefore to the Kingdome of England Iames the 6th then King of Scotland descended of the same Margaret both by Father and Mother So that by a rare Event in the Pedegrees of Kings it seemed as if the Divine Providence to extinguish and take away all Note of a Stranger had doubledâ— upon his Person within the Circle of one Age the Royall Bloud of England by both Parents This sucâ—ession drew towards it the Eyes of all Men Being one of the most memorable Accidents that had hapned a long time in the Christian World For the Kingdome of France having been re-united in the Age before in all the Provinces thereof formerly dismembred And the Kingdome of Spain being of more fresh memory united and made entire by the Annexing of Portugall in the Person of Philip the second There remained but this Third and last Vnion for the counterpoizing of the Power of these three great Monarchies And the disposing of the Affaires of Europe thereby to a more assured and universall Peace and Concord And this Event did hold Mens Observations and Discourses the more Because the Island of Great Britain divided from the Rest of the World was never before united in it self under one King Notwithstanding the People be of one Language and not separate by Mountains or great Waters And notwithstanding also that the uniting of them had been in former times industriously attempted both by Warre and Treaty Therefore it seemed a manifest work of Providence and Case of Reservation for these times Insomuch as the vulgar conceived that now there was an End given and a Consummation to superstitious Prophecies The Belief of Fooles but the Talk sometimes of Wise Men And to an ancient tacite Expectation which had by Tradition been infused and inveterated into Mens Minds But as the best Divinations and Predictions are the Politick and probable Foresight and Conjectures of wise Men So in this Matter the Providence of King Hen. the 7th was in all Mens Mouths Who being one of the Deepest and most prudent Princes of the World upon the Deliberation concerning the Marriage of his Eldest Daughter into Scotland had by some Speech uttered by him shewed himself sensible and almost Prescient of this Event Neither did there want a Concurrence of divers Rare externall Circumstances besides the Vertues and Conditions of the Person which gave great Reputation to this Succession Aâ— King in the strength of his years supported with great Alliances abroad established with Royall Issue at home at Peace with all the World practised in the Regiment of such a Kingdome as mought rather enable a King by variety of Accidents then corrupt him with Affluence or vain glory And One that besides his universall Capacity and Judgement was notably exercised and practised in Matters of Religion and the Church Which in these times by the confused use of both Swords are become so intermixed with Considerations of Estate as most of the Counsailes of Soveraign Princes or Republiques depend upon them But nothing did more fill Forraign Nations with Admiration and Expectation of his Succession then the wonderfull and by them unexpected Consent of all Estates and Subjects of England for the receiving of the King without the least scruple Pause or Question For it had been generally dispersed by the Fugitives beyond the Seas who partly to apply themselves to the Ambition of Forreiners And partly to give Estimation and value to their own Employments used to represent the state of England in a false light That after Queen Elizabeths Decease there must follow in England nothing but Confusions Interregâ—s and perturbations of Estate likely for to exceed the Ancient Calamities of the Civill Wars between the Houses of Lancaster and York By how much more the Dissentions were like to be more Mortall and Bloudy when Forraign Competition should be added to Domesticall And Divisions for Religion to Matter of â—itle to the Crown And in speciall Parsons the Iesuite under a disguised Name had not long before published an expresse Treatise Wherein whether his Malice made hâ—m believe his own Fancies Or whether he thought it the fittest way to move Sedition Like evill Spirits which seem to foretell the Tempest they mean to move He laboured to display and give colour to all the vain Pretences and Dreams of Succession which he could imagine And thereby had possessed Many abroad that knew not the Affaires here with those his Vanities Neither wanted there here within this Realm divers Persons both Wise and well affected who though they doubted not of the undoubted Right yet setting befoâ—e themselves the waves of peoples Hearts Guided no lesse by suddain and temporary Winds then by the naturall Course and Motion of the Waters Were not without fear what mought be the Event For Queen Elizabeth being a Prince of extream Caution and yet One that loved Admiration above Safety And knowing The Declaration of a Successour mought in point of Safety be disputable But in point of Admiration and Respect assuredly to her Disadvantage Had from the beginning set it down for a Maxime of Estate to impose a Silence touching Succession Neither was it onely Reserved as a Secret of Estate but Restrained by severe Lawes That no Man should presume to give Opinion or maintain Argument touching the same So though the Evidence of Right drew all the Subjects of the Land to think one Thing yet the Fear of Danger of Law made no Man privy to others Thought And therefore it rejoyced all Men to see so fair a Morning of a Kingdome and to be throughly secured of former Apprehensions As
Countrey and in his own House Concerning which I will give you a Tast onely out of a Letter â—ritten from Italy The Store-House of Refined Witts to the late Earle of Devonshire Then the Lord Candish I will expect the New Essayes of my Lord Chancellâ—r Bacon As also his History with a great deal of Desire And whatsoever else he shall compose But in Particular of his History I promise my Self a Thing perfect and Singular especially in Henry the Seventh Where he may exercise the Talent of his Divine Understanding This Lord is more and more known And his Books here more and more delighted in And those Men that have more than ordinary Knowledge in Humane Affaires esteem him one of the most capable Spirits of this Age And he is truly such Now his Fame doth not decrease with Dayes since but rather encrease Divers of his Works have been anciently and yet lately translated into other Tongues both Learned and Modern by Forraign Pens Severall Persons of Quality during his Lordships Life crossed the Seas on purpose to gain an Opportunity of Seeing him and Discoursing with himâ— whereof one carried his Lordships Picture from Head to Foot over with Him into France As a Thing which he foresaw would be much desired there That so they might enjoy the Image of his Person As well as the Images of his Brain his Books Amongst the rest Marquis Fiat A French Nobleman who came Ambassadour into England in the Beginning of Queen Mary Wife to Charlesâ— was taken with an extraordinary Desire of Seeing him For which he made way by a Friend And when he came to him being then through weaknesse confined to his Bed The Marquis saluted him with this High Expression That his Lordship had been ever to Him like the Angels of whom he had often heard And read much of them in Books But he never saw them After which they contracted an intimate Acquaintance And the Marquis did so much revere him That besides his Frequent visits They wrote Letters one to the other under the Titles and Appellations of Father and Son As for his many Salutations by Letters from Forraign Worthies devoted to Learning I forbear to mention them Because that is a Thing common to other Men of Learning or Note together with him But yet in this Matter of his Fame I speak in the Comparative onely and not in the Exclusive For his Reputation is great in his own Nation also Especially amongst those that are of a more Acute and sharper Iudgement Which I will exemplifie but with two Testimonies and no more The Former When his History of King Henry the Seventh was to come forth It was delivered to the old Lord Brooke to be perused by him who when he had dispatched it returned it to the Authour with this Eulogy Commend me to my Lord And bid him take care to get good Paper Inke For the Work is Incomparable The other shall be that of Doctor Samuel Collins late Provost of Kings Colledge in Cambridge A Man of no vulgar Wit who affirmed unto me That when he had read the Book of the Advancement of Learning He found Himself in a case to begin his Studies a new And that he had lost all the Time of his â—tudying before It hath been desired That something should be signified touching his Diet And the Regiment of his Health Of which in regard of his Universall Insight into Nature he may perhaps be to some an Example For his Diet It was rather a plentifull and liberall Diet as his Stomack would bear it then a Restrained Which he also commended in his Book of the History of Life and Death In his younger years he was much given to the Finer and Lighter sort of Meats As of Fowles and such like But afterward when he grew more Iudicious He preferred the stronger Meats such as the Shambles afforded As those Meats which bred the more firm and substantiall Juyces of the Body And lesse Dissipable upon whiâ—h he would often make his Meal Though he had other Meats upon the Table You may be sure He would not neglect that Himself which He so much extolled in his Writings And that was the Vse of Nitre Whereof he took in the Quantity of about three Grains in thin warm Broath every Morning for thirty years together next before his Death And for Physick he did indeed live Physically but not miserably For he took onely a Maceration of Rhubarb Infused into a Draught of White Wine and Beer mingled together for the Space of half an Hour Once in six or seven Dayes Immediately before his Meal whether Dinner or Supper that it might dry the Body lesse which as he said did carry away frequently the Grosser Humours of the Body And not diminish or carry away any of the Spirits As Sweating doth And this was no Grievous Thing to take As for other Physick in an ordinary way whatsoever hath been vulgarly spoken he took not His Receit for the Gout which did constantly ease him of his Pain within two Hours Is already set down in the End of the Naturall History It may seem the Moon had some Principall Place in the Figure of his Nativity For the Moon was never in her Passion or Eclipsed but he was surprized with a sudden Fit of Fainting And that though he observed not nor took any previous Knowledge of the Eclipse thereof And assoon as the Eclipse ceased he was restored to his former strength again He died on the 9th Day of Aprill in the year 1626â— In the early Morning of the Day then celebrated for our Saviours Resurrection In the 66th year of his Age At the Earle of Arundells House in High-gate near London To which Place he casually repaired about a week before God so ordaining that he should dye there Of a Gentle Feaver accidentally accompanied with a great Cold whereby the Defluxion of Rheume fell so plentifully upon his Breast that he died by Suffocation And was buried in Saint Michaels Church at Saint Albans Being the Place designed for his Buriall by his last Will and Testament Both because the Body of his Mother was interred there And because it was the onely Church then remaining within the Precincts of old Verulam Where he hath a Monument erected for him of White Marble By the Care and Gratitude of Sir Thomas Meautys Knight formerly his Lordships Secretary Afterwards Clark of the Kings Honourable Privy Counsell under two Kings Representing his full Pourtraiture in the Posture of studying with an Inscription composed by that Accomplisht Gentleman and Rare Wit Sir Henry Wotton But howsoever his Body was Mortall yet no doubt his Memory and Works will live And will in all probability last as long as the World lasteth In order to which I have endeavoured after my poor Ability to do this Honour to his Lordship by way of conducing to the same SPEECHES IN Parliament STAR-CHAMBER Kings Bench CHANCERY AND OTHER-WHERE Of the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON
Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban LONDON Printed by Sarah Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. A SPEECH IN PARLIAMENT Elizabeth 39. UPON THE MOTION of SVBSIDY AND please you Mr. Speaker I must consider the Time which is spent yet so as I must consider also the Matter which is great This great Cause was at the first so materially and weightily propounded And after in such sort perswaded and enforced And by Him that last spake so much time taken and yet to good purpose As I shall speak at a great disadvantage But because it hath been alwayes used and the Mixture of this House doth so require it That in Causes of this Nature there be some Speech and Opinion as well from persons of Generallity as by persons of Authority I will say somewhat and not much wherein iâ— shall not be fit for me to enter into or to insist upon secrets either of her Majestiesâ—offers â—offers or of her Councell but my Speech must be of a more vulgar Nature I will not enter Mr. Speaker into a laudative Speech of â—he high and singular Benefits which by her Majesties most politick and happy Government we receive thereby to incite you to a Retribution partly because no breath of Man can set them forth worthily and partly because I know hâ—r Maâ—esty in her Magnanimity doth bestow her benefits like her fâ—ee'st Pattents absque aliquo inde reddendo Not looking for any thing again iâ— it were in respect only of her particular but Love and Loyalty Neither will I now aâ— this time put the case of this Realm of England too precisely How it standeth with the Subject in point of payments to the Crown Though I could make it appear by Dâ—monstration what opinion soever be conceivâ—d that never Subjects were partakers of greater Freedome and Ease And that whether you look abroad into other Countries at this present timeâ— or look back to former Times in this our own Countrey we shall find an exceeding Difference in matter â—f Taxes which now I reserve to mention not so much in doubt to acquaint your Ears with Forrain Sâ—rains or to digge up the Sepulâ—hers â—f Buried and Forgotten Impositions which in this case as by way of Comparison it is necessary you understand But because Speech in the House is â—it to perswade the generall point And particularity is more proper and seasonable for the Commâ—ttee Neither will I make any Observations upon her Majesâ—ies manner of expending and issuing Treasure being not upon â—xcâ—ssive and exoâ—bitant Donatives nor upon sumptuous and unnecessary Triuâ—phâ— Buildings or like Magnificence but upon the Preservation Protection and Honâ—ur of the Realm For I dare noâ— scan upâ—n heâ— Majesties Aâ—â—ion whâ—ch it becomemeth me rather to admire in silence then to gloss or discourse upon them though with never so good a meaning Sure I am â—hat the Treasure that commeth from you to hâ—r Majesâ—y is but as a Vapour which â—iseth from the Earth and gatherâ—th into a Cloud and stayeth not there long but upon the same Earth it falleth again and what if some drops of this do fall upon â—rance or Flaunders It is like a sweet Odour of Honour and Reputation to our Nation throughout the World But I will onely insist upon the Naturall and Inviolate Law of Preservation It is a Truth Mr. Speaker and a familiar Truth that safety and preservation is to be preferred before Benefit or Encrease In as much as those Counsels which tend to preservation seem to be attended with necessity whereas those Deliberations which tend to Benefit seem onely accompanied with perswasion And it is ever gain and no loss when at the foot of he account theâ—e remains the purchase of safety The Prints of this are every where to be found The Patient will ever part with some of his Bloud to save and clear the rest The Sea-faring Man will in a Storm cast over some of his Goods to save and assure the rest The Husband-man will afford some Foot of Ground for his Hedge and Ditch to fortifie and defend the rest Why Mr. Speaker the Disputer will if he be wise and cunning grant somewhat that seemeth to make against him because he will keep himself within the strength of his opinion and the better maintain the rest But this Place advertiseth me not to handle the Matter in a Common Place I will now deliver unto you that which upon a probatum est hath wrought upon my self knowing your Affections to be like mine own There hath fallen out since the last Parliament four Accidents or Ocurrents of State Things published and known to you all by every one whereof it seemeth to me in my vulgar understanding that the danger of this Realm is encreased Which I speak not by way of apprehending fear For I know I speak to English Courages But by way of pressing Provision For I do find Mr. Speaker that when Kingdomes and States are entred into Tearms and Resolutions of Hostility one against the other yet they are many times restrained from their Attempts by four Impediments The first is by this same Aliud agere when they have their Hands full of other Matters which they have embraced and serveth for a diversion of their Hostile purposes The next is when they want the Commodity or opportunity of some places of near Approach The third when they have conceived an apprehension of the Difficulty and churlishness of the enterprise and that it is not prepared to their Hand And the fourth is when a State through the Age of the Monarch groweth heavy and indisposed to actions of great Perill and Motion and this dull Humour is not sharpened nor inflamed by any provocations or scorns Now if it please you to examin whither by removing the Impediments in these four kinds the Danger be not grown so many degrees nearer us by accidents as I said fresh and all dated since the last Parliament Soon after the last Parliament you may be pleased to remember how the French King revolted from his Religion whereby every Man of common understanding may infer that the Quarrell between France and Spain is more reconcileable And a greater inclination of affairs to a peace than before which supposed it followeth Spain shall be more free to intend his Malice against this Realm Since the last Parliament it is also notorious in every mans knowledge and remembrance That the Spaniards have possessed themselves of that Avenue and place of approach for England which was never in the Hands of any King of Spain before And that is Callais which in true Reason and Consideration of estate of what value or service it is I know not but in common understanding it is a knocking at our Doors Since the last Parliament also that Ulcer of Ireland which indeed brake forth before hath run on and raged more which cannot but be a great
either of private Interest of Meum Tuum or of publick Service And the publick consisteth chiefly either in Voyce or in Office Now it is the First of these Mr. Speaker that I will onely handle at this Time and in this Place And reserve the other two for a Committee Because they receive more Distinction and Restriction To come therefore to the Inconveniences alledged on the other part The first of them is that there may ensue of this Naturalization a surcharge of people upon this Realm of England which is supposed already to have the full charge and content therefore there cannot be an admission of the adoptive without a Diminution of the Fortunes and Conditions of those that are Native Subjects of this Realme A grave Objection Mr. Speaker and very dutifull For it proceedeth not of any unkindness to the Scottish Nation but of a Naturall Fastness to our selves For that Answer of the Virgins Ne forte non sufficiat Vobis Nobis proceeded not out of any Envy or malign humour but out of providence and that originall charity which begins with our selves And I must confess Mr. Speaker that as the Gentleman said when Abraham and Lot in regard of the Greatness of their Families grew pent and straitened it is true that Brethren though they were they grew to difference and to those words Vade iâ— ad Dextram ego ad sinistram c. But certainlyâ— I should never have brought that Example on that side For we see what followed of it How that this Separation ad Dextram and ad Sinistram cauâ—ed the miserable Captivity of the one Brother and the Dangerous though prosperous War of â—he other for hiâ— Rescous and Recovery But to this Objection Mr. Speaker being so weighty and so pâ—incipall I mean to give threâ— severaâ—l Anâ—wers every one oâ— them being to mine understanding by it self sufficient The first is that this Opiniâ—n of the Number of the Scottisâ— Naâ—ion that should be likely to plant themselves here amongst us will be found to be a Thing rather in Conceit then in Event For Mr. Speaker you shall find these plausible Similitudes of a Tree that will thrive the better iâ— it be removed in to the more fruitfull Soyl And of Sheep or Catâ—ell that if they find a Gap or passage open will leave the more barren Pasture and get into the more rich and plentiâ—ull To be but Arguments meerly superficiall and to have no sound Resemblance wiâ—â— the Transplanting or Transferring of Families For the Tree we know by nature as soon as it is set in the better Ground caâ— fasten upon it and take Nutriment from it And a sheep as soon as he gets into the better Pasture what should let him to graze and feed But there longeth more I take it to a Family or particular Person that shall remove from one Nation to another For if Mr. Speaker they have not Stock Means Acquaintance and Custome Habitation Trades Countenance and thâ— like I hope you doubt not but they will starve in the midst oâ— the rich Pasture And are far enough off from grazing at their pleasure And therefore in this Point which is conjectuâ—alâ— Experience is the best Guâ—de For the Time past is a Pattern oâ— the Time to come I think no Man doubteth Mr. Speaker buâ— his Majesties first comming in was as the greatest Spring-tâ—de for the Confluence and Enâ—rance of that Nation Now I woulâ— fain understand in thesâ— four years space and in the Fulness and Strength of the Current and Tide how many Families of the Scottish Men are planted in the Citties Eurroughs and Towns of this Kingdom For I do assure my self that moâ—e then some Persons of Quality about his Majesties Persoâ— here at the Court and in London And some other inferiour Persons that have a Dependancy upon them The Return and Certificate if such a Survey should be made would be of a Number extremely small I report me to all your private knowledges of the places where you inhabit Now Mr. Speaker as I said Si in Ligno viridi ita fit quid fiet in arido I am sure there will be no more such Spring-Tâ—des But you will tell me of a multitude of Families of the Nationâ— in Polonia And if they multiply in a Country so far off how much more here at hand For that Mr. Speaker you must impute it of necessity to some speciall Accident of Time and place that draweth them thither For you see plainly before your eyes that in Germany which is much nearer And in France where they are invited with priviledges And with this very priviledge of Naturalization yet no such Number can be found So as it cannot be either nearness of place or priviledge of Person that is the Cause But shall I tell you Mr. Speaker what I think Of all the places in the world near or far of they will never take that course of life in this Kingdome which they content themselves with in Poland For we see it to be the Nature of all men that they will rather discover Poverty abroad then at home There is never a Gentleman that hath over-reached himself in Expence and thereby must abate his Countenance but he will rather travell and do it abroad then at home And we know well they have good high Stomacks and have ever stood in some terms and Emulation with us And therefore they will never live here except they can live in good fashion So as I assure you Mr. Speaker I am of Opinion that the strife which we now have to admit them will have like Sequele as that Contention had between the Nobility and People of Rome for the admitting of a Plebeian Consul which while it was in Passing was very vehement and mightily stood upon And when the People had obtained it they never made any Plebeian Consul No not in 60. years after And so will this be for many years as I am perswaded rather a Matter in Opinion then in use or effect And this is the First Answer that I give to this main Inconvenience pretended of Surcharge of People The Second Answer which I give to this Objection is this I must have leave to doubt Mr. Speaker that this Realm of England is not yet peopled to the full For certain it is that the Territories of France Italy Flaunders and some parts of Germany do in equall space of Ground bear and contain a far greater Quantity of People if they were mustred by the Poll. Neither can I see that this Kingdom is so much inferiour unto those sorrain Parts in fruitfulness as it is in population which makes me conceive we have not our full charge Besides I do see manifestly among us the Badges and Tokens rather of Scarceness then of Press of People as Drowned Grounds Commons Wastes and the like Which is a plain Demonstration that howsoever there may be an overswelling throng and press of People here about London which is most
and Constancy as it did strike the Minds of those that heaâ—d him more then any Argument had done And so Mr. Speaker against all these witty and subtile Arguments I say that I do believe and I would be sorry to be found a Prophet in it That except we proceed with this Naturalization Though not perhaps in his Majesties time who hath such Interest in both Nations yet in the time of his Descendants these Realms will be in continuall Danger to divide and break again Now if any Man be of that carelesse mind Maneat nostros ea Cura Nepotes Or of that hard Mind to leave things to be tried by the sharpest Sword sure I am he is not of Saint Pauls Opinion who affirmeth That whosoever useth not Fore-sight and Provision for his Family is worse then an unbeliever Much more if we shall not use fore-sight for these two Kingdoms that comprehend so many Families But leave things open to the perill of future Divisions And thus have I expressed unto you the Inconvenience which of all other sinketh deepest with me as the most weighty Neither do there want other Inconveniences Mr. Speaker the Efâ—ect and Influence whereof I fear will not be adjourned to so long a Dâ—y as this that I have spoken of For I leave it to your wisdom to consider whether you do not think in case by the deniall oâ— this Naturalization any Pike of Alienation or unkindness I do not say should be thought to be or noised to be between these two Nations whether it will not quicken and excite all the Envious and Malicious Humours wheresoever which are now covered against us either forraign or at home And so open the way to practises and other Engines and Machinations to the Disturbance of this State As for that other Inconvenience of his Majesties Engagement into this Action it is too binding and pressing to be spoken of And may do better a great deal in your Minds then in my Mouth Or in the mouth of any man else because as I say it doth press our Liberty too far And therefore Mr. Speaker I come now to the third generall part of my Division concerning the Benefits which we shall purchase by this knitting of the knot surer and streighter between these two Kingdoms by the Communicating of Naturalization The Benefits may appear to be two The one Surety the other Greatness Touching Surety Mr. Speaker it was well said by Titus Quiutius the Roman touching the state of Peloponnesus That the Tortois is safe within her shell Testudo intra Tegumen tuta est But if there be any Parts that lye open they endanger all the rest We know well that although the State at this time be in a happy peace Yet for the time past the more Ancient Enemy to this Kingdome hath been the French and the more late the Spaniard And both these had as it were their severall postern Gates whereby they mought have approach and Entrance to annoy us France had Scotland and Spain had Ireland For these were the two Accesses which did comfort and encourage both these Enemies to assail and trouble us We see that of Scoâ—land is cut off by the Vnion of both these Kingdoms If that it shall be now made constant and permanent That of Ireland is likewise cut off by the convenient situation of the North of Scotland toward the North of Ireland where the Sore was Which we see being suddainly closed hath continued closed by means of this Salveâ— So as now there are no Parts of this State exposed to Danger to be a Temptation to the Ambition of Forrainers but their approaches and Avenues are taken away For I do little doubt but those Forrainers which had so little successâ— when they had these advantages will have much lesse comfort now that they be taken from them And so much for Surety For Greatness Mr. Speaker I think a Man may speak it soberly and without Bravery That this Kingdom of England having Scotland united Ireland reduced the Sea Provinces of the Low-Countreys contracted and Shipping maintained Is one of the greatest Monarchies in Forces truly esteemed that hath been in the world For certainly the Kingdoms here on Earth have a Resemblance with the Kingdome of Heaven which our Saviour compareth not to any great Kernell or Nut but to a very Small Grain yet such an one as is apt to grow and spread And such do I take to be the Constitution of this Kingdome If indeed we shall refer our Counsels to Greatness and Power And not quench them too much with Consideration of Utility and Wealth For Mr. Speaker was it not think you a true Answer that Solon of Greece made to the Rich King Craesus of Lydia when hee shewed unto him a great Quantity of Gold that he had gathered together in Ostentation of his Greatness Might But Solon said to himâ— contrary to his Expectation Why Sir if another come that hath better Iron then you he will be Lord of all your Gold Neither is the Authority of Machiavell to be despised who scorneth the Proverb of estate taken first from a Speech of Muciauus That Moneys â—re the Sinews of War And saith There are no true Sinews of War but the very Sinews of the Arms of valiant Men. Nay more Mr. Speaker whosoever shall look into the Seminaries and Beginnings of the Monarchies of the world he shall find them founded in Poverty Persia a Country barren and poor in respect of the Medes whom they subdued Macedon a Kingdome ignoble and Mercenary untill the Time of Philip the Son of Amyntas Rome had poor and pastorall Beginnings The Turks a Band of Sarmatian Scythes that in a vagabond manner made Impression upon that part of Asia which is yet called Turcomania Out of which after much variety of Fortune sprung the Ottomon Family now the Terrour of the world So we know the Gothes Vandals Alanes Huns Lombards Normans and the rest of the Northern People in one Age of the World made their Descent or Expedition upon the Roman Empire And came not as Rovers to carry away prey and be gone again But planted themselves in a number of fruitfull and rich Provinces Where not onely their Generations but their Names remain till this Day witness Lombardy Catalonia A name compounded of Goth Alane Andaluzia A name corrupted from Vandelicia Hungary Normandy and others Nay the Fortune of the Swizzes of late years which are bred in a barren and Mountanous Countrey is not to be forgotten Who first ruined the Duke of Burgundy The same who had almost ruined the Kingdome of France what time after the Battail of Granson the Rich Jewell of Burgundy prized at many Thousands was sold for a few pence by a common Swizze That knew no more what a Jewell meant then did â—sops Cock And again the same Nation in revenge of a Scorn was the Ruin of the French Kings Affaires in Italy Lewes the 12th For that King when he
a particular Examination of it Thirdly whether we shall content our selves with some Entry or Protestation amongst our selves And Fourthly whether we shall proceed to a Message to the King And what Thus I have told you mine Opinion I know it had been more safe and politick to have been silent But it is perhaps more honest and lovingâ— to speak The old Verse is Nam nulli tacuisse nocet nocet esse locutum But by your leave David saiâ—h Silui à bonis Dolor meus renovatus est When a Man speaketh He may be wounded by Others but if He holds his peace from Good Things he wounds Himself So I have done my part and leave it to you to do that which you shall judge to be the best The Charge of Sir Francis Bacon Knight his Majesties Atturney Generall against William Talbot a Counsellor at Law of Ireland upon an Information in the Star-Chamber Ore tenus For a writing under his Hand whereby the said William Talbot being demanded whether the Doctrine of Suarez touching Deposing and Killing of Kings Excommunicated were true or no He answered that he referred himself unto that which the Catholick Roman Church should determine thereof Ultimo die Termini Hilarij undecimo Iacobi Regis My Lords I Brought before you the first sitting of this Term the Cause of Duels But now this last sitting I shall bring before you a Cause concerning the greatest Duell which is in the Christian World The Duels and Conflicts between the lawfull Authority of Soveraign Kings which is Gods Ordinance for the comfort of Humane Society And the swelling pride and usurpation of the See of Rome in Temporalibus Tending altogether to Anarchy and Confusion Wherein if this pretence by the Pope of Rome by Cartels to make Soveraign Princes as the Banditi And to proscribe their Lives and to expose their Kingdomes to prey If these pretences I say and all Persons that submit themselves to that part of the Popes Power be not by all possible Severity repressed and punished The State of Christian Kings will be no other then the ancient Torment described by the Poets in the Hell of the Heathen A man sitting richly roabed solemnly attended delicious fare c. With a Sword hanging over his Head hanging by a small thread ready every moment to be cut down by an accursing and accursed hand Surely I had thought they had been the Prerogatives of God alone and of his secret Judgements Solvam Cingula Regum I will loosen the Girdles of Kings Or again He powreth contempt upon Princes Or I will give a King in my wrath and take him away again in my displeasure And the like but if these be the Claims of a Mortall Man certainly they are but the Mysteries of that Person which exalts himself above all that is called God Supra omne quod dicitur Deus Note it well Not above God though that in a sense be true in respect of the Authority they claim over the Scriptures But Above all that is called God That is Lawfull Kings and Magistrates But my Lords in this uel I find this Talbot that is now before you but a Coward For he hath given ground He hath gone backward and forward But in such a fashion and with such Interchange of Repenting and Relapsing as I cannot tell whether it doth extenuate or aggravate his Offence If he shall more publikely in the face of the Court fall and settle upon a right mind I shall be glad of it And he that would be against the Kings Mercy I would he might need the Kings Mercy But neverthelesse the Court will proceed by Rules of Justice The Offence wherewith I charge this Talbot Prisoner at the Bar is this in brief and in Effect That he hath maintained and maintaineth under his hand a power in the Pope for the Deposing and Murthering of Kings In what sort he doth this when I come to the proper and particular charge I will deliver it in his own words without Pressing or Straining Buâ— before I come to the particular charge of this Man I cannot proceed so coldly but I must expresse unto your Lordships the extreme and imminent Danger wherein our Dear and Dread Soveraign is And in him we all Nay and wherein all Princes of both Religions For it is a common Cause do stand at this day By the spreading and Enforcing of this furious and pernicious Opinion of the Popes Temporall Power which though the modest Sort would blanch with the Distinction of In ordine ad Spiritualia yet that is but an Elusion For he that maketh the Distinction will also make the Case This perill though it be in it self notorious yet because there is a kind of Dulness and almost a Lethargy in this Age Give me leave to set before you two Glasses Such as certainly the like never met in one Age The Glasses of France and the Glasse of England In that of France the Tragedies acted and executed in two Immediate Kings In the Glasse of England the same or more horrible attempted likewise in a Queen and King immediate But ending in a happy Deliverance In France H. 3. in the face of his Army before the walls of Paris stabbed by a wretched Iacobine Fryer H. 4. a Prince that the French do surname the Great One that had been a Saviour and Redeemer of his Country from infinite Calamities And a Restorer of that Monarchy to the ancient State and Splendour And a Prince almost Heroicall except it be in the Point of Revolt from Religion At a time when he was as it were to mount on Horse-back for the Commanding of the greatest Forces that of long time had been levied in France This King likewise stilletted by a Rascal votary which had been enchanted and conjured for the purpose In England Queen Elizabeth of blessed memory A Queen comparable and to be rankt with the greatest Kings Oftentimes attempted by like votaries Sommervile Parry Savage and others But still protected by the Watch-man that Slumbreth not Again our excellent Soveraign King Iames The Sweetness and Clemency of whose nature were enough to quench and mortifie all Malignity And a King shielded and supported by Posterity Yet this King in the Chair of Majesty his Vine and Olive Branches about him Attended by his Nobles and Third Estate in Parliament Ready in the Twinckling of an Eye As if it had been a particular Doomesday To have been brought to Ashes dispersed to the four Winds I noted the last day my Lord Chief Iustice when he spake of this Powder Treason he laboured for words Though they came from him with great Efficacy yet he truly confessed and so must all Men That that Treason is above the Charge and Report of any Words whatsoever Now my Lords I cannot let passe but in these Glasses which I spake of besides the Facts themselves and Danger to shew you two Things The one the Wayes of God Almighty which turneth the Sword of Rome
do acknowledge my Soveraign Liege Lord King James to be lawfull and undoubted King of all the Kingdomes of England Scotland and Ireland And I will bear true faith and Allegeance to his Highness during my life NOw my Lords upon these words I charge William Talbot to have committed a great Offence And such an one as if he had entred into a voluntary and malicious Publication of the like writing It would have been too great an Offence for the Capacity of this Court But because it grew from a Question askt by a Councell of â—state And so rather seemeth in a favourable Construction to proceed from a kind of Submission to answer then from any malicious or insolent Will it was fit according to the Clemency of these Times to proceed in this maner before your Lordships And yet let the Hearers take these things right For certainly if a Man be required by the Lords oâ— the Councell to deliver his Opinion whether King Iames be King or no And He deliver his Opinion that He is not This is High Treason But I do not say that these words amount to thatâ— And therefore let me open them truly to your Lordships And thereiâ— open also it may be the Eyes of the Offender Himself how far they reach My Lords a Mans Allegeance must be Independant not provisionall and conditionall Elizabeth Barton that was called the Holy Maid of Kent affirmed That if K. H. 8. Did not take Katherine of Spain again to his Wife within a twelve moneth he should be no King And this was judged Treason For though this Act be Contingent and Future yet Treason of compassing and imagining the Kings Destruction is present And in like manner if a Man should voluntarily publish or maintain That whensoever a Bull or Deprivation shall come forth against the King that from thenceforth he is no longer King This is of like Nature But with this I do not charge you neither But this is the true Latitude of your Words That if the Doctrine touching the Killing of Kings be Matter of Faith that you submit your self to the Judgement of the Catholick Roman Church So as now to do you right your Allegeance doth not depend simply upon a Sentence of the Popes Deprivation against the King But upon another point also If these Doctrines be already or shall be declared to be Matter of Faith But my Lords there is little won in this There may be some Difference to the guiltinesse of the Party But there is little to the Danger of the King For the same Pope of Rome may with the same breath declare boâ—h So as still upon the matter the King is made but Tennant at will of his Life and Kingdomes And the Allegiance of his Subjects is pinn'd upon the Popes Act. And Certainly it is Time to stop the Current of this Opinion of Acknowledgement of the Popes power in Temporalibus Or elâ—e it will supplant the Seat of Kings And let it not be mistaken that Mr. Talbots Offence should be no more then the Refusing the Oath of Allegiance For it is one thing to be silent and another thing to affiâ—m As for the Point of Matter of Faith or not of Faith To tell your Lordships plain it would astonish a Man to see the Gulf of this implyed â—eliefe Is nothing excepted from it If a Man should ask Mr. Talbot whether he do condemn Murther or Adultery or Rape or the Doctrine of Mahomet or of Arius in stead of Zuarius Must the Answer be with this exception that if the Question concern matter of Faith as no question it doth for the Moral Law is matter of Faith That therein he wil submit himself to what the Church shall determine And no doubt the Murther of Princes is more then Simple Murther But to conclude Talbot I will do you this Right and I will noâ— be reserved in this but to declare that that is true That you came afterwards to a better mind Wherein if you had been constant the King out of his great goodnesse was resolved not to have proceeded with you in Course of Justice But then again you Started aside like a Broken Bow So that by your Variety and Vacillation you lost the acceptable time of the first Grace which was Not to have convented you Nay I will go farther with you Your last Submission I conceive to be Satisfactory and Compleat But then it was too late The Kings Honour was upon it It was published and the Day appointed for Hearing Yet what preparation that may be to the Second Grace of Pardon that I know not But I know my Lords out of their accustomed favour will admit you not only to your Defence concerning that that hath been Charged But to extenuate your Fault by any Submission that now God shall put into your mind to make The Charge given by Sr. Francis Bacon his Majesties Atturney Generall against Mr. I.S. for Scandalizing and Traducing in the publick Sessions Letters sent from the Lords of the Councell touching the Benevolence MY Lords I shall inform you ore tenus against this Gentleman Mr. I. S. A Gentleman as it seems of an ancient House and Name But for the present I can think of him by no other Name then the Name of a great Offender The Nature and Qualityâ— of his Offence in sum is this This Gentleman hath upon advice not suddenly by his Pen Nor by the Slip of his Tongue Not privatly or in a Corner but publickly As it were to the face of the Kings Ministers and Iustices Slandered and Traduced The King our Soveraign The Law of the Land The Parliament And infinite Particulars of his Majesties worthy and loving Subjects Nay the Slander is of that Nature that it may seem to interest the People in Grief and Discontent against the State whence mought have ensued Matter of Murmur and Sedition So that it is not a Simple Slander but a Seditious Slander like to that the Poet speaketh of Calamosque armare Veneno A Venemous Dart that hath both Iron and Poysonâ— To open to your Lordships the true State of this Offence I will set before you First the Occasion whereupon Mr. I. S. wrought Thâ—n the Offence it self in his own words And lastly the Points of his Charge My Lords you may remember that there was the last Parliament an Expectation to have had the King supplied with Treasure although the Event failed Herein it is not fit for me to give opinion of an House of Parliament But I will give testimony of Truth in all places I served in the Lower House and I observed somewhat This I do affirm That I never could perceive but that there was in that House a generall Disposition to give And to give largely The Clocks in the House perchance might differ Some went too fast some went too slow But the Disposition to give was generall So that I think I may truly say Solo tempore lapsus Amor. This Accident happening
the rest of their Body The Kingdome of Portugall which of late times through their Merchandizing and places in the East Indies was grown to be an Opulent Kingdome is now at the last after the unfortunate journey of Affrick in that State as a Countrey is like to be that is reduced under a Forreiner by Conquest And such a Forreiner as hath his Competitour in Title being a Naturall Portugall and no Stranger And having been once in possession yet in Life wherby his Iealousie must necessarily be encreased and through his Jealousie their Oppression which is apparent by the Carrying of many Noble Families out of their Naturall Countries to live in Exile And by putting to Death a great Number of Noble-Men naturally born to have been principall Governers of their Countries These are three Afflicted parts of Christendome The Rest of the States enjoy either Prosperity or tolerable Condition The Kingdome of Scotland though at this present by the good Regiment and wise proceeding of the King they enjoy good quiet yet â—ince our Peace it hath passed through no small Troubles And remaineth full of Boyling and Swelling Humours But like by the Maturity of the said King every day encreasing to be repressed The Kingdome of Poland is newly recovered out of great Wars about an Ambiguous Election And besides is a State of that Composition that their King being Elective they do commonly chuse rather a Stranger then one of their own Countrey A great Exception to the Flourishing Estate of any Kingdome The Kingdome of Swedeland besides their Forrain Warrs upon their Cousins the Muscovites and the Danes Hath been also subject to divers Intestine Tumults and Mutations as their Stories do record The Kingdome of Denmark hath had good Times specially by the good Government of the late King who maintained the profession of the Gospell But yet greatly giveth place to the Kingdome of England in Climate Wealth Fertility and many other Points both of Honour and Strength The Estates of Italy which are not under the Dominion of Spain have had peace equall in continuance with ours Except in regard of that which hath passed between them and the Turk Which hath sorted to their Honour and Commendation But yet they are so brideled and over-awed by the Spaniard that possesseth the two principall Members thereof And that in the two extream parts as they be like Quillets of Freehold being intermixed in the midst of a great Honour or Lordship So as their Quiet is intermingled not with Iealousie alone but with Restraint The States of Germany have had for the most part peaceable Times But yet they yeeld to the State of England Not only in the great Honour of a great Kingdome they being of a mean Stile and Dignity but also in many other Respects both of Wealth and Pollicy The State of Savoy having been in the old Dukes Time governed in good Prosperity hath since notwithstanding their new great Alliance with Spain whereupon they waxed insolent to design to snatch up some piece of France After the dishonourable Repulse from the Seige of Geneva deen often distresâ—ed by a particular Gentleman of Daulphâ—ny And at this presenâ— day the Duke feeleth even in Piedmont beyond the Mountaines of the weight of the same Enemy Who hath lately shut up his Gates and common Entries between Savoy and Piedmont So as hitherto I do not see but that we are as much bound to the Mercies of God as any other Nation Considering that the Fires of Dissention and Oppression in some Parts of Christendom may serve us for Lights to shew us our Happinesse And the good â—states of other places which we do congratulate with them for is such neverthelesse as doth not stain and exceed ours But rather doth still leave somewhat wherein we may acknowledge an ordinary Benediction of God Lastly we do not much emulate the Greaâ—nesse and Glory of the Spaniards Who having not only Excluded the Purity of Religion but also Fortified against it by their Devise of the Inquisition which is a Bulwark against the Entrance of the Truth of God Having in recompence of their new Purchase of Porâ—ugal lost a great part of their ancient Patrimonies of the Low-Countries Being of far greater Commodity and Valew or at the least holding part thereof in such sort as most of their other Revenewes are spent there upon their own Having lately with much Difficulty rather smoothed and skinned over then Healed and extinguished the Commotions of Arragon Having rather sowed Troubles in France then reaped Assured Fruit thereof unto themselves Having from the Attempt of England received Scorn and Disreputation Being at this time with the States of Italy rather suspected then either Loved or Feared Having in Germany and else where rather much practise then any Sound intelligence or Amity Having no such clear succession as they need object and Reproach the Incertainty thereof unto another Nation Have in the end won a Reputation rather of Ambition then Iustice And in the pursuit of their Ambition rather of Much Enterprising then of Fortunate Atchieving And in their Entâ—rprising rather of Doing Things by Treasure and Expence then by Forces and Valour Now that I have given the Reader a Tast of England respectively and in Comparison of the Times past and of the States abroad I will descend to examine the Libellers own Divisions Whereupon let the World judge how easily and clean this Inke which he hath cast in our faces is washed off The First Branch of the pretended Calamities of England is the great and wonderfull Confusion which he saith is in the State of the Church which is subdivided again into two parts The one the Prosecutions againg the Catholicks The other the Discords and Controversies amongst our selves The former of which 2. parts I have made an Article by it self Wherein I have set down a clear and simple Narration of the proceedings of State against that sort of Subjects Adding this by the way That there are 2. Extremities in State concerning the Causes of â—aith and Religion That is to say the Permission of the Exercises of more Râ—ligions then one which is a dangerous Indulgence and Toleration the other is the Entring and Sifting into Mens Consciences when no Overt Scandall is given which is Rigorous and Straineable Inquisition And I avouch the proceedings towards the intended Catholicks to have been a Mean between these two Extremities Referring the Demonstration thereof unto the aforesaid Narraâ—ion in the Articles following Touching the Divisions in our Church the Libeller affirmeth â—hat the Protestanticall Caluinism For so it pleaseth him with very good grace to term the Religion with us established is grown Contempâ—ible and Detected of Idolatry Heresie and many other superstitious Abuses by a Purified sort of Professors of the same Gospell And this Conâ—ention is yet grown to be more intricate by reason of a Third Kind of Gospellers called Brownists Who being directed
Athenians could rest which was if the Deputies of the Lacedemonians could make it plain unto them that after these and these things parted withall the Lacedemonians should not be able to hurt them though they would So it is with us As we have not justly provoked the Hatred or Enmity of any other State so howsoever that be I know not at this time the Enemy that hath the Power to offend us though he had the Will And whether we have given just Cause of Quarrell or Offence it shall be afterwards touched in the feurth Article Touching the true Causes of the Disturbance of the Quiet of Christenâ—ome As far as it is fit to justifie the Actions of so High a Prince upon the Occasion of such a Libell as this But now concerning the Power and Forces of any Enemy I do find that England hath sometimes apprehended with Jealousie the Confederation between France and Scotland The one being upon the same Continent that we are and breeding a Souldier of Puissance and Courage not much differing from the English The other a Kingdom very Opulent and thereby able to sustain Wars though at very great Charge And having a brave Nobility And being a Near Neighbour And yet of this Conjuncâ—ion there never came any Offence of Moment But Scotland was ever rather used by France as a Diversion of an English Invasion upon France then as a Commodity of a French Invasion upon England I confesse also that since the Vnions of the Kingdom of Spain and during the time the Kingdom of France was in his Entire A Conjunction of those two potent Kingdoms against us might have been of some Terrour to us But now it is evident that the State of France is such as both those Conjunctions are become Impossible It resteth that either Spain with Scotland should offend us or Spain alone For Scotland thanks be to God the Amity and Intelligence is so sound and secret between the the two Crowns Being strengthened by Consent in Religion Nearnesse of Blood and Continuall good Offices reciprocally on either side as the Spaniard himself in his own Plot â—hinketh it easier to alter and overthrow the present State of Scotland then to remove and divide it from the Amity of England So as it must be Spain alone that we should fear which should seem by reason of his Spacious Dominions to be a great Over-match The Conceit whereof maketh me call to mind the Resemblance of an Ancient writer in Physick who labouring to perswade that a Physician should not doubt sometimes to purge his Patient though he see him very weak Entreth into a Distinction of Weakness and saith there is a Weakness of Spirit and a Weakness of Body The latter whereof he compareth unto a man that were otherwise very strong but had a great pack on his Neck So greatâ— as made him double again So as one might thrust him down with his Finger Which Similitude and Distinction both may be fitly applyed to matter of State For some States are Weak through want of Means and some VVeak through Excesse of Burthen In which rank I do place the State of Spain which having outcompassed it self in embracing too much And being it self but a barren Seed-plot of Souldiers And much Decayed and Exhausted of Men by the Indies and by continuall wars and so to the State of their Treasure being endebted and engaged before such times as they waged so great Forces in France And therefore much more since Is not in brief an Enemy to be feared by a Nation Seated Manned Furnished and Pollyced as is England Neither is this spoken by guesse For the Experience was Substantiall enough and of Fresh Memoâ—y in the late Enterprise of Spain upon England What Time all that Goodly Shipping which in that Voyage was consumed was Compleat what Time his Forces in the Low Countries was also full and Entire which now are wasted to a fourth part What time also he was not entangled with the Matters of France But was rather like to receive Assistance then Impediment from his Friends there In respect of the great Vigour wherein the League then was while the Duke of Guise then lived and yet neverthelesse this great preparation passed away like a Dream The Invincible Navy neither took any one Barque of ours Neither yet once offered to land But after they had been well Beaten and Chased made a Perambulation about the Northern Seas Ennobling many Coasts with VVracks of Mighty ships and so returned home with greater Derision then they set forth with Expectation So as we shall not need much Confederacies and Succours which he saith we want for the breaking of the Spanish Invasion No though the Spaniard should nestle in Brittain and supplant the French and get some Port-Townes into their hands there which is yet far off yet shall he never be so commodiously seated to annoy us as if he had kept the Low-Countries And we shall rather fear Him as a wrangling Neighbour that may Trespass now and then upon some Stragling ships of ours then as an Invader And as for our Confederacies God hath given us both Meanes and Minds to tender and relieve the States of others And therefore our Confederacies are rather of Honour then such as we depend upon And yet nevertheless the Apostata's and Huguonets of France on the one part For so he termeth the whole Nobility in a manner of France Among the which a great part is of his own Religion which maintain the clear and unblemished Title of their Lawfull and Naturall King against the seditious popular And the Beere-Brewers and Basket-Makers of Holland and Zealand As he also termes them on the other have almost banded away between them all the Duke of Parma's Forces And I suppose the very Mines of the Indies will go low or ever the one be Ruined or the other recovered Neither again desire we better Confederacies and Leagues then Spain it self hath provided for us Non enim verbis faedera confirmantur sed jisdem vtilitatibus We know to how many States the King of Spain is odious and suspected And for our selves we have incensed none by our Injuries Nor made any Jealous of our Ambition These are in Rules of Pollicy the Firmest Contracts Let thus much be said in Answer of the Second Branch concerning the Number of Exteriour Enemies Wherein my Meaning is nothing lesse then to attribute our Felicity to our Pollicy Or to nourish our selves in the Humour of Security But I hope we shall depend upon God and be vigilent And then it will be seen to what end these False Alarums will come In the Third Branch of the Miseries of England he taketh upon him to play the Prophet as he hath in all the rest play'd the Poet And will needes Divine or Prognosticate the great Troubles whreunto this Realm shall fall after her Majesties Times As if he that hath so singular a Gift in Lying of the present Time and Times past had
England brake forth Who but the Duke of Alva then the Kings Lievetenant in the Low-Countries and Don Guerres of Espes then his Embassador Lieger here were discovered to be chief Instruments and Practisers Having complotted with the Duke of Norfolk at the same time As was proved at the same Dukes Condemnation that an Army of 20000. Men should have landed at Harwich in aid of that Part which the said Duke had made within the Realm And the said Duke having spent and imployed 150000. Crownes in that Preparation Not contented thus to have consorted and assisted her Majesties Rebells in England He procured a Rebellion in Ireland Arming and Sending thither in the year 1579 an Arch-Rebell of that Country Iames Fitz Morrice which before was fled And truly to speak the whole course of Molestation which her Majesty hath received in that Realm by the Rising and Keeping on of the Irish hath been nourished and fomented from Spainâ— but afterwards most apparently in the year 1580 he invaded the same Ireland with Spaâ—ish Forces under an Italian Colonell By Name San Iesopho being but the Fore-runners of a greater Power Which by Treaty between Him and the Pope should have followed But that by the speedy Defeat of those former they were discouraged to pursue the Action Which Invasion was proved to be done by the Kings own Orders both by the Letters of Secretary Escouedo and of Guerres to the King And also by divers other Letters wherein the particular Conferences were set down concerning this Enterprise between Cardinall Riario the Popes Legate and the Kings Deputy in Spain Touching the Generall the Number of Men the Contribution of Money and the Manner of the Prosecuting of the Action And by the Confession of some of the Chiefest of those that were taken Prisoners at the Fort Which Act being an Act of Appaâ—rent â—ostility added unto all the Injuries aforesaid And accompanied with a continuall Receit Comfort and Countenance by Audâ—ences Pensions and Employments which he gave to Traytours and Fugitives both English and Irish As Westmerlâ—nd Paget Englâ—field Baltinglasse and Numbers of others Did sufficiently jusâ—ifie and warrant that pursuit of Revenge which either in the Spâ—yl of Carthagena and San Domingo in the Indies by Mr Drakâ— Or in the undertaking the protection of the Low-Counâ—reysâ— whâ—n the Earl of Leicester was sent over afterwards follâ—wed For befoâ—e that time her Majesty though she stood upon her Guard in respect of the just Cause of Jealousie which tâ—e Sundry Injuries of that King gave her yet had entred into no Oâ—â—ensiâ—e Acâ—ion against Him For â—oth the Voluntary Forces which Don Antonio had collected in this Realm were by express commandâ—ment restrained And Offer was made of Restitution to the Spanish Embassadour of such Treasure as had been bâ—ought into this Realm upon Proof that it had been taken by â—rong And the Duke of Anjou was as much as could stand with the near Treaty of a Marriage which then was very foâ—waâ—d between her Majesty and the said Duke Diverted from the Enterprise of â—landers But to conclude this Point when that some yeares after the Invasion and Conquest of thâ—s Land Intended long before but through many Crosses aâ—d Impediments which the King oâ— Spain found in his Plots deferred Was in the year 1588 attempted Her Majesty not forgetting her own Nature was content at the same Instant to Treat of a Peace Not ignorantly as a Prince that knew not in what forwardness his preparations were For she had discovered them long before Nor fearfully as may appear by the Articles whereupon her Majesty in that Treaty stood which were not the Demands of a Prince afraid But onely to spare the shedding of Christian Bloud And to shew her constant Desire to make her Raign Renowned rather by Peace then victories which Peace was on her part treated sincerely But on his part as it should seem was but an Abuse Thinking thereby to have taken us more unprovided So that the Duke of Parma not liking to be used as an Instrument in such a Case in regard of his particular Honour would sometimes in Treating interlace That the King his Master ment to make his Peace With his Sword in his Hand Let it then be tried upon an indifferent view of the proceedings of England and Spain Who it is that Fisheth in Troubled Waters And hath disturbed the Peace of Christendome And hath written and described all his Plots in Bloud There follow the Articles of an Vniversall Peace which the Libeller as a Commissioner for the Estate of England hath propounded and are these First that the King of Spain should recall such Forces as of great compassion to the Naturall People of France he hath sent thither to defend them against a Relapsed Huguonott Secondly that he suffer his Rebells of Holland and Zeland quietly to possesse the places they hold And to take unto them all the Rest of the Low-Countries also Conditionally that the English may still keep the possession of such Port-Towns as they have and have some half a dozen more annexed unto them Thirdly thâ—t the English Rovers mought peaceably go to his Indies And there take away his Treasure and his Indies also And thâ—se Articles being accorded he saith might follow that Peace which passeth all understanding As he calleth it in a scurrile and prophane Mockery of the Peace which Christians enjoy with God by the Attonement which is made by the Bloud of Christ whereof the Apostle saith That it passeth all understanding But these his Articles are sure mistaken And indeed corrected are briefly these 1. That the King of France be not impeached in Reducing his Rebels to obedience 2. That the Netherlands be suffered to enjoy their Ancient Liberties and Priviledges And so Forces of Strangers to be with-drawn both English and Spanish 3. That all Nations may trade into the East and West Indies yea discover and occupy such parts as the Spaniard doth not actually possesse And are not under Civill Government notwithstanding any Donation of the Pope 5. Of the Cunning of the Libeller in Palliation of his malicious Invectives against her Majesty and the State with pretence of Taxing onely the Actions of the Lord Burghley I Cannot rightly call this Point Cunning in the Libeller but rather good will to be Cunning without skill indeed or Judgement For finding that it had been the Usuall and Ready practise of Seditious Subjects to plant and bend their Invectives and Clamours Not against the Soveraigns themselves but against some such as had Grace with them and Authorities under them He put in ure his Learning in a wrong and unproper Case For this hath some Appearance to cover undutifull Invectives when it is used against Favourites or New Vpstarts and suddain-risen Counsellours But when it shall be practised against One that hath been Counsellour before her Majesties Time And hath continued longer Counsellour then any other Couâ—sâ—llâ—ur in Europe One that must needs have been Great
Gate of London called Lud-Gate being in decay was pulled down And built anew And on the one side was set up the Image of King Lud and his two Sons who according to the Names was thought to be the First Founder of that Gate And on the other side the Image of her Majesty in whose time it was reedified whereupon they published that her Majesty after all the Images of the Saints were long beaten down had now at last set up her own Image upon the Principall Gate of London to be adored And that all Men were forced to do reverence to it as they passed by And a watch there placed for that purpose Mr. Iewell the Bishop of Salisbury who according to his Life died most godly and patiently At the Point of Death used the Versicle of the Hymne Te Deum Oh Lord in thee have I trusted let me never be confounded Whereupon suppressing the rest they published that the principall Champion of the Hereticks in his very last words cryed he was confounded In the Act of Recognition of primo whereby the Right of the Crown is acknowledged by Parliament to be in her Majesty The like whereof was used in Queen Maries time The words of Limitation are In the Queens Majesty and the Naturall Heires of her Body and her lawfull Successours Upon which word Naturall they do maliciously and indeed villanously gâ—osse That it was the Intention of the Parliament in a Cloud to convey the Crown to any Issue oâ— her Majesties that were Illegitimate Whereas â—he word Heire doth with us so necessarily and pregnantly import Lawfulness As it had been Indecorum and uncivill speaking of the Issues of a Prince to have expressed it They set forth in the year a Book with Tables and Pictures of the Persecutions against Catholiques Wherein they have not onely stories of 50. years old to supply their Pages But also taken all the persecutions of the Primitive Church under the Heathen and translated them to the practise of England As that of Worrowing Priests under the Skins of Bears by Doggs and the like I conclude then that I know not what to make of this Excesse in Avouching untruths save this That they may truly Chaunt in their Quires Linguam nostram magnificabimus Labia nostra nobis sunt And that they that have long ago forsaken the Truth of God which is the Toucâ—-stone must now hold by the Whet-stone And that their Ancient Pillar of Lying wonders being decayed they must now hold by Lying Slaunders And make their Libells Successours to their Legend A TRUE REPORT Of the detestable TREASON INTENDED By Doctor RODERIGO LOPEZ A Physician attending upon the Person of the QVEENES MAIESTY Whom He for a Sum of Money promised to be paid him by the King of Spain did undertake to have destroyed by Poyson with certain Circumstances both of the Plotting and Detecting of the same TREASON Penned during the Queens Life THe King of Spain having found by the Enterprise of 88 the Difficulty of an Invasion of England And having also since that time embraced the Matters of France Being a Dessigne of a more easie nature and better prepared to his Hand Hath of necessity for a timeâ— layed aside the Prosecution of his Attempts against this Realm by open Forces As knowing his Meanes unable to wield both Actions at once As well that of England as that of France And therefore casting at the Fairest hath in a manner bent his whole strength upon France making in the mean time onely a Defensive War upon the Low-Countries But finding again that the Supports and Aides which her Majesty hath continued to the French King are a principall Impediment Retardation to his prevailing there according to his Ends He hath now of late by all means projectâ—ed to trouble the Waters here to cut us out some work at home That by practise without Diverting and Employing any greâ—â— â—orceâ— he mought neverthelesse divert our Succours from France According to which purpose he first proved to move some Innovation in Scotland Not so much in hope to alienate the King from the Amity of her Majesty as practizing to make a Party there against the King himself Whereby he should be compelled to use her Majesties Forces for his Aâ—â—istance Thenâ— he sollicited a Subject within this Realm being a Person of great Nobility to rise in Arms and levy War against her Majesty which practise was by the same Nobleman loyally and prudently revealed And lastly rather as it is to be thought by the Instigation of our Traiterous Fugitives in Forrain paâ—ts And the corrupter Sort of his Counsellours and Ministers then of his own nature and Inclination either of himself or his said Counsellours and Ministers using his name have descenâ—ed to to a course against all Honour All Society and Humanity Odious to God and Man Detested by the Heathen themselves which is to take away the Life of her Majesty which God have in his pâ—ecious Custody by violence or poyson A Matter which mought be proved to be not onely against all Christianity and Religion but against Nature the Law of Nations the Honour of Arms The Civil Law The Rules of Morality and Pollicy Finally to be the most Condemned Barbarous and Ferine Act that can be imagined yea supposing the Quarrells and Hostility between the Princes to be never so Declared and so Mortal yet were it not that it would be a very Reproach unto the Age that the Matter should be once disputed or called in question it could never be defended And therefore I leave it to the Censure which Titus Livius giveth in the like case upon Perseus the last King of the Macedons afterwards overthrown taken with his Children led in Triumph by the Romans Quem non justuÌ„ Bellum gerere Regio Animo sed per omnia clandestina grassari scelera LatrocinioruÌ„ ac veneficiorum cernebant But to proceed certain it is that even about this present time there have been suborned and sent into this Realm divers persons some English some Irish corrupted by Money and Promises And resolved and Conjured by Priests in Confesâ—ion to have executed that most wretched and horrible Fact Of which Number certain have been Taken and some have sufâ—fered and some are spared because they have with great sorrow confessed these Attempts and detested their Suborneâ—s And if I should conjecture what the reason is why this cursed enterprise was at this time so hotly and with such diligence pursued I take it to be chiefly because the Matters of France waxe ripe And the King of Spain made himself ready to unmask himself and to reap that in France which he had been long in sowing In regard that there being like to be a Divulsion in the League by the Reconciliation of some of the Heads to the King the more passionate Sort being destiâ—uted by their Associates were like to cast themselves wholly into the King of Spains Arms And to dismember some important Piece
as was said to do some service to Don Antonio But in truth to continue Lopez Negotiation and Intelligences with the King of Spain which he handled so well as at his Return hither for the comforting of the said Lopez he brought to him from the King besides thanks and words of encouragement and an Abrazo which is the Complement of Favour a very good Jewell garnished with sundry stones of good value This Jewell when Lopez had accepted he cunningly cast with himself That if he should offer it to her Majesty first He was assured she would not take it Next that thereby he should lay her asleep and make her Secure of him for greater Matters According to the saying Fraus sibi fidem in parvis praestruit ut in magnis opprimat which accordingly he did with Protestations of his Fidelity And her Majesty as a Princesse of Magnanimity not apt to fear or suspicion returned it to him with Gracious words After Lopez had thus abused her Majesty and had these Trialls of the Fidelity of Andrada they fell in conference the matter being first moved by Andrada as he that came freshly out of Spain touching the empoysoning of the Queen Which Lopez who saw that Matter of Intelligence without some such particular service would draw no great Reward from the King oâ— Spain such as a Man that was not Needy but wealthy as hâ— was coulâ— find any Tast in assented unto And to that purpose procured again this Andrada to be sent over As well to â—dvertise and asâ—ure this Matter to the King of Spain and hiâ— Ministers Namely to the Count de Fuentes Assistant to the Generall of the King of Spains Forces in the Low Countries as also to capitulate and â—ontract with him about the Certainty of hiâ— Rewardâ— Andrada having received those Instructions and beâ—ing furnished with money by Lopez procurement from Don Antonio about whose service his Employment was believed to be Went over to Calais Where he remained to be near unto England and Flandeâ—s Having a Boy that ordinarily passed to and fro between him and Lopez By whom he did also the better to colour his Employment write to Lopez Intelligence as it was agreed he should between him and Lopez Whâ— bad him send such Nâ—ws as he should take up in the Streets From Calais he writeth to Count de Fuentes of Lopez Promise and Demands Upon the Receipt of which Letters after some Time taken to advertise this Proposition into Spain And to receive direction thereupon The Count de Fuentes associated with Stâ—â—phano Ibarra Secretary of the Councell of the Wars in the Low Countries calleth to â—im one Manuel Louys Tinoco a Portugese who had also followed King Antonio and of whose good Devotion he had had Experience in that he had conveyed unto him two severall Packets wherewith he was trusted by the King Antonio for France Of this Louys they first received a Corporall Oath wiâ—h solemn Ceremony taking his Hands between their Hands that he should keep secret that which should be imparted to him And never reveal the same though he should be apprehended and questioned here This done they acquâ—int him with the Letters of Andrada with whom they charge him to conferre at Calais in his way and to passe to Lopez into England Addressing him further to Stephano Ferrera de Gama And signifying unto the said Lopez withall as from the King that he gave no great credence to Andrada as a person too sleight to be usâ—d in a Cause of so great weight And therefore marvelled much that he heard nothing from Ferrera of this Matter From whom he had in former time been advertised in generality of Lopez good affection to do him service This Ferrera had been sometimes a Man of great Livelyhood and wealth in Portugall which he did forego in adhering to Don Antonio And appeareth to be a Man of a Capacity and practise But hath some years since been secretly won to the service of the King of Spain not travelling neverthelesse too and fro but residing as his Leiger in England Manuel Louys dispatched with these Instructions and with all affectionate commendations from the Count to Lopez And with Letters to Ferrera Took his Journey first to Calais where he conferred with Andrada Of whom receiving more ample Information together with a short Ticket of Credence to Lopez that he was a Person whom he mought trust without scruple came over into England And first repaired to Ferrera and acquainted him with the State of the Businesse who had before that time given some Light unto Lopez that he was not a stranger unto the Practise between him and Andrada wherewith indeed Andrada had in a sort acquainted him And now upon this new Dispatch and Knowledge given to Lopez of the choise of Ferrera to continue that which Andrada had begun He to conform himself the better to the satisfaction of the King of Spain and his Ministers abroad was content more fully to communicate with Ferrera with whom from that time forward he meant singly and apertly to deal And therefore cunningly forbare to speak with Manuel Louys himself but concluded that Ferrera should be his only â—runk and all his Dealings should pass through his Hands thinking thereby to have gone Invisible Whereupon he cast with Himself that it was not safe to use the Mediation of Manuel Louys who had been made privy to the matter as some base carrier of Letters which Letters also should be written in a Cyphar Not of Alphabet but of Words Such as mought if they were opened import no vehement suspicion And therefore Manuel Louys was sent back with a short Answerâ— And Lopez purveied himself of a base Fellow a â—ortugeze called Gomes d' Avila dwelling hard by Lopez House â—o convey his Letters After this Messenger provided it was agreed between Lopez and Ferrera that Letters should be sent to the Count de Fuentes and Secretary Iuarra written and signed by Ferrera â—or Lopez cautelously did forbear to write himself but directed and indeed dictated word by word by Lopez himself The Contents thereof were That Lopez was ready to execute that Service to the King which before had been treated but required for his Recompence the sum of 50000. Crowns and assurance for the same These Letters were written obscurely as was touched in Termes of Merchandise To which Obscurity when Ferrera excepted Lopez answered They knew his meaning by that which â—ad passed before Ferrera wrote also to Manuel Louys but charged this Gomez to deliver the same Letters unto him in the presence of Iuarra As also the Letter to Iuarra in the presence of Manuel Louys And these Letters were delivered to Gomez d' Avila to be carried to Bruxells And a Pasport procured and his charges defrayed by Lopez And Ferrera the more to approve his Industry writ Letters two severall times The one conveyed by Emanuel Palacios with the privity of Lopez to Christofero Moro a principall Counseller of the King of
Spain in Spain Signifying that Lopez was won to the King of Spain And that he was ready to receive his Commandement And received a Letter from the same Christophero Moro in answer to one oâ— these which he shewed unto Lopez In the mean time Lopez though a Man in semblance of a heavy wit yet indeed subtile of himself as one trained in Practise And besides as wily as Fear and Covetousnesse could make him Thought to provide for himself as was partly touched before as many starting Holes and Evasions as he could devise If any of these Matters should come to Light And first he took his time to cast forâ—h some generall words a far off to her Majesty as asking her the Question Whether a Deceiver might not be deceived Whereof her Majesty not imagining these words tended to such end as to warrant him colourably in this wretched Conspiracy But otherwise of her own naturall Disposition bent to integrity and Sincerity uttered Dislike and Disallowance Next he thought he had wrought a great Mystery in demanding the precise sum of 50000. Crowns agreeing just with the sum of Assignation or Donation from Don Antonio Idly and in that grosâ—ely imagining That if afterwards he should accept the same sum he mought excuse it as made good by the King of Spain in regard he desisted to follow and favour Don Antonio Whereupon the King of Spain was in honour tied noâ— to see him a Looser Thirdly in his Conferrences with Ferrera when he was apposed upon the particular manner how he would poyson her Majestyâ— he purposely named unto him a Syrop Knowing that her Majesty never useth Syrop And therefore thinking that would prove an high point for his Justification if Things should come in any Qnestion But all this while disirous after his prey which he had in hope devoured He did instantly importune Ferrera for the answering of his last Dispatch Finding the Delay strange and reiterating the Protestations of his Readinesse to do the Service if he were assured of his Money Now before the Return of Gomez d' Avila into England this Steven Ferrera was discovered to have Intelligence with the Enemy But so as the particular of his Traffique and Overtures appeared not Onely it seemed there was great account made of that he managed And thereupon he was committed to Prison Soon after arrived Gomez d' Avila and brought Letâ—ers onely from Manuel Louys by the Name of Franceseo de Thores Because as it seemeth the great persons on the other side had a contrary disposition to Lopez And liked not to write by so base a Messenger but continued their Course to trust and employ Manuel Louys himself who in likelyhood was retained till they mought receive a full Conclusion from Spain Which was not till about two moneths after This Gomez was apprehended at his Landing And about him were found the Letters aforesaid written in Iargon or Verball Cyphar but yet somewhat suspicious in these words This Bearer will tell you the price in which your Pearles are esteemed and in what resolution we rest about a little Musk and Amber which I am determined to buy Which Words the said Manuel Louys afterwards voluntarily confessed to be desciphered in this sort That by the Allowance of the Pearles he meant that the Count de Fuentes and the Secretary did gladly accept the Offer of Lopez to poyson the Queen signified by Ferrera's Letter And for the Provision of Amber and Musk it was meant that the Count looked shortly for a Resolution from the King of Spain concerning a Matter of importance Which was For Burning of the Queens Ships and another Point tending to the satisfaction of their Vindicative Humour But while the sense of this former Letter rested ambiguous And that no direct particular was confessed by Ferrera Nor sufficient Light given to ground any rigorous examination of him Cometh over Manuel Louys with the Resolution from Spain Who first understanding of Ferrera's Restraint and therefore doubting how far things were discovered to shadow the matter like a cunning Companion gave advertisement of an Intent he had to do service and hereupon obtained a Pasport But after his comming in he made no hast to reveal any thing but thought to dally and abuse in some other sort And while the Light was thus in the Clouds there was also intercepted a little Ticket which Ferrera in Prison had found meanes to write in care to conceale Lopez and to keep him out of danger to give a Caveat of staying all further Answers and Advertisements in these Causes Whereupon Lopez was first called in Question But in Conclusion this matter being with all Assiduity and Pollicy more and more pierced and mined into First there was won from Manuel Louys his Letters from the Count de Fuentes and Secretary Iuara to Ferrera In both which mention is made of the Queens Death In that of the Counts under the Term of a Commission And in that of the Secretaries under the Term of the Great Service whereof should arise an universall Benefit to the whole World Also the Letters of Credit written by Gonzalo Gomez One to Pedro de Carrera And the other to Iuan Pallacio to take up a sum of Money by Emanuel Louys by the foresaid false Name of Fr. de Thores Letters so large and in a manner without Limitation as any sum by vertue thereof mought be taken up Which Letters were delivered to Louys by the Count de Fuentes own hands with directions to shew them to Lopez for his assurance A matter of Gods secret working in staying the same For thereupon rested only the Execution of the Fact of Lopez Upon so narrow a point consisted the safety of her Majesties Life already sold by Avarice to Mallice and Ambition But extraordinarily preserved by that Watchman which never slunbreth This same Emanuel Louys and Steven Ferrera also Whereof the one mannaged the Matter abroad And the other resided here to give correspondence never meeting after Emanuel had returned severally examined without Torture or Threatning did in the end voluntarily and clearly confesse the Matters above mentioned And in their Confessions fully consent and concur Not only in substance but in all points particularities and Circumstances Which confessions appear expressed in their own Naturall Language testified and subscribed with their own Hands And in open Assembly at the Arraignment of Lopez in the Guild hall were by them confirmed and avouched to Lopez his face And therewithall are extant undefaced the Originall Letters from Count de Fuente Secretary Iuara and the Rest. And Lopez himself at his first Apprehension and Examination did indeed deny And deny with deep and terrible Oathes and Execrations the very Conferences and Treaties with Ferrera or Andrada about the Empoysonment And being demanded if they were proved against him what he would say He answered That he would yield himself guilty of the Fact intended Neverthelesse being afterwards confronted by Ferrera who constantly maintained to him
that all those which had any Authority or bare Office in the State had subscribed to it yet for that she saw it was not agreeable to the Word of God nor to the Primitive Purity nor to her own Conscience she did with a great deal of Courage and with the assistance of a very few Persons quite expell and abolish it Neither did she this by precipitate and Heady Courses but Timing it wisely and soberly And this may well be conjectured as from the Thing it self so also by an Answer of hers which she made upon occasion For within a very few dayes of her Comming to the Crown when many Prisoners were released out of Prison as the Custome is at the Inauguration of a Prince There came to her one day as she was going to Chappell a certain Courtier that had the Liberty of a Buffone And either out of his own Motion or by the Instigation of a wiser Man presenâ—ed her with a Petition And before a great number of Courtiers said to her with a loud voice That there were yet four or five Prisoners unjustly detained in Prison He came to be a Suter to have them set at Liberty Those were the four Evangelists and the Apostle Saint Paul who had been long shut up in an unknown tongue as it were in Prison so as they could not converse with the common People The Queen answered very gravely That it was best first to enquire of them whether they would be set at liberty or no Thus she silenced an unseasonable Motion with a doubtfull Answer As reserving the Matter wholly in her own Power Neither did she bring in this Alteration timorously or by pieces but in a grave and mature Manner after a Conference betwixt both Sides and the Calling and Conclusion of a Parliament And thus within the Compasse of one year she did so establish and settle all Matters belonging to the Church as she departed not one Haires Breadth from them to the end of her Life Nay and her usuall Custom was in the beginning of every Parliament to forewarn the Houses not to question or innovate any thing already established in the Discipline or Rites of the Church And thus much of her Religion Now if there be any Severer Nature that shall tax her for that she suffered her self and was very willing to be courted wooed and to have Sonnets made in her Commendation And that she continued this longer then was decent for her years Notwithstanding if you will take this Matter at the best it is not without singular Admiration Being much like unto that which we find in Fabulous Narrations of a certain Queen in the Fortunate Islands and of her Court and Fashions where Faire purpose and Love-making was allowed but Lasciviâ—usnesse banished But if you will take it at the worst even so it amounteth to a more high Admiration Considering that these Courtships did not much eclipse her Fame and not at all her Majesty Neither did they make her lesse Apt for Government or check with the affaires and businesses of the Publick For such passages as these do often entertain the time even with the greatest Princes But to make an end of this Discourse Certainly this Princesse was Good and Morall And such she would be acknowledged She Detested Vice And desired to purchase Fame only by honourable Courses And indeed whilest I mention her Morall Parts there comes a certain pasâ—age into my mind which I will insert Once giving order to write to her Embassadour about certain Instructions to be delivered apart to the Queen Mother of the House of Valois And that her Secretary had inserted a certain Clause that the Embassadour should say as it were to endear her to the Queen Mother That they two were the only paire of Female Princes from whom for experience and Arts of Government there was no lesse expected then from the greatest Kings She utterly disliked the Comparison and commanded it to be put out saying That she practised other principles and Arts of â—overnment then the Queen Mother did Besides she was not a little pleased if any one should fortune to tell her that suppose she had lived in a private Fortune yet she could not have escaped without some Note of Excellency and Singularity in her Sex So little did she desire to borrow or be beholding to her Fortune for her Praise But if I should wade further into this Queenes Praises Morall or Politick either I must slide into certain Common places and Heads of Vertue which were not worthy of so great a Princesse Or if I should desire to give her Vertues the true Grace and Lustre I must fall into a History of her Life Which requireth both better Leisure and a better Pen then mine is Thus much in brief according to my ability But to say the Truth The only Commender of this Ladies vertues is Time Which for as many Ages as it hath runn hath not yet shewed us one of the Female Sex equall to Her in the Administration of a Kingdom SEVERALL DISCOURSES VVritten in the Dayes OF KING JAMES Whereof some of them PRESENTED TO His Maiesty BEING A brief Discourse of the Vnion of England and Scotland Articles and Considerations touching the Vnion aforesaid A Beginning of the History of Great Britain A Letter and Discourse to Sir Henry Savill touching Helps for the Intellectuall Powers Certain Considerations touching the better Pacification and Edification of the Church of England Certain Considerations touching the Plantation in Ireland Advice to the King touching Suttons Estate A Proposition to the King touching the Compiling and Amendment of the Lawes of England A Fragment of an Essay of Fame By the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban LONDON Printed by S. Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. A BRIEFE DISCOURSE Of the Happy UNION OF THE KINGDOMES OF ENGLAND and SCOTLAND Dedicated in Private TO HIS MAJESTY I Do not find it strange excelleâ—t King that when Heraclitus he that was surnamedâ— the Obscure had set forth a certain Book which is not now extant many Men took it for a Discourse of Nature And many others took it for a Treatise of Pollicy For there is a great Affinity and Consent between the Rules of Nature and the true Rules of Pollicy The one being nothing else but an Order in the Government of the World And the other an Order in the Government of an Estate And therefore the Education and Erudition of the Kings of Persia was in a Science which was termed by a Name then of great Reverence but now degenerate and taken in the ill part For the Persian Magick which was the secret Literature of their â—ings was an Application of the Contemplations and Observatâ—ons of Nature unto a sense Politick Taking the Fundamentall Lawes of Nature and the Branches and Passages of them as an Origiâ—all or fiâ—st
Modell whence to take and describe a Coppy and Imitation for Government After this manner the foresaid Instructours set before their Kings the Examples of the Celestiall Bodies The Sun the Moon and the rest which have great Glory and veneration but no Restâ— or Intermission Being in a perpetuall Office of Motion for the Cherishing in turn and in Courseâ— of Inferiour Bodies Expressing lâ—kewise the true manner of the Motions of Government which though they ought to be Swift and Rapide in respect of Dispatch and Occasions yet are they to be Constant and Regular without Waveâ—ing or Confusion So did they râ—presâ—nt unto them how the Heavens do not enâ—ich themselves by the Earth and the Seas Nor keep no dead Stock nor untouched Treasures of that they draw to themâ— from below But whatsoever Moisture they do levy and take from both â—lements in Vapours they do spend and turn back again in Showers Onely holding and storing them up for a time to the End to isâ—ue and distribute them in Season But chiefly they did expresse and expound unto them that Fundamentall Law of Nature whereby all things do subsist and are preserved which is that every Thing in Nature although it hath his private and paâ—ticular Affection and Appetite And doth follow and pursue the same in small Moments And when it is free and delivered from more generall and common Respects yet neverthelesse when there is Question or Case for Sustaining of the more General they foâ—sake their own Particularities and attend and conspire to uphold the publick So we see the Iron in small Quantity will ascend and approach to the Load-stone upon a particular Sympathy But if it be any Quantity of moment it leaveth his Appetite of Amity to the Loadstone and like a good Patriott falleth to the Earth which is the Place and Region of Massy Bodies So again the Waâ—er and other like Bodies do fall towards the Center of the Earth which is as was said their Region or Countrey And yet we see nothing more usuall in all Water Works and Engines then that the Water rather then to suffer any Distraction or Disunion in Nature will ascend Forsaking the Love to his own Region or Countrey and applying it self to the Body next adjoyning But it were too long a Digression to proceed to more Examples of this Kind Your Majesty your self did fall upon a Passage of this Nature in your gracious speech of Thanks unto your Counsell when acknowledging Princely their Vigilancies and well Deservings it pleased you to note that it was a successe and Event above the Course of Nature to have so great Change with so great a Quiet Forasmuch as sudden Mutations as well in State as in Nature are rarely without violence and perturbation So as still I conclude there is as was said a Congruity between the Principles of Nature and Policy And lest that Instance may seem to oppone to this Asseâ—tion I may even in â—hat particular with your Majesties favour ofâ—er unto you a Type or Pattern in Nature much resembling this Event in your State Namely Earthquakes which many of them bring ever much Terrour and wonder but no Actuall Hurt The Earth trembling for a Moment and suddenly stablishing in perfect Quiet as it was before This Knowledge then of making the Government of the World a Mirrour for the Government of a State being a Wisdome almost lost Whereof the Reason I take to be because of the Difficulty for one Man to embrace both Philosophies I have thought good to make some proof as far as my weaknesse and the Straights of Time will suffer to revive in the Handling of one particular wherewith now I most humbly present your Majesty For surely as hath been said it is a Form of Discourse anciently used towards Kings And to what King should it be more proper then to a King that is stvdious to conjoyn contemplative Vertue and Active Vertue â—ogether Your Majesty is the first King that had the Honour to be Lapis Angularis to unite these two Mighty and warlike Nations of England and Scotland under one Soveraignty and Monarchy It doth not appear by the Records and Memories of any true History Or scarcely by the Fiction and Pleasure of any Fabulous Narration or Tradition That ever of any Antiquity this Island of Great Brittain was united under one King before this day And yet there be no Mountains nor Races of Hills There be no Seas or great Rivers There is no Diversity of Tongue or Language that hath invited or provoked this ancient separation or Divorce The Lot of Spain was to have the severall Kingdoms of that Continent Portugall onely except to be united in an Age not long past And now in our Age that of Portugall also which was the last that held out to be incorporate with the rest The Lot of France hath been much about the same time likewise to have reannexed unto that Crown the severall Dutchies and Portions which were in former times dismembred The Lot of this Island is the last reserved for your Majesties happy times by the speciall Providence and Favour of God who hath brought your Majesty to this happy Conjunction with great Consent of Hearts and in the strength of your years and in the Maturity of your Experience It resteth but that as I promised I set before your Majesties Princely Consideration the Grounds of Nature touching the Vnion and Commixture of Bodies And the Correspondence which they have with the Grounds of Policy in the Conjunction of States and Kingdomsâ— First therefore that Position Vis unita fortior Being one of the common Notions of the Mind needeth not much to be â—nduced or illustrate We see the Sunne when he entreth and while he continueth under the sign of Leo causeth more vehement Heats then when he is in Cancer what time his Beams are neverthelesse more perpendicular The Reason whereof in great part hath been truly ascribed to the Conjunction and Cor-Radi-ation in that place of Heaven of the Sunne with the four Stars of the first Magnitude Syrius Canicula Cor Leonis and Cauda Leonis So the Moon likewise by ancient Tradition while she is in the same Sign of Leo is said to be at the Heart which is not for any Affinity which that place of Heaven can have with that part of Mans Body But onely because the Moon is then by reason of the Conjunction and Nearness with the Stars aforenamed in greatest strength of Influence And so worketh upon that part in Inferiour Bodies which is most Vitall and â—rincipall So we see Waters and Liquours in small Quantity do easily putrifie and corrupt but in large Quantity subsist long by reason of the Strength they receive by Vnion So in Earthquakes the more generall do little hurt by reason of the united weight which they offer to subvert but narrow and particular Earthquakes have many times overturned whole Towns and Cities So then this Point touching the Force of Vnion
Commons graced with the first Vote of all the Commons Selected â—or that Cause Not in any Estimaâ—ion of my Ability For therein so wise an Asâ—embly could not be so much deceived but in an acknowledgement of my Extream Labours and Integrity in that Businesse I thought my self every wayes bound Both in Duty to your Majesty And in â—rust to that House of Parliament And in Consent to the Matter it self And in Conformity to mine own Travailes and Beginnings Not to neglect any paines that may tend to the furtherance of so excellent a work Wherein I will endeavour that that which I shall set down be Nihil minus quam verba For Length and Ornament of Speech are to be used for perswasion of Multitudes and not for Information of Kings especially such a King as is the only instance that ever I knew to make a Man of Plato's Opinion That all Knowledge is but Remembrance And that the Mind of Man knoweth all Things and demandeth only to have her own Noâ—ions excited and awaked Which your Majesties rare and indeed singular Gift and faculty of swift Apprehension and infinite Expansion or Multiplication of anoâ—her Mans Knowledge by your own as I have often observed so I did extreamly admire in Goodwins Cause Being a matter full of Secâ—ets and Mysteries of our Lawes meerly new unto you and quite out of the Path of your Education Reading and Conference Wherein neverthelesâ—e upon a Spark of Light given your Majesty took in so Dexterously and Profoundly as if you had been indeed Anima Legis Not only in Execution but in understanding The Remembrance whereof as it will never be out of my mind so it will alwayes be a warning to me to seek rather to excite your Judgemâ—nt briefly then to enform it tediously And if in a Matter of that Nature how much more in this wherein your Princely Cogitations have wrought themselves and been conversant And wherein the principall Light pâ—oceeded from your self And therefore my Purpose is onely to break this Matter of the Vnion into certain short Articles and Questions And to make a certain kind of Anatomy or Analysis of the Parts and Members thereof Not that I am of Opinion that all the Questions which I now shall Open were fit to be in the Consultation of the Commissioners propounded For I hold nothing so great an Enemy to good Resolution as the Making of too many Questions Specially in Assemblies which consist of many For Princes for Avoyding of Distraction must take many Things by way of Admittance And if Questions must be made of them rather to suffer them to arise from others then to grace them and authoâ—ize them as propounded from themselves But unto your Majesties private Consideration to whom it may better sort with me rather to speak as a Remembrancer then as a Counceller I have thought good to lay before you all the Branches Lineaments and Degrees of this Vnion that upon the Viâ—w and Consideration of them and their Circumstances your Majesty may the more clearly discern and more readily call to mind which of them is to be embraced and which to be rejected And of these which are to be accepted which of them is presently to be proceeded in and which to be put over to further time And again which of them shall require Authority of Parliament and which are fitter to be effected by your Majesties Royall Power and Prerogative or by other Pollicies or Means And lastly which of them is liker to Passe with Difficulty and Contradiction and which with more Facility and Smoothnesse First therefore to begin with that Question that I suppose will be out of question Whether it be not meet that the Statutes which were made touching Scotland or the Scottish Nation while the Kingdomes stood severed be repealed It is true there is a Diversity in these For some of these Lawes consider Scotland as an Enemy Countrey Oâ—her Lawes consider it as a Forrain Countrey onely As for Example the Law of Rich. 2. Anno 7º which Prohibiteth all Armour or Victuall to be carried to Scotland And the Law of 7º of K. H. the 7. that Enacteth all the Scottish Men to depart the Realm within a time prefixed Both these Lawes and some others resepct Scotland as a countrey of hostility But the of Law of 22 of Ed. 4 that endueth Barwick with â—he Liberty of a Staple where all Scottish Merchandizes should resort that should be uttred for England And likewise all English Merchandizes that should be uttered for Scotland This Law beholdeth Scotland onely as a Forrain Nation And not so much neither For there have been erected Staples in Towns of â—ngland for some Commodities with an Exclusion and Restriction of other Parts of England But this is a Matter of the least Difficulty your Mâ—sty shall have a Calender made of the Lawes and a Brief of the Effect And so you may judge of them And the like or Reciproque is to be done by Scotland for such Lawes as they have concerning England and the English Nation The Second Question is what Lawes Customes Commissions Officers Garrisons and the like are to be put down discontinued or taken away upon the Borders of both Realms This Point because I am not acquainted with the Orders of the Marches I can say the lesse Herein falleth that Question whether that the Tennants who hold their Tennant Rights in a greater Freedome and Exemption in Consideration of their Service upon the Borders And that the Countreys themselves which are in the same respect discharged of Subsidies and Taxes should not now be brought to be in one degree with other Tennants and Countreys Nam cessante caussâ tollitur Effectus Wherein in my Opinion some time would be given Quia adhùc eorum Messis in Herbâ est But some present Ordinance would be made to take effect at a future time considering it is one of the greatest Points and Marks of the Division of the Kingdomes And because Reason doth dictate that where the Principall Solution of Continuity was theâ—e the Healing and Consolidating Plaister should be chiefly applyed There would be some further Device foâ— the utter and perpetuall Confounding of those Imaginary Bounds as your Majesty termeth them And therefore it would be considered whether it were not convenient to Plant and Erect at Carleil or Barwick some Counsell or Court of Iustice the Iurisdiction whereof might extend part into England and part into Scotland With a Commission not to proceed precisely or meerly according to the Lawes and Customes either of England or Scotland But mixtly according to Instructions by your Majesty to be set down after the Imitation and Precedent of the Counsell of the Marches here in England Erected upon the Vnion of Wales The third Question is that which many will make a great Question of though perhaps your Majesty will make no Question of it And that is Whether your Majesty should not make a stop or stand
Vnitâ—g of whose Hearts and Affectâ—ons is the Life and true End of this Work For the Ceremoniall Crowns the Question will be whether there shall be framed one new Imperiall Crown of Britain to be used for the times to come Also admitting that to be thought Convenient whether in the Frame thereof there shall not be some Reference to the Crowns of Ireland and France Also whether your Majesty should repeat or iterate your own Coronation and your Queens or onely ordain that such new Crown shall be used by your Posterity hereafter The Difficulties will be in the Conceit of sâ—me Inequaliâ—y whereby the Realm of Scotland may be thought to be made an Accession unto the Realm of England But that resteth in some Circumstances for the Compounding of the two Crowns is equall The Calling of the new Crown the Crown of Brittain is equall Onely the Place of Coronation if it shall be at Westminster which is the Ancient August and Sacred place for the Kings of England may seem to make an Inequality And again if the Crown of Scotland be discontinued then that Ceremony which I hear is used in the Parliament of Scotland in the absence of the Kings to have the Crowns carried in solemnity must likewise cease For the Name the main Question is whether the Contracted Name of Brittain shall be by your Majesty used or the Divided Names of England and Scotland Admitting there shall be an Alteration then the Case will require these Inferiour Questions First whether the Name of Brittain shall not onely be used in your Majesties Stile where the entire Stile is recited And in all other Forms the Divided Names to remain both of the Realms and of the People Or otherwise that the very Divided Nameâ— of Realms and People shall likwise be changed or turned into special or subdivided Names of the Generall Name That is to say for Example whether your Majesty in your Stile shall denominate your self King of Brittain France and Ireland c. And yet neverthâ—lesse in any Commission Writ or otherwise where your Majesty mentioneth England or Scotland you shall retain the ancient Names as Secundum Conâ—uetudinem Regni nostri Angliae or whether those Divided Names shall be for ever lost and taken away and turned into the subdivisions of South-Britain and North-Britain and the People to be South-Brittains and North-Brittains And so in the Example aforesaid the Tenour of the like clause to run Secundum Consuetudinem Britanniae Australis Also if the former of these shall be thought convenient whether it were not better for your Majesty to â—ake that Alteration of Stile upon you by Proclamation as Edward the third did the Stile of France then to have it enacted by Parliament Also in the Alteration of the Stile whether it were not better to transpose the Kingdom of Ireland and put it immediatly after Britain and so place the Islands together And the Kingdom of France being upon the Continent last In regard that these Islands of the Western Ocean seem by Nature and Providence an entire Empire in themselves And also that there was never King of England so entirely possest of Ireland as your Majesty is So as your Stile to run King of Britain Ireland and the Islands Adjacent and of France c. The Difficulties in this have been already throughly beaten over but they gather but to two Heads The one Point of Honour and Love to the former Names The other Doubt lest the Alteration of the Name may induce and involve an Alteration of the Lawes and Pollicies of the Kingdom Both which if your Majesty shall assume the Stile by Proclamation and not by Parliament are in themselves satisfied For then the usuall Names must needs remain in Writs and Records The Formes whereof cannot be altered but by Act of Parliament And so the point of Honour satisfied And again your Proclamation altereth no Law And so the Scruple of a tacite or implyed Alteration of Lawes likewise satisfied But then it may be considered whether it were not a Form of the greatest Honour if the Parliament though they did not enact it yet should become Suiters and Petitioners to your Majesty to assume it For the Seales That there should be but one Great Seal of Britain and one Chanceller And that their should only be a Seal in Scotland for Processes and ordinary Iustice And that all Patents of Graunts of Lands or otherwise as well in Scotland as in England should passe under the Great Seal here kept about your Person It is an Alteration internall whereof â— do not now speak But the Question in this Place is whether the Great Seales of England and Scotland should not be changed into one and the same Form of Image and Superscription of Britain which Neverthelesse is requisite should be with some one plain or manifest Alteration lest there be a Buz and suspect that Grants of Things in England may be passed by the Seal of Scotland Or è converso Also whether this Alteration of Form may not be done without Act of Parliament as the Great Seales have used to be heretofore changed as to their Impressions For the Moneys as to the Reall and Internall Consideration thereof the Question will be whether your Majesty should not continue two Mints which the Distance of Territory considered I suppose will be of Necessity Secondly how the Standards if it be not already done as I hear some doubt made of it in popular Rumour may be reduced into an Exact proportion for the time to come And likewise the Compuâ—ation Tale or Valuation to be made exact for the Moneys already beaten That done the last Question is which is onely proper to this place whether the Stamp or the Image and Superscription of Britain for the time forwards should not be made the self same in both places without any Difference at all A Matter also which may be done as our Law is by your Majesties Prerogative without Act of Parliament These Points are Points of Demonstration Ad faciendum populum But so much the more they go to the Root of your Majesties Intention which is to imprint and inculcate into the Hearts and Heads of the People that they are one People and one Nation In this kind also I have heard it passe abroad in Speech of the Erection of some new Order of Knighthood with a Reference to the Vnion and an Oath appropriate thereunto which is a Point likewise deserveth a Consideration So much for the Externall Points The Internall Points of Separation are as followeth 1. Severall Parliaments 2. Severall Councels of Estate 3. Severall Officers of the Crown 4. Severall Nobilities 5. Severall Lawes 6. Severall Courts of Iustice Trialls and Processes 7. Severall Receipts and Finances 8. Severall Admiralties and Merchandizings 9. Severall Freedomes and Liberties 10. Severall Taxes and Imposts As touching the Severall States Ecclesiasticall and the severall Mints and Standards and the severall Articles
and Treaties of Intercourse with Forrain Nations I touched them before In these Points of the straight and more inward Vnion there will interveyn one principall Diffiâ—ulty and Impediment growing from that Root which Aristotle in his Politicks maketh to be the Root of all Division and Dissention in Common Wealths And that is Equality and Inequality For the Realm of Scotland is now an Ancient and Noble Realm substantive of it self But when this Island shall be made Britain then Scotland is no more to be considered as Scotland but as a part of Britain No more then England is to be considered as England but as a part likewiâ—e of Britain And consequently neither of these are to be considered as Things entire of themselves but in the Proportion that they bear to the Whole And therefore let us imagine Nam id Mente Possumus quod actu non Possumus that Britain had never been divided but had ever been one Kingdome Then that part of Soyl or Territory which is comprehended under the Name of Scotland is in quantity as I have heard it esteemed how truly I know not Not past a third paâ—t of â—ritain And that part of Soyl or Territory which is comprehended under the Name of England is two parts of Britain Leaving to speak of any Difference of Wealth or Population and speaking onely of Quantity So then if for Example Scotland should bring to Parliament as much Nobility as England then a Third part should countervail two parts Nam si Inaequalibus aequalia addas omnia erunt â—naequalia And this I protest before God and your Majesty I do speak not as a Man born in England but as a Man born in Britain And therefore to descend to the particulars For the Parliaments the Consideration of that Point will fall into four Questions 1. The first what proportion shall be kept between the Votes of England and the Votes of Scotland 2. The Second touching the Manner of Proposition or possessing of the Parliament of Causes there to be handled Which in England is used to be done immediaâ—ly by any Member of the Parliament or by the Prolocutor And in Scotland is used to be done immediatly by the Lords of the Articles Whereof the one Form seemeth to have more Liberty and the other more Grâ—vity and Maturity And therefore the Question will be whether of these shall yield to other Or whether there should not be a Mixture of both by some Commissions precedent to every Parliament in the Nature of Lords of the Articles And yet not Excluding the Liberty of propounding in full Parliament afterwards 3. The Third touching the Orders of Parliament how they may be compounded and the best of either taken 4. The Fourth how those which by Inheritance or otherwise have Offices of Honour and Ceremony in both the Parliaments as the Lord Steward with us c. may be satisfied and Duplicity accommodated For the Councells of Estate while the Kingdomes stand divided it should seem necessary to continue severall Councells But if your Majâ—styâ— should proceed to a strict Vnion then howsoever your Majesty may establish some Provinciall Councells in Scotland as there is here of Yorke and in the Marches of Wales Yet the Question will be whether it will not be more convenient for your Majesty to have but one Trivy Councell about your Person Whereof the Principall officers of the Crown of Scotland to be for Dignity sake howsoever their Abiding and Remaining may be as your Majesty shall imploy their Service But this Point belongeth meerely and wholy to your Majesties Royall Will and Pleasure For the Officers of the Crown the Consideration thereof will fall into these Questions First in regard of the Latitude of your Kingdom and the Distance of Place whether it will not be Matter of necessity to continue the severall Officers because of the Impossibility for the service to be performed by one The Second admitting the Duplicity of Officers should be continued yet whether there should not be a Difference that one should be the Principall Officer and the other to be but Speciall and Subalterne As for example one to be Chancellour of Britain and the other to be Chancellour with some speciall Addition As here of the Dutchy c. The Third if no such specialty or Inferiority be thought fit then whether both Officers should not have the Tiâ—le and the Name of the whole Island and Precincts As the Lord Chanceller of England to be Lord Chanceller of Britain And the Lord Châ—nceller of Scotland to be Lord Chanceller of Britain But with severall proviso's that they shall not intromit themselves but within their severall precincts For the Nobilities the Consideration thereof will fall into these Questions The First of their Votes in Parliament which was touched before what proportion they shall bear to the Nobility of England Wherein if the Proportion which shall be thought â—it be not full yet your Majesty may out of your Prerogative supply it For although you cannot make fewer of Scotland yet you may make more of England The Second is touching the Place and Precedence wherein to marshall them according to the Precedence of England in your Majesties Stile And according to the Nobility of Ireland That is all English Earles first and then Scottish will be thought unequall for Scotland To marshall them according to Antiquity will be thought unequall for England Because I hear their Nobility is generally more ancient And therefore the Question will be whether the indifferentest way were not to take them enterchangeably As for Example First the Ancient Earl of England And then the Ancient Earl of Scotland And so Alternis Vicibus For the Lawes to make an intire and perfect Vnion it is a Matter of great Difficulty and Length Both in the Collecting of them and in the Passing of them For first as to the Collecting of them there must be made By the Lawyers of either Nation a Disgest under Titles of their severall Lawes and Customesâ— Aswell Common Lawes as Staâ—utes That they may be Collated and Compared And that the Diversities may appear and be discerned of And for the Passing of them we see by expeâ—rience that Patrius Mos is dear to all men And that Men are bred and nourished up in the Love of it And therefore how harsh Changes and Innovations are And we see likewise what Disputation and Argument the Alteration of some one Law doth cause and bring forth How much more the Alteration of the whole Corps of the Law Therefore the first Question will be whether it be not good to proceed by parts and to take that that is most necessary and leave the rest to Time The Parts therâ—fore or Subject of Lawes are for this purpose fitliest distributed according to that ordinary Division of Criminall and Civill And those of Criminall Causes into Capitall and Penall The Second Question therefore is Allowing the Generall Vnion of Lawes to
in Religion And the Benefices swallowed up in Impropriations did by Decree in the Dutchy erect four stipends of 100 l. per Annum a piece for Preachers well chosen to help the Harvest which have done a great deal of Good in the Parts where they have laboured Neither do there want other Corners in the Realm that would require for a time the like Extraordinary Help Thus have I briefly delivered unto your Majesty mine Opinion touching the Employment of this Charity whereby that Masse of wealth which was in the Owner little better then a Stack or Heap of Muck may be spread over your Kingdome to many fruitfull purposes your Majesty planting and watering and God giving the Encrease A PROPOSITION TO His Maiesty BY Sir FRANCIS BACON Knight HIS MAIESTIES ATTVRNEY GENERALL AND One of His PRIVY COUNSELL Touching the Compiling And Amendment Of the LAWES of ENGLAND YOVR MAIESTY OF Your Favour Having Made me Privy Councellor And Continuing me in the Place of your Atturney Generall which is more then was these hundred years before I do not understand it to be that by putting off the dealing in Causes between party and party I should keep Holy-day the more But that I should dedicate my time to your Service with lesse distraction Wherefore in this plentifull Accession of Time which I have now gained I take it to be my duty Not onely to speed your Commandements and the Businesse of my place But to meditate and to excogitate of my self wherein I May best by my Travels derive your Vertues to the Good of your People And return their Thanks and Increase of Love to you again And after I had thought of many things I could â—ind in my Judgement none more proper for your Majesty as a Master Nor for me as a Workman then the Reducing and Recompiling of the Lawes of England Your Majesty is a King blessed with Posterity And these Kings sort best with Acts of Perpetuity When they do not leave them instead of Children but transmit both Line and Merit to Future Generations You are a great Master in Iustice and Iudicature And it were pitty that the fruit of that Vertue should dye with you Your Majesty also Raigneth in Learned Times The more in regard Of your own perfections and patronage of Learning And it hath been the mishap of Works of this Nature that the lesse Learned Time hath wrought upon the more Learned Which now will not be so As for my self the Law is my profession to which I am a debter Some little helps I May have of other Learning which may give Form to matter And your Majesty hath set me in an Eminent place whereby in a Work which must be the Work of many I may the better have Coadjutors Therefore not to hold your Majesty with any long preface in that which I conceive to be nothing less then Words I will proceed to the Matter Which matter it self neverthelesse requireth somewhat briefly to be said both of the Dignity and likewise of the Safety and Convenience of this Work And then to go to the main That is to say to shew how the work is to be done Which incidently also will best Demonstrate that it is no vast nor speculative Thing But a Reall and feizable Callisthenes that followed Alexanders Court and was grown in some displeasure with him Because he could not well brook the Persian Adoration At a Supper which with the Graecians was ever a great part Talk was desired because he was an Eloquent Man to speak of some Theam which he did And chose for his Theam The praise of the Macedonian Nation which though it were but a â—illing Thing to praise men to their Faces yet he did it with such Advantage of Truth and avoydance of Flattery and with such life As the Hearers were so ravished with it that they plucked the Roses off from their Garlands and threw them upon him As the Manner of Applauses then was Alexander was not pleased with it and by way of Discountenance said It was easie to be a good Oratour in a pleasing Theam But saith he to Callisthenes turn your stile and tell us now of our Faults that we may have the profit and not you onely the praise Which he presently did with such a force and so piquantly that Alexander said The Goodnesse of his Theam had made him Eloquent before But now it was the Malice of his heart that had inspired him 1. Sir I shall no fall into either of those two Extreames Concerning the Lawes of England They commend themselves best to them that understand them And your Majesties Chief Iustice of your Bench hath in his Writings magnified them not with out Cause Certainly they are Wise they are Just and Moderate Lawes They give to God They give to Caesar They give to the Subjects that which appertaineth It is true They are as mixt as our Language compounded of Britâ—ish Râ—man Saxon Danish Norman Customes And as our Language is so much the Richer so the Lawes are the more compleat Neither doth this attribute lesse to them then those that would have them to have stood out the same in all Mutations For no â—ree is so good first set as by Transplanting 2. As for the Second Extream I have nothing to do with it by way of Taxing the Lawes I speak only by way of Perfitting them Which is easiest in the bâ—st things For that which is farr amisse hardly receiveth Amendment But that which hath already To that more may be Given â—esides what I shall propound is not to the Matter of the Lawes but to the Manner of their Registry Expression and Tradition So thâ—t it giveth them rather Light then any new Nâ—ture This being so for the Dignity of the Worke I know scarcely where to find the like For surely that Scale and those Degrees of Soveraign Honour are true and rightly marshalled First the Founders of Estates Then the Law givers Then the Deliverers and Saviours after long Calamities Then the Faâ—hers of their Countries Which are Just and Prudent Princeâ— And Lastly Conquerors which Honour is not to be received amongst the rest Except it be where there is an addition of more Country and Territory to a better Government then that was of the Conquered Of these in my Judgement your Majesty may with more truth then flattery be intituled to the first because of your Vniting of Britain Planting Ireland Both which savouâ— of the Founder That which I now propound to you may adopt you also into the Second Law-givers have Been called Principes Perpeâ—ui Because as Bishop Gardner said in a bad Sense that he would be Bishop an hundred years after his death in respect of the Long Leases he made So Law-givers are still Kings and Rulers after their Decease in their Lawes But this Worke shining so in it self needes no Taper For the safety and convenience thereof It is good to consider and to answer those Objectious or Scruples which
to Particulars And sure I am there are more Doubts that rise upon our Statutes which are a Text Law then upon the Common Law which is no Text Law But howsoever that Question be determined I dare not advise to cast the Law into a new Mould The work which I propoundâ— tendeth to proyning and Grafting the Law And not to Plow up and Planting it again for such a Remove I should hold indeed for a perillous Innovation Obj. 5. It will turn the Iudges Counsellors of Law and Students of Law to schoole again And make them to seek what they shall hold and advise for Law And it will impose a new charge upon all Lawyers to furnish themselves with new Bookes of Law Resp. For the Former of those â—ouching the new Labour It is true it would follow if the Law were new moulded into a Text Law For then Men must be new to begin And that is one of the Reasons for which I disallow that Course But in the way that I shall now propound the entire Body and Substance of Law shall remain Onely discharged of Idle and Unprofitable or Hurtfull Matter and Illustrated by Order and other Helps towards the better Understanding of it and Judgement thereupon For the Latter touching the new charge it is not worth the speaking of in a matter of so high importance It mought have been used of the New Translation of the Bible and such like Workes Bookes must follow Sciences and not Sciences Bookes The Work it Self And the Way to Reduce And Recompile the Lawes of England THIS Work is to be done to use some few words which is the Language of Action and Effect in this manner It consisteth of two parts The Digest or Recompiling of the Common Lawes And that of the Statutes In the first of these Three Things are to be done 1. The Compiling of a Booke De Antiquitatibus Iuris 2. The Reducing or Perfecting of the Course or Corps of the Common Lawes 3. The Composing of certain Introductive and Auxiliary Bookes touching the Study of the Lawes For the first of these All Auncient Records in your Tower or else where Containing Acts of Parliament Lords Patents Commissions and Iudgements and the like are to be Searched Perused and Weighed And out of these are to be selected those that are of most Worth and Weight And in order of Time not of Titles for the more Conformity with the Yeare-Bookes to be set Down and Registred Rarely in haec Verba But summed with Judgement not omitting any materiall part These are to be used for Reverend Presidents but not for Binding Authorities For the Second which is the Maine There is to be made a perfect Course of the Law in Serie Temporis or Yeare-Bookes As we call them from Edward the First to this Day In the Compiling of this Course of Law or Yeare-Bookes The points following are to be observed First all Cases which are at this Day clearely no Law but constantly ruled to the contrary are to be left out They do but fill the Volumes and season the Wits of Students in a contrary sense of Law And so likewise all Cases wherein that is solemnly and long debated whereof there is now no Question at all are to be entred as Iudgements only and Resolutions But without the Arguments which are now become but frivolous Yet for the Observation of the deeper sort of Lawyers that they may see how the Law hath altered out of which they may pick sometimes good use I do advise That upon the first in time of those Obsolete Cases there were a Memorandum set That at that time the Law was thus taken untill such a time c. Secondly â—omonymiae as Iustinian calleth them That is Cases meerly of Iteration and Repetition are to be purged away And the Cases of Identity which are best Reported and Argued to be retained instead of the Rest The Iudgements neverthelesse to be set down every one in time as they are But with a Quotation or Reference to the Case where the Point is argued at large but if the Case consist part of Repetition part of new Matter The Repetition is onely to be omitted Thirdly as to the Antinomiae Cases Judged to the Contrary It were too great a trust to refer to the Judgement of the Composers of this work to decide the Law either way except there be a currant stream of Judgements of later times and then I reckon the Contrary Cases amongst Cases Obsolete of which I have spoken before Neverthelesse this diligence would be used that such Cases of Contradiction be specially noted and collâ—cted to the end those Doubts that have been so long Militant May either by assembling All the Iudges in the Exchequer Chamber or by Parliament be put into certainty For to do it by bringing them in question under fained parties is to be disliked Nil habeat Forum ex scenâ Fourthly All Idle Quaeries which are but Seminaries of Doubts and Incertainties are to be left out and omitted and no Quaeries set down but of great Doubts well debated and left undecided for difficulty But no doubting or upstarting Quaeries Which though they be touched in Argument for Explanation yet were better to die then to be put into the Bookes Lastly Cases Reported with too great prolixity would be drawn into a more Compendious Report Not in the Nature of an Abridgement but Tautoligies and Impertinences to be cut off As for Misprinting and Insensible Reporting which many times confound the Students that will be Obiter amended But more principally if there be any thing in the Report which is is not well warranted by the Record that is also to be rectified The Course being thus Compiled Then it resteth but for your Majestyâ— to appoint some grave and sound Lawyers with some honourable stipend to be Reporters for the Time to come And then this is setled for all times FOR the Auxiliary Books that Conduce to the Study and Science of the Law they are three Institutions A Treatise de Regulis Iuris And a better Book De verborum significationibus or Terms of the Law For the Institutions I know well there be Books of Introductions wherewith Students begin of good worth Specially Littleton and Fitzherbert Natura Brevium But â—hey aâ—e no wayes of the Nature of an Institutions The Office whereof is to be a Key and generall preparation to the Reading of the Course And principally it ought to have â—wo Properties The one a perspicuous and clear Order oâ— Method And the other an Vniversall Latitude or Comprehension That the Students may have a little Prae-Notion of every Thing Like a Modell towards a great Building For the Treatise de Regulis Iuris I hold it of all other Things the most important to the Health as I may term it and good Institutions of any Laws It is indeed like the ballast of a Ship to keep all upright and stable But I have seen little in this kind
lent your Reputation in this Case That is To pretend that if Peace go not on and the Queen mean to make not a Defensive Warr as in times past but a full Reconquest of those parts of the Countrey you would accept the Charge I think it would help to settle Tyrone in his seeking Accord and win you a great deal of Honour gratis And that which most properly concern's this Action if it prove a Peace I think her Majesty shall doe well to cure the Root of the Disease And to Professe by a Commission of Peaceable Men of Respect and Countenance a Reformation of Abuses Extortions and Injustices there And to plant a stronger and surer Government than heretofore for the Ease and Protection of the Subject For the Removing of the Sword or Government in Arms from the Earl of Ormond Or the sending of a Deputy which will ecclipse it if Peace follow I think it unseasonable Lastly I hold still my Opinion both for your better Inâ—ormation and the fuller Declaration of your Care in Medling in this urgent and meriting Service That your Lordship have a set Conference with the persons I named in my former Letter A Letter of Advice to my Lord of Essex immediately before his going into Ireland My sigular good Loâ—d YOur late Note of my Silence in your Occasions hath made me set down these few wandring Lines as one that would say somewhat and can say nothing touching your Lordships intended Charge for Ireland Which my Endeavour I know your Lordship will accept graciously whether your Lordship take it by the Handle of Occasion ministred from your Self or of the Affection from which it proceeds Your Lordship is designed to a Service of great Merit and great Peril And as the Greatness of the Peril must needs include a like proportion of Merit So the Greatnesse of the Merit may include no small Consequence of Peril if it be not temperately governed For all immoderate Successe extinguisheth Merit and stirreth up Distast and Envy The assured Forerunners of whole Charges of Peril But I am at the last point first Some good Spirit leading my Penn to presage to your Lordship successe Wherein it is true I am not without my Oracles and Divinations None of them Superstitious and yet not all Natural For first looking into the Course of Gods Providence in Things now depending And calling to consideration how great things God hath done by her Majesty and for her I collect he hath disposed of this great Defection in Ireland thereby to give an urgent occasion to the Reduction of that whole Kingdom As upon the Rebellion of Desmond there insued the Reduction of that whole Province Next your Lordship goeth against three of the unluckiest Vices of all others Disloyalty Ingratitude and Insolency Which three Offences in all Examples have seldom their Doom adjourn'd to the world to come Lastly he that shall have had the Honour to know your Lordship inwardly as I have had shall find Bona Exta whereby he may better ground a Divination of Good than upon the Dissection of a Sacrifice But that part I leave For it is fit â—or others to be confident upon the cause The Goodnesse and Justice whereof is such as can hardly be matched in any Exampleâ— It being no Ambitious Warr against Forreiners but a Recovery of Subjects And that after Lenity of Conditions often tryed And a Recovery of them not onely to Obedience but to Humanity and Policy from more than Indian Barbarism There is yet another Kinde of Divination familiar to Matters of State Being that which Demosthenes so often relyed upon in his time when he said That which for the time past is worst of all is for the time to come the best which is that things goâ— ill not by Accident but by Errours Wherein if your Lordship have been heretofore an Awaking Censour you must look â—or no other now but Medice Cura teipsum And though you shall not be the Happy Physician that commeth in the Declination of the Disease yet you embrace that Condition which many Noble Spirits have accepted for Advantage which is that you goe upon the greater Peril of your Fortune and the lesse of your Reputation And so the Honour countervaileth the Adventure Of which Honour your Lordship is in no small possession when that her Majesty known to be one of the most judicious Princes in discerning of Spirits that ever governed hath made choice of you meerly out of her Royal Iudgement her Affection inclining rather to continue your Attendance into whose hand and trust to put the Command and Conduct of so great Forces The Gathering the Fruit of so great Charge The Execution of so many Counsels The Redeeming of the Defaults of so many former Governers The clearing of the Glory of her so many happy years Reign onely in this part eclipsed Nay further how far forth the peril of that State is interlaced with the peril of England And therefore how great the Honour is to keep and defend the Approaches or Ave-newes of this Kingdom I hear many discourse And there is a great Difference whether the Tortoise gathereth her self within her shell hurt or unhurt And if any Man be of Opinion that the Nature of the Enemy doth extenuate the Honour of the Service being but a Rebell and a Savage I differ from him For I see the justest Triumphs that the Romans in their greatnesse did obtain And that whereof the Emperours in their Stiles took Addition and Denomination were of such an Enemy as this That is People Barbarous and not reduced to Civility magnifying a kind of lawlesse Liberty and prodigal of Life hardned in Body fortified in Woods and Boggs and placing both Justice and Felicity in sharpnesse of their Swords Such were the Germans and auncient Brittons and divers others Upon which kinde of People whether the Victory were a Conquest or a Reconquest upon a Rebellion or a Revolt It made no difference that ever I could find in Honour And therefore it is not the Enriching Predatory Warr that hath the preheminence in Honour Else should it be more Honour to bring in a Carick of rich Burthen than one of the 12. Spanish Apostles But then this Nature of People doth yield a higher point of Honour considered in Truth and Substance than any warr can yield which should be atchieved against a Civil Enemy If the End may be Pacique imponere morem to replant and refound the policy of that Nation To which nothing is wanting but a just and Civil Government which Design as it doth descend unto you â—rom your Noble Father who lost his life in that Action though he paid Tribute to Nature and not to Fortune So I hope your Lordship shall be as Fatal a Captain to this warr as Africanus was to the Warr of Carthage After that both his Uncle and Father had lost their Lives in Spain in the same warr Now although it be true that these Things which I
potentia reducatur in Actum I know well that for me to beat my Brains about these things they be Majora quam pro Fortuna But yet they be Minora quam pro Studio as Voluntate For as I doe yet bear an extreme Zeal to the Memory of my old Mistris Queen Elizabeth To whom I was rather bound for her Trust than her Favour So I must acknowledge my Self more bound to your Majesty both for Trust and Favour whereof I will never deceive the one as I can never deserve the other And so in all humbleness kissing your Majesties sacred hands I remain A Letter to the Lord Chancellor touching the History of Britaine It may please your good Lordship SOme late Act of his Majesty referred to some former Speech which I have heard from your Lordship bred in me a great Desire And the strength of Desire a Boldness to make an humble Proposition to your Lordship Such as in me can be no better than a Wish But if your Lordship should apprehend it it may take some good and worthy Effect The Act I speak of is the Order given by his Majesty for the Erection of a Tomb or Monument for our late Soveraign Queen Elizabeth Wherein I may note much but onely this at this time that as her Majesty did alwayes right to his Majesties Hopes So his Highness doth in all things Right to her Memory A very just and Princely Reâ—tribution But from this Occasion by a very easie Ascent I passed further being put in minde by this Representative of her Person of the more true and more vive Representation which is of â—er Life and Government For as Statues and Pictures are dumb Histories so Histories are speaking Pictures wherein if my Affection be not too great or my Reading too small I am of this Opinion That if Plutarch were alive to write Lives by Parallels it would trouble him for Vertue and Fortune both to finde for her a Parallel amongst Women And though she was of the Passive Sexe yet her Government was so Active as in my simple Opinion it made more Impression upon the several States of Europe than it received from thence But I confess unto your Lordship I could not stay there but went a little further into the Consideration of the Times which have passed since King Henry the 8th wherein I find the strangest Variety that in so little Number of Successions of any Hereditary Monarchy hath ever been known The Reign of a Child The offer of an Vsurpation though it were but as a Diary Ague The Reign of a Lady married to a Foreiner And the Reign of a Lady Solitary and Unmarried So that as it commeth to pass in Massive Bodies That they have certain Trepidations and Waverings before they fix and settle So it seemeth that by the Providence of God this Monarchy before it was to settle in his Majesty and his Generations In which I hope it is now established for ever Hath had these Prelusive changes in these Barren Princes Neither could I contain my Self here As it is easier to multiply than to stay a Wish But calling to Remembrance the Unworthiness of the History of England in the main continuance thereof And the Partiality and Obliquity of that of Scotland in the latest and largest Offer that I have seen I conceived it would be Honour for his Majesty and a work very memorable if this Island of Great Britain as it is now joyned in Monarchy for the Ages to come so it were joyned in History for the Times past And that one Just and compleat History were compiled of both Nations And if any Man think it may refresh the Memory of former Discords he may satisfy himself with the Verse Olim haec meminisse juvabit For the Case being now altered it is Matter of Comfort and Gratulation to remember former Troubles Thus much if it may please your Lordship is in the Optative Mood It is time that I did Look a litle into the Potential wherein the Hope which I conceived was grounded upon 3. Observations The First the Nature of these Times which flourish in Learning both of Art and Language which giveth Hope not onely that it may be done but that it may be well done Secondly I doe see that which all the World see 's in his Majesty both a wonderfull Judgement in Learning and a singular Affection towards Learning And works which are of the Mind and not of the Hand For there cannot be the like Honour sought in building of Galleries and Planting of Elmes along high-wayes and the outward Ornaments wherein France now is busie Things rather of Magnificence than of Magnanimity As there is in the Vniting of States Pacifying of Controversies Nourishing and Augmenting of Learning and Arts and the particular Actions appertaining unto these Of which kind Cicero judged truly when he said to Caesar Quantum Operibus tuis detrahet Vetustas tantum addet laudibus And lastly I call to minde that your Lordship at some times had been pleased to express unto me a great desire that something of this Nature should be performed Answerable indeed to your other noble and worthy Courses and Actions Joyning and adding unto the great Services towards his Majesty which have in small Compass of Time been put upon your Lordship other great Deservings both of the Church and Commonwealth and Particulars So as the Opinion of so great and wise a Man doth seem to me a good Warrant both of the Possibility and Worth of this Matter But all this while I assure my Self I cannot be mistaken by your Lordship as if I sought an Oâ—fice or Employment for my Self For no Man knowes better than your Lordship that if there were in me any Faculty thereunto yet neither my Course of Life nor Profession would permit it But because there be so many good Painters both for Hand and Colours it needeth but Encouragement and Instructions to give Life unto it So in all Humbleness I conclude my presenting unto your Lordship of this Wish which if it perish it is but a loss of that which is not And so craving pardon that I have taken so much time from your Lordship I remain A Letter to the King upon the sending unto him a Beginning of an History of his Majesties Times It may please your Majesty HEaring that you are at leisure to peruse Stories a desire took me to make an Experiment what I could doe in your Majesties times which being but a Leaf or two I pray your pardon if I send it for your Recreation Considering that Love must creep where it cannot goe But to this I add these Petitions First that if your Majesty doe dislike any thing you would conceive I can amend it upon your least beck Next that if I have not spoken of your Majesty Encomiastically your Majesty would be pleased only to ascribe it to the Law of an History which doth not cluttâ—r together praises upon the first mention of a Name
within the last Division agreeable to divers presidents whereof I had the Records ready And concluded that your Majesties Safety and Life and Authority was thus by Law inscansed and quartered And that it was in vain to fortify on Three of the sides and so leave you open on the Fourth It is true he heard me in a grave fashion more than accustomed and took a Pen and took notes of my Divisions And when he read the Presidents and Records would say This you mean falleth within your first or your second Division In the end I expresly demanded his Opinion as that whereto both he and I was enjoyned But he desired me to leave the Presidents with him that he might advise upon them I told him the rest of my Fellows would dispatch their part and I should be behinde with mine which I perswaded my Self your Majesty would impute rather to his Backwardness than my Negligence He said as soon as I should understand that the rest were ready he would not be long after with his Opinion For I. S. your Majesty knoweth the day draweth on And my Lord Chancellers Recovery the Season and his Age promising not to be too hasty I spake with him on Sunday at what time I found him in Bed but his Spirits strong and not spent or wearied And spake wholly of your Business leading me from one Matter to another And wished and seemed to hope that hee might attend the day for I. S. and it were as he said to be his last work to conclude his Services and express his Affection towards your Majesty I presumed to say to him that I knew your Majesty would be exceeding desirous of his being present that day so as that it mought be without prejudice to his continuance But that otherwise your Majestie esteemed a Servant more than a Service especially such a Servant Surely in mine Opinion your Majesty were better put off the dayâ— than want his presence considering the Cause of the putting off is so notorioâ—s And then the Capital and the Criminal may come together the next Term. I have not been unprofitable in helping to discover and examine within these few dayes a late Patent by Surreption obtained from your Majesty of the greatest Forest in England worth 30000 l. under Colour of a Defective Title for a matter of 400 l. The Person must be named because the Patent must be questioned It is a great Person my Lord of Shrewsbury Or rather as I think a greater than he which is my Lady of Shrewsbury But I humbly pray your Majesty to know this first from my Lord Treasurer who methinks groweth even studious in your Business God preserve your Majesty Your Majesties most humble and devoted Subject and Servant The rather in regard of Mr. Murray's Absence I humbly pray your Majesty to have a little regard to this Letter A Letter to the King touching my Lord Chancellers Amendment and the putting off of J. S. his Cause February 7. 1614. It may please your excellent Majesty MY Lord Chanceller sent for me to speak with me this Morning about 8. of the clock I perceive he hath now that Signum Sanitatis as to feel better his former weakness For it is true I did a little mistrust that it was but a Boutade of Desire and good Spirit when he promised himself strength for Friday though I was wonn and carried with it But now I finde him well inclined to use should I say your Liberty or rather your Interdict signifyed by Mr. Secretary from your Majesty His Lordship shewed me also your own Letter whereof he had told me before but had not shewed it me What shall I say I doe much admire your Goodness for writing such a Letter at such a time He had sent also to my Lord Treasurer to desire him to come to him about that time His Lordship came And not to trouble your Majesty with circumstances both their Lordships concluded my Self present and concurring That it could be no prejudice to your Majesties Service to put off the day for I. S. till the next Term. The rather because there are Seven of your Privy Council which are at least Numerus and part of the Court which are by Infirmity like to be absent That is my Lord Chanceller my Lord Admiral my Lord of Shrewsbury my Lord of Exceter my Lord Zouch my Lord Stanhope and Mr. Chanceller of the Dutchy wherefore they agreed to hold a Council too morrow in the afternoon for that purpose It is true that I was alwayes of Opinion that it was no time lost And I doe think so the rather because I could be content that the Matter of Peacham were first setled and put to a point For there be perchance that would make the Example upon I.S. to stand for all For Peacham I expect some account from my Fellows this day If it should fall out otherwise then I hope it may not be left so Your Majesty in your last Letter very wisely put in a Disjunctive that the Iudges should deliver an Opinion privately either to my Lord Chanceller or to our Selves distributed His Sickness made the later way to be taken But the other may be reserved with some Accommodating when we see the success of the Former I am appointed this day to attend my Lord Treasurer for a Proposition of Raising Profit and Revenew by Infranchising Copyholders I am right glad to see the Patrimonial part of your Revenew well look'd into as well as the Fiscal And I hope it will so be in other parts as well as this God preserve your Majestie Your Majesties most humble and devoted Subject and Servant A Letter to the King of account of Owens Cause c. 11 February 1614. It may please your excellent Majesty MY Self with the rest of your Counsel Learned confered with my Lord Cooke and the rest of the Iudges of the Kings Bench onely being met at my Lords Chamber concerning the business of Owen For although it be true that your Maiesty in your Letter did mention that the same Course might be held in the Taking of Opinions apart in this which was prescribed and used in Peachams Cause yet both my Lords of the Council and we amongst our Selves holding it in a Case so clear not needfull But rathat it would import a diffidence in us and deprive us of the means to debate it with the Iudges if cause were more strongly which is somewhat we thought best rather to use this Form The Iudges desired us to leave the Examinations and Papers with them for some little time to consider which is a thing they use But I conceive there will be no manner of Question made of it My Lord Chief Iustice to shew forwardness as I interpret it shewed us passages of Suarez and others thereby to prove that though your Majesty stood not Excommunicate by particular Sentence yet by the General Bulls of Coena Domini and others you were upon the matter Excommunicate And
protest That in Case this Realm should be invaded with a Forrain Army by the Popes Authority for the Catholick Cause as they term it they would take part with her Majesty and not adhere to her enemies And whereas he saith no Priest dealt in matter of State Ballard onely excepted it appeareth by the Records of the Confession of the said Ballard and sundry other Priests That all Priests at that time generally were made acquainted with the Invasion then intended and afterwards put in Act And had received Instructions not onely to move an Expectation in the People of a Change But also to take their Vows and Promises in Shrift to adhere to the Forrainer Insomuch that one of their Principall Heads vaunted himself in a Letter of the Devise sayingâ— That it was a Point the Counsell of England would never dream of Who would imagine that they should practise with some Noble-Man to make him Head of their Faction whereas they took a Course onely to deal with the People And them so severally as any One apprehended should be able to appeal no more then Himself except the Priests who he knew would reveal nothing that was uâ—tered in Confession So Innocent was this Princely Priestly Function which thiâ— Man taketh to be but a matter of Conscience and thinketh it Reason it should have free Exercise throughout the Land 4. Of the Disturbance of the Quiet of Christendom And to what Causes it may be justly assigned IT is indeed a Question which those that look into Matters of State do well know to fall out very often though this Libeller seemeth to be more ignorant thereof whether the Ambition of the more Mighty State or the Iealousie of the Lesse Mighty State be to be charged with Breach of Amity Hereof as there be many Examples so there is one so proper unto the present Matter As though it were many years since yet it seemeth to be a Parable of these Times and namely of the Proceedings of Spain and England The States Then which answered to these two Now were Macedon and Athens Consider therefore the Resemblance between the two Philips of Macedon and Spain He of Macedon aspired to the Monarchy of Greece as He of Spain doth of Europe But more apparently then the First Because that Design was discovered in his Father Charles the fifth and so left him by Descent whereas Philip of Macedon was the first of the Kings of that Nation which fixed so great Conceits in his Breast The Course which this King of Macedon held was not so much by great Armies and Invasions Though these wanted not when the Case required But by Practise By sowing of Factions in States and by Obliging sundry particular persons of Greatnesse The State of Opposition against his Ambitious procedings was onely the State of Athens as now is the State of England against Spain For Lacedemon and Thebes were both low as France is now And the rest of the States of Greece were in Power and Territories far inferiour The People of Athens were exceedingly affected to Peace And weary of Expence But the Point which I chiefly make the Compaâ—ison was that of the Oratours which were as Counsellours to a Popular State Such as were sharpest fighted and looked deepest into the Projects and and spreading of the Macedonians doubting still that the Fire after it licked up the Neighbour States and made it self Opportunity to passe would at last take hold of the Dominions of Athâ—ns with so great Advantages as they should not be able to remedy it were ever charged both by the Declarations of the King of Macedon and by the Imputation of such Athenians as were corrupted to be of his Faction as the Kindlers of Troubles and Disturbers of the Peace and Leagues But as that Party was in Athenâ— too Mighty so as it discountenaâ—ced the true Counsels of the Oratours And so bred the Ruine of that Stâ—te And accomplishedâ— the Ends of that Philip So it is to be hoped that iâ— a Monarâ—hy where there are commonly better Intelligences and Resolutions then in a popular State those Plots as they are dâ—tected already So they will be resisted and made Frustrate But to follow the Libeller in his own Câ—urse the Sum of that which he delivereth concerning the Imputation As well of the Interruption of the Amity between the Crowns of England and of Spain As the Disturbance of the generall Peace of Christendome Unto the English Proceedings and not to the Ambitiâ—us Appetites of Spain may be reduced into Three Points 1. Touching the Pâ—oceeding of Spain and England towards their Neighbour States 2. Touching the Proceeding of Spain and England beâ—wâ—en themselves 3. Touching the Articles and Conditions which it pleaseth him as it were in the behalf of England to Pen and propose for the treating and Concluding oâ— an Vniversall Peace In the First he discovereth how the King of Spain nâ—â—er offered Molestation Neither unto the States of Italy upon which he confineth by Naples and Millaine Neither unto the States of â—ermany unto whom â—e confineth by a part of â—urgundy and the Low-Countries Nor unto Portugall till it was devolved to him in Title upon which he confineâ—h by Spain But contrariwise as one that had in precious regaâ—d the Peace of Christendom he designed from the beginning to turn his whole Forces upon the Turk Oâ—ely he confesseth that agreeable to his Devotion which apprehended as well the purging of Christendom from Heresies as the Enlarging thereof upon the Infidels He was ever ready to give Succours unto the French Kingâ— agâ—inst the Huguonotts especially being their own Subjects Whereas on the other side England as he affirmeth hath not only sowed Tâ—oubles and Dissentions in France and Scotland The one their Neighbour upon the Continent The other divided onely by the Narrow Seas But also hath actually invaded both Kingdomes For as for the Matters of the Low-Countries they belong to the Dealings which have passed by Spain In Answer whereof it is worthy the Consideration how it pleased God in thâ—t King to cross one Passion by another And namely that Passion which mought have proved dangerous unto all â—urope which was his Ambition by another which was only hurtfull to himself and his own Which was Wrath and Indignation towards his Subjects the Netherlands For after that he was setled in his Kingdom and freed from some Fear of the Turk Revolving his Fathers design in aspiring to a Monarchy of â—urope casting his Eye principally upon the two Potent Kingdomes of France and England And remembring how his Father had once promised unto himself the Conquest of the one And how himself by Marriage had lately had some Possession of the other And seeing that Diversity of Religion was entered into both these Realmes And that France was fallen unto Princes weak and in Minority And England unto the Government of a Lady In whom he did not expect that Pollicy of Government Magnanimity Felicity which since he
hath proved Concluded as the Spaniards are great Waiters upon Time ground their Plots deep upon two Points The one to profess an extraordinary Patronage Defence of the Roman Religion making account thereby to have Factions in both Kingdoms In England a Faction directly against the State In France a Faction that did consent indeed in Religion with the King and therefore at first shew should seem unproper to make a Party for a Forreiner But he foresaw well enough that the King of France should be forced to the end to retain Peace and Obedience to yeeld in some things to those of the Religion which would undoubtedly alienate the Fiery and more violent sort of Papists Which Preparation in the People added to the Ambition of the Family of Guise which he nourished â—or an Instrument would in the end make a Party for him against the State as since it proved and mought well have done long before As may well appear by the Mention of League and Associations which is above 25. years old in France The other Point he concluded upon was That his Low-Countries was the aptest place both for Ports and Shipping in respect of England And for Sciâ—uation in respect of France having goodly Frontier Townes upon that Realm And joyning also upon Germany whereby they might receive in at Peasure any Forces of Almaines To annoy and offend either Kingdom The Impediment was the Inclination of the People which receiving a wonderfull Commodity of Trades out of both Realmes especially of England And having been in ancient League and Confederacy with our Nation And having been also Homagers unto â—rance He knew would be in no wise disposed to either War Whereupon he resolved to reduce them to a Martiall Government Like unto that which he had established in Naples and Millain upon which suppression of their Liberties ensued the Defection of those Provinces And about the same time the Reformed Religion found entâ—ance in the same Countries So as the King enflamed with the Resistance he found in the first Part of his Plots And also because he mought not dispense with his other Principle in yielding to any Toleration of Religion And withall expecting a shorter work of it then he found Became passionatly bent to Reconquer those Countries Wherein he hath consumed infinite Treasure and Forces And this is the true Cause if a Man will look into it that hath made the King of Spain so good a Neigbbour Namely that he was so entangled with the Wars of the Low-Countries as he could not intend any other Enterprise Besides in Enterprizing upon Italy he doubted first the Displeasure of the See of Rome with whom he meant to run a Course of strait Conjunction Also he doubted it might invite the Turk to return And for Germany he had a fresh Example of his Father who when he had annexed unto the Dominions which he now possesseth the Empire of Almaign neverthelesse sunck in that Enterprize whereby he perceived that the Nation was of too strong a Composition for him to deal withall Though not long since by practise he could have been contented to snatch up in the East the Countrey of Emden For Portugal first the Kings thereof were good Sons to the See of Rome Next he had no Colour of Quarrel or pretence Thirdly they were Officious unto him yet iâ— you will believe the Genuese who otherwise writeth much to the Honour and Advantage of the Kings of Spain It seemeth he had a good mind to make himself a way into that Kingdom seeing that for that purpose as he reporteth he did artificially nourish the yong King Sâ—bastian in the Voyage of Affrick expecting that overthrow which followed As for his Intention to warr upon the Inâ—idels and Turks it maketh me think what Francis Guicciardiue a wise writer of History speaketh of his great Grandâ— Father Making a Judgement of him as Historiographers use That he did alwayes mask and vail his Appetites with a Demonstration of a Devout and Holy Intention to the Advancement of the Church and the Publick Good His Father also when he received Advertisement of the taking of the French King prohibited all Ringings and Bonfires and other Tokens of Joy and said Those were to be reserved for Victories upon Infidels On whom he meant never to warre Many a Cruzada hath the Bishop of Rome granted to him and his Predecessours upon that Colour Which all have been spent upon the Effusion of Christian Bloud And now this year the Levies of Germans which should have been made under hand for France were coloured with the pretence of Warr upon the Turk Which the Princes of Germany descrying not onely brake the Levies but threatned the Commissioners to hang the next that should offer the like Abuse So that this Form of Dissembling is Familiar and as it were Hereditary to the King of Spain And as for his Succours given to the French King against the Protestants he could not chuse but accompany the Pernicious Counsels which still he gave to the French Kings of breaking their Edicts and admitting of no Pacification but pursuing their Subjects with Mortall Warre with some Offer of Aides which having promised he could not but in some small Degree perform whereby also the Subject of France namely the violent Papist was enured to depend upon Spain And so much for the King of Spaines proceedings towards other States Now for ours And first touching the Point wherein he charâ—â—th us to be the Authours of Troubles in Scotland and France It will appear to any that have been well enformed of the Memoâ—iâ—s of these Affaires That the Troubles of those Kingdomes were indeed chiefly kindled by one and the same Family of the Guise A Family as was partly touched before as particularly dâ—voted now for many years together to Spain as the Order of the Iâ—suiâ—es is This House of Guise â—aving of late years extraordinarily flourished in the eminent Verâ—ue of a few Persons whose Ambition neverthelesse was nothing inferiour to their vertue But being of a House notwithstanding which the Princes of the Bloud of France reckoned but as strangers Aspired to a Greatness more then Civill and proportionable to their Cause wheresoever they had Authority And accordingly under Colour of Consanguinity and Religion they brought into Scotland in the year 1559 and in the Absence of the King and Queen French Forces in great numbers whereupon the Ancient Nobility of that Realm seeing the imminent danger of Reducing that Kingdome under the Tyranny of Strangers did pray according to the good Intelligence between the two Crowns hâ—r Majesties Neigh â—ourly â—orces And so it is true that the Action being very Just Honourable her Majesty undertook it expelled the Strangers and restored the Nobility to their Degrees and the State to Peace After when Certain Noble-Men of Scotland of the same Faction of â—uâ—se had during the Minority of the King possessed themselves of his Person to the end to abuse his Authority