in England for that he was Chauncellour also of the Realme he should goe about to vndoe that couenant of temporall subiection which King Iohn had made to the Church of Rome and his sonne King Henry hitherto continued But howsoeuer this was he was not admitted but the Couent of Canterbury was commaunded by the Pope to choose an other which they did the next yeare after choosing the Prior of their owne Couent named Iohn whom the King accepting he was sent to Rome with recommendation of both their letters at the same time the King sent also to Rome saith our Author a young knight named Robert Thynne of the North-countrey that had fallen into the Popes excommunication for a certaine excesse of his to the end that he might be absolued Deprecans obnixè vt militem illius intuitu exaudiret Desiring the Pope most earnestly that for his sake he would graunt the knight pardon and absolution in the thing he came for 19. And albeit we may presume that the Pope absolued the same knight at the Kings request yet did he not admit for Archbishop the elected Prior but esteeming him to be ouer aged commaunded the Prior and Couent of Canterbury to choose a third which was S. Edmund of Abingdon canonized afterward by Pope Innocentius the 4. And at the same time he wrote very sharpe letters vnto the King of England reprehending him for suffering certaine violent excesses to be committed against Clergie-men Non habens respectum ad sacramenta quae iurauerat tempore Coronationis suae de pace Ecclesiae mantenenda c. As not hauing regard of the oath which he did sweare in the tyme of his coronation to maintaine the peace of the Church Mandans Regi firmiter praecipiens sub paena excommunicationis c. Commaunding the King vnder paine of excommunication to cause due 〈◊〉 tion to be made of the fact and to send to Rome those that should be found culpable therin to be absolued by himself To which commaundement the King obayed most promptly and sent to Rome among others the young knight before mentioned with diuers of his seruaunts which well proueth the opinion he had of the Popes authority how farr he acknowledged the same And many hundred other such like examples might I alleadge out of the life and large raigne of K. Henry if it were not ouer tedious for that this course did he hold all his dayes 20. And albeit there began to be in his dayes more then before very great repining in the people nobility and Clergy first against all strangers in generall for that the King was most ruled for many years by Pictauians or men borne in his Countryes of Poytoù beyond the seas the principall wherof was one Peter Bishop of VVinchester who did patronize the rest then in particular also against Italians that were preferred to Ecclesiasticall liuings in England by the Popes of those times more then before had byn accustomed who perhaps might presume the moâ—â— therin also in respect of the temporall acknowledgement of the Kingdome before mentioned that the said complaints grew to be so great and generall as the King was sore pressed therewith and for remedy therof forced at length to dismisse and put away his said Pictauians yet in the other point of Italians Romaines he could neuer be induced to doe more but to represent only by way of supplication to the Popes themselues the hurtes and inconueniences that did ensue therof that they themselues might put conuenient remedy 21. And therefore first of all vpon the yeare 1244. which was the 28. of his raigne he wrote a letter to Pope Innocentius the 4. in these words Sanctissimâ— in Christo Paetri ac Domino Innocentia Dâ—â— gratia Summo Pontifici Henricus eadem gratia salutem pedum 〈…〉 beatorum and then he beginneth his leâ—ter thus Quo amplius c. By how much the more an obedient sonne doth submit himself vnto his Fathers will and more promptly and deuontly 〈◊〉 subiect himself to his commaundements the more doth he deserue to haue his fatherly protection as the reward of his obedience and deuotion Hence it is that albeit at all tymes 〈◊〉 our raigne we haue exposed our selues and our Kingdome in all things to the will of your Fatherhood and ther we haue in most busines of ours found your fatherly solicitude and grace towards vs yet in some prouisions of yours made to Clergie-men both English and strangers we find our selues and our Kingdome not a little aggreiued c. Wherefore we doe supplicate vnto your Fatherhood that you will defend with Fatherly care and solicitude all our rights and libertyes which you may repute to be not so much ours as yours and that you will cause them to be preserued in your Court against the suggestioÌ„s of whomsoeuer And your Holines must not be moued if we haue gone against some of your orders and commaundements in this behalfe for that the clamour of such as thought themselues aggreiued haue compelled vs therevnto and we may not deny any man right for so much as by the office of Kingly dignity giuen vs by God we are bound in ciuill matters to administer full iustice to all 22. Thus wrote K. Henry vpon the foresaid yeare vnto Pope Innocentius the 4. and the next yeare after which was 1245. there being held a generall Councell at Lions as before hath byn said the King and Realme tooke this resolution to send certaine procurators thither to coÌ„plaine of the said greiuances hurtes which the Realme receiued by so many strangers placed in benefices throughout England who had neither language to preach and teach nor mynd or meane to keep hospitality for the poore and that the naturall subiects of the land were heerby depriued of that preferment the patrons of benefices debarred of their right to nominate present incumbents by the Popes prouisions made in Rome or of his Legats in England which complaints seeming reasonable were fauourably receiued in the said Councell as may appeare by diuers rescripts of the said Pope InnoceÌ„tius to the Archbishops and Bishops of England about prouiding the benefices vnder their charge with fit English men Vniuersitatem vestram monemus rogamus hortamur c. We doe warne beseech exhorte the whole body of your Realme and doe commaund you by these our Apostolicall letters that you haue great care of all the youthes of your Cittyes and Diocesses that are Clergie men or desire to be especially gentle-men and noble-mens sonnes whom we desire to promote c. And againe in another Breue to the said Archbishops and Bishops VVe doe exhorte commaund you to bestow the Ecclesiasticall benefices belonging to your collation when they shall fall void vpon fit men of your nation c. And yet further in a third Breue Volentos iura vestra illaefa serâ—ari c. We desiring that your right for
said King and Bishops tooke vnto themselues wholesome counsaile choosing and ordeyning particular Bishops in euery prouince of the Geuisses or westsaxons And wheras the said prouince had but two Bishops in old time now they deuided the same into fiue and presently the Synod being ended the said Archbishop was sent to Rome with honourable presents Qui Papam saith our Authour cum magna humilitate placauit Decretum Regis recitauit quod Apostolico maximè placuit He did with great humilitie endeauour to pacify the said Pope Formosus reciting vnto him the decree that King Edward had made for better furnishing the Countrey with more Bishops for the time to come then euer had byn before which most of all pleased the Apostolicall Pope Wherfore the Archbishop retourning into England ordeyned in the Citty of Canterbury seaueu Bishops vpon one day appointing them seuen distinct Bishoprickes Atque hoc totum saith he Papa firmauit vt damnaretur in perpetuum qui hoc decretum infirmaret And the Pope Formosus did confirme this decree of this distinction of Bishops in England daÌ„ning him eternally which should goe about to infringe the same So Malmesbury and consider the authority here vsed 58. The same Pope also wrote a letter to the Bishopps of England by the said Archbishop Pleamond in these wordes To our brethren and children in Christ all the Bishopps of England Formosus We hauing heard of the wicked rytes of Idolatrous Pagans which haue begun to spring vp againe in your partes and that yow haue held your peace as dumme doggs not able to barke we had determined to strike you all with the sword of separation from the body of Christ and his Church but for so much as our deere brother Pleamond your Archbishop hath tolde me that at length you are awakened and haue begun to renew the seed of Gods word by preaching which was so honourably sowne from this Sea in times past in the land of England we haue drawne backe and stayed the deuouring sword and moreouer doe send you the benediction of almighty God and of S. Peter Prince of the Apostles praying for you that you may haue perseuerance in the good things which you haue well begune c. 59. Thus went that letter with a far longer exhortation â—â— that behalfe with order and instruction how to proceed to coâ—tinew good Bishopps among them which was that as soone â—â— knowledge came to the Metropolitan of any Bishop dead he should presently without delay cause another Canonically to be elected in his place and himself to consecrate the same And moreouer he determineth that the Bishop of Canterbury hath byn euer from ancient times held for chiefe Metropolitan of England otdeyened so by S. Gregory himself as in the Roman Registers was authenticall recorded and therefore he confirmeth the same threatning that what man soeuer shall goe about to infringe this decree shal be separated perpetually from the body of Christ and his Church So Malmesbury 60. And in this example we see many points expressing the sense of these ages as first the vigilancy of the Pope Formosus ouer England the affaires therof though far remote from him and altogether embroyled with warrs no lesse then ouer other Prouinces Kingdomes of the world which is conforme to that which S. Bede writeth of the like diligence of Pope Agatho aboue two hundred yeares before this of Formosus that is to say that he seing the heresie of Monethelites that held but one only will in Christ to spring vp and encrease in diuerse places of the world sent one expressly from Rome into England to learne what passed there Pope Agatho saith Bede being desirous to vnderstand as in other prouinces so also in Britany what was the state of the English Church and whether it preserued it self chaste and vnspotted from the contagions of heretickes sent into England for this purpose a most reuerend Abbot named Iohn who procuring a Synod of Bishops to be gathered togeather about that matter by Theodorus the Archbishop found that the Catholike faith in England was conserued in all points entire and inuiolated of which Synod he had an authenticall copie deliuered him by publicke testimony to be carryed to Rome Thus S. Bede touching the attention and diligence of Pope Agatho in our English Ecclesiasticall affaires 61. And it is to be noted that in the same Synod is sett downe that fower seuerall Kings concurred thervnto to giue therby satisfaction vnto the Pope to wit Egfryd King of the Northumberâ— Ethelred of the Mercians Adelnulphus of the Eastangles Lotharius of Kent which is conforme to that which the King Edward the first â—â— the former example did when presently vpon the threatning letters of Pope Formosus he called forthwith a Councell remedyed the fault that was committed sent the Archbishop Pleamond to Rome to giue satisfaction and promise of amendment for the time to come which is to be presumed that none of these Kings would haue done if they had thought themselues iniured by this intermedling of the Pope as an externall power and that themselues had authority Ecclesiasticall deriued from their crownes to dispose order these things without any reference to the Sea Apostolike And so much for this argument and demonstration which openeth a window to see many things more which by me of purpose are pretermitted for that I couet not to be ouerlong The sixt Demonstration 62. The sixt Argument may be deduced from an vniuersall contemplation of all the Kings Archbishops and Bishops that haue liued and raigned togeather in all this tyme in England and the seuerall Prouinces and Kingdomes therof before the Conquest the Kings being in number aboue an hundred that were Christened as often before hath byn mentioned the Archbishops of Canterbury the spirituall heads of the English Church 32. from S. Augustine vnto Stigano and other Bishops of far greater number laying before our eyes what manner of men all these were what faith they beleeued and practised what vnion and subordination they had in spirituall and temporall iurisdiction amongst them selues both at home and abroad with the Sea Apostolike which in great part hath byn declared by the precedent arguments and demonstrations All which being layd togeather we may inferre that for so much as lawes are nothing else but ordinaunces and agreemenrs of the Prince and people to the publicke good of euery Kingdome State and Countrey we may inferre I say that according as we find the faith and religion of our Princes Bishops and people to haue byn in those dayes so were also their lawes For out of their religion they made their lawes and consequently it must needes follow that they being all perfectly Catholike according to the Roman vse as by all the former arguments you haue seene that they made no lawes concerning Ecclesiasticall matters nor admitted â—onceaued any from their ancestours nor could not doe they being also
greatly this violent seuerity towards Ecclesiasticall persons One thing saith he among so many excellent monuments of your royall vertues doth greatly mislike and afflict me and contristate my louing heart towards you that in the taking and detayning prisoner your brother Otho Bishop of Baion you had not that care which was conuenient of your Princely reputation but did prefer the secular caution of your temporall state before the law of God in not bearing more reuerence vnto Priestly dignity So he 4. And this very same violent nature of K. VVilliam who had byn a souldiar and borne armes and brought vp in continuall bloud-shed from eight years old as himself testifieth was that which pious and learned Lanfranke nominated chosen Archbishop of Canterbury after the deposition of the foresaid Stygand did so much feare and mislike at his first comming into England as may appeare by an epistle of his to Pope Alexander the second that had commaunded him sore against his will to leaue his monasterie in Normandy and to take that Archbishoprick vpon him but now being come into England and seeing how matters did passe there he was vtterly dismayed and besought the Pope by all means possible and by all the most effectuall wayes of persuasion he could deuise that he might be rid of it againe Your legat said he hauing gathered a Synod heer in Normandy commaunded mee by the authority of the Apostolike Sea to take the gouernment of the Church of Canterbury vpon mee neither could any resistance of my parte by laying forth the weaknes â—f my body the vnworthines of my person the lack of skill in the English tongue the barbarousness of the people nor any other such excuse take place with them wherefore at length I gaue my consent I am come hither into England and haue taken the charge vpon me wherin I find so great trouble and affliction of mind such rediousnes of my soule such want of courage in my self such perturbations such tribulations such afflictions such obdurations such ambition such beastlynesse in others and doe euery day heare see and feele such misery of the Church as it loatheth me to liue and am sory that I haue liued vnto this day For as the euils are great for the present so doe I expect far greater for the time to come c. Wherfore I doe most humble beseech your Highnes euen for Gods sake and for your owne soule that haue bound me to this charge that you will absolue me againe let me returne to my monasticall life which aboue all things in this world I loue and desire and let not me haue denyall in this one petition which hath both piety iustice and necessity in it c. 5. So wrote the Archbishop Lanfrank And that the most of this was meant in respect of difficulties with K. VVilliam himself it may be gathered by that in the same letter he desireth the Pope to pray for the said King VVilliam and among other points Vt cor eius ad amorem suum Sanctae Ecclesia spirituali semper deuotione compungat That God allmighty will stir his heart to loue him and his holy Church and bring it to compunction by spirituall deuotion For this was the thing that King VVilliam had most need of to wit spirituall compunction with a tender conscience whose affections were more out of order commonly then his iudgement which himselfe confessed with great lamentation at his death as you may read in Stow and other Authors For he I meane the King hauing related his hard proceedings in England he said that he was pricked and bitten inwardly with remorse and feare considering that in all these actions saith he cruell rashnesse hath raged And therfore I humbly beseech you ô Priests and ministers of Christ to commend me to the allmightie God that he will pardon my sinnes wherwith I am greatly pressed c. And wheras a little before he had raged in his warres against the Towne of Meaux in France and had burned diuers Churches therin and caused two holie men Anchorites to be burned in their Cells wherin they were included which might seem to be an act of no very good Catholike man God stroke him for it presentlie yet was not this of iudgement but of rage to vse his owne word and he sorely repented the same soone after and sent a great summe of money saith Stow to the Cleargie of Meaux that therby the Churches which he had burned might be repayred 6. And the same might be shewed by a like passionate accicident that fell out on the 13. yeare of his raigne and of Christ 1079. when hauing vpon ielousie of his estate forbidden that anie of his Bishops should goe ouer the sea to Rome Pope Gregorie the 7. wrote a sharpe reprehension therof to be denounced vnto him by Hubert his legat then residing in England saying that it was Irreuerentis impudentis animi praesumptio c. the presumption of an irreuerent and immodest mind to prohibite his Bishops to make recourse to the Sea Apostolike Which reprehension made him so enter into himself as he sent two Embassadours to Rome in Company of the said Hubert when he returned to excuse the matter and shewed himself afterward a most obedient and faithfull child to the said Church euen in that troublesome and tempestious time when Henry the Emperour with all forces impugned the same as appeareth by the letters yet extant of the same Pope Gregorie vnto him 7. Wherfore hauing premissed this for K. VVilliam and all his Successours of the Norman French English race in number aboue twentie for the space well neere of 500. years vntil K. Henry the 8. that whatsoeuer some particular actions of theirs vpon interest anger feare preuention of imagined daungers coÌ„petency or some other such like motiue may seeme to make doubtfull sometimes and in some occasions their iudgment or affection to the supreame Ecclesiasticall power and iurisdiction of the Sea Apostolike of Rome yet were they indeed neuer of anie contrary opinion faith or iudgment but held the very same in this point which all their auncestors the English Kings before the Conquest did and all Christian Princes of the world besides in their dayes And for K. VVilliam Conqueror in particular the seueral reasons that doe ensue may easilie conuince the same Reasons that shew VVilliam Conquerour to haue acknowledged euer the Authoritie of the Sea Apostolicke §. I. 8. First that before he would take in hand or resolue anie thing vpon the enterprice of England as already we hane notedâ— he sent his whole cause to be considered of examined and iudged by Pope Alexander the second shewing him the pretence he had by his affinity to K. Edward the Confessor deceased as also the said Kings election and nomination of him by testament the vnworthines of Harold the inuader the occasion of iust warre which he had giuen him
reward in the life to come for it And so much of this 14. But now to passe to another consideration about the same King it seemeth to me that nothing sheweth more this Kingâ— true affection deuotion and confidence towards the Pope and Sea of Rome then his owne recourse thervnto in his greatest affliction before mentioned of the conspiracy of his wife and children against him For then he wrote a very lamentable letter vnto Pope Alexander beginning thus Sanctissimo Domino suo Alexandre Dei gratia Catholicae Ecclesia Summo Pontifici Henricus Rex Angliae c. Salutem deuotae subiectionis obsequium In which letter among other things he saith thus Vbipleniorem voluptatem contulerat mihi Dommâ—â— ibi grauius me flagellat quod sine lachrymis non dico contra sanguineâ—â—â—eum viscera mea cogor odium mortale concipere c. Where God hath giuen me greatest pleasure and contentment there doth he most whip me now and that which without teares I doe not speake vnto you I am constrained to conceiue mortall hatred against my owne bloud and my owne bowels My freinds haue left me and those of myne owne house doe seeke my life this secret coniuration of my wife and children hath so intoxicated the minds of all my most familiar freinds as they prefer their traiterous obedience to my sonne and would rather beg with him then raigne with me and enjoy most ample dignities c. Abseâ—â— corpore presens tamen animo me vestris aduolno genibus I being absent in body but present in mynd with you doe cast my self at your knees Vestrae iurisdictionis est Regnum Angliae c. Experiatur Anglia quid possit Romanus Pontifex The Kingdome of England is vnder your iurisdiction Let England learne by experience what the Bishop of Rome can doe Promitto me dispositioni vestra in omnibus pariturum I doe promise to obay your disposition in all hings 15. Thus he wrote at that tyme with teares as you haue heard wherewith Pope Alexander being greatly moued sent commaundement to Richard Archbishop of Canterbury to write earnestly vnto K. Henry the sonne to recall him from his rebellion vnder paine of excommunication as before we haue shewed And this confident recourse of K. Henry to the Pope in so great an affaire declareth well the opinion he had of his authority And conforme vnto this were all the rest of his actions and doings concerning Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction when he was out of passion and perturbation acknowledging none at all in himself but only from the Sea Apostolike And heervpon he fouuded the security of all his hopes by his first marriage with the Queen Eleanor as hath byn said whose diuorce from King Lewes was vpon the Popes sentence declaringe the same to be inualide and no marriage at all by reason that they were married within degrees of consanguinity prohibited by the Church 16. And soone after this againe about the 6. yeare of his raigne the same King as Stow relateth procured dispensation of the said Pope by his Legat-Cardinalls Henricus Pisanus and Gulielmus Papionensis to make a marriage between Henry his eldest sonne of seauen years old and Margaret the French Kings daughter that was yet but of three years old which he would not haue done by all likelihood with so manifest perill of his whole succession therby if he had either doubted of the Popes authority therin or presumed of his owne 17. And not many years after this againe the said King being very desirous to remoue from the Church of VValtam in Essex certaine secular Chanons that liued not with edification and to place in their roome regular Chanons presumed not to doe it of himself or his owne authority which yet might seeme a small matter but by the authority of the Pope Rex saith Houeden ex authoritate Domini Papae instituit in Ecclesia de VValtham Canonicos regulares The King did appoint regular Chanons in the Church of VValtham by the authority of the Pope And the same doth testifie VValsingham vpon the yeare 1177. that it was done in the vigil of Penticost Authoritate Summi Pontificis sub praesentia Regis By the authority of the Bishop of Rome the King being present at the doing 18. And the same VValsingham two years after that againe doth record another iudiciall Act of the said Pope Alexander in England which is that he exempted from the obedience of the Archbishop of Canterbury Roger that was Prior of the monastery of S. Augustine in the same Citty which had byn subiect to him saith he for fiue hundred years before And it is probable that neither the King nor Archbishop did like thereof but could not let the same 19. And finally to goe no further in this matter of this Kings obedience and deuotion towards the Church when he was out of choller and passion and free from such other perturbations as did draw him stroÌ„gly oftentimes to the doing of certaine things which after he repented I shall end with one shorte narration only of the foresaid VValsingham or a strange extremity and aduersity of fortune from which God deliuered him at one tyme by means of his deuout mynd towards the blessed Martyr S. Thomas of Canterbury vpon the year 1174. which was three yeares after his said martyrdome at what time the Kings state was this as partly before you haue heard Lewys King of France coÌ„ioyning himself with Henry the third King of England and the rest of his brethren against their Father pressed him sore with great armies in Normandy and other partes of his Dominions in France And at the very same time his wife Queen Eleanor in England conspiring with her said sonnes incited by her example many other Princes and noblemen to doe the like who raised diuers rebellions And besides all the rest VVilliam King of Scotland came in with a great Army on the North-side and Philip Earle of Flaunders was entered with another on the South-side At which time K. Henry seeing himself in these straites and not well knowing what to doe yet resolued at the length to passe from Normandy into England and first to succour the principall parte But being on the Sea there arose such a tempest as seing himself in great daunger Erectis in caelum luminibus saith VValsingham lifting vp his eyes to heauen he desired God that saw his intention to be mercifull vnto him as his meaning and purpose was to seeke the peace both of the Clergy people of England c. And God saith our Author admitted presently the prayer of this our humbled King and brought him safe to Hampton-port with all his people who from that day forward giuing himself to pennaunce vsed saith he a very thinne diet to wit bread and water only and casting of all temporall cares nor entring into any one Citty as he went by the way neuer ceased vntill he came to
pro eius anima deprecetur that such as passed by seing that crosse might pray for her soule And moreouer in particuler Stow out of auncient recordes doth affirme the said King to haue bestowed two mannors and nyne hamlets of land vpon the monastery of VVestminster for the keeping of yearely obits for the said Queene and for money to be giuen to the poore in almes 7. I leaue to speake of many other such actions of his as that he procured amongst other things the solemne most honourable translations of the bodyes of three English saints in his dayes S. Richard Bishop of Chichester S. Hugh Bishop of Lincolne and S. VVilliam Archbishop of Yorke He consented also and concurred that Q Eleanor his mother should leaue her Princely state and dignity and to be veyled Nunne in the Monastery of Almesbury and enioy her dowry which was great that she had in England all dayes of her life which was also confirmed to her by the Popes authority saith Mathew VVestminster yea and soone after he consented in like manner that his owne dearest daughter the Lady Mary also to whom he had designed a great and high state by marriage should follow the like profession of religions life in the same monastery though in this later he had much more difficulty to wynne himself to consent thervnto then in the former 8. And finally this other act also may be added for a full complement of his piety when he was in good tune which is recorded by the said Mathew of VVestminster that liued at the same time and perhaps was present that in the yeare of Christ 1297. which was the tenth before he dyed being to passe ouer the seas towards his warrs and hauing extremely vexed his people both spiritualty and temporalty with heauy exactions for the same and in particular broken grieuously with Robert VVinchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury he being now ready to departe called all the people togeather vpon the 13. of Iuly before the great hall of VVestminster and there standing vp vpon a certayne scaffolde of timber the said Archbishop of Canterbury newly reconciled vnto him remaining on the one side and the Earle of VVarwicke on the other and his little Prince Edward before him Erumpentibus lachrymis saith our Author veniam de commissis humiliter postulauit c. the teares breaking forth he did most humbly aske forgiuenes of his subiects for all that he had committed against them confessing that he had not gouerned them so well and quietly as became a King to doe but had taken their goods from them c. Adding further and saying Beholde I go now to expose my self and my life to danger for you wherefore I aske at your hands that if I returne againe you will receaue me in the place that now you hold me and I shall restore vnto you againe all that I haue taken from you and if I returne not then take this my childe and crowne him for your King Whervnto the Archbishop weeping abundantly answered that it should be so and the people with crying out and casting vp their armes promised fidelity and obedience vnto his ordination So Mathew VVestminster And this for his piety 9. But of the other point of his peremptory and violent proceeding diuers times with his subiects there want not also many examples especially in exacting often and great subsidies at their hands for his warrs of France Scotland and VVales wherin he was continually imployed was the first King in deed that euer brought VVales to be wholy subiect to England Lecline the last Prince therof being taken and slaine and his brother Dauid likewise apprehended and put to death in London by the same K. Edward 10. Alexander also King of Scotland being deceased and all his issue extinguished K. Edward as chiefe Lord tooke vpon him to decide that controuersie for the succession and in the end determined the matter in fauour of Iohn Baliol Earle of Galloway against Robert Bruse Earle of Valenand that pretended the same And albeit the whole nobility and people of Scotland bound themselues by obligation which our historyes doe set downe to stand to the iudgement of the said K. Edward yet in the end they would not but assisted the said Bruse made recourse to Pope Boniface the 8. to prohibite K. Edward to proceed in that matter and to commaund him to surcease from his warrs against Scotland which they pretended to be in the protection of the Sea of Rome and finally after much bloudshed and infinite expences both in this Kings tyme and his successours the of-spring of Bruse preuayled in that Countrey 11. But now as I said in respect of these warrs and many necessityes theron depending K. Edward was forced greatly to presse his people with exactions and to make them forfaite and buy againe their libertyes especially that of Magna charta and of the Charter of Forrest which as voluntarily he set forth and published in the beginning of his raigne as you haue heard so afterward the same not being obserued vpon instant suites of his people and nobility and contributions graunted him for the renouation therof he confirmed it two or three tymes in his life as often reuoked the same againe vntill he had more money And last of all in the yeare 1307. which was the last of his raigne he sued to the Pope for a dispensation of his oath made in that behalfe to keepe the said Charters priuiledges affirming them to be made against his wil by force of his peoples importunity 12. We reade also that in the yeare 1278. and sixt of his raigne he did depriue many famous Monasteryes saith Mathew of VVestminster of their auncient accustomed libertyes namely among others the Monastery of VVestminster wherin he had receaued saith he both baptisme confirmation and coronation and wherin his Fathers and other his auncestours bodyes lay And moreouer in the yeare 1295. he vsed great violence to all Monkes and religious men that were strangers and had their Monasteryes buylded by straungers in England for he tooke their Monasteries and goods from them allowing only to euery Monke 18. pence a weeke for his mayntenaunce for a tyme the next yeare after he commaunded vpon the suddaine all the Monasteryes of England to be searched and all their treasure to be taken violently and to be brought to London to his Exchequer for the charges of his said warrs And two yeares after this againe the same King holding his Parlament at S. Edmunds-bury and demaunding a great contribution of his people the Clergy denyed it pretending a new commaundement and constitution lately made by Pope Bonifacius the eight wherby he did forbid vnder paine of excommunication that any such exactions should be paid by Ecclesiasticall men without consent of the Sea Apostolicke wherat King Edward being offended though he would not contradicte the said constitution yet he
all appeals in causes Ecclesiasticall to the Court of Rome reducing all spirituall authority of determining the same vnto the body spirituall of the English Clergy for so the words of the statute are The body spirituall of the English Church saith he hauing power when any cause of the law diuine happened to come in question or of spirituall learning c. to declare and determine all such doubts to administer al such offices duties as to their roomes spiritual did appertaine without the intermedling of any exteriour person or persons c. Wherby it appeareth that by this Statute he reduceth all spirituall power to a certaine community of the Ecclesiasticall body of England but in the second Statute that followed in the yeare after against suing for licences dispensations facultyes graunts rescripts or delegacyes to Rome he seemeth to establish all authority in the Archbishop of Canterbury that was then Thomas Cranmer newly made by himself for allowing of his marriage with Lady Anne Bullen for so he saith in the statute That the Archbishop of Canterbury for the tyme being and his successours shall haue power and authority from tyme to tyme by their discretions to giue graunt and dispose by an instrument vnder the seale of the said Archbishop vnto the King and vnto his heirs successours Kings of this Realme as well all maÌ„ner of such licences dispensations compositions facultyes graunts rescrips delegacyes instruments and other writings for causes not being contrary or repugnant to the holy scriptures and lawes of God as heertofore had byn vsed and accustomed to be had and obtained by the King or any his most noble progenitors or any of his or their subiects at the Sea of Rome or any person or persons by authority of the same c. 12. Lo heer King Henry giueth authority to the Archbishop of Canterbury to giue vnto him to wit to King Henry himself and his successors Kings of England and their subiects all dispensations which they were wont to â—â—ke and obtaine at the Popes hand so as heer he acknowledgeth that in former times that authority belonged to the Pope and that his auncestors and progenitors were of that opinion but that now he being offended with him he would take it from him and bestow it vpon the Archbishop of Canterbury subiecting himself and his inheritours to aske and obtaine the said dispensations at his hands and his successours which was as you see to make Archbishop Cranmer Pope and not himself for this yeare as the whole body of the English Clergy was for the yeare past 13. And wheras it is euident that King Henry gaue this authority to Cranmer for dispensing c. to the end he should dispense with him for marrying of the said Lady Anne Bullen it seemeth strange that he would vse this so ridiculous circuyt as first to giue authority by Parlament to Cranmer to be able to dispense with him to wit with King Henry the giuer and would not take immediatly either by himself or by Parlament authority to himself to dispense with himself But it is well seen that he had some remorse or shame-fastnes therin at the first beginning though the very next yeare after he amended the matter or rather made it worse by assuming it to himself For calling another Parlament vpon the 26. of his raigne he made the first Statute of all with this Title An act concerning the Kings Highnes to be Supreme head of the Church of England and to haue authority to reforme and redresse all errors heresies and abuses in the same Wherby you may see what gradation was vsed in this matter or rather mistery giuing this power first to the Community of the English Clergy secondly to the Archbishop of Canterbury and thirdly to himself and all this in three distinct yeares immediately following one the other 14. And now if mens euerlasting saluation must depend vpon these mutations of spirituall iurisdiction as no doubt they did in thousands of our Countrey at that tyme and if the eternall wisdome of our Sauiour Christ hath left no more certainty for direction of our soules by spirituall gouernement and authority then this of our English Parlament which changeth so often and easely as you haue heard vpon euery Princes particuler inclination then are we doubtlesse in a pittifull plight for that as hath byn declared before of the certainty of this spirituall power for binding or loosing of our sinnes for SacrameÌ„ts instructions directions and all other spirituall helps and assistance in this life dependeth the surety of our euerlasting saluation or damnation in the life to come 15. But to goe forward a little further in this matter now we haue King Henry head of the Church and M. Attorney no doubt is glad therof for helping of his cause though it help it but little or nothing at all it being the first example that euer could be giuen therof in England or elswhere throughout the Christian world and so much the more to be misliked if we beleiue Iohn Caluin in his sharp reproofe of this attempt which he calleth Tyrannicall Anti-Christian But M. Attorney perhaps will not care for Caluin or Beza or any of their followers in this point for that it maketh not to his purpose Well then he must notwithstanding graunt this in all reason that if this supreme authoritie spirituall was wel and rightly and by gods direction spirit and allowance taken vpon himself by King Henry then is it likely that he was guided also by the same spirit afterward in making his decrees laws and ordinances for directing and gouerning the English Church by that authority and especially for reforming and redressing of all errors heresies and abuses therin according to the speciall title of his said authority before set down wherof it followeth that when vpon the 31. yeare of his raigne which was fiue after the said authoritie giuen him hee calling a Parlament determined six mayne and principall articles of protestant religion to bee heresies to witt The deniall of the reall presence of the communion vnder one kind only That Priests may marrie That vowes of chastitie may bee broken That priuate masses are not lawfull That sacramentall or auricular confession is not necessarie appointing them that should hould any of these heresies so coÌ„deÌ„ned by him to be burned as notorious hereticks it followeth I say that this was decreed by him out of the same spirit and direction of god for that otherwise his Ecclesiasticall supremacy had byn to small purpose if there were no certainty in his determinations or that God would permit him to erre so grosly in so importaÌ„t a busines as this was for the whole Church of England so soone after he had ginen him his said supreme authoritie Ecclesiasticall 16. And that this was done by him against the Protestants with great deliberation consultation aduise maturity in the fullnes of his power Ecclesiasticall appeareth
Attorneyes coÌ„â—onlie are presumed to haue vvho must speake â—o the purpose hovvsoeuer it be to the truth And â—â— it vvell appeared in that arraignment vvherof â—e novv treat but intend to proceed no further â—â—erein for that the prisoner himself ansvvered this point sufficientlie at the barre as also to the Lordes before in the tovver and a more large discourse maie be made therof hereafter if neede shall require 19. As for your other article about the Antiquity and continuance of your Church a man maie easily see that you sought an occasion to bring it in by making an obiection on the behalfe of Iesuitts against the same and thereby to shevv your skill in ansvvering They hold their religion saie you to be the old Religion where ours is the new confyned to England where on the contrary side their Religion is vniuersall and embraced in the greatest part of this Christian worlde And thus for the maintenance of their rotten Religion doe they seeke to disgrace and blemish our Ghospell But good syr if your ghospell be that of the foure Euangelistes novv receaued vve pretend that it is as much our ghospell as yours and more also for that you receaued it from vs and vpon our Churches credit and for that you call rotten Religion if euer it vvere Religion then neuer can it rott except you put no difference betvvene apples and religion But let vs heare hovv you vvill ansvvere this obiection in your ovvne vvordes as they came set dovvne vnto me from your ovvne mouth 20. But to this saie you I will answere that if our Ghospell be as ancient as Luther it is more ancient then the Iesuitts are though not I trovv then Iesuitts religion albeit it be not conteyned in these narrow limitts of place nor bands of time which they feignedly imagine hauing byn euer since the time of Christ and his Apostles For we doe not deny but that Rome was the mother-Church and had thirty two virginall martyrs of her Popes a-row so continued til in succeeding ages it brought in a masse of errors and idle ceremonyes But you will aske perhaps where our Church lurked before Luthers coming for some hundreds of yeares But I say it makes no great matter where it was so that I â—m certaine it was for as a wedge of gold if it be dissolâ—ed and mixed with a masse of brasse tinne and other metalls doth not loose his nature but remaineth gold still although we cannot determine in what part of the masse it is conteined but the touch-stone will fynde it out so though our Church hath euer byn since Christes time in the vvorld yet being mixed and couered vvith innouaâ—ons and errours vve cannot tell in vvhat part it vvas And I dare say that it is novv more extended then theirs â— for vve haue all England all Scotland all Germany al Denmarke a great part of France al Poland some part of Italie These are your vvordes if the Relators haue byn exact in setting them dovvne as they saie they haue byn And then is there â—o maruaile though you impugne so much the doctrine of scrupulous reseruation of true sense in ambiguous speeches vvhereas so manifestlie you ouer-lash in all those periods vvhich heere you haue layed before vs. 21. But to the matter it self about the Antiquity Continuance Succession Visibility and Assurance of the Church vvhereas you graunt that the Roman Church vvas the true mother-Church from the beginning and had two and thirty virginall martyrs for so you call them for her Popes one after the other vvithout interposition of anie one Bishop that vvas not martyr for more then the space of three hundred yeares you graunt vs so much in this assertion if it be vvel considered as it vvill be hard for you to take it from vs againe aftervvard in your sequent negation vvhich I shal shevv you brieflie by tvvo conuincing Arguments the one Theologicall the other Morall 22. The first is that if the Church of Rome vvas the true mother-Church of Christ and Christian religion for so great a space as you assigne then no doubt vvere all the predictions and promises of Prophets for the greatnes eminency honour certeyntie florishing perpetuitie of the said Christian Church fulfilled in her Christes peculier promises in like manner that he would be vvith her to the end of the vvorld that the holy ghost should lead her into all truth that hell-gates vvhich properlie signify errours and heresies should neuer preuaile against her that she should be the piller and foundation of truth all men bound to obey and beleeue her vvas â—eant also performed in this Roman-Church for three hundred yeares and more and promised â—â— be performed to the end of the vvorld vvherof â—â—sueth that either God is not able to performe what he promiseth for of his vvill there can be no doubt seing he hath promised or else it cannot vvithout impiety be conceaued and much â—â—se beleeued that this Roman-mother-Church so â—â—anted in the beginning by Christ and his Apoâ—â—es bloud and so vvatered for three hundred yeares togeather by the bloud of all her Bishops â—â— spread ouer the vvorld as S. Paul of his ovvne time testifyeth that her faith religion vvas and aftervvard all Ecclesiasticall histories vvithin the time prescribed after doe declare that all other Churches commonly at least-vvise of the vvest-world vvere her daughters by foundation our â—reat-Britany among the rest it is impossible I say to imagine vvith piety hovv this Queene of the vvorld hovv this florishing Church hovv this golden vvedge to vse your ovvne similitude should so be dissolued mingled vvith brasse tinne copper other such contemptible mettalls vvhich you cal Errours innouations as that her Religion should become rotten according to your phrase her self in steed of being the true kingdome inheritaÌ„ce spouse of Christ become his enemy his aduersary an aduovvtresse and the verie povver of Sathan himself against him as you M. Attorney doe make her 23 Hovv I praie you can this be thought by vvhat reason or probability maie it be imagined vvhen hovv by vvhat meanes might this metamorphosis be made The very next age after the forsaid Martyr-Popesliued S. Augustine vvho reciting the said Popes and their Successors vnto his daieâ— called them all holy vvithout distinction and by their lineal succession in the said Church of Rome did persuade himself to haue demonstrated the truth of all Catholicke Religion as vvell in Africa vvhere he vvas as throughout the vvhole vvorld against all heretickes 24. And after him againe liued in the same Sea as Bishops thereof S. Leo and S. Gregory both of them surnamed Great in respect of their great sanctitie great learning and famous acts and vvith them and after them concurred and suceeeded in other Christian Churches of the vvorld as Fathers and Doctors S. Maximus S. Prosper Vincentius Lyrinensis S. Gregory of Tovvers S. Fulgentius S.
inuisibilitie in those ages but novv she is become visible in our daies Nay you doe set her forth vvith so great an enlargement of greatnes and glorious apparence as you say she is more extended now then ours For that quoth you vve haue all England all Scotland all Germany all Denmarke all Poland a great part of France and some part of Italie VVherein your large extension of your Church in this second parte of your Relation if vve could beleeue you is no lesse strange then vvas your restriction of her secresie and inuisibilitie in the first For vvho vvil graunt you al England for Protestants vvhen they shall see so many prouisions made against both English Catholickes Puritanes vvhich later part of men as vvel as the former that they caÌ„not make one Church vvith you shall preseÌ„tlie be shevved in the Preface of this vvorke 30. Hovv you haue all Germany for youres there being so manie religions and the greatest parte Catholicke and other different Sects greatlie disagreeing from you I knovv not by vvhat figure you can make your Reader to beleeue that you speake truth The like I saie of Denmarke vvhere al are Lutheranes and not of your Church nor vvill it admit Caluinistes to dvvell or dy or be buried amongst them Of all Poland it is a notable hyperbole for so much as both the King â—â—d State professe publicklie the Catholicke reliâ—â—on and the Sectaryes that are in that kingdome â—â—e Trinitarians Arrians Anabaptists more perhaps â—â—nuber then Caluinistes I marueile you omitted â—â—ecia and Noruegia vvhere as they are not Cathoâ—â—â—kes so are they not of your religion or Church 〈◊〉 nor those of France neither though they be â—â—luinistes for as for your some parte of Italie I â—old to be no parte at all nor vvas it anie thing â—se but a certaine ouerflovving of your speach to â—ake the full sound of a greater number the Proâ—â—stants of France I say cannot make one Church â—â—ith you as neither those of Scotland vvith the residue of Holland Zealand and other of â—â—ose Prouinces vnited of Geneua as their Moâ—â—er-Church these I say being all Puritanes â—â—d Precisians cannot make any Church vvith â—ou in that vnion of faith and doctrine vvhich â—â—e vnity of a Church requireth as by your and â—â—eir ovvne confession vvritinges testimonyes â—â—d protestations is extant in the vvorld to be â—â—ene Wherefore I shall desire the intelligent Reaâ—â—r to make vvith me a briefe recollection about â— Attorneyes doctrine for his Church First he â—â—aunteth as you haue heard the Roman Church 〈◊〉 haue byn the true Mother-Church for diuers â—ges togeather spread ouer the vvhole vvorld dilated throughout all Prouinces perspicuous eminent and admirable in florishing glorie by the greatnes and multitude of her children professing Christ euery-vvhere in vnion of faith doctrine and Sacraments as the holie Fathers iâ— those ages and others ensuing doe testify vnto vs 32. Secondlie he vvill haue this glorious Churcâ— so to haue fallen sicke pyned and vvitheredâ— vvay vvithout groaning and so to haue vanisheâ— out of mens sightes as she could not be knovvn vvhere she vvas for many hundred yeares togeather nay he vvill haue her to be like a wedge oâ— golde so corrupted and mingled vvith lead anâ— tinne as no man can tell vvhere the gold lieth except he try it vvith the touch-stone vvhich touch stone in our case he saith to be the scripture vvhereby the Church must by euerie man be tryed and touched so as ech one that vvill knovv this Church and haue benefit from the same musâ— touch her first see vvhether she be the Church or no and so in-steed of submitting himself vnto her and to be directed by her he must first makâ— himselfe touch-maister and Iudge ouer her 33. Thirdlie M Attorney hauing shifted of this time of the inuisibility of his Church in this sort he novv in this last age maketh her so visible againe vpon the suddaine as that she comprehendeth all the Churches of the aforenamed Kingâ—â—mes of vvhat Sect or profession soeuer so that â—â—â—y differ from the Catholicke vvhich are some â—â—ne or ten Sectes at the least al dissenting amoÌ„g â—â—â—mselues professing in their vvritings actes â—â—d doings that they are not of one religion nor â—â—nsequentlie can be of one Church and yet eâ—â—â—ie one goeth vvith his touch-stone in his hand 〈◊〉 vvit the Bible as vvell as M. Attorney and are â—eady to touch him and his Church as he them â—â—d theirs but vvith different effect and successe 〈◊〉 he fyndeth by this touchstone as you haue â—â—ard that all they are of his Church but they â—â—d euery one of them by the same touch-stone â—â—e fynde the contrary and not one of them vvill â—â—unt I saie not one of all the vvhole number of nevv Sectes that the Church of EnglaÌ„d as novv standeth is either the true Church of Christ or â—â—eir Church and in this I dare ioyne issue vvith â— Attorney out of their ovvne bookes assertions â—â—d protestations So as novv M. Attorney that vvhich in the â—â—â—iptures is so memorable of it self so commenâ—â—d by Christ our Sauiour so respected by the Aâ—â—stles so testifyed and defended by the primitiue â—artyrs so magnifyed by the ancient Doctors â—â—d Fathers and by all good Christians so reueâ—â—nced and dreaded I meane the glorious name â—f the Catholicke and vniuersall Church and the benefit to be in her and of her vvithout vvhich no saluation can be hoped for of Christ but ineuitable and euerlasting perdition by vvhich on the other side and in which saluation onlie maie be attained all this I saie is come to be so poore base and contemptible a thing vvith you and so vncertayne as you knovv not vvhere your Church is nor greatlie care so that at all she be and vvhen you name your Sectary-brethren and associates therein they denie you and your alliance as you see and vvhen you assigne your touch-stone of scriptures they vse the same against you and proue thereby youres to be no Church and ech one of themselues in seuerall to be the onlie true and Christian Church And this haue you gained by leauing the Roman vvhich you graunt in old times to haue byn the holy mother-Church see vvherevnto you are come and this shall suffice for this matter 35. This epistle vvould grovv ouerlong if I should entertaine my self in all the impertinent speeches vvhich you had that daie in your glorie as it semeth against Catholickes the least parte vvhereof did in vvise-mens sightes concerne the prisoner at the barre though by your Rhetoricall application all vvas dravven vpon him by hooke or by crooke for that Yorke VVilliams Colen Squiar and Lopus vvere brought in squadron to muster there to that effect vvherof all notvvithstanding except the last are defended and their conspiracies most euidentlie proued to haue byn feygned by a learned vvorthy and vvorshipfull gentleman of our Countrey dedicated these yeares past to the Lords of the late
Queenes priuie Counsell and vvhether they vvere true or false yet touched they not Fa Garnet vvho neuer had acquaintance or treaty vvith them 36. And vvhereas you saie that he came into England with purpose to prepare the way against the great compounded nauy that followed in the yeare 1588. It is euident that his comming into England vvas tvvo yeares and a halfe at the least before the saied time vvhen there vvas neither notice nor speach nor perhapps so much as a thought of that nauie to come and vvhen aftervvard it appeared on our seas it had not so much as one English Priest or Iesuit in all that multitude of men vvhich is like it vvould haue had if M. Henry Garnet and M. Robert South-well that came in togeather had byn sent to prepare the vvaie for the same Your combinations also of bookes and attemptes the one allwaies as you saie accompanying the other though you esteemed it perhaps a vvittie fine deuise and probable to the vnlearned hearers that cannot distinguish of times or things yet others that looked into the matter more iudiciouslie and found neither coherence of time or subiect betvveene the booke by you named and the attempts pretended laughed in their sleeues remembring the saying of the Poet Non sat commodè diuisa sunt temporibus tibi Daue haec I vvill reapeat your vvordes of one onlie comparison and thereof let the rest be iudged Then cometh forth Squiar saie you with his plot of treason but this not alone neither but was accompanyed with another pernicious booke written by Dolman vvhich vvordes importe that Dolmans booke did accompanie Squiars treason but he that shall examine the order of Chronologie shal fynde in this matter that Dolmans booke vvas in print foure yeares at least before Squiars treason if he committed treason vvas euer heard of nor hath the argument of the booke anie more affinitie at all vvith Squiars fact then hath a fox vvith a figg tree but onlie that your floating Chimeraes intoxicating to vse your ovvne vvordes your hearers braynes doe make you seeme to speake oftentimes mysticallie vvhen in deede you speake miserablie 37. Yovv remember I thinke hovv the aforesaid gentleman in his booke for others doe not forget it gaue you a friendlie reprehension by the vvordes of the famous Orator Catulus or rather of Cicero in his name for a ridiculous fact of yours in vveeping and shedding manie teares in follovving the fiction of Squiars conspiracie at the barre therebie to vvynne credit and shevv your self admirable at that time to the Earle of Essex and others in authoritie but novv I am to expostulate vvith you vpon this occasion for another no lesse patheticall excesse vttered in pleading against M. Garnet vvherein not so much your teares did run as your haires did stand and stare and your eares glovv to heare blasphemie vttered by him in a certaine letter of his intercepted VVherein saie you was conteyned one of the most horrible blasphemyes that euer I heard proceed from any Atheist and maketh my haire to stand on end to thinke of it So you saie 38. And vvhat vvas this horrible blasphemie good Syr that put your tender and religious hart in such a pittifull plight and horror It follovveth that he had written with the iuyce of a lemmō to his friendes abroad out of the tower that he had byn often examined but nothing was produced against him but yet necesse est vt vnus homo moriatur pro populo So you alleadged the text and added presentlie See how he assumeth most blasphemously to himself the wordes that were spoken of Christ our Sauiour but I hope ere he dy he will repent him of this blasphemy 39. But good Syr did you looke vpon the place of S. Iohns gospell before you recited the same and plaied this pageant in so solemne an essemblie Yf you did then vvill you fynd that these vvordes vvere spoken by an euill man vnto an euill sense in his ovvne meaning to vvit by Caiphas that persuaded first in a Councell gathered vpon the resuscitation of Lazarus to put Christ to death thereby to content the Romanes vvho had the vvhole Ievvish nation in iealosie of their loyaltie tovvardes the Emperour and that novv by putting one to death that vvas accused though falslie to denie tribute to be paied to Cesar they should cleere their credit vvith the said Emperour and by his onlie death preuent the destruction of the said Ievvish people by the Romane armies and therefore he said Expedit nobis vt vnus homo moriatur pro populo non totagens pereat It is expedient for vs that one man dy for the people to the end the vvhole nation be not destroied And therefore he saieth not necesse est as you cite the vvordes but expedit to shevv his politicall drift therein 40. And this being Caiphas his crastie and vvicked counsaile and his vvordes in his sense bearing this meaning the holie ghost vvhich as S. Chrysostome and other holie Fathers doe affirme ostantum non scelestum eius cor attigit moued his tongue and not his vvicked mind and vvas in his vvordes not in his sense made him vnvvittinglie to vtter a prophesie and a great high misterie that except one man to vvit Christ should die for the sinnes of the people none could be saued Novv then Syr this sentence of Caiphas hauing tvvo meanings and senses as you haue heard let vs examine vvhich vvas most probable to be vsed and alluded vnto by M. Garnet vvho gathering by manie coniectures that you and some other of his good friendes had a great desire to bring the Iesuitts vvithin the compasse of this late odious treason or at least-vvise vvithin the suspition or hatred thereof for that the lay-gentlmen partakers of the fact vvere thought to be deuoted tovvardes them and their Order and seing that God vnexpectedlie had deliuered him into your handes he might verie vvell thinke that he at least should paie for the rest and die also of likeli-hood for disgracing the rest and in that sense alluded to the vvordes of Caiphas tending to like policie 41. But novv for the second sense vvhich particularlie designed the death of Christ our Sauiour for the redemption of man-kinde none I thinke is so simple as vvould imagine M. Garnet to applie to himself though in this point also M. Attorney is to be taught out of true diuinitie that diuerse places vttered litterallie of Christ in holie scripture maie secondarily also by allusion be applied vnto men and this vvithout all horror of blasphemie or imputation of Atheisme vvhich are M. Attorneyes passionate accusations in this place As for example vvhere the Prophet vvriteth of him Et cum iniquis reputatus est he vvas esteemed vvith the vvicked vvhich vvas meant immediatlie and principallie by the holie-ghost of Christ and yet by allusion it maie be applied to anie of his seruants And that
and if they bee good and equall it is a publike benefit but much more if they be well executed by a iust Prince which importeth more than writen lavves For that he as M. Attorney confesseth is the soule of the law that giueth life who also without writen lawes either municipall or Imperiall may administer iustice by law of nature and nations if he will What speciall or singular commodity then is here shewed to issue out of the municipall lawes of England aboue others that they should be called our ancient best inheritance Yea as he addeth after in matters of greatest Importance meaning therby our soule saluation Is not this an ouerlashing is not this an egregious hyperbole Do not subiects in Scotland France Italy Spaine and other places enioy their goods in peace and quietnes and their liues and deare countreyes in safty as wel by their lawes Imperial as we do by our municipall Yes and much more if we will beleeue them and their learnedest this vpon some attent consideration of euents which dayly they heare and reade of many men both great and small to haue bin ouerthrowne and condemned in our countrey both in liues liuinges which they thinke by their Imperiall lawes were impossible And one only circumstance of English tryall in life and death to omit the rest doth leaue them astonished to witt that be he neuer so great a man yet for his life and landes honour posterity he may not haue that allowed him which in an action of fiue poundes renr or lesse he should obteyne which is a learned lawyer or aduocate to speake for him at the barre but that all the Princes officers and learned Counsell shall plead against him exaggerating matters to the vttermost and he only suffered to speake for himself and that in measure who for lack of skill or memory or tyme to consider or boldnes to speake or talent to vtter well his meaninge may there betray and ouerthrow both himself his whole posterity in his owne defence 24. And finally the last vpshot being of that dreadfull action to commit the matter to a iury of vnlearned men that must giue their verdicts openly and by consequence vpon the same causes before mentioned of error feare hope or other passion the Prince being alwayes on part interessed may easily be led finistrously to the prisoners condemnation All which inconueniences being carefully prouided for by course of other lawes do make forreine learned men to thinke that ours are more defectiue than we persuade our selues and that it may easily be beleeued that they were made indeed by a Conquerour And I could haue byn glad that M. Attorney in this place had alleaged some singular thing in their extraordinary commendation for that the enioying of our goods liues lands and contrey by them which he mencioneth are very ordinary and vulgar commendations and common to all lawes in generall that euer were made by reasonable men And yet do we not deny but that our English lawes for the whole corpes and dryft therof are very commendable especially where the spirit and meaninge of the first founders is obserued by the followers yet want there not by graue mens iudgments many considerable points that might be better rectified and namely concerning the imperious and dominant maner of proceeding of many lawyers and their exorbitant gaines which yet perhaps M. Attorney will place among the cheife commendations of our said common lawes 25. In the other point also of remitting men for the knowledg of their euidence ancient birth-right in some pointes of greatest importance to faithful Counseloures that will resolue them fully without feare affection or corruption if he meane by these Counseloures as he doth those Iudges and Sages of the Common-law from whom he hath taken these peeces against Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction which after he hath set downe I must needs saie that it is litle to the purpose For albeit now they be dead he may well saie as he doth that they cannot be daunted with any feare moued by any affection or corrupted with any reward yet when they were aliue gaue their resolutions which he saith they did it is hardly credible that they were soe deuoide of those passions as he would make them they being no Saintes but wordlie men that sought their aduauncement vnder their Princes by pleasing their humours as lawyers of our tymes do wherof I could alleadg many examples and some perhaps we may touch after in their due places Now it shal be sufficient to remember that in diuerse Kings daies after the Conquest the cheife cōplaints of the people were against their cheife Iusticers would God wee had not the like cause now who in those times most gouerned the state or abused rather the same as the examples of Hubert de Borgo and Robert Tresilian cheif Iustices vnder K. Henry the third and Richard the second and both of then punished publiklie for their wickednes doe testifie And in the begining of K. Edward the third his raigne I read of a complaint made by the King and the whole Parliament that his father K. Edward 2. had byn induced by euil Counsellours which in that case may iustlie be presumed to haue byn his Iudges and lawyers to sease into his hands the temporaltie of diuerse Bishopricks c. Which for the time to come he promised not to doe And finallie after that againe when the contention and controuersie between the two potent houses of Lancaster and Yorke began and endured for almost 100. years I find few Iudges or great Sages of the common-law to haue lost their liues therin for anie side or partie as manie Dukes Earls Barons knights yea and some Bishops also religious did Which is a signe that those Sages were to wise to oppose themselues to anie sorte of Princes whatsoeuer but could accommodate themselues to all and draw the birth-right of laws to the establishing of any Kings right that by his sword could get the possession 26. But to prosequute these matters no further in this place I am only to adde for conclusion of all that the true ancien◠birth-right aud best inheritance of English subiects indeed i◠their right to Catholique religion which was first planted amonge them from the Sea of Rome by the singular zeale of holy Pope Gregory the first a thousand years gone and continued without interruption to our dayes as afterwards shall be shewed and that for seeking out and cleering the euidence of this right they ought to be diligent and to spare no labour paine or industrie for that therof dependeth their eternall saluation or damnation which doth not of the knowledge or not knowledg of the common law and that for certifyinge themselues in this point they ought to repaire to faithful Counsellers indeed who are the ancient Fathers and writers of Gods Church in euery age who being not only wise and learned but holy also may securely be
visitation of the Ecclesiasticall estate and persons and for their reformation order and correction of the same and of all manner of errors heresies c. is given to the Queene with full power and authoritie to assigne nominate and authorize others also to exercise and execute vnder her highnes all and all manner of Iurisdiction priuiledges and preheminences in anie wise touching or concerning anie spirituall or Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction and to visit reforme redresse order correct and amend c. 19. Which words may seem by their often naming of visitation and visiting that they meant onlie to make the Queene a visitrix ouer the Cleargie which importeth much limitation of supreme power and yet on the other side they giue her all Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall that euer hath been heertofore or may be exercised by anie Ecclesiasticall authoritie or person and that both she and her substitutes haue all and all manner of Iurisdiction priuiledges and preheminences concerning spirituall affaires as you haue heard So as on the one side they seeme to restraine and limitt not calling her head of the Church as before in the stile of K. Henrie and K. Edward was accustomed but rather a supreme Visitrix as by these words appeereth And on the otherside they giuing her all and all manner of Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall that by anie power or person Ecclesiasticall hath euer heertofore been vsed or may be vsed including no doubt therin both the Pope and all other Bishops or Archbishops that euer haue exercised Iurisdiction in England they make her spirituall head of the Church in the highest degree giuing her the thinge without the name and dazeling the eyes of the ordinarie Reader with these multitude of words subtilie couched togeather And why so thinke yon I shall breefly disclose the mysterie of this matter 20. When K. Henry the eight had taken the Title of Supreame head of the Church vpon him as also the gouernours of K. Edward had giuen the same vnto him being but yet a child of 9. years old the Protestants of other Countries which were glad to se England brake more and more from the Pope whome they feared yet not willing insteed therof to put themselues wholie vnder temporall Princes but rather to rest at their owne libertie of chosing congregations and presbyteryes to gouerne began to mislike with this English stile of Supreame head as well the Lutheranes as appeereth by diuers of their writings as also the Zuinglians and much more afterward the Caluinists whereupon Iohn Caluin their head and founder in his Commentary vpon Amos the Prophet inueigheth bitterlie against the said Title and authoritie of supreame head taken first by King Henry and saith it was Tyrannicall and impious And the same assertion he held during his life as after by occasion more particularlie shall be shewed And the whole body of Caluinists throughout other Countryes are of the same opinion and faith though in England they be vpon this point deuided into Protestants and Puritans as all men know 21. This then being the State of thinges when Q. Elizabeth began her Raigne those that were neerest about her and most preuailed in Counsell inclining to haue a change in Religion that therby also other changes of dignities offices and liuings might insue and desiring to reduce all to the new Queens disposition but yet finding great difficultie and resistance in many of the Caluinists to giue the accustomed Title of headship in respect of Iohn Caluins reprobation therof they deuised a new forme and featute of words wherby couertly to giue the substance without the name that is to saie the whole spirituall power iurisdiction of supreame head vnder the name of Visitrix or supreame gouernesse as in the Oath of the same Statute is set downe where euery man vnder forfiture of all his lands and liuings and life also in the third time is bound to sweare and professe that he beleiueth in his cōscience that the said Qneene is supreame gouernesse in all causes Ecclesiastical in this sense and that there is no other Spirituall power or Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction ouer soules in England but this of the Qneene or such as commeth from her And this was also the high iniquitie of this tragicall Comedye among other that the whole Realme being almost all Catholike and of a contrarie beleife at that time was forced to sweare within thirtie daies after the said Act to this fantasticall deuise of giuing supreame authoritie Spirituall to a woman wherof by naturall diuine and humane law she is not capable as in the next chapter shall bee proued being a deuise of some few in a corner first and then procured by negociation to passe in Parlament or els to incurre the daunger of the foresaid penalties that is to saie either sacrilegiouslie to forsweare themselues against their consciences or to vndoe themselues and theirs in wordlie affaires a hard and miserable choise 22. But now to the point it self what reall and substantiall difference thinke you can their be imagined between the spirituall Authortie of Head-ship giuen vnto K. Henry the 8. by the Statute of the 26. yeare of his reigne and this of visitrix or supreame gouernesse giuen to Q. Elizabeth in the first of her reigne Was not the self-same power and Iurisdiction ment to be giuen And if there bee no difference in the thing it self why doe they fly the word in this which they vsed in that and why doe they vse such large circumloquutions of visiting ordering redressing and the like For as for K. Henries statute it beareth this Title An act concerning the Kings highnes to be supreame head of the Church of England c. And in the statute it self it is said Be it enacted by the Authoritie of this present Parlament that the King our soueraigne Lord his heirs and successors shall be taken accepted and reputed the onlie supreame head on earth of the Church of England called Anglicana Ecclesia And the same Title was 9. or 10. years after giuen in like manner to K. Edward the sixt by the same Authoritie of Parlament if in this Case it had anie authoritie anecting also therunto all Iurisdiction spirituall whatsoeuer as it appeereth by a certaine declaration therof made in the Statute of the first year of the said King It saith thus That for so much as all authoritie of iurisdiction spirituall and temporall is deriued and deducted from the Kings Maiestie as supreame head of these Churches and Realmes of England and Ireland and so iustlie acknowledged by the Cleargie therof and that all Courts Ecclesiasticall within these said two Realmes be kept by no other power and authority either forreine or within the Realme but by the Authoritie of his most excelent Maiesty Be it therfore enacted that all sommons and citations and other processes Ecclesiasticall in all causes of Bastardy Bygamye and such like called Ecclesiasticall shall be made in the name of our King c. And that in
drawing vnto thee those things that appertayne vnto the Church thou doe inuolue thy selfe in a hainous synne Giue vnto Cesar those things which are of Cesar saith the Scripture and to God those things that are of God therfore as yt is not lawfull for vs to meddle with thy earthly Empire so hast not thou power ô Emperour ouer sacred things which I write vnto thee for the care I haue of thy saluation c. 8. And doe you see here this liberty of speech in Ecclesiasticall Prelates of the primitiue Church towards their Kings aud Emperours doe you see what difference and distinction they make betwene Ecclesiastical temporal power yet we read not that any Attorney or Aduocate of these Emperours did euer accuse these Bishops of treasoÌ„ for speaking as they did or once obiected that they meant hereby to take away any parte or parcell of their entire and absolute Monarchies No though S. Athanasius for his parte went yet further for when he saw that all these admonitions and reprehensions would not preuaile but that the said Constantius went forward to intermeddle more and more in Ecclesiasticall affayres he wrote thus in the same Epistle I am dâ—nuò in locum Ecclesiasticae cognitionis suum palatium Tribunal constituit c. Now againe hath the Emperour Constantius made his pallace a Tribunall of Ecclesiasticall causes in place of an Ecclesiasticall Courte and hath made himself the chiefe Prince and Author of spirituall pleas c. These things are grieuous and more then grieuous but yet are such as may well agree to him that hath taken vpon him the image of Anti-christ for who is there that seing him to beare himself as Prince in the determyning of Bishops causes and to sitt as Arbiter in Ecclesinsticall iudgemeÌ„t will not worthily say the AbhominatioÌ„ foretold by Daniel to be now come c. So he And there were no end if I would prosecute all that might be said out of the sense and iudgement of the ancient Fathers against this first argument of M. Attorney That teÌ„porall Princes are not absolute Monarches except you giue them spirituall iurisdiction also But we must be myndfull of breuity and so this for the first shall suffice remiâ—ting you to that which hath bin spoken more largly hereof in the second chapter before 9. An other Argument yt seemeth M. Attorney would insinuate for vrge it he doth not by the consideration of two Tribunalls or Courtes of the King of England the one Temporall the other Ecclesiasticall and seuerall causes belonging vnto them You shall heare it out of his owne speach and then iudge if it make for him or against him The kingly head sayth he of this politike bodie is instituted and surnished with plenary and entire power prerogative and Iurisdiction to render iustice and right to euery parte and member of this bodie both Clergie and Laytie of what state degree or calling soeuer in all causes c. and as in temporall causes the King by the mouth of the Iudges in his Courtes of Iustice doth iudge and determine the same by the temporall lawes of England so in causes Ecclesiasticall spirituall as namely blasphemy â—â—stâ—â—y from Christianity Heresies Schismes Ordering Admissions Institutions of Clerkes Rites of matrimony Diuorces otherlike the conusaunce wherof belong not to the Common-lawes of England the same are to be determined and decyded by Ecclesiasticall Iudges according to the Kings Ecclesiasticall lawes of this Realme So M. Attorney making this note in the margent VVhat causes belonge to the Ecclesiasticall Courtes see Circumspecte agatis 13. yeare of Edward the first c. And VVest 2. and 13. Edward â— Cap. 5. art Cleri Edward 2. 9. Wherunto though I might oppose the Authority and speaches of all the auncient Fathers before mencioned that in this matter of diuinitie ought to weigh more with vs then any particular Ordination of secular lawes though they were against vs yet in this case I dare ioyne yssue with M. Attorney vpon this very Argument which he hath alleadge for that truly I doe not see what could be produced more effectually either against himself or for vs then here is sett downe For as we willingly graunt the former part of his speach to witt that the kingly head of the politicke body is instituted and furnished with plenarie power to render iustice and right in all causes that belong to his â—â—â—â—ticke and temporall gouernment endes and obiects therof â—o all persons of his Realme as before hath bene declared So heere the very naming of two generall partes of the kingdome which M. Attorney graunteh that the ancient law of England deuideth into Clergy and Laytie and the mencioning of two seuerall Courtes and distinct causes to be handled therin by distinct Iudges in such manner as the one cannot haue conusaunce of the other inferreth plainly two distinct powers desceÌ„ding from two distinct origens the one Temporali the other Ecclesiasticall and so doe the places quoted by him of Circumspectè agatis westm the second and Articul Cleri vnder K. Edward the first and second most euidently declare 10. And first I would aske M. Attorney what the distinction of Clergie and Laity doth meane not made or brought in first by our Common-lawes as he would insynuate when he saith that the lawe deuideth our Politicall body into two generall partes the Clergie the Laity but rather instituted by the Apostles themselues and admitted only by our CoÌ„mon-lawes and continued from that tyme to ours as before hath bene shewed This distinction I say of Clergie and Layty wherof the former signifyeth the portion of God that is to say those persons that be peculyarly appropriated to the seruice of Almighty-God the other of Laity taking their name of from the common people I would aske of M. Attorney what it importeth especially in this case of Queene Elizabethes supreme primacy doth it not argue a distinct order of men gouerned by distinct lawes distinct Iudges and distinct power Iurisdiction But you will say the Queene was head of them both and we grannt it as they are members of one Common-wealth but in their seuerall distinction and seperation as they are Clergie and lay people she could not be of both but of one only to witt of the Laity For that no man will say that she was also a Clerke or of the Clergie And yet in this partition no man will deny but that the Clergie is the worthier parte and member and so is placed first in all our lawes wherof is inferred that the said Clergie as Clergie is of a higher degree according to our Common-lawes then the temporall Prince which is of the laitie only and not Clerke as in Q. Elizabeth is confessed and consequently she could not be head of the Clergie as Clergie that is in Ecclesiasticall Clergie matters belonging to Religion Wherof we may take a notable example from the great Emperour
spirituall gouernment to women but placeth it where it ought to bee in S. Peter his Successors aboue all others I shall alleadge the place somewhat more at large which containeth a graue ponderation of those words of our Sauiour vnto S. Peter in S. Iohns ghospell Petre amas me c. Peter dost thou loue mee more then the rest and he answearing that he did Christ replied if thou loue mee feed my sheep Wherof S. Chrysostome doth inferre that Christ in these words did first of al specially commit the supreme charge of his said sheep to S. Peter and his Successors Pecudâ—â— curam saith he quas sanguine suo acquisierat tum Petro tum Petri Successoribus committebat He committed to Peter and to Peters Successours the care of his sheep which he had purchased with his owne bloud And againe Petrum Christus authoritate hac praeditum esse voluit reliquos item Apostolos longe praecellere Christ would haue Peter to bee indued with this supreme authority ouer his sheep and therein far to excell all the rest of the Apostles c. 37. Secondlie S. Chrysostome maketh a deep ponderation vpon these words of our Sauiour of the singular loue which he would haue Pastors to beare vnto his sheep and which hee bare himself giuing his bloud for them and what hee exacted at this high Pastors hands for gouerning and feeding of them in this his demaund or interrogation concerning his loue Atque illi quidem licebat saith he verbis huiusmodi Petrum affari Si me amas Petre Ieiuniae exerce super nudam humum dormi c. Our sauiour Christ might haue spoken to Peter in this sorte vpon his answeare of loue if thou loue me Peter exercise fasting sleep on the bare ground watch continuallie releiue them that bee oppressed shew thy self a Father to orphans and bee vnto widdowes insteed of their husbands But now Christ pretermitting all these other good works what saith hee vnto him Pasce oues meas c. Feed and gouerne my sheep for that all the rest of those good works before meÌ„tioned may bee perfourmed by many subiects not only men but also women At cum de ecclesiae Praefectura de credenda huic vel illi tam multarum animarum cura agitur vniuersa quidem mulieris natura functionis istius moli ac magnitudini caedat oportet itemque bona virorum pars But when the Question is of any gouernmeÌ„t ouer the Church or about committing to this or that person the charge of so many soules then must all women kind yeeld and giue place to the weight and greatnes of this function and so must also a good parte of men to witt all such as are of the lay sorte and haue not Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction laid vpon them by the ordinarie means before mentioned of ordination succession in the Church of God descending originally from this first fountaine of all ecclesiasticall power vpon earth committed by the sonne of God to S. Peter and his Successours to endure to the worlds end 38. And thus haue wee cleerlie the sentence beleife iudgement of S. Chrysostome concerning spirituall authority for gouerning our soules that it was giuen eminently to S. Peter and his Successors aboue the rest of the Apostles but so as only men and those not all but Priests alone and Cleargie-men doe or may succeed therein and that all kinde of women are excluded in respect of their sex from any superiority or prefecture ouer the Church And what-soeuer S. Chrysostome held preached or left written in this behalfe be being so great a Doctor and piller of Christs Church in his dayes the thing it self neuer contradicted or reprehended by any other may assuredly be held for the common doctrine iudgement sense faith and beleife of the vniuersall Catholike Church in that age and consequently also both of the former and following ages vntill our time And how much this consideration ought to preuaile with a prudent man that followeth not passion but reason and hath care of his owne soule is easy to see And so much of this matter 39. And now further I remember that I promised to proue my negatiue also by the ancient common municipall lawes of England of which though I might say as before I said of the Fathers and Doctors of former tymes that they ordayned nothing expresly of this particular case for that they neuer imagined that any such matter would fall out yet doe they determine that expresly which includeth this which is that they confirme euery-where the libertyes preheminencyes and prerogatiues of of the Church and Church-men of England which doe principally consist in this that only Ecclesiasticall men haue Power and Iurisdiction in Ecclesiasticall affayres and that no lay person and much lesse a woman can meddle therin and that there be two distinct swords in a Christian Common-wealth the one temporall in the hands of the Prince the other Ecclesiasticall in the hands of the Bishop and that the Ecclesiasticall is greater and more soueraigne then the temporall that this later must help be subordinate to the former All which yow shall see decreed as well in the lawes of K. Edgar and K. Edward before the Conquest as also of the Conquerour himself which after in due places we shal set downe 40. And to all this now may we ad certaine manifest reasons which besides the foundations before laid or rather out of them all our Deuines doe alleadge whie a woman may not be head of the Church or haue spirituall Iurisdiction in Ecclesiasticall affayres Wherof the first is that Christ our Sauiour being a Priest according to the order of Melchisedech and refusing to be a temporall King as out of the ghospell is euident he left in his place Priests to gouerne his Church as before hath bene declared both out of Scriptures and ancient Fathers but a woman cannot be a Priest as both we and Caluinists doe hold though Luther taught otherwise for a tyme as hath bene said and is refuted at lardge by K. Henry the 8. Q. Elizabeths Father in his booke against him and therefore the said Q. Elizabeth could not hold the place of Christ in spirituall Iurisdiction in the Church of England 41. A second reason is founded vpon the maxime before alleadged by M. Attorney Cui licet quod maius est licet quod minus He that can doe the greater can doe the lesse But it is more to be able to giue authority to others to exercise spirituall functions and Iurisdiction than to doe the same in his owne person ergo if Q. Elizabeth could giue authority to Bishops and Pastors to make Ministers administer the Sacraments preach and teach with the like which belongeth to the head of the Church than could she doe them also her self Which conclusion notwithstanding all English Protestants commonly doe deny yet is the Consequence euident and the Minor proposition is
proued For that he that giueth a power to an other is presupposed to haue it first in himself for that no man can giue that which himself hath not so as if Q. Elizabeth did giue any spirituall Iurisdiction to her Bishops to teach preach make Ministers absolute loose sinnes and the like who otherwise could haue no such authoritie at all she might no doubt haue exercised the same in her owne person as in all temporall Iurisdiction we see that whatsoeuer power the King giueth to any Gouernour Iudge or Magistrate to exercise in his name he may exercise the same also him self if he wil. And the same holdeth in the Pope for any spirituall Iurisdiction or function that he committeth to any Bishop Priest or Clerk whatsoeuer 42. A third reason is taken ab inconueniente to wit from this inconuenience that if a Queene could be spirituall head of the Church and should marry without making hir husband King she should be his spirituall head also to loose and bind his sinnes and to exercise Ecclesiasticall Censures of Iurisdiction Suspension or Excommunication against him at her pleasure and he for his part should be bound in conscience vnder payne of sinne to heare and follow her doctrine if at any time she list to preach vnto him or to prescribe what he must beleeue or not beleeue in matters of faith which besides that it should be contrary to that we haue alleadged before out of S. Paul and Christ his Institution for the subiection of women in these causes it would be very absurd and ridiculous also as you see and vnworthie of the excellent gouerment of Christ his Church instituted and framed by the highest wisdome of almighty God 43. Wherfore lastly to shutt vp this matter after all these proofes alleadged we shall adioyne one only more which howsoeuer it be esteemed of vs yet ought it to be of singular great moment with M. Attorney and this is the vniuersall agreement of all Protestants both of Caluin Luthers sect commonly throughout the world except only in England And as for Caluinists the matter is cleere if we respect France Germany Holland Zeland Scotland and other places who all agree in this point following therin their first Author Iohn Caluin who not only in the place by me alleadged vpoÌ„ Amos the prophet but in diuers other places also of his workes doth earnestly impugne not only this Ecclesiasticall power of a woman but of any temporall Magistrate whatsoeuer affirming further in a certayne epistle of his to his freind Myconius that those who defend the same are prophane spirits and mad-men and that the Lord with the breath of his mouth shall destroy them and that both he and his would encounter and fight against them with a valiant and inuincible Zeale c. Of the same opinion and spirit was Theodore Beza the cheife scholer and successour of Caluin in his chayre of Geneua as appeareth by his writings and another chiefe scoller and companion of them both named Viretus in his dialogue intituled Of white Diuells calling them false Christians and dissembled diuells that defend this false position of Princes Ecclesiasticall Supremacy though they couer them selues saith he with the cloake of the Ghospell and then setteth he downe foure or fiue arguments to proue the position to be false which I pretermitt to recite in this place for breuities sake remitting the Reader to the booke it self for that it is exstant in English And I doe passe ouer the writings of many other principall men of that profession both in England and abroad who in this point are no lesse opposite and earnest against M. Attorney that we and are knowne in England by the name of Puritanes or precise Caluinists who being the farre greater parte if we respect all Countreyes about vs must needs in this point be confessed to haue more reason the thing being affirmed so earnestly as you haue heard by Caluin himself than the other of that sect who for pleasing of teÌ„porall princes are accused by them to hold the contrary For that if Iohn Caluin be to be followed in all the rest as they confesse why not also in this And if the holy-ghost fayled him in this so important a point as comprehendeth the whole gouerment of their Church and the lawfull or vnlawfull vocation and function of their whole Ministerie what certaintie can they haue in any other thinge or point of his doctrine 44. But now not only those of the Caluinian sect but others also of the Lutheranes doe laugh at our English Protestants for holding this position of M. Attorney about Queene Elizabeths Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall Supremacie wherin not to weary the Reader which enumeration of many witnesses I shall alleadg only one for all but yet such a one as may well stand for all For that he is the most eminent and principall man of them all to vvitt Martâ—nus Keronitius an ancient publike Reader of diuinity among the Lutherane Sect in Saxony that hath written many volumes for defence of the said sect in our dayes 45. This man then being consulted and demaunded his opinion by the Prince Elector of Brandeburg what was to be done in certaine points concerning those of the Caluinian sect he answereth him in a large epistle extant in print allowing first and greatly praysing the Princes iudgment Quod consultum non esse iudicat vt cum Caluinistis Generalis Synodus habeatur That his Highnes thought it not expedient to hold any generall Synode with the Caluinists as they desired for composing of Controuersyes betweene Lutherans and them 46. Secondly he addeth his owne iudgment vnto that of the Prince Elector about punishing the said Caluinists within his State affirming Non expedire vt punitionis officium contrae Caluinistas intereà temporis penitus quiescat It was not expedient that the office of punishing Caluinists should cease in the meane space vntill the said generall Synode were held as they demaunded 47. Thirdly and lastly hauing resolued these two points he passeth ouer to giue his iudgment in like manner to the said Elector about the Religion held in England and of Q. Elizabeth her self and her title of supremacy saying first that no good thing in Religion was further to be expected from her that she had vsed hardly the Protestants of Germany that she saw and felt noâ— a third sect risen vp in her Realme of Puritanes that hated both her and the other Caluinians that followed her who were enimies in like manner to Lutherans So he And then passing yet further he scoffeth merily that she being a woman had taken vpon her to make Ecclesiasticall lawes Et quòd faemineo à saeculis inaudito fastu se Papissam caput Ecclesia fecit That with a womanly pride neuer heard of in former ages she had made herself a She-pope head of the Church Thus Kemnitius And marke that he saith à saeculu inaudito
Furthermore some few yeares after this againe vnder Pope Sergius there went to Rome to be baptized the famous young King Ceadwalla of the West-saxons of whome Malmesbury saith Tantum etiam ante baptismum inseruierat pietati vt omnes manubias quas iure Praelatorio in suos vsus transcripserat Deo decimaret He did obserue such piety euen before his baptisme as he gaue to God the tythes of all his spoyles which he had applied to his owne vse out of the bootyes he had gotten of his enemyes Of whose baptisme and death in Rome we shall haue occasion to speake after To whome the famous King Inas succeeded both in his Kingdome and vertues And with both of them was insingular credit the holy Abbot S. Adelmus afterward by the said Inas made Bishop of Shirborne who going to Rome with the said Ceadwalla retourned after his death and carried with him saith Malmesbury Priuilegium quod pro libertate Monasteriorum suorum ab Apostolico Sergio impetrauerat quod libens Inas confirmauit multa Dei famulis eius hortatu contulit ad extremum renitentem Episcopatu honorauit He brought from Rome the priuiledge for the liberties or franquises of his Monasteryes which he had obteyned of Sergius Bishop of the Sea Apostolicke which priuiledge King Inas did willingly confirme and by his persuasions did bestowe many benefits vpon Gods seruants and last of all honoured him also with A Bishopricke to witt of Shirborne though he resisted the same what he could 41. And moreouer he saith of the same King of his respect vnto the aforesaid Saint and learned Bishop for Malmesbury saith he wrote an excellent booke of virginity dedicated to the Nunns of Berkensteed wherby many were moued to that holy kinde of life eius pracepta audiebat humiliter suscipiebat granditer adimplebat hilariter King Inas did harken to the precepts of Adelmâ—â— with humility receaued the same with great estimation and fulfilled them with alacrity And this point concerning the priuiledges of Monasteries fell out about the yeare 687. and in the number of these Monasteries the same Malmesbury treating of the yeare 1140. in King Stephens time saith that the Abbey of Malmesbury was one and in the former he signifieth that Inas obteyned also the like priuiledges for diuers Monasteryes Regâ—is sumptibus nobiliter a se excitatis Nobly erected by him with royall expences and that the Abbey of Glastenbury was one whose most ample priuiledges both from Popes and diuerse Princes were renewed and ratifyed againe largly in K. Henry the second his time as all our historyes doe sett downe 42. And all this hapned out in the first age of our primitiue Church and it would be ouerlong to run ouer the rest with like enumeration but yet some few more examples we shall touch as they offer themselues in order And first we read that immediately after this first age to wit in the yeare of Christ 70â— two famous Kings Kenredus of the Mercians and Offa of the East-saxons leauing voluntarily their Kingdomes and going vpon deuotion to Rome there to leade and end their liues in prayers almes other pious exercises there went with them as ghostly-father and directour of that deuout iourney as after more largely shal be shewed Egwyn third Bishop or VVorcester as Florentius declareth who retourning home required of them as it semeth no other reward but that by their intercession and his owne he might obteyne of Pope Constantine and Charter of priuiledges for a monastery of his newly erected within the territory of VVorcester which the said two Kings had endued with many temporall possessions and so he did and retourned with great contentment for the said priuiledges and exemptions obteyned for his foresaid Abbey of Euesham for soe it was called And by this we see that he did not holde his said Abbey for secure and well defended by the prouisions of the said Kings except he had obteyned also his confirmation therof from Rome 43. Next after this we read of the foresaid famous King Offa of the Mercians who meaning to buylde a royall stately Monastery vnto the protomartyr of EnglaÌ„d S. Alban went to Rome to Pope Adrian to aske licence confirmation and priuiledges for the same vpon the yeare as Matthew of VVestminster writeth 794. and among other exemptions to vse his owne wordes that he might haue it ab omni episcoporum subiectione emancipandum that is to say that it might be free and exempted from all subiection of Bishops which the Pope graunted willingly as appereth by his letter vnto the said Offa wherin among other things he saith Fili charissime c. Most deare chyld and most potent King of the English Offa we doe commend greatly your deuotion concerning the protomartyr of your Kingdome S. Alban and doe most willingly giue our assent to your petition of buylding a Monastery in his memory and doe priuiledge the same c. Wherfore by the counsayle of your Bishops and noble men you may make your Charter and afterward we shall confirme and strengthen the same with our letters and exempt the sayd Monastery from all authoritie of Bishops and Archbishops and subiect it immediatly to this our Apostolical Sea So VVestminsterâ— wherby we may see that this potent King Offa did not pursuade himself that he had authoritye by the right of his crowne to giue Ecclesiasticall exemptions to the monasteries of his realme though they were of his owne founding which yet M. Attorney as you haue seene in the former chapter would needes proue by the example of K. Kenulsus about whose tyme as before hath byn alleaged out of Marianus Scotus Bishop Rethurus was sent to Rome to obteyne priuiledges for the Abbey of Abindon from the Sea Apostolicke as he did 44. But before we passe from this example of King Offa let vs heare the words of Mathew Paris about this fact Ipse insuper sayth he Rex Offa in quantum potuit aliquis Rex Coenobium sancti Albani quod ipse magnificè fundauit liberum esse constituit in temporalibus vt ipsum liberum faceret in spiritualibus Romam in proprio corpore adijt This K. Offa moreouer so much as a king might doe made the monastery of S. Albanes which himself magnificently had founded free in all temporall affaires and that iâ— might in like maÌ„ner be free or haue priuiledges in spirituall matters he went in proper person to Rome c. Behold the distinction how a King could giue libertyes and priuiledges in temporall things but could procure them only in spirituall from the Sea Apostolicke which is quite opposite to all that M. Attorney affirmeth but let vs goe forward 45. After this againe we reade in VVilliam of Malmesbury of the greate and godly King Edgar who ruled ouer all England that he hauing a speciall deuotion to the fore-mentioned Abbey of Glastenbury wherevnto he had giuen great
and hath these words Chrisicrux antecellit Caesaris aquilas gladius Petri gladio Constantini Apostolius sedes praeiudicat Imperatoriae potestati The crosse of Christ excelleth the spread-eagles in Cesars banners the sword of Peter is of more eminent power then the sword of Constantine and the Sea Apostolike is more potent then any Imperiall authority And this was the opinion sense and iudgement of these Princes and tymes wherin they made this difference degree of these two swordes without any such preiudice of taking away halfe their Monarchies from themselues or other Princes therby as M. Attorney and other such Prince-flatterers doe pretend The Conclusion vpon the former Demonstrations 90. Now therfore gentle Reader by these ten demonstrations thou hast seene what was the opinion iudgement and practise of all our ancient English Kings before the Conquest about this point of temporall and spirituall power and authority and heare I thinke thou wilt not deny but that my manner of proofe is and hath byn according to the rule of the Fathers touched before in the answere to the preface to wit KATH'HOLON or secundum totum bringing forth the whole body of this tyme that M. Attorneys proofe if it had byn a proofe that is to say if he had proued that which he propounded is secundum partem according to a part he only alleadging two sole petite instances out of all the ranke of aboue an hundred Kings for the space almost of fiue hundred yeares and these two also so weake and impertinent as no waye they can subsist in the sense wherin he alleadgeth them And herwithall in like manner thou mayst pleasâ— to call to remembraunce the auncient obseruation of old Tertullian aboue forteene hundred yeares gone Solemâ— est heretick c. It is a solemne tricke of heretickes by the occasion of some one doubtfull sentence or clause to wrest matters contra exercitum sententiarum against a whole army of sentences to the contrary And S. Cyprian in the next age after him noteth the like audacity of hereticke of his tyme that would take a part and leaue out a part and preferre some peece or parch before the whole And whether M. Attorney doe not follow the same spirit heere in peeping forth with two little miserable mistaken instances out of so great an army of plaine testimonyes to the contrary you haue already seene and out of your wisdome will easily iudge The like or worse dealing will you find afterward when we shall haue passed the Conquest whervnto now we hasten and for the euent I remit my self to the experience OF THE KINGS AFTER THE CONQVEST VNTO OVR TYMES And first of the Conquerour himself whether he tooke spirituall iurisdiction vpon him or no by vertue of his Crowne and temporall authority CHAP. VII HAVING pervsed what passed among our Kings before the Conquest to which pervse veiw we were led by M. Attorneys induction of two instances of those dayes as you haue seen we are now to follow him also beneath the said Conquest for tryall of our controversie where albeit as before I haue noted the further wee goe from the origen of our English conuersion and heate of that primitiue spirit of deuotion that God gaue our Kings in those first ages of their said conuersion to Christian religion the more coldnes we shall find in some cases and more worldly and secular spirit in diuers of our Norman and French Princes then waâ—â— the English before them yet for the substance of this point of controuersie between M. Attorney and mee about the acknowledgement of the Popes authority Ecclesiasticall we shall find them in effect no lesse resolute then the other if you respect the substance of the thing it self though in tendernesse of piety and deuotion their different liues and courses as after you shall se be witnesses vnto vs of no small difference 2. And this is seen in none more then in K. VVilliam the first himself the head stocke of al the rest who though in life action as a warryer and Conqueror were rough fierce boysterous especially in the former years of his raigne ouer EnglaÌ„d wherin vpoÌ„ ielosy of his vnsetled state he did many things de facto which were not so iustifiable de Iure for which Authors doe note that he was greatly punished by God both in himself in his children and childrens children yet in this point of true substantiall obedience to the Church when he was void of passion and out of occasion of any coÌ„straining necessity he all-wayes shewed himself dutifull respectiue humble towards the said Church according to his Oath taken at his Coronation before the Altar of S. Peter at VVestminster se velle Sanctas Dei Ecclesias ac rectores defendere saith Florentius that he would defend the holy Churches of God and the gouernours therof which to haue perfourmed he professed also at his death with teares as Iohn Stow more auncient writers then he doe beare him witnes some are of opinion that the long continuance of his line in the Crowne of England considering how he entered how some of them haue gouerned after him may principally be ascribed vnto this that he would not take in hand the enterprice of England but that first it should be consulted and approued by the Sea Apostolike at at Rome as presently you shall heare that it was and for that himself so firmely relied vpon the same afterward in all his greatest occasions and recommended the same especially to his sonnes on his death-bed when he was free from these interests which oftentimes before drew and wrested him to diuers actions which in that last houre he approued not but condemned and much bewayled 3. And of this later point many examples might be alleadged both of much bloudshed in England of spoiling and destroying the countrey of casting downe many townes and Churches for enlarging his hunting of vexing and oppressing the English-nation of ryfling and spoyling monasteryes and Churches where the English had hidden some of their wealth to maintaine themselues withall his detayning in prison all dayes of his life the Archbishop Stigand and diuers other Bishops and Abbots deposed in the Councell at VVinchester by Pope Alexander his legats in the fourth yeare of his raigne and of his brother Otho Bishop of Baion held in prison by him albeit this concerning Ecclesiasticall persons he professed to doe by licence and commission of the Sea Apostolike yet in truth the cheife cause was his owne vehement passion and ielousie of his temporall estate For I find a letter of Pope Gregory the seauenth that succeeded Alexander the second written vnto him vpon the yeare of Christ 1084. which was the 18. of K. VVilliams raigne wherin the said Pope though praising his religious zeale in other things which he would neuer haue done if he had byn opposite to his authority and iurisdiction yet doth he reprehend
speciall Embassadours the particular confidence that sundrie Popes had with him as may appeare by their letters vnto him his sending to Rome vpon the yeare 1123. VVilliam newlie elected Archbishop of Canterbury and Thurstyn of Yorke to receiue their confirmation and palls there for more honour and deuotion of the place and Sea though otherwise hee might haue procured the same to haue been sent to England as eight years before he did vnto Raphe Bishop of Canterbury as Florentius declareth 21. And two years after this againe to wit 1125. in which yeare the foresaid Emperour Henry died that had kept so much stir about inuestitures there was a Synod celebrated in the Church of VVestminster by order of Pope Honorius his legat Cardinall Iohannes de Crema being present President therof wherin diuers Canons were decreed and in the third That no Clergie man should receiue anie benefice at the hands of aelaie-man c. without the approbation of his Bishop and if bee did the donation should be void Which the King tooke not to bee against himself or anie way repined at that Councell gathered by the Popes authoritie neither at this Decree therof that might concerne both him his Which well declareth the pietie of his minde and what his iudgment was of his owne Ecclesiasticall authoritie deriued from his Crowne And now let vs see what M. Attorney hath obserued out of him and his raigne to the contrarie that is to say to proue his supreme iurisdiction It is but one sole and solitary instance and this nothing to the purpose as presentlie you shall see The Attorney Henry by the grace of God K. of England Duke of Normandy to all Archbishops Bishops Abbotts Earls Barons and to all Christians as well present as to come c. We doe ordaine as well in regard of Ecclesiasticall as royall power that whensoeuer the Abbot of Reading shall dy that all the possessions of the monasterie wheresoeuer it is doe remaine entire and free with all the rights and Customes therof in the hands and disposition of the Prior monkes of the Chapter of Reading We doe therfore ordaine establish this ordinaÌ„ce to bee obserued euer because the Abbot of Reading hath no reuenewes proper and peculiar to himself but coÌ„mon with his brethren whosoeuer by Gods wil shall be appointed Abbot in this place by Canonicall electioÌ„ may not dispeÌ„d the Almes of the Abbey by ill vsage with his secular kinsmen or anie other but in entertaining poore pilgrimes strauÌ„gers that hee haue a care not to giue out the rent-lands in fee neither that he make any seruitours or souldiars but in the sacred garment of Christ wherin let him be aduisedlie prouident that he entertaine not young-ones but that he entertaine men of ripe age or discreet as well Clarks as lay-men The Catholike Deuine 22. Heer I desire the prudent Reader to consider how weake and feeble a battery M. Attorney bringeth forth against so stronge and founded a bulwark as before we haue set downe to the contrary wherin hauing shewed and demonstrated by sundry sortes of euident proofe that King Kenry as in all other points of Catholicke doctrine vsage and practice so in this speciall point of the Popes Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction was a perfect Catholicke Prince acknowledging and yeelding vnto him his due spiritual superiority and eminency in euery occasion as you haue heard Now M. Attorney from whome we expected some substantiall proofe to the contrary to wit that he acknowledged not nor practised the same but held this supremacy to be in himself as deriued from his Crowne in as ample sorte as Q. Elizabeth had or might haue by the Statute of Parlament that gaue her all power that had byn or might be in any spirituall person whatsoeuer c. To proue all this I say he comâ—â—â—â— forth now with this one sole Charter which you haue heâ—â—â— whereby the said King as founder of the Abbey of Reading doth assure the lands and temporall possessions which he had giuen to the said Abbey that neither Ecclesiasticall nor Royall power shall take away or distract the same vpon any occasion after the Abbots death but that they shall remaine entyre and free with all their rights in the hands of the Couent Prior and Monks therof vntill a new Abbot be Canonically elected who shall haue no propriety in any parte therof but all common with his brethren in regard wherof he is willed to dispend the same religiously according to the founders meaning and intention as out of the words of the Charter it self you haue heard 23. And now what proueth all this against vs or for our aduersarie Or why is it brought forth think you For heer â— mention only of temporall matters for assuring the possession and due vse of the monasteries temporalityes Heer is no mention at all or meaning of spirituall iurisdiction And how then is this drawne in to M. Attorneys purpose We haue shewed before out of the examples of diuers Kings that founded sundry monasteryes before the Conquest namely K. Ethelbert that of Canterbury K. Offa that of S. Albans K. Edward that of VVestminster and others that besides the ordinary power and priuiledges which founders of pious works haue by the Canon-lawes which are many and great to dispose of their owne donations and to assure the same according to their perpetuall intention The Sea of Rome was wont also to graunt them authority oftentymes to dispose and ordaine spirituall priuiledges to be confirmed afterward by the same Sea as out of diuers like Charters and Graunts you haue heard which was much more then this which heer M. Attorney alleadgeth though nothing to his purpose to proue his maine proposition of supreame Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction deriued from Princes Crownes 24. Wherof it ensueth that this is lesse then nothing And if he will vrge those words of the Charter VVe doe ordaine as ru 〈…〉 regard of Ecclesiasticall as Royall power which in latin are Statâ—iâ—â— autem tam Ecclesiasticae quam Regia prospectu potestatis c. it is also lesse then nothing importing only that he both as King and founder forbiddeth all men both Ecclesiasticall and temporall to enter vpon the lands which he hath giuen to the said monastâ—â—â— either by spirituall or Royall authority euen as you haue heard K. Edgar before prohibite the like concerning the monastery of Medeshamsted founded by him Vt nullus Ecclesiasticorum vel laicorum super ipsum Dominium habeat That no Ecclesiasticall or lay-person haue dominion ouer it or ouer the Abbot thereof signifyinge in the same place that this priuiledge notwithstanding was confirmed by the Pope and Archbishop of England And the like we may presume of this other of K. Henry as also we may note the great respect that he bare euen in this Charter to the Church for that he putteth Ecclesiasticall before Royall in this affaire And finally all this auailing
misereretur anima fama sâ—â—ne pateretur fieri dissidium inter Regnum sacerdotium They falling downe at the Kings feet in his chamber besought him most humbly that he would haue pittie of the Church mercie of his owne soule and good name and that hee would not suffer diuision and sedition to bee made between the Kingdome and Preisthood Wherat saith he the King rising respectiuelie from his seate albeit hee excused his fact by laying the entâ—â— therof vpon others yet being preuented by euill counsaile hee neuer perfourmed in substance the good promises that hear vpon he made 31. Wherefore it seemed best to the said Legate and Archbishop to call a Synod at VVinchester and to cite the King there vnto vnder paine of Censures to appeer therin and to giue the reason of this his violent fact against the foresaid two Bishops for so much as if they had offended Non esse Regis sed Canonum inâ—â—cium affirmabant They affirmed the iudgment of this did not appertaine to the King but to the Canons of the Church 32. This Ecclesiasticall Councell then being called togeather vpon the first of September Non abnuente Rege not altogeather against the Kings will saith Malmesbury who was present in the said Citty of Oxford he sent two Earles for his proctors with an excellent learned aduocate or Attorney called Albericus de Vâ—â—â— who excusing the Kings fact shewing many reasons of Sâ—â—â—â— which forced him to assure himself of those stronge Castell sand holds in so suspitions a time as this was as also to retaine their wealth therin found for that one of them being Chauncellour had many money-reckonings to make to the King concluâ—â—â— in the end that the King presumed to haue done nothing against the Canons of the Church true meaning therof in such a 〈◊〉 for that the self same Canons did forbid Bishops to buyld such stronge Castells And in this later point Hugh Archbishop of Rome being newly come to this Councell did take the Kings parte affirming that in so suspitious a tyme the King might without breach of Church-canons demaund the keyes of any Bishops Castle within his Realme But the legate Archbishop of Canterbury were of opinion that first the violence of the fact should be remedied and then the matter tried according to the said Canons which the King refusing to doe the two Bishops interessed appealed to Rome whervnto the King answered by his Attorney Albericus in these words For as much as some of the Bishops had vsed threats and were preparing to send some to Rome against the King in this said he the King doth commend them for their appealinge but yet he would haue them know that if any went against his will and against the honour of the Realme his returne home should be harder then perhaps he imagined Nay moreouer the King shewing himself greiued in this cause did of his owne free-will and motion appeale for himself to Rome Which when the King partly praising their appeale partely threatning as you se had vttered all men vnderstood whitherto it tended to wit that they should not carry the matter to Rome at all but end it at home 33. This was the euent of that Councell which I haue related somewhat more largely out of the writing of an eye-witnes for that it expresseth manifestly what was then held and practised for truth in our controuersie For that K. Stephen and his learned Councell and Attorney did not stand vpon denyinge the Popes Ecclesiasticall authority as our Attorney doth now nor yet of the Bishops of his Realme in Ecclesiasticall matters but is content to vnder-goe the same defending only the reason and lawfullnes of his said fact nor did he pretend by reason of Kingly Crowne to haue this iurisdiction but allowed as you haue heard both their appeale to Rome and appealed also himself And surely if our Attorney and that Attorney should haue disputed about the plea that was to be held therin they would greatly haue differed yet was that Attorney in Causaruns varietate exercitatus saith Malmesbury much exercised in all variety of causes but his iudgemeÌ„t learninge beleife was different from that of ours though he were foure hundred years elder And so to returne to our Story againe this was the successe of these affaires and conforme to this was all the rest of his life and raigne as for example when Innocentius the Pope did call to Rome 〈◊〉 Archbishop of Canterbury Simon Bishop of VVorcester Roger Bishop of Couentry Robert Bishop of Excester Reynold Abbot of Euishant â—o sit and haue their voices in a Generall Councell saith Florentinâ— the King presently obeyed and sent them thither The same Stephen also made suite and obtained of Pope Lucius the 2. saith VValsingham that the Sea of VVinchester should be an Archbishopricke and haue seauen Bishopricks vnder it which had byn effectuated if the same Pope had liued But the ensuing Popes not liking therof it tooke no place though the said King desired it much and would no doubt haue done it by himself if he had thought his owne spirituall authority to haue byn sufficient for that matter 34. Another case also fell out of great moment between Pope Eugenius the 3. that ensued Lucius and K. Stephen which was about VVilliam Archbishop of Yorke called afterward S. VVilliam who being Nephew vnto the said King that is borne of his sister Lady Emma and by his procurement made Chanon Treasurer of the Church of Yorke was after the death of Archbishop Thurstan chosen by tha maior parte of the Chanons to be Archbishop of the said Sea who sending the certificate and authenticall writings of his election vnto Rome to be confirmed first by Pope Celestinus and after by Pope Eugenius then newly chosen he was first called to Rome sore against K. Stephens will and being there was charged as both Nubergensis that liued at that tyme and others doe largely declare that his election was not Canonicall And so after much pleading of the matter wherin are extant also diuers earnest and vehement Epistles of S. Bernard to Pope Celestinus after to Pope Eugenius against the said election the conclusion was that VVilliam the Kings nephew insteed of receiuing his approbation and Pall for his installment was depriued and sent backe into England againe without any benefice at all where he liued for the space of seauen years with his other vncle Henry Bishop of VVinchester in great perfection and austerity of life vntill the said Bishopricke being void againe he was chosen the second tyme and going to Rome was confirmed by Pope Anastasius that ensued Eugenius 35. But now for the first time notwithstanding all that King Stephen could doe or intreat for him he was depriued as hath byn said and one Henry Murdat a learned man Abbot of a monastery of S. Bernards Order in VVells who also had byn schollar in the
Canterbury where the glorious body of Thomas the martyr lay where with abundance of teares and sighes going bare-foote and casting himself prostrate on the ground he did demaund pardon and mercie humbly beseeching first that the Bishops there present would absolue him and then that euery religious man would giue him three or fiue strokes of a discipline or whip on his bare flesh then putting one his apparell againe which in all their presence he had put of he rose from the ground and then gaue precious gifts to the said Martyr and his sepulcher and among other forty pounds by the yeare of perpetuall rent for maintenance of lights at the said Sepulcher and so giuing himself to waching fasting prayer for three dayes togeather it is not to be doubted saith he but that the said martyr being pleased with his repentaunce and deuotion God also by his intercession tooke away the Kings sinne So VValsingham 20. And presently in token heerof he saith that the verie same day wherin the King was most deuout in humbling â—imself and kissing the said martyrs Tombe in Canterbury God deliuered into his hands VVilliam King of Scotland who was taken prisoner by his Captaines and that vpon the same day also his rebellious sonne K. Henry the 3. hauing taken shipping to come with a great Nauye into England against him was driuen back by tempest the King himself going to London was receiued with extraordinary ioy of al his people by whose help he soone pacified and conquered all his rebells and thence going presently ouer into Normandy with a great armie and leading prisoner with him the foresaid K. of Scotland with diuers other enemies fallen into his hands hee so terrified the King of France and other his confederates that beseiged the Cittie of Roane as they retired presentlie and his sonnes Henry Richard Geffrey so humbled themselues vnto him as they were reconciled and receiued to grace againe all comming home togeather in one shipp saith VValsingham whom a little before it seemed that the wide world could not containe 21. And this was the effect of K. Henries deuotion at that time which Petrus Blesenâ—is also that was most inward with him doth â—estifie recouÌ„t at large in an epistle to his freind the Archbish. of Palermo in Sicilie wherin hee affirmeth not onlie that K. Henry assured himself that hee had all these good successes by intercession of the said holy martyr S. Thomas but moreouer that hee tooke him for his speciall Patron in all his aduersities Illud quoqâ—â— noueritis saith he Dominum Regem gloriosum martyrem in omnibus angustijs suis Patronum habere praecipuum This also you must know that my Lord the King doth hold the glorious martyr S. Thomas for his cheife Patrone in all his straites and necessities and the same you may read in Nubergensis that liued at the same time though not so intrinsecall with the King as the other And this passed at that tyme though afterward he committing his said Q Eleanor to prison for diuers years before his death and continuing his loose life with other women as hath byn said God for punishment permitted that albeit two of his sonnes Henry and Geffrey died before him yet the other two remaining Richard and Iohn and falling from him againe did so afflict and presse him as they brought him to that desolate end which before hath byn mentioned Though some other doe ascribe the cause heerof not so much to his loose life as to his irreuerent dealing sometymes in Church-matters For so two Bishops that were his Embassadours wrote vnto him in confidence as Petrus Blesensis doth testify saying Non est quod magis hostes vestros incitat ad conflictum quam quod arbitrantur Vos Ecclesia Dei minus extitisse deuotum There is nothing that doth more stir vp or animate your enemyes to fight against you then for that they persuade themselues that you haue sometymes shewed your self lesse deuout towards the Church of God And thus much of K. Henry OF THE RAIGNE OF K. RICHARD THE FIRST The sixt King after the Conquest §. II. 22 For that we haue byn somewhat large in the life of K. Henry the Father we meane to be breefer if it may be in his children who were only two that seruiued him and raigned after him to wit Richard Iohn for that the two other Henry that was crowned and named by him K. Henry and Geffrey Duke of Brittany after their many tumultuations conspiracies disobediences against their said Father died in his life tyme and of these two that liued he had little comforte as before you haue heard 25. And yet proued this Richard no very euill King afterward for the space of ten years that he raigned though vnfortunate both in warre and peace which men ascribe in great parte to the demerit of his owne disobedience against his said Father For punishment wherof both his owne brother Iohn conspired often against him and K. Philip of France hir colleage and confederate brake his faith with him and the Duke of Austria persidiously tooke and held him prisoner in his returne from Ierusalem and Henry the Emperour laid him in fetters and many other miseries followed and fell vpon him vntill at length he was disasterously slaine by a poisoned arrow shot out of a Castle against him as our histories doe testifie 24. But as for his religion it was all wayes truly Catholicke in no point different from that of all Christendome in his dayes And particularly in that which appertaineth to our controuersy he was most obedient deuout to the spiritual authority of the Sea Apostolicke in all his actions which I may proue by the authority of a whole Synod of the Archbishop of Roane and all his Bishops writing to Pope Celestinus the third in recomendatioÌ„ of his cause when he was Captiue sayinge Christianissimus Princeps Rex Angliae illustrissimus Dominus noster deuotissimus Ecclesia Romanae filius quem specialiter in suam protectionem susceperat in sua peregrinatione c. The most Christian Prince Richard King of England and our most honorable Lord and most deuout sonne of the Romaine Church whome the said Church had specially taken into her protection in his iourney to Ierusalem is now vniustly detained c. 25. But if this testimony were not yet all his other life and actions as hath byn said doe sufficiently testifie the same For first to goe in order and name some few of many it is registred by Houeden that liued at that tyme and was present perhaps at his coronation how religiously and humbly he receiued the same at the hands of the Archbishop and Clergy not calling himself King but Duke only vntill he was crowned Cum autem Dux saith he ad altare veniret c. When the Duke came before the Altar in presence of the Archbishops Bishops Clergie and people he first fell downe
what agreements haue byn made these dayes publikely betweene the excellent Lord Tancred King of Sicilie and vs. And then after recitall of all particularityes he endeth thus testibus nobisipsis vndecimo die Nouembris apud Messanam We our selues being witnesse of this agreement the eleuenth day of Nouember at Messina 32. But when K. Richard soone after departing thence was arriued in Asia and had begun most prosperously his warrs against the Infidels the Deuill enuying his good successe stirred vp first seditioÌ„ in England by means of Iohn the Kings brother who perceiuing diuers to enuy the Greatnes of the Bishop of Ely left gouernour by the King and some Bishops also to be in faction against him began to make great stirs And on the otherside the same enemy of mankind castinge ielousies betweene K. Philip of France and the said King Richard did seperate them at last whervpon ensued the returne of the said King Philip with intention to inuade King Richards Dominions and to set vp his brother Iohn in his place as the sequele declareth 33. But Pope Celestinus the 3. that had succeeded in the place of Pope Clement lately deceased vnderstanding of the former conspiracie and faction against the Bishop of Ely in England wrote a vehement letter against the same to all the Archbishops Bishops and Clergie of England saying among the rest Cum dilectus in Christo filius noster Richardus c. wheras our deerly-beloued soÌ„ne in Christ Richard noble King of England when he resolued by taking vpon him the signe of the Holy crosse of Christ to reuenge the iniury of his redeemer in the Holie land left the tutele and care of his Kingdome vnder the protection of the Sea Apostolicke we that haue succeeded in that Sea haue so much the more obligation to coÌ„serue the State of the said Kingdome the rights and honours of the same by how much greater confidence he placed in our protection and thervpon hath exposed his person riches and people to greater perils for exaltation of holy Christian religion c. Wherfore vnderstanding of certaine troubles lately moued by Iohn Earle of Morton and certaine others combined with him against your honourable Father VVilliam Bishop of Ely Legat of the Sea Apostolicke and Gouernour of your Realme Vniuersitati vestrae per Apostolica scripta mandamus in virtute obedientiae praecipimus c. We doe by these Apostolicke writings giue commaundement to your whole community Realme and charge the same in the vertue of obedience that all men surcease from like practise of conspiration turmoyle or faction c. giuen at our pallace of Lateran the 4. day before the Nones of December in the first yeare of our Popedome And by this you may see what authority he tooke himself to haue ouer all England and Bishops and Princes therof at that day 34. The which is yet more declared by that which soone after ensued for that the foresaid Earle Iohn and other Lords and Bishops combininge themselues with him hauinge proceeded yet further in that quarrell by coÌ„mon consent of all the Realme as it seemed depriued the said Bishop of Ely of his office of Gouernour imprisoned him and driuen him out of England and elected in his roome VValter Archbishop of Roane for gouernour of the Realme they were no lesse carefull to send presently to excuse iustifie the matter vnto Pope Celestinus then they 〈◊〉 to the King himself for his satisfaction All which appeareth by a large letter written from Rome to the said Archbishop by his agents that were there who aduertized him how euill the matter was taken by the said Pope Celestinus Dominus Papa say they in restri depressione negotij plurima indignanter cum amaritudâ—ne proponebat c. The Pope did propose very many things with indignation and amaritude of mind to the depression of your affaire iterating many tymes that he knew the great affection confidence of the King of England towards his Chauncelour and Gouernour the Bishop of Ely and that he had seen many letters of the said King in his commendation but none against him that at his earnest instance the Sea Apostolike had made him also Legat à latere And that finally he absolued him from the sentence of excommunication which the said Archbishop of Roâ—â— had laid vpon him and for the rest he would expect the Kings inclination who being soone after taken prisoner in Germany sent presently for the said Chauncellour to come vnto him and made great vse of him for he was not only his interpreter betweene the Emperour and him and other Princes but he sent him also into England not as Chauncellour or Gouernour but as Bishop of Ely to lay the plot for his ransome 35. And I might recount many other examples of the same iurisdiction exercised in England by the same Pope without contradiction of any man in the absence of the said King though Earle Iohn the Kings brother was present and very potent amoÌ„g them and no great freind to the Pope as by the former letter may be imagined and who finally did driue out of England the said Bishop of Ely but yet neuer obiected or put doubt in the Popes authority about any Ecclesiasticall matter that there fell out As for example vpon the yeare 1191. which was the very next after the Kings departure Nubergensis liuinge at that time recounteth how Geffrey the Kings base brother hauing byn longe beyond the seas suing at Rome to be admitted to the Archbishopricke of Yorke and to haue his Pall which Pope Clemeâ—â— would not graunt for diuers obiections and appealles made against him as well by Baldwyn Archbishop of Canterbury as you haue heard as also by others and namely the Bishop of Ely that was Gouernour of the land being much against him yet now vpon King Richards commendation and his owne many 〈◊〉 promises Pope Celestinus so much fauoured him saith Nubergensis as he gaue him his pall before he was consecrated and sent him to be consecrated by the Archbishop of Towers in France commaunding him vt ei non obstante vel appellatione vel occasione qualibet manus imponeret that he should by imposition of hands coÌ„secrate him notwithstanding any appellation or other occasion whatsoeuer to the contrary And so he did and he came into England and tooke possession of the said Archbishopricke and enioyed the same by this authority of consecration and inuestiture from Pope Celestinus notwithstanding all the contradiction and opposition of his potent aduersaryes as in the same Author at large is set downe 36. And when not longe after this againe the said Archbishop Geffrey requiring Canonicall profession of obedience to be made to him and his Sea accordinge to custome at the hands of Hugh Bishop of Durham who had purchased before of King Richard an Earl-dome to be annexed to his said Bishopricke and that the said Hugh refusing to doe the same vpoÌ„
temporall sword of Constantine the Emperour and the Sea Apostolicke is more potent then any Imperiall power or authority And I would aske whether your power be of God or froÌ„ men Did not the God of Gods speakâ— to you in Peter the Apostle sayinge VVhatsoeuer you shall bynd vpon earth shall be bound in heauen and whatsoeuer you shall loose vpon earth shall be loosed in heauen And why then doe you so negligently yea cruelly delay for so longe time to loose my sonne or rather why dare you not to doe it Perhaps you will say that this power giuen you by God of binding and loosing is for soules and not for bodies Let it be so Truely it is sufficient for vs if you would bind the soules of those that hold my sonnes body bound in prison And finally I know that it lyeth in your power to loose my sonne if the feare of God may euacuate in you the feare of man 42. Thus wrote this afflicted Queene vnto Celestinus the Pope and the same wrote diuers other great personages at the same tyme as may be seen in the said Petrus Blesensis and among others the foresaid Gualterus Archbishop of Roane and Gouernour of England a man of great authority learning and wisedome who after many reasons concludeth his Epistle thus Exerat ergo beati Petri gladium manus vestra Clementissime Pater quid quantum tanto filis debeatis exhibeatis in opere vt experientia mediante addiscant minores inferiores filij quantum à â—obis auxilium in suis necessitatibus debeant expectare Let your hand then most Clement Father draw forth the sword of Peter and doe you shew by workes how much you owe vnto so greate a child as is K. Richard so as by experiencâ— your lesser and lower children may learne how much help they may expect from you in their necessityes So he 43. And by this may appeare what opinion men had in those dayes of the Popes authority and let the Reader heer marke as also M. Attorney how vsuall a phrase it was at that tyme to name two distinct swords the one of Constantine the other of Peter thâ— one temporall ouer bodies the other spirituall ouer soules and thâ—â— the later was the greater and higher Which was the speach also and phrase of King Edgar before the Conquest and of the Conquerour himself in his lawes if you remember is now heer vsed againe and so was euer after vntill King Henry the 8. as by this our deduction will appeare And only this phrase of speach and common beleife of all our Kings and Countrey from time to time that there were two distinct swords or powers one temporall in the Prince and the other spirituall in the Pope is sufficient to ouerthrow M. Attorneys whole Booke though nothing els were said to it besides the purporte therof being as hath byn seen to proue that either no such distinction of swordes powers is to be admitted or that both are equally in the temporall Prince and so vsed and exercised by our auncient Kings of England 44. But now you see the vanity in truth absurdity of that Paradox refuted by all this heer set downe concerning K. Richard and many examples more might be alleadged during his raigne after his returne againe to England who meaning to euacuate the alienation of many thinges solde lent or empawned before for his going to Ierusalem caused himself to bee crowned againe in VVinchester reducing all thinges to a new order and among others he set downe Capitula placitorum Corona Regis The heads or cheife braunches of pleas that belong to the Kings Crowne or Courts wherein nothing at all is conteyned concerning Ecclesiasticall affaires but only De aduocationibus Ecclesiarum quae sunt de donatione Regis Of the aduowsons of such Churches as are of the Kings gift that is to say wherof he had Ius Patronatus Which is a small spirituall iurisdiction if we consider it well and may be in any secular man whatsoeuer that buyldeth or foundeth a Church And Matthaeus Parisiensis speaking of the Church of Normandy vnder K. Richard commendeth him highly for deliuering the said Church de longo seruitutis iugo from a long yoke of seruitude which secular men by little and little had brought in vpon her vnder other Kings and Dukes by often drawing Clergie-men to secular Iudges and tribunals inuadinge their goods restraining their liberties breaking their priuiledges and the like All which the said Author saith Ipso glorioso Rege Richardo annuente omnia disponente emendata sunt Were amended by the consent of glorious King Richard who disposed all things himself to the restitution of the ancient liberties freedome of the said Church of Normandie 45. It were ouer long to run ouer many other examples which might be alleadged to this effect for proofe of King Richards true Catholicke deuotioÌ„ towards the Church as also of his acknowledgement and obedience to the authority of the Sea of Rome in all Ecclesiasticall affaires during his life and raigne There are 4. or 5. epistles exstant in Houeden written to diuers parties by Celestinus the Pope which he wrote one soone after another concerning the forenamed Geffrey Archbishop of Yorke citing him to Rome to answere to certaine accusations laid against him by his Chanons and others accusing him among other things Quod â—enationibus aucupio totius animi studium applicabat That he applied his whole mind hunting and hauking And againe De inhonesta vita invtili conuersatione They accused him of dishonest life and vnprofitable conuersation For which though he were the Kings brother yet not making his appearance in Rome nor lending his lawfull defence or purgation thither he was suspended by the said Popes Bull and the King was so far of from taking it euill or defending him as he caused the lands and possessions of his Bishopricke to be seased on Praecepit illum dessesire saith Houeden de Episcopatu suo de Vice-comitatu Eboraci He commaunded him to be dispossessed of his Archbishopricke and of the Vicount-ship of Yorke 46. But afterward Celestinus being dead and Innocentius the third succeeding him in the Popedome and the said Geffrey amending his manners as may be presumed Misit literas suas deprecatorias ad Richardum Regem c. The said Pope Innocentius sent his letters to K. Richard of England requesting and exhorting him by Fatherly admonition that he would receiue into his loue and brotherly familiarity againe the said Archbishop at his request and suffer him in peace to returne to his Bishopricke for that otherwise he should be forced to vse Ecclesiasticall Censures against the said King and his Kingdome Vnto which petition ioyned with some commination as you see the King obeyed sending diuerâ— Bishops vnto the said Archbishop whose names Houeden setteth downe In spiritu humilitatis postulantes ex parte Regis vt ipse
ratas haberet donationes quas fecerat Rex in Eboracensi Ecclesia Dominus Rex redderet ei Archiepiscopatum suum cum omni integritate c. These Bishops were to demaund in the spirit of humulity on the Kings behalfe that the said Archbishop would ratifie and make good all the donations or gifts which the King had bestowed in the Church of Yorke during the time he had with-held his Archbishopricke that there vpon the King would restore vnto him his Archbishopricke with all integrity But the Archbishop demaunded first of these Bishops sent vnto him whether they would vnder their hands and writings assure him that he might doe it in conscience but they refusing he refused also to graunt the Kings request and therevpon appealed againe to Rome and went thither in person and the King on his side sent Proctors and Aduocats thither to plead for him as Houeden at large declareth And moreouer to bridle him the more he besought the Pope to make Hubert then Archbishop of Canterbury Legat of the Sea Apostolike ouer all England 47. And agayne both this Author and Nubergensis doe declare how the foresaid VValter Archbishop of Roane that had byn so great a friend of K. Richard euer since the beginning of his raigne and had gone with him to Sicily and returned againe to England for pacifying of matters between the Bishop of Ely that was Gouernour the Earle Iohn and moreouer had also byn Gouernour of England himself after King Richards Captiuitie had not onlie laboured for him as you haue heard by his letter to the Pope but went also in person to assist him in Germanie and remained there in pledg for him this man I say receiuing disgust at length from the said King for vsurping vpon certaine lands and liberties of his in Normandy he brake with him appealed to the Pope went to Rome against him and the King was forced to send Embassadours to plead for himself there against the other who pleaded so well saith Nubergensis alleadging the Kings necessitie for doing the same as the Pope tooke the Kings parte and tolde the Bishop openlie in publike Consistorie that he ought to beare with the King in such a necessitie of warre which being once past matters might easilie be remedied And thus much for the Popes authoritie acknowledged and practised during the raigne of this King Richard the first out of which M. Attorney found no probable instance at all to be alleadged to the contrarie and therfore made not so much as mention of any OF THE RAIGNE OF KING IOHN VVho was the seauenth King after the Conquest §. III. 48. Of this King being the last sonne of K. Henry the second we haue heard much before vnder the name of Earle of Morâ—â—â— which may declare vnto vs the quality of his nature and condition to wit mutable and inconstant but yet vehement for the while in whatsoeuer he tooke in hand indiscreet also rash and without feare to offend either God or man when he was in his passion oâ— rage This appeareth well by his many most vnnaturall and treasonable actions against his kind and louing Father whilest he liued wherby he shortened his said Fathers life as before hath byn related And the same appeareth yet more in a certaine manner by his like attempts against his owne brother both when and after he was in captiuity which brother notwithstanding had so greatly aduaunced him and giuen him so many rich States in England as he seemed to haue made him a Tetrarch with him say our English authors that is to say to haue giuen him the fourth parte of his Kingdome which notwithstanding was not sufficient to make him faithfull vnto him 49. This man then succeeding his brother Richard with whom he was beyond the seas when he died laid hands presently on the Treasure and fortresses of his said brother and by the help of two Archbishops especially to wit VValter of Roane in Normandy and Hubert of Canterbury in England he drew the people and nobility to fauour him and was crowned first Duke of Normandy by the one and then King of England by the other when he was 34. yeares old and held out in the said gouernmeÌ„t with great variety of state and fortune for 18. yeares old togeather The first six with contentment good liking of most men the second six in continuall turmoile vexation and with mislike of all and the thiâ—d six did participate of them both to wit good and euill though more of the euill especially the later parte therof when his nobility and people almost wholy forsakinge him did call in and crowne in his place Lewes the Dolphin Prince of France pretended to be next heire by his wife the Lady Blanche daughter to the said K. Iohns sister Queene of Castile which brought K. Iohn to those straites as he died with much affliction of mind as after you shall heare 50. To say then somewhat of ech of these three distinctions of tyme noting some points out of them all that appertaine to this our controuersie with M. Attorney you haue heard in the end of K. Richards life how VValter Archbishop of Roane appealed to Pope Innocentius against the said King for seasing vpon certaine lands of his and namely the Towne of Deepe which Innocentius commaunding to be restored K. Iohn obayed and made composition with the said Archbishop vpon the yeare of Christ 1200. which was the second yeare of his raigne as Houeden reporteth restoring him Villam de Depa cum pertinentijs suis The Towne of Deepe with the appurtenances and diuers other things which the said author setteth downe shewing therby the obedience of K. Iohn to the Popes ordination 51. Moreouer there falling out a great controuersie between Geffrey Arcbishop of Yorke K. Iohns brother and the Deane and Chapter of the said Church and both parties appealing to Rome Pope Innocentius appointed the Bishop of Salisbury and Abbot of Tewxbury to call them before them in Church of VVestminster and determine the matter so they did made them freinds the King not intermedling in any part therof though the matter touched his brother and concerned his owne Ecclesiasticall supremacy if he had persuaded himself that he had had any And the verie same yeare the Bishop of Ely and the Abbot of S. Edmunds-bury were appointed Iudges by the said Pope in a great cause between the Archbishop and monks of Canterbury which they determined publikelie Vt Iudices à Domino Papa constituti saith Houeden as iudges appointed from the Pope without any dependance of the King at all though their cheife controuersie was about the priuiledges and proprieties of lands lordships and officers of theirs to wit of the said Archbishop and Monkes 52. And wheras the foresaid Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury with the rest of the Bishops summoned a generall Synod in England for ordaining many thinges according to the neede or
necessitie of the English Church and the King by euill 〈◊〉 saile of some went about to let the said Synod forbidding the same by his supreame Iusticer which was the highest power at that time vnder the King the said Archbishop admitted not the prohibition Archiepiscopus saith Houeden generale celebrauit Concilium Londonys apud VVestmonasterium coÌ„tra prohibitionem Gaufredi filij Petri Comitis de Essexia tunc temporis Summi Iusticiarij Anglia The Archbishop did celebrate a general Councell at VVestminster in London against the prohibition of Geffrey the sonne of Peter Earle of Essex which at that time had the office of the cheife Iusticer of England So as we see that they followed not the Kings inclination in this spirituall affaire but held their Councell and finished the same notwithstanding the former secular prohibition of the supreme Iusticer And Houeden that was then liuing setteth downe all the Canons and Ordinances at large of the said Councell which had these words in the end of euery one seuerally repeated Saluo in omnibus Sacrosanctae Romanae Ecclesiae honore priuilegio sauing in all points the honour and priuiledge of the holy Church of Rome Which was the sooner added for that the general Councell of Lateran in Rome was shortely after to ensue which might adde take away or alter whatsoeuer should seeme best to the Decrees of this Nationall Councell 53. Neither is there read any thing to haue byn done or said against this by the King though it is like that some of his Counsell did egge him against it as may appeare by the said prohibition of his Iusticer before mentioned Nay not only was K. Iohn obedient to the Church her authority at this time but otherwise also shewed himself very deuout pious by many wayes to which purpose among other things it is recorded by this author that when S. Hugh Bishop of Lincolne who was held for a great Saint all dayes of his life lay on his death-bed at London King Iohn went vnto him to visit him with great deuotion and confirmed his testament which he had made of his goods in fauour of the poore and promised moreouer to God in his presence that during his life he would alwayes confirme and ratifie the testaments of English Bishops and Prelates made to that effect 54. And the same author recounteth furthermore that nâ—â— longe after this the King being at Lincolne twelue Abbots of the Order named Cistercienses comming vnto him fell downe at his 〈…〉 of his 〈…〉 ence all their cattle 〈◊〉 in the same 〈…〉 whom the King said that they should rise vp 〈…〉 saith our author diuina inspi 〈…〉 cecidit 〈…〉 omiam postulant c. And then the King himself by the inspiration of Gods holy 〈◊〉 fell downe vpon 〈◊〉 on the ground before their feete making them pardon for the iniury done to them by his officers And from that day forvvard he graunted them that all their 〈◊〉 should feed freely in his forrest And moreouer he willed them to seeke out a fit place in the Kingdome where he might buyld them a monastery for his deuotion and so he did founding both that and 〈◊〉 others as the monasteryes of Farendon â—â—â—â—ayles 〈◊〉 and VVâ—â—x-hallâ— so as if he had continued in the course of piety and moderation in life he had byn a notable King towards which he had many good partes 55. But about the 7. or 8. yeare of his raigne he began greatly to change his coÌ„ditions to the worser partâ— which some ascribe 〈◊〉 to the death of Queene Eleanor his mother vpon the sixth yeare of his raigne to whom he bare respect as long as she liued and her death was thought to be hastened by the affliction she tooke of K. Iohns cruelty towards Arthure Earle of Brittany her Nephew who being a goodly young Prince of 17. yeares old was made away in the Castle of Roane in the yeare 1203. by poison as some men thinke but as the King of France maintained before Pope Innocentius he was slaine by K. Iohns owne hands and his younger sister carried prisoner into England kept in Bristoâ— Castle where she pined away though both these pretended to be neerer the Crowne of England then K. Iohn himself for that they were the children of his elder Brother Geffrey by marriage Earle of Brittany 56. From this beginning then of domesticall bloud K. Iohn fell into his other rages of disâ—reâ—â—â—â— life and namely against the Church and Church-men 〈◊〉 wherof this particular occassion fell ouâ—â— that the foresaid 〈◊〉 Archbishop of Canterbury being dead vpon the youâ—◠〈…〉 the King desiring to prefer to that 〈◊〉 one Iohn Gray Bishop of 〈◊〉 whom he greatâ—â—◠〈…〉 principall monkes of the 〈…〉 election appertained to 〈…〉 for that 〈…〉 Canterbury to further that election by his owne presence And the monkes 〈…〉 cretly they had chosen another before whose name was 〈◊〉 Sub-prior of the house and with the same secresie had 〈…〉 away towards Rome for his confirmation with oath 〈◊〉 should not disclose himself vntill he came thither yet 〈◊〉 ly vpon offence taken with him for discouering himself 〈…〉 election in Flaunders and partly vpon the instance and 〈…〉 the King present they chose the said Bishop of Norwich 〈◊〉 him his letters of election in like manner with which the King presently sent him away to Rome adioyning speciall messengers of his owne to commend him to Pope Innocentius by all meâ—â—es possible for his admittance 57. But the Pope seeing two elections made by the monkâ—â—◠〈◊〉 two seuerall men and that the Couent was deuided vpon the matter he persuaded them for concordes sake to choose a 〈◊〉 and to leaue the former two and so at last they did and tookeâ— certaine English Cardinall then in Rome named Stephen Longâ—â—â— a man of great learning and most commendable life but not knowne or liked by the King both for that he had byn brought vp in the vniuersityes of France and not of England and for that the King could not brooke that the election which he had â—â—â—cured with so great diligence of the Bishop of Norwich should be reiected whervpon he fell into so great distemper of passion as was lamentable For first hauing made proclamation that the said Cardinall elected Archbishop and confirmed by the Pope and sent into France should not come into England 〈◊〉 receiued by any man vnder paine of death he sent his officers to CaÌ„terbury to sease both on the laÌ„ds of the Archbishopricke â—â— also of the monkes and to driue them out of the Realme with all the shame and vexation that might be and so they did And the said expulsed monkes were forced to fly ouer the sea to 〈◊〉 and liued for the time in the monastery of S. Berlin in that Ciâ—â—â— and the King commaunded to be put into that Couent 〈◊〉 religious men of the order of S. Angustine and more then this 〈◊〉 to that exasperation
sonne Prince Lâ—wes and the Barons of England that made warre against him All whom he first coÌ„maunded to surcease their said warrs and emnities against the said K. Iohn and then for that they obaied not he threatned and â—enounced excommunication against them and besides this he sent his Legat named VVaellâ— to be with K. Iohn and assist him in person in all his needs and necessities which was no small help and comforte vnto him in those distresses And finall in after his death he was a principall cause why his young sonne Henrie the â— was admitted for King notwithstanding the Barons firme resolution promise and oath to the contrarie and that Prince Lawes was forsaken and forced to 〈◊〉 of England the said Legaâ— being made generall Gouernour both of the King and Kingdome for that present togeather with the Earle of 〈◊〉 Lord Marshall of the land 64. And as for the said Barons that so resolutely stoods 〈◊〉 K. Iohn and his succession their cause was about the priuiledged and laws of the Realme as well concerning the Glergie as lay men which were the same priuiledges as they affirmed that were graunted and set downe in King Edwards daies the Confessor confirmed by the Conquerour allowed published againe by K. Henry the first and not disallowed by this mans Father K. Henry the 2. in witnes wherof they produced a Charter of the said K. Henry the first All which liberties laws and ordinances K. Iohn promising them at his first recoÌ„ciliation to giue grâ—inâ— and ratifie was vrged afterward by them to publish the same â—â— writing vnder the great seale of England as he did at Oxford in the presence of al his nobility in the 17. yeare of the said Kingâ— raigne which was the next before his death syaing in the 〈◊〉 writing Ex mera spontanea a voluntate nostra concessimu Charâ—aâ—â—stra coÌ„firmauimus eam obtinuimus à Domino Papa Innocencia confirmâ—n quaÌ„ nos obseruabimus ab haredibus nostris in perpetuuÌ„ bona fide 〈◊〉 obseruari We haue graunted out of our owne meere free good will haue confirmed the same by our Charter and haue contained of Pope Innocentius that he confirme the same also with his assent which Charter both we shall obserue our selues and will haue to bee obserued faithfullie by our heirs for euen behold that K. Iohn doth not onlie confirme these liberties himself but procured the same to be confirmed also by Pope Innocentius for more stabilitie And the beginning of the said liberties it thus set downe Quod Anglicana Ecclesia libera sit habeat iurasâ—â— integra suas libertates illasas maximè libertatem electionum qâ—â— maximae magis necessaria reputatur Ecclesia Anglicunae That the English Church be free and haue all her rights whole and all hâ—â— liberties inuiolate and especiallie her liberties of elections 〈◊〉 choosing her Prelates which is held to bee the greatest and most necessarie to the English Church And then follow the othâ—â— liberties of Barons noble-men and the common people 65. And for that it was vnderstood that notwithstanâ—â—â—â— these two graunts and confirmations of these laws and priuileâ—ges K. Iohn by the counsaile of certaine strangers that weeâ—â—bout him of his Countreyes in France was perswaded to 〈◊〉 the same againe and to informe the Pope wrong fullâ—e 〈◊〉 intentions of the said Barons as though they meane not so 〈◊〉 the conseruation of these priuiledges indeed aâ—â—â—soâ—◠〈◊〉 Kingdome to the King of Fâ—â—nce and the Pope inclining to beâ—â—uâ—e him the said Barons were so much exasperated therby as they made the vow before mentioned neuer to obey him or his anymore And thervpon calling ouer the said Prince Lewes of France gaue him London and all the South-parts of England and would haue gained him the rest in like manner if the Popes resistanes had not byn so great and K. Iohn had not died at that very instant in the heat of all the warre not poisoned by a monke as foolish Iohn Fox doth affirme and set forth in many printed and painted pageants of his booke but vpon greife of mind trauaile and disorder of diet as all auncient authors by vniforme consent doe agree And Iohn Stow citeth foure that liued in K. Iohns dayes to wit Mathew Paris Roger VVyndouer Raph Niger and Raph Gogshall in their histories of that tyme. 66. Wherfore to conclude this Chapter of K. Henry the second and of his two sonnes wee see how firme they were all three in this beleife and acknowledgement of the Popes spirituall authority ouer all the world and no lesse ouer England in those dayes and how fully the same was in practise among them And that albeit in some cases causes wherin they receiued some distast they strugled sometimes about the particular execution therof indeauoring to mak some restraint especially when it seemed to strech indirectly also to temporall affaires yet did they neuer so much as once deny the said Ecclesiasticall supremacy to be in the Sea of Rome and much lesse did euer ascribe it to themselues which so cleerly ouerthroweth M. Attorneys position as I maruaile what he will say to these and like demonstrations 67. And for that his often repeated ground is that Queen Elizabeth had her supreame authority in cases Ecclesiasticall according to the auncient common lawes of England hitherto he graunteth that there was no Statute-lawes at all by Parlament vntill the ensuing King K. Henry the third And for other lawes we see heere what they were by the testimony of the Bishops Barons of England vnder the Charters both of 〈◊〉 K. Henry the first and other Kings vpward vnto K. Edward the Confessor to wit all in fauour of the Church her liberties â—â—nquises and priuiledges which liberties as other where I have noted and must often heerafter doe the same doe infer our conclusion of Ecclesiasticall and spirituall iurisdiction subordinate to the Sea of Rome and wholy distinct from temporall power and doe ouerthrow M. Attorneys assertion for the said spirituall 〈…〉 those liberties were as they were that 〈…〉 should haue iurisdiction in 〈…〉 ctions choise of Prelates of the 〈…〉 liberties are mentioned cited allowed◠〈…〉 by any King as you shall see they were by 〈…〉 them vnto K. Henry the 8. so often receiueâ—◠〈…〉 tion and his whole new books an open out 〈…〉 field And thus much of K. Iohn OF KING HENRY THE THIRD That vvas the eight King after the Conquestâ—â—â— And the first that left Statutes vvritten And vvhaâ— instances and arguments M. Attorney alleadgeth out of him for his purpose CHAP. X. HITHERTO haue we passed ouer six hundred 〈◊〉 since our first English king receâ—ued and therby put themselues vnder the of 〈…〉 Bishops depending therof for 〈◊〉 of their 〈◊〉 Which Spirituall 〈…〉 haue byn euer beleeued 〈…〉 both Kings and Subiect from the 〈…〉 their lawes and continued by su 〈…〉 Which as it hath byn
for the indifferent Reader to consider these points following 8. First that we hauing proued the said acknowledgement in all former Kings it is not like that this deflected or went aside from their stepps or if he had done it would at least haue byn noted wherin and in what points and some records remaine therof as there doe of other points which were any way singular in him Secondly we finde this King much commended for pious deuotion by ancient writers and namely by Thomas VValsingham who in the beginning of K. Edward the first his life giueth a breife note of this King Henries life and death saying first of his sicknes and death that being at the Abbey of S. Edmunds-burie and taken with a greiuous sicknes there came vnto him diuers Bishops Barons and noble men to assist him and be present at his death at what time he humblie confessed his sinnes saith he was absolued by a Prelate and then deuoutlie receauing the bodie of our Sauiour asked all forgiuenes and forgaue all had extreme vnction and so humbly imbracing the crosse gaue vp his spirit to almightie God adding further of his deuotion in his life that euerie day he was accustomed to heare three masses sung and more priuatelie besides and that when the Priest did lift vp the hoast consecrated he would goe himself and holde the Priests arme and after kisse his hand and so returne to his owne place againe 9. Hee telleth also of his familiaritie with S. Lewes K. of France who raigning at the same time though some few years yonger then K. Henry conferred oftentimes with him about matters of deuotion and once telling him that he was delighted more to heare often preaching then manie masses K. Henry answered that he was more delighted to see his friend than to heare another man talke of him though neuer so eloquentlie 10. This then being so and K. Henry both liuing and dying so Catholicklie as both this man and all Authors doe write of him there can be no doubt but that he agreed fullie in iudgment and sense with all his predecessours as well in this point of the Popes Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction as in all others And for his obedience to the Sea of Rome it was so notorious as diuers of his owne people at that time did thinke it to haue excesse For that it was not only in spirituall matters but in temporall affaires of his Kingdome also Nihil enim saith Matthew Paris nisi ex consensu Papae vel illius Legati facere voluit Hee would doe nothing especiallie in his later years but either by the consent of the Pope or his Legat. And further in another place Ipso quoque tempus Rex secus quà m deceret aut expediret se suumque Regnum sub paena exhareditationis quod tamen facere nec potuit nec debuit Domino Papae obligaâ—it At that very time also the King otherwise then was decent or expedient did oblige himself and his Kingdome which yet he could not nor ought to doe vnto Pope Innocentius the fourth vnder paine of disinheritage c. So he 11. And many times elswere is this complaint renewed and yet on the otherside we may vnderstand by the same Mathew Paris who so much misliketh this ouer much subiection as he calleth it to the Sea of Rome that diuers great commodityes ensued often therby both to him and the Realme To the Realme for that the Popes wrote heerby more confidently and effectually vnto him for amending certaine errors of his then otherwise perhaps they would or could yea threatned him also with excommunication when need required Wherof the said Paris writeth thus in one place In those daies the Popes anger began to be heate against the K. of England for that he kept not his promises so oftentimes made to amend his accustomed excesses and therefore at the instance of Lautence Bishop of Ely and many other that earnestly vrged him he threatned after so many exhortations made vnto him without fruite to excommunicate him and interdict his Kindome c. 12. But yet for all this when after his Barons did rise against him and held him diuers years in warre Pope Vrban the 4. saith Mathew Paris sent his Legat Cardinal Sabinian as far as Bellen in France to pronounce there and set vp the sentence of excommunication against the said Barons who being in armes permitted him not to enter the portes of England but yet not long after by the said Vrban his meanes and Pope Clement the 4. that succeeded him peace followed againe in the said Realme after many years of warre ciuill commotion with great variety of euents succeeding on both sides For that sometymes the King himself with his brother Richard surnamed King of the Romanes and Edward the Prince were taken by the Barons and sometymes the Barons had the worse and Simon Momfort Earle of Licester their cheife head and Captaine was slaine in the field and many miseryes distresses and calamityes ensued on both parts as are accustomed in warlyke affaires but especially of Kingdomes which haue their waues and turmoiles according as the winds of great mens humours and passions doe swell stirr vp or calme the same But in all this time no question was of Catholike religion in England nor any doubt at all of the distinction and subordination between temporall spirituall power and gouernment but that the one was acknowledged in the King as cheife head of the Common-wealth and the other in the Bishops as subordinate to the Sea Apostolike 13. And if we consider the cheife and most euident points wherin this acknowledgement is seen and to be obserued they are these in effect First and principally for all points of saith and beleife which points were not receiued in England nor other wise then they came authorized and allowed by the said Sea Apostolike And secondly for matters of manners in like form if any thing were decreed or ordained by the said Sea as to be obserued generally throughout all Christendome England presently admitted the same though in other matters which were either particular nationall or seuerall to euery Common-wealth England followed that which was most conuenient for her state peace and quietnes 14. And as for Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction and libertyes of the Church we se by the said Magna Charta decreed and confirmed by this King which is the very same in effect that his Father K. Iohn out of the Charter of K. Henry the first graunted vpon the 16. yeare of his raigne and confirmed againe and published by K. Edward his sonne and all his Catholike Successours that it was wholy left vnto Clergy men and to the Sea Apostolike and not taken nor vsed by the Kings as namely in all matters of Spirituall dispensations elections institutions admissions confirmationâ— of Prelates and the like all gathering of Synods making of Ecclesiasticall decrees excommunications absolutions indulgences iudging and determining of
out of King Henry which shall goe in this owne words as before we haue accustomed The Attorney In all the time of K. Henry the third and his progenitours Kings of England and ouer sithence if any man doe sue afore any Iudge Ecclesiasticall within this Realme for any thing wherof that court by allowance and custome had not lawfull Conusaunce the King did euer by his writ vnder the great seale prohibite them to proceed And if the suggestion made to the King whervpon the prohibition was grounded were after found vntrue then the King by his writ of consultation vnder his great seale did allow and permit them to proceed Also in all the raigne of Henry the third and his progenitours Kings of England and euer sithence if any issue were ioyned vpon the loyalty of marriage generall bastardy or such like the King did euer write to the Bishop of that Diocesse as mediate officer minister to his courte to certifie the loyalty of marriage bastardy or such like all which doe apparantly proue that those Ecclesiasticall Courts were vnder the Kings iurisdiction and commaundement and that one of the Courts were so necessarily incident to the other as the one without the other could not deliuer iustice to the parties as well in these particular cases as in a number of cases before specified wherof the Kings Ecclesiasticall Courte hath iurisdiction Now to commaund and to be obayed belonge to soueraigne and supreme gouernment c. The Catholike Deuine 28. The conclusion or inference vpon this narration must be noted by the Reader to be M. Attorneys owne and not to be taken out of any other lawyers booke as the former parte of the narratiō is that telleth vs how the King appointeth that ech Court both spirituall and temporall shall handle matters and causes proper and peculiar vnto them and the one not to intrude it self into the affaires of the other and to this effect are his vvrits appointed of prohibition where matters are assumed which ought not in that Courte to be treated and of consultation to will them to proceed when their right is knowne All which maketh for vs shewing that the King would haue the subordination between these two Courts to be obserued and the spirituall to direct the temporall where any one thing might belonge vnto them both As for example if any man were impeached of bastardy thervpon his inheritance were claimed by another the Ecclesiasticall Court was first to giue sentence of the marriage whether it were lawfull or no then according to that sentēce was the tēporal Court to giue possession or not of the inheritāce 29. And that this was the true sincere meaning of the law at that time intending therby to shew the excellency and prerogatiue of the Bishops spirituall Courts aboue the Kings temporall is plaine and euident by an other Statute of this maner which M. Attorney would not see made in the 9. yeare of King Henry the 6. where it is ordained in explication of the former that when any such Plea of bastardie is held in any Courte of the Kings the Iudges therof shall make proclamation once in their Courte the Chauncelour of England certified therof by them shall cause to be made 3. seuerall proclamatiōs in 3. seuerall moneths in the Chaūcery That al persons pretending any interest to obiect against the party shall sue to the Ordinary or Bishop to whom the writ of certificate from the said Iudge or Iudges is or shall be directed to make their allegations and obiections against the party as the law of Holy Church requireth And that without this forme obserued al other processe shal be voide c. 30. And by this we may see how carefull the auncient lawes were to haue the spirituall Courte as the superiour well informed according to the law of Holy Church and how not only ordinary Iudges but the Chauncellour of England himself his highest Court of Chauncery was appointed to serue vnto this for that of the spirituall Courts iudgement depended in all such causes the iudgement of the temporall Courts And by this you will se also the vaine sleight of M. Attorney in telling vs that the King did euer write vnto the Bishop of that Diocesse as mediate officer and minister to his Courte to certifie the loyaltie of marriage c. For where doth he find in any ancient law at all those words as mediate officer and minister to his Courte in the latine himself leaueth out the words to his Courte though in calling the Bishop mediate officer or minister which is as much to say as superior officer for that in mediation and subordination of officers and ministers that gouerne the mediate hath the higher roome in respect of the people and Court wherof he is officer he includeth a contradiction against himselfe for then is the said Bishop also aboue all immediate temporall Iudges that must giue him certificate wherof the Chauncellour we se is one euen in the Kings temporall Courts themselues 31. But the inference is much more subtile when M. Attorney saith All which doe apparantly proue that those Ecclesiasticall Courts were vnder the Kings iurisdiction and cōmaundement But M. Attorney must not so huddle vp iurisdiction and commaundement for that no man will deny but that all sortes of persons as before hath byn said are vnder the cōmaundement gouernement of the temporall Prince whom he may commaund ech one to doe their office duty in the Cōmon-wealth And so may he appoint Ecclesiastical Courts to notifie their sentences iudgements proceedings to his Courts his Courts to informe the Ecclesiastical Courts for good mutuall correspondence between them both which we graunt also to be necessary in euery Common-wealth 32. But iurisdiction which M. Attorney craftely confoundeth heer and shuffleth vp with commaundement is a far different thing importing a higher authority in the same kinde as if the temporall Prince haue iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall vpon Bishops and their spirituall Courtes then doth it follow that all their power in spirituall matters is subordinate to him and deriued from him and so were there no necessity of this distinction and subordination of spirituall and temporall Courts For that the Prince hauing both powers in himself might giue the same vnto any temporal Iudge to decide Ecclesiastical matters also in his Court which yet M. Attorney doth often deny that the Common-lawes can take conusaunce of such affaires And surely it is worth no lesse then laughter to heare him repeat so often The Kings Ecclesiasticall Courte as though this were sufficient to proue the Kings Ecclesiasticall authority in those Courts for that all Courts are the Kings Courts in that they are vnder his protection gouernement and direction and to the vse and profit of his people And so were also the Ecclesiasticall Courts of King Henry the third in this sense who yet chalenged no spirituall authority therin as by
our whole former discourse you haue seen 33. But now let vs contemplate a little the last conclusion of M. Attorney vpon this narration Now to commaund saith he and to be obayed belongeth to soueraigne and supreme gouernement which we deny not in the sense wherin it may be true that is to commaund and to be obaied in temporall matters belongeth to soueraignty in that kinde and to commaund and be obaied in spirituall matters belongeth to soueraignty in those affaires wherof you haue heard many examples concerning the Sea of Rome before alleadged But for the King and his temporall officers to demaund a certificate from the Bishops Court for the Statute vsed not the word of cōmaunding or obaying to let them know thereby what the Bishops sentence and iudgement is to the end they may frame theirs accordingly this by M. Attorneys leaue is no commaunding in the iurisdiction it self of spirituall affaires and consequently inferreth no Ecclesiasticall soueraignty And if he be not satisfied by that which we haue already alleadged out of the raigne of K. Henry the third of spirituall soueraignty acknowledged by him and all his Realme in the Sea of Rome but would see further some examples in particular of the same soueraignty or superiority at least vsed and practised by the Bishops of England towards the King himself and Realme in that kind let him consider these examples following besides the former 34. When K. Henry the third vpon the 16. yeare of his raigne falling out with Hubert de Burgo Earle of Kent that had byn his great fauourite high Iusticer for many former years cast him into prison and he escaping fled to a certaine Chappel for Sanctuary from whence the King had caused him to be drawne forth Roger Bishop of London for that it was in his Diocesse came vnto him and said that except he caused him to be restored to the place of Sanctuary againe Ipse omnes huius violentiae authores excommunicationis sententia innodaret He would bind all the authors of this violence vsed by the sentence of excōmunication And what followed of this Did the King deny his authority or say that he was not vnder his iurisdiction or that himself had supreme authority and iurisdiction ouer the Bishop in that case as he might haue done according to M. Attorneys assertiō No For the words of Mathew Paris immediately following are these Rex autem licet inuitus reatum suum intelligens remisit Hubertum ad Capellain vbi captus suerit à militibus armatis restituitur ab ijsdem quint◠Calendas Octobris The King though against his will perceiuing his owne fault sent backe Earle Hubert to the Chappell againe where he was restored vpon the fifth day before the Calends of October by the same armed souldiars that had drawne him from thence And the same Author addeth that the Kings anger was so great as he commaunded the Earles of Hartford and Essex to set souldiars about the said Chappell that no meate might be giuen him vntill he rendred himself And not many dayes after this the said Earle Hubert being carried from that Chappel vpon composition vnto the castle of Vise in the Diocesse of Salisbury he by help of two souldiars that kept him escaping thence got into a Parish Church neer by out of which being taken by the Kings officers Robert Bishop of Salisbury excommunicated them altogeather with their aiders and defenders and then went to the King in companie of other Bishops to denounce vnto him the said sentence who after much resistance yeelded saith our Author Et in eadem Ecclesia concedente sed inuito Rege remissus est 15. Calend Nouemb. And so the said Earle Hubert was sent backe againe out of the said Castle vnto the Church the King yeelding thervnto though against his will vpon the 15. day before the Calends of Nouember in the yeare 1232. 35. The next yeare after this againe the forsaid Roger Bishop of London hauing been at Rome returned to Douer found there VValter Bishop of Carleile in his iourney towards Rome hauing appealed to the Pope against K. Henry for certaine iniuries offered him and to his Church as he pretended and albeit the King did not let or forbid his repaire to Rome yet shewing himself much displeased therewith his officers at the port handled him verie discourteouslie and denied him passage without the Kings licence which the said Bishop of London seeing excommunicated all the Kings officers that had parte in that violence and then going to Hereford where the King at that time lay with a great army to inuade VVales and taking certaine Bishops with him they tolde his Maiesty of the abuse committed Which when the K. seemed not to care for or not willing to redresse they renewed there againe in the Kings presence the sentence of excommunication against the said malefactors and all those that assisted or fauoured them Non mediocriter Rege murmurante saith our Author ne talem ferrent sententiam prohibente The King not a little repinning and forbidding them to pronounce any such sentence So as heere we see commaunding without obaying in spirituall matters meeteth with M. Attorneys conclusion that to commaunde and to bee obaied belongeth to soueraignty and supreme gouernement 36. And yet further the next yeare ensuing which was the 18. of K. Henries raigne the King being highlie offended with the Earle Marshall of England for entring into a certaine Castle of his owne by force Praecepit Episcopis cunctis vt Mariscallum nominatim excommunicarent Sed illi è contrae communiter dixerunt Indignum esse quia Castellum quod suum fuit occupauit The King commaunded all the Bishops being gathered togeather in Parlament to excommunicate by name the Earle Marshall But they answered him with one voice to the contrarie that hee deserued it not for so much as he had taken but his owne Castle And heere againe we see cōmaunding without obaying in spiritual affaires And if the King had thought himself to be supreme in Ecclesiasticall authoritie he might haue excommunicated the Marshall himself without depending of his Bishops 37. And a few dayes after this againe vpon the yeare 1234. the holy man Edmund that afterward was canonized for a Saint being consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury at which consecration the King himself was present with his nobility and 13. Bishops as our Author recounteth the said Archbishop after his consecration consulting with the said Bishops nobility about the pittifull State of the Realme deuided in it self by the Kings euill gouernment that followed the counsaile of Pictauians and other strangers the said Archbishop went to the King laid the inconueniences before him humbly besought him to take the true remedy which was to dismisse those strangers and if he would not he should be forced to vse Ecclesiasticall Censures against them Et ipse in cōtinenti cum omnibus qui aderant Praelatis in
iudge of such possessions as depend of legitimation we commaund your brotherhoods that leauing the iudgment of the said possessions to the King and his Courts you examine onlie the principall cause concerning the loialtie of the marriage it self and determine the same 43. Heerby then wee see first that M. Attorney alleadging this instance hath alleadged nothing at all against vs or for himself For that when the Earls and Barons refused to change the laws of England concerning inheritance vpon legitimation they said no more then is allowed them by the Canon-law it self as you haue heard And how will M. Attorney inferre of this that K. Henry the third held himself to haue supreme authority ecclesiasticall for that this must be his conclusion out of his instance or els he saith nothing 44. And it shall not be amisse to note by the way how these men doe vse to ouer-lash in their asseueratioÌ„s to help their feeble cause thereby By the auncient Canons and Decrees of the Church of Rome saith he the issue borne before solemnization of marriage is as lawfull and inheritable marriage following as the issue borne after marriage But this is not sincerely related For the Canon-law as you haue heard putteth diuers restrictions both in the persons to be legitimated and in the ends and effects whervnto they are legitimated as also concerning the Countries Kingdomes wherin they are legitimated Of all which variety of circumstances and considerations M. Attorney saying nothing his intention therin may easily be ghessed at And so much for this matter OF THE LIVES AND RAIGNES OF KING EDVVARD The first and second Father and sonne And what arguments M. Attorney draweth from them towards the prouing of his purpose CHAP. XI HAVING now come downe by orderly descent of seauen hundred yeares more of the raignes of our Christian English Kings shewed them all to haue byn of one and the self same Catholicke Roman religion comforme also in the point of this our controuersie about the acknowledgement and practise of the spirituall power and authoritie of the Sea Apostolicke in England concerning ecclesiasticall affaires And hauing declared the same so largely as you haue heard in three Henries since the Conquest of famous memory and authoritie aboue the rest and the last of them author also and parent of all Statute-law in our Realme we are to examine now in order three Edwardes lineally succeeding the one to the other and all three proceeding from this last named Henry Vnder which Edwardes and their ofspring M. Attorney preteÌ„deth more restraint to haue byn made in some points of the Popes externall iurisdiction then vnder former Kings which though it be graunted vpon some such occasions as after shal be shewed yet will you fynd the matter far shorte of that conclusion which he pretendeth to maintayne that hereby they tooke vpon them spirituall soueraingty in causes Ecclesiasticall You shall see it by the triall OF KING EDVVARD THE FIRST VVhich vvas the nynth King after the Conquest §. I. 2. When King Henry the third dyed his eldest sonne Prince Edward was occupied in the wars of the Holy land being then of the age of thirty three yeares who hearing of his Fathers death retourned presently homeward and passing by the Citty of Rome found there newly made Pope Gregory the tenth called before Theobald with whome in tymes past he had familiarly byn acquainted whiles he was Legate for his predecessor Vrbane the fourth in the said warrs of the Holy-land who receaued him with all honour and loue and graunted vnto him saith Stow the tenth of all Ecclesiasticall benefices in England as well temporall as spirituall for one yeare the like to his brother Edmund for an other in recompence of their expences made in the Holy-land Whervpon when the next yeare after the said Gregory called a generall Councell at Lions in France which was the second held in that place of aboue fiue hundred Bishops and a thousand other Prelates King Edward sent also a most honourable embassage thither both of Bishops and Noble-men 3. This King Edward beginning his raigne in the yeare of Christ 1272. continued the same for almost 35. yeares with variable euents For as he was a tall and goodly Prince in person high in stature and thereof surnamed Long-shanke so was he in mynd also no lesse war-like haughty earnest and much giuen to haue his owne will by any meanes whatsoeuer when once he set himself theron though yet when he was in calme out of passion he shewed himself a most religious and pious Prince 4. Of the later may be example among other things his speciall deuotion to the Blessed Virgin mother of our Sauiour which both Mathew VVestminster and VValsingham doe recount from the very beginning of his raigne doe coÌ„tinue the same throughout his life by occasion of many strange and miraculous 〈◊〉 from imminent dangers which himself ascribed to the said dâ—uotion and to our Blessed Ladies speciall protection Wherevnto may be referred in like maÌ„ner the piety of the said King shewed in diuers other occasions As first of all when in the first yeare of his raigne he voluntarily set forth published and confirmed the Great Charter made by his Father in fauour of the Church saying as in the said Charter is to be read Pro salute animae nostrae animarum antecessorum successorum nostroruus Regum Angliae ad exaltationem Sanctae Ecclesiae emendationem Regni nostri spontanea bona reluntate nostra dedimus concessinius c. We haue giuen and graunted freely of our owne good will this Charter for the health of our soule and of the soules as well of our predecessours as successours Kings of England to the exaltation of holy Church and amendment of our Kidgdome c. 5. And the like piety he shewed in many other occasions in like manner as namely when he being in his iourney with a great army towards Scotland and his wife Q. Eleanor daughter to King Ferdinand the third of Spaine surnamed the Saint a most vertuous religious Lady falling sicke dying neere the borders therof he leauing his course retourned backe with her dead body to London Cunctis diebus vitae suae eam plangebat saith Walsingham Iesum benignum iugis precibus pro ea interpellabat eleemosynarum largitiones Missarum celebrationes pro ea diuersis Regni locis ordinans in perpetuum procurans The King did bewayle this Queenes death all the dayes of his life and did by continual prayers call vpon mercifull Iesus to vse mercy towards her ordeyning great store of almes to be giuen for her as also procuring Masses to be said for her soule in diuers partes of the Kingdome 6. And moreouer in all the places where the said body rested as it came to London he erected great goodly crosses in her memory Vt à transeuntibus saith VValsingham
We read also that when in the yeare 1299. King Edward was passed ouer with a great army into Flanders and did destroy that Countrey by fire and sword Pope Boniface sent two Cardinall-Legates to entreat him that he would be content to make truce for two yeares to the intent that peace in the meane time might be concluded adding further-more saith our Author paenam excommunicationis interdicti terrarum suarum the payne of excommunication and Interdict of his countreys if he yeelded not therevnto Sed Rex perpendens c. consensit in treguas indictas saith he the King considering well all circumstances c. did consent vnto the truce appointed by the Pope And wheras the next yeare after by other messengers sent vnto him in Canterb. the said Pope Boniface desired him to put at liberty Iohn King of Scotland which he had in hold assuring him that the King of England should leâ—se nothing by this Eorum petitioni Rex condescendens respondit se ipsum loannem tanquam seductorem falsum periurum ad Papam missurum The King condescending to their petition made answere that he would send the said Iohn as a false periured deceauer vnto the Pope to be punished by him And so he did and they caried him into France with them 18. And when afterward in the yeare 1301. King Edward was busily attent to his warrs in Scotland and Pope Boniface enformed by the grieuous complaints of the Scottish-men that K. Edward did them iniury wrote and gaue in commission to the Archbishop of Canterbury by an expresse messenger named Humbert to goe vnto the King and will him to desiste and to remit the iustice of the matter to be examined and tryed by the Sea Apostolicke anyd though the said King for the present tooke the matter very grieuously and sware that he would prosecute his said enterprize to the vttermost yet a little while after in the same yeare he sent the Earle of Lincolne and Syr Hugh Spencer to the said Sea Apostolicke to shew the right of his cause and what iniuries he had receaued at the Scots hands Iusuper Dominum Papam deprecarentur ne mendacij fabricatoribus sinum aperiret And that moreouer they should beseech the Pope that he would not open his bosome of beliefe vnto the Scottish-men that deuised lyes wherevnto the Pope hearkening wished notwithstanding that the King for his cause would giue the truce for a tyme by him assigned wherevnto the King yeelded 19. And when in the yeare following the said Pope Bonifacius vpon instance of the said Scottish-men wrote more earnestly to K. Edward in this affayre alleadging that Scotland was in the protection of the Sea Apostolicke yea and that it apperteyned also to the temporal right of the Church by submission belike of the Prince and inhabitants thereof at that tyme made the King gathering a Parlament at Lincolne determined therin first to write himself to the Pope about this matter and then that the lay-nobility and people should write another letter somewhat more earnestly to the same effect The Kings letter began thus Sanctissimo in Christo Patri Domino Bonifacio diuina prouidentia Sancta Romanae vniuersalis Ecclesiae summo Pontifici Edwardus Dei gratia Rex Angliae salutem deuota pedum oscula beatorum To the most holy father in Christ Boniface by Gods prouidence supreme Bishop of the holy Romane and vniuersall Church Edward by the grace of God King of England sendeth greeting and the deuout kissing of his blessed feete By which title we may see in what estimation he held the Pope at that day albeit in that letter he doth protest that he doth not send this his iustification for his pretence to Scotland in forme of iudgement to haue it tryed by the Sea Apostolicke as making any doubte therof but only to enforme his Holines conscience which he doth very largely beginning from the comming of Brutus himself into England yet doth he conclude beseeching him not to beleeue the informations of his aduersaryes and emulators Sed Statum nostrum iura nostra Regia supradicta habere velitis si placet paternis affectibus commendata That it may please you to haue our State and Kingly right before laid downe recommended to your fatherly affection 20. But the Earles and Barons and lay nobility of the land that wrote a seuerall letter to the Pope as before hath byn said were more earnest in defence of the Kings title saying Manu tenebimus cum toto posse totisque viribus c. We will hold and defend the same with all our power and forces nor will we permit our King though he would to leaue of this title Quocirca Sanctitati Vestrae reuerenter humiliter supplicamus c. Wherefore we doe reuerently and humbly make supplication to your Holines that you will defend our said King that is a deuout sonne of the Catholicke Romane Church as also his rightes libertyes customes and lawes and permit him to continew therin without diminution or molestation c. Giuen at Lincolne 1301. 21. And by all this now we may perceaue the state of things in our countrey at that time as also the sense and iudgement of K. Edward and his realme about this our controuersie of spiritual and Ecclesiasticall authority And that if this King did vse sometymes some rigorous dealing towards the Clergy it was not for that he doubted of their spirituall authority or esteemed the same to be in himself but partly vpon his forsaid necessity of warre and partly for the emulation conceaued against them by the laity for their wealth and other such causes And as for the lawes which he made in their preiudice as that of Mort-main wherby is prohibited that any thing shall passe ad manum mortuam that is to say to any of their communityes that pay not tribute to the King without the Kings speciall licence some other lawes in like manner for restraint as it seemed of their externall iurisdiction in certaine affaires it proceeded of the same emulation and complaints of the subiects begun in the time of King Henry the third as you haue heard and continued in this mans dayes as also in the dayes of diuers of his succesors But this is nothing to our question in hand though M. Attorney hath nothing else but such matter as this as presently you shall see for now shall we passe to his obiections vnder this King which are foure of very small moment as by handling will appeare The Attorney In the raigne of K. Edward the first a subiect brought in a Bull of excommunication against another subiect of this Realme and published it to the Lord Treasurer of England and â—his was by the auncient common-law of England adiudged treason against the King his Crowne and dignity for the which the offender should haue byn drawne and hanged but at the great instance of the
note more diligently such matters doe in great parte faile vs. For that Mathew of VVestminster endeth with King Edward the first as the other Mathew Paris before him did with this mans father K. Henry the third and Roger Houeden before him againe with K. Iohn and VVilliam Nubergensis Petrus Blesensis before them with K. Richard â— VVilliam of Malmesbury Henry Huntington as also Florentius VVigorniensis with his continuance made an end of their historyes partly vnder K. Stephen and partly vnder K. Henry the first so as now downe-ward from this King Edward the second we shall only haue Raynulph of Chester and Thomas VValsingam for the most ancient writers of this time that doth ensue who yet are nothing so copious or diligent as diuers of the former 41. This Edward therefore second of that name and surnamed of Carnaruan for that he was borne in that towne of VVales when his Father lay with an army in those partes to reduce that countrey to subiection as he did who being of the age of twenty three yeares when his father dyed vpon the borders of Scotland in the yeare 1307. receauing two speciall things in charge saith VValsingam from his Father vnder paine of his curse The first that the should prosecute presently and end the enterprize began against Scotland before he went to London or procured to be crowned the second that he should not touche or waste but send to the holy land a certaine summe of money which his said Father had layed togeather for the assistance of that warr to the which he had purposed to goe himself in person if he had liued Wherevnto Iohn Stow addeth a thirde in these wordes His father charged him on his curse that he should not presume to call home Pierce of Gaueston by common decree banished without common consent c. Notwithstanding all these admonitions and threats this careles young Prince performed no one thing of the three but got himself presently into France and there was married in Bullen vnto Lady Isabell only daughter of Philip the fourth surnamed the faire King of France and in that marriage and triumphe therof spent the foresaid money which prospered afterwarde accordingly for that this marriage and wife was the cause and occasion not only of his ouerthrow and miserable ruine but of all the warrs in like manner that ensued for many yeares after betwene France England For that shee being the only daughter and heire as hath byn said to the King of France her sonne Edward the third in her title began first the said warrs which brought finally the losse not only of that which was gotten of new but of all the rest that we had before in France and shee taking a deepe disgust with her said husband for his disordinate affection to Pierce Gaueston whome presently after his fathers death he recalled from banishment the two Spencers and others misliked by her and the greater parte of the Realme shee finally after many troubles warrs insurrections and great store of Noble-men cut of and destroyed on both partes preuailed against the said King her husband and hauing on her side the authority of her young sonne the Prince and all his followers did put downe the said King depriued him of his crowne sett vp her young sonne in his place committed the other to prison where soone after he was pitifully murthered And these are the varietyes of worldly fortunes these the frailtyes and vncerteintyes of earthly Greatnes And where King Edward placed all his pleasure from the same spring issued forth the beginning and progresse of all his miserie 42. But as for his religion and iudgement therein notwithstanding all other his errours in life and behauiour that it was constantly Catholicke according to that which he had receaued and inherited from his Ancestours no doubt can be made at all For that the whole State of his realme touching Ecclesiasticall affaires remained as he found it and as it had continued in the tymes of his progenitours and that the Bishops of Rome had generall authority ouer England in his dayes not only in meere spirituall iurisdiction which all the Bishops of England professed to receaue from him but also in externall disposing when he would of Bishoprickes and other Prelacies notwithstanding all the complaints made in his Fathers and Grand-fathers tymes about that matter may be made euident by many examples 43. For first we reade that in the yeare 1311. when Pope Clement the fifth in a Councell at Vienna in France vpon many graue and vrgent causes as was pretended alleadged did put downe the whole order of knights called Templarij for that their first institution was to haue care to defend the Temple of Ierusalem against infidells and did appoint their lands which were many and great to be giuen to an other newer order which then begun named Hospitalary for that they had the care of the hospitals wherein Pilgrims were receaued which now are the knights of S. Iohn of Malta albeit this matter were of such importance and consequence for that the persons were many and of nobility and their possessions great as hath byn said yet was that Decree obeyed in England without resistance and the persons depriued and put to perpetuall pennance in a Councell at London anno 1311. and their said lands and goods giuen to the other sorte of knights and confirmed by Parlament in London 13. yeares after to wit in the yeare of Christ 1324. which was the 17. of King Edwards raigne as VValsingam and others doe testifie which well declareth what the Popes authority was at that day in England 44. Againe we reade that in the yeare 1319. which was the 12. of this Kings raigne great warre being betwene England Scotland King Edward had procured that Pope Iohn the 22. should send two Cardinall-Legates into England to examine the matter how it stood and to punish by Ecclesiasticall Censures that party that should be found stubborne and repugnant to reason Wher vpon finally hauing heard both sides and finding Robert Bruse King of Scotland to haue offered iniuryes to the King of England they pronounced sentence of excommunication against him and put the whole Kingdome vnder interdict For releasing wherof the said King Robert and the State of Scotland 4. yeares after sent a solemn embassage to the Pope to wit the Bishop of Glasco Earle of Murray which being vnderstood by King Edward he sent also a messenger on his behalfe to contradicte the same And albeit him Embassadour saith our Story in dignity were but a simple Priest yet so many reasons and accusations he alleadged against themâ— or K. Edward and his câ—uâ—e as the Scottish Embassadours â—â—ld obteyne no release at that time And this for the Popes auâ—â—â—â—â—â—y in those dayes for publicke affaires 45. But as for priuate matters of England especially the disposing of Bishoprickes confirmation inuestitures of all Bishops 〈◊〉
notorious and might be declared by infinite examples that â— remained now as before vnder all other Catholicke Princes For among other points we reade that when in the yeare of Christ 1312. Robert VVinchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury dyed the Monkes of that place according to the custome chose by the liking and procuration of the King one Thomas Cobham a man of eminent learning and vertue who going to Auinion in France where Pope Clement the fifth lay at that tyme to receaue his confirmation and inuestiture as the manner was in those dayes the said Pope told him that long before in the other Archbishops life he had reserued the collation of that Archbishopricke to himself for that tyme and therevpon pronounced that election to be voyde adding further this coÌ„sideration that England being â—â— that day in great troubles and disgust for that many Lords Barons had shewed their mislike against the King and the King against them it was needfull to haue in that place of Canterbury a man of great credit and experience in such affaires and therefore named one VVilliam Reynoldes Bishop of VVorcester and Chancellour of the Realme at that day and presently sent him both his inuestiture and pall wherewith the King and Queene being greatly contented were present at his consecration and so he liued and gouerned 19. yeares after in that Sea with great commendation So as we see that the restraint of Papall prouisions made at Carliele vnder this mans father was not yet put in practice 46. And the like reseruatioÌ„ we read that Pope Iohn the 22. made of the Bishopricke of VVinchester afterward in the yeare 1320. and therby did disanull the election made by the Monkes of that place with consent of the King and placed another of his owne choice which the King also after some time admitted So as this was very ordinary in those dayes We reade likewise that in the yeare 1324. a Parlament being called at London and King Edward growing now by euill counsaile of the Spencers and others into great disorder he caused one Adam Bishop of Hereford that fauoured not his proceedings to be arrested of treason brought forth publickely to be tryed laying to his charge that he had â—â—ceaued and fauoured diuerse of those Barons which had taken armes against him But the forsaid Archbishop of Canterbury and his brethren Bishops seeing this disorder made first humble supplication to the King that he might be tryed according to his place degree and that not preuayling they required the same by law according to the liberties and priuiledges of the Church confirmed by Magna charta other lawes of the Realme Whervpon he was deliuered to the custody of the said Archbishop of Canterbury but afterward he being called for againe by the instigation of such as were his enemyes and carryed to the barre the said Archbishop of Canterbury and the other of Yorke with ten other Bishops went thither in iudiciall maÌ„ner with their crosses borne before them commaunding vnder paine of excommunication that no man should stay him or lay hands on him and so tooke him away to the Archbishops custody againe Whereby we may see in what vigour Ecclesiasticall power was at this day in England And albeit the King being in passion did storme greatly thereat and seased presently vpon all the said Bishops goods and lands as he had done vpon those of the Bishop of Lincolne and of others before yet could he not deny but that this was law iustice which the Bishops did according to the Ecclesiasticall priuiledges of the Realme whervnto the King himself and all his ancestours in their coronations had solemnely sworne For breaking wherof it may be presumed that so great a punishment fell vpon him as soone after ensued to the horror of the whole world by depriuation both of his Kingdome and life And so much of him Now let vs see what instance M. Attorney can draw from him to his purpose It is but one and thus it runneth in his owne words The Attorney 47. Albeit by the ordinance of Circumspectè agatis made in the 18. yere of Edward the first and by generall allowance and vsage the Ecclesiasticall Courtes held plea of tythes obuentions oblations mortuaries redemptions of pennaunce laying of violent handâ— vpon a Clerke defamations c. yet did not the Clergy thinke themselues assured nor quiet from prohibitions purchased by subiectes vntill that King Edward the second by his letters parents vnder the great seale in by consent of Parlament vpon the petitions of the Clergy had graunted vnto them to haue iurisdiction in these cases The King in a Parlament holden in the â— yeare of his raigne after particular answers made to their petitions concerning the matter aboue said doth graunt and giue his Royall assent in these words We desiring as much as of right we may to prouide for the state of the Church of England the tranquillity and quiet of the Prelates of the said Clergy to the honour of God and the amendment of the State of the said Church and of the Prelates and Clergy ratifying and approuing all and singular the said answers which appeare in the said act and all and singular things in the said answeres conteyned we doe for vs and our heires graunt and commaund that the same be inuiolably kept for euer willing and graunting for vs and our heires that the said Prelates and Clergy and their Successours for euer doe exercise Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction in the premisses according to the tenour of the said answere The Catholicke Deuine 48. If a man would aske M. Attorney in this place why he hath brought in this instance and what he would proue therby I thinke verily he would be much graueled in answering especially if we respecte his principall Conclusion that by this and like presidence Q. Elizabeth might take vpon her supreme authority Ecclesiasticall for that by this narration nothing else is declared but that a certaine abuse being crept in that when any externall matter seeming any way to belong to temporalityes was handled in Ecclesiasticall Courtes and by Ecclesiasticall Iudges the party that feared or suspected his owne cause would informe the Kings Courtes that the matter belonged to them and therevpon would get out a prohibition from the Chauncery to sursease in that cause vntill it were tryed to which Court it belonged By which deceytfull and malitions proceeding of some much trouble was procured and many causes rested indetermined both in the one and the other Courte for so saith the Statute it self made in the time of King Edward the first this mans Father in these words VVhereas Ecclesiasticall Iudges haue oftentymes surceased to proceed in cases moued before them by force of the Kings writ of prohibition c. to the great damage of many as the King hath byn aduertised by the grieuous complaints of his subiects c. For this cause many orders and Statutes were
is a lawyer and delighteth in the word that hath byn so beneficiall vnto him but yet alleadgeth here no law at all nor can he doe For what law is that by iugment wherof the Sanctuarie of S. Iohns Church in London grauÌ„ted by the Pope was disalowed for so much as all other Sanctuaries had and haue from that Sea their franquises and liberties Was it Common-law or Canon and Ecclesiasticall Not Ecclesiasticall For that all such law dependeth from thence and consequently cannot be supposed to haue disanulled the Popes authority in graunting Sanctuary Common law if it were it must appeare how it came in by whom it was admitted by what right it came to haue conusauÌ„ce of this Ecclesiasticall cause which M. Attorney so often hath denyed before to apperteyne to his Common-law wherof ensueth that eyther those temporall Iudges exceeded their limites in handling this cause or that there was some temporall circumstance therein that brought it into that Courte 10. And surely it may bee that this Sanctuarie pretended by the Prior of the Knights of S. Iohns in London might not onlie bee the ordinary Sanctuarie of their Church and appurtenances thereunto which all Churches haue by Canon law more or lesse but also of some greater circuite round about their said Church and habitatioÌ„ which they being Knights and souldiars might importe some inconueniences to the common wealth by occasion of contentions fights brawles that might there fall out the temporall officers hauing no accesse by reason of the said pretended Sanctuary And so this case not being meere spirituall but mixt also with temporall interest of the Common-wealth the common Iudges vntill the matter were better discussed and resolued in ecclesiasticall right might put difficultie about the admission or execution of the said priuiledges without the Kings expresse consent And this is answered according to M. Attorneys allegation supposing it to bee sincere not hauing by me the bookes as before I haue said out of which he hath taken the same the view whereof no doubt would discouer more therfore I recommend the examination to the Reader that may haue commoditie to see and read the places But let vs see another Instance of two more of his out of this Kinges raigne The Attorney There it appeareth that the opinion of the Kings-bench had been oftentimes that if one spirituall person sue another spirituall man in the Courte of Rome for a matter spirituall where he might haue remedy before his Ordinary that is the Bishop of that Diocesse within the Realme Quia trabit ipsum in placitum extraregnum incurreth the dauÌ„ger of a Premunire a hainons offence being contra legiantiae suae debitum in contemptum Domini Regis contra â—oronam dignitatem suas By which it appeareth how greiuous an offence it was against the King his Crowne and dignity if any subiect although both the persons cause were spirituall did seeke for iustice out of the Realme as though either there wanted iurisdiction or iustice was not executed in the Ecclesiastical Courts within the same which as it hath byn said was an high offence contra Regem Coronam dignitatem suas The Catholicke Deuine By this instance a man may greatly suspect that M. Attorney dealeth not sincerely but amplifieth and exaggerateth matters to his purpose But howsoeuer this bee cleere it is that he dealeth not substantially For heere only the note alleadged saith that the opinion of the Kings-bench had byn oftentymes that if one spirituall or Ecclesiasticall person should sue another in the Courte of Rome when he might haue remedy before his Ordinary at home he incurreth the daunger of a Premunire for that he draweth a Plea out of the Kingdome without necessity Well then this is but the opinion of some temporall lawyers of the Kings-bench that a man that should doe this should be in daunger of a Premunire for that he draweth a Plea out of the Kingdome when he might haue sufficient remedy by his spirituall Iudge at home And this is according to the Statutes before made vnder King Edward the third and Richard the second as you haue heard that matters may not be carryed to Rome at the first instance but by way of appellation when they cannot haue iustice at home And this taketh not away the Popes authority as you see but rather confirmeth the same and punisheth only disorderly people that will vex and trouble men with citing them to Rome without necessitie 12. Which being so you will see how friuolous M Attorneys exaggeration is heer in painting out vnto vs with so great an hyperbole of words this haynons offence against the duty of loyalty in contempt of the King our Lord and contrary to his crowne and dignity c. And why is all this adoe For that saith he a subiect of the realme doth seeke for iustice out of the Realme in spirituall causes as though there wanted iurisdiction or iustice within the Realme which is an high offence contra Regem coronam dignitatem suas Whereto I aunswere that what high offence it may be against suas here twise repeated in the English but corrected by the Latyn Interpreter I know not but sure I am that against King Crowne or Royall dignity it can be none no more in England then in other Catholicke Kingdomes round about vs. And the reason here alleadged by M. Attorney excludeth all appellations betwene subordinate Courts as wel within the Realme as without if it should be admitted and taken for good Wherefore when he writeth in the margent Note as though some great argument were alleadged for his purpose It is a note that he hath small store of substance to note when he standeth so much vpon such a toy The Attorney In the Kings Courts of Record where felonies are determined the Bishop or his deputy ought to giue his attendance to the end that yf any that is indicted and arraigned for felony doe demaund the benefit of his Clergy that the Ordinary may informe the Court of his sufficiency or insufficiency that is whether he can read as a Clarke or not wherof notwithstanding the Ordinary is not to Iudge but is a minister to the Kings Court the Iudges of that Court are to Iudge of the sufficiency or insufficiency of the party whatsoeuer the Ordinary doe informe them and vpon due examination of the party may giue iudgement against the Ordinaryes information For the Kings Iudges are Iudges of the cause The Catholicke Deuine 13. I am content to admitt anie iudges in this cause whether it be not impertinent to M. Attorneys purpose to bring in this instance For howsoeuer he goeth about in words to dazel this case yet is it euident that for so much as the Church by her priuiledge of Superioritie taketh out of the hands of temporall iustice men condemned to dy for felony onlie for that they can read like Clerkes though they bee no Clarkes
should bee able to get authoritie ouer so manie other Bishops his equals throughout so manie and different nations so far off from him and so little fearing his temporall power or that so manie People Citties Kingdomes Common-wealths Prouinces and Nations would bee so prodigall of their owne libertie as to subiect themselues to a forraine Priest as now so manie ages they haue done or to giue him such authoritie ouer theÌ„selues if he had no right therevnto at all 7. But what shall I stand to dispute with Luther in this matter Or what importeth it what he saieth or beleeueth therin for so much as through anger and enuie he knoweth not himself what he thinketh or saith but declareth well the saying of the Apostle to be true in himself Cor ipsius insipiens obscuratum itaditumque in reprobum sensum That his foolish heart is darkned and deliuered ouer vnto a reprobate sense So King Henry pronouncing as you see a heauy iudgment against Luther now and himself afterwarde when he fell into the same darknes and not only obscuritie of vnderstanding but inconstancie also of proceeding which heer so eagerly hee obiecteth to Luther for this he writeth of him Quis non eius miretur inconstantiam c. who will not wonder at Luthers inconstancie for a little before he wrote in his bookes that the Papaltie though it were not by diuine right yet was it by humane to witt by humane consent for the publik good of the Church and therevpon condemned and detested the sect of the Hussites in Bohemia for that they had cut themselues off from the obedience of the Roman Sea affirming that they sinned damnably whosoeuer obaied not the Pope This he wrote verie lately since his fall from Catholicke religion but now he is run into that which then he so much detested And like inconstancy he hath shewed in another point also which is that hauing preached of late in a certaine Sermon to the people that the Popes excommunication was to bee obaied and patiently be borne as a medecine in a disease WheÌ„ himself afterwards was most worthily excommunicated he tooke that sentence of the Pope so impotently as seeming to be mad or fallen into rage he brake forth into such contumelious speaches and blasphemies as no Christian eares can abide to heare the same so as by his furie he hath made it euident Eos qui pelluntur gremio matris Ecclesia statim furijs corripi atque agitari daemonibus That those which are cast out from the lap of their mother the Church are taken presently with suries and vexed with diuells Thus far K. Henry and much more to this effect which for breuityes sake I pretermit 8. And now let vs with greife of mind some terror of conscience looke ouer and reflect vpon that which happened afterward vnto this King himself and into what extremes of passion and choller he fell in his writings and Statutes against this very Supremacy of the Pope when he was excommunicated by him which heere he defendeth against Luther though in other points of doctrine he remained still opposite to Luther euen vnto his dying day 9. It is worthy the noting also what mutability and inconstancy he vsed not only in the whole thing to wit in dâ—â—â—ing the Popes Supremacy but in the very manner also of falling into that extremity For first for many yeares after the writing of this his booke which was in the yeare of Christ 1521. he continued so deuout and obedient to the said Sea of Rome as no King in Christendome more as may appeare by the mutuall good offices of loue friendship that passed between them And when six yeares after this againe Rome was spoiled by the army of the Duke of Burbon Pope Clement the seauenth held as besieged in the Castle of S. Angelo no King or Prince of Christendome was more forward in the ayd of the said Pope then K. Henry of England as may appeare by his great and famous Embassadge sent that very yeare into France by Cardinall VVolsey about that matter in the yeare 1527. to draw the King of France into the association of that aid and help 10. And when againe the next yeare after King Henry began to moue his doubt or question about the lawfullnes of his marriage with Queene Catherine he referred the whole matter to Rome and procured Iudges to be sent from thence as namely Cardinall Campegius that was directed from Rome the selfsame yeare into England for Legat with like commission for Cardinall VVolsey to be ioyned with him as deputyes from Pope Clement to heare and iudge the matter before whome sitting in iudgment both K. Henry and Queen Catherine being cited personally to appeare they made their appearance in the Church of the Black-Friars in London in the moneth of Aprill anno Domini 1529. which was the one and twentith of King Henryes raigne And albeit King Henry being offended that by this means of these two Legats the Pope accepting of the Appeal of Queen Catherine recalling the matter to himself he could not haue his wil did put from his fauour soone after Cardinall VVolsey when the other was departed and brought him to the miserable end which is well knowne yea condemned for his sake the whole Clergy of England in a Premunire that is to say the losse of all their goods which afterward they redeemed with a submission and payment of a hundred thousand pounds for that they had acknowledged the said Cardinals Legantine authority which himself had procured from Rome yet did not he for this surcease to send other Embassadours to continue the solicitation of the same suite of diuorce in the said Court of Rome and namely among others Doctor Stephen Gardâ—â—â— the Kings chiefe Secretary soone after made Bishop of VVinchester who was sent thither as Stow and others doe testifie presently after the departure of Cardinall Campegius in the same yeare 1529. Neither did King Henry leaue of to hold his Embassadours Lawyers and Procurators there about this matter for two or three yeares after this againe vntill he saw there was no hope to get his diuorce by that means and on the otherside was resolued to marry the Lady Anne Bullen whatsoeuer came of it and so did in the yeare 1533. and 24. of his raigne 11. Thus then you see the beginning and progresse of the cause of King Henryes breach with the Sea Apostolicke which probably would neuer haue byn if he could haue obtained his will that way but falling into despaire therof tooke resolution to cut the knot which otherwise he could not vndoe But the manner of his proceeding may be best seen by two Acts of Parlament set downe heer by M. Attorney the one of the 24. the other of the 25. yeare of King Henryes raigne for that in the former which was in the yeare of his marriage with Lady Anne Bullen as hath byn said he prohibited
now that this authority was no new thing or to vse his words not a Statute introductorie of a new but declaratorie of an old and that the same was conforme to the auncient laws of England acknowledged and practised by all her auncestors Kings of the same and that the difference of her sex as they had qualified the matter and couched their words did hinder nothing at all the acceptance of this authority shee was content to lett it passe admitt therof for the time though I haue beene most credibly informed by such as I cannot but beleiue therein considering also her forsaid sharpenes and pregnancie of witt that vpon diuers occasions especially for some yeares after the beginning of her raigne she would in a certaine manner of pleasantnes iest thereat herself saying Looke what a head of the Church they haue made mee 37. And to the end that no man may imagine that these things some other which heer I am to touch of the good dispositioÌ„ this deceased Princesse had of her self towards Catholicke religion at the beginning of her raigne and for diuers yeares after if she might haue been permitted to her owne inclination are fayned I doe affirme vpon my conscience in the sight of him that is author of all truth and seuere reuenger of all false-hood that nothing hereof is inuented or framed by mee but sincerely related vpon the vndoubted testimonies of such as reported the same out of their owne knowledge As for example that not longe before the death of Q. Marie a coÌ„mission being giuen to certaine of the priuie Counsell to goe and examine the said Ladie Elizabeth at her howse of Hat-field not far from London when other matters had been debated shee taking occasion to talke with one of them a part in a window said vnto him with great vehemencie of spirit and affliction of mynd as it seemed laying her hand vpon his Oh Syr and is it not possible that the Queen my sister will once bee persuaded that I am a good Catholicke Yes Madame quoth the Counsellor if your Grace bee so indeed God will moue her Maiestie to beleiue it Wherevpon the said Ladie both sware and protested vnto him that she did as sincerely beleiue the Roman Catholicke religion as anie Princesse could doe in the world in proofe thereof alleadged the order of her familie which was to heare masse euery daie and the most of them two one for the dead and the other for the liuing And this hath the said Counsellour oftentimes related vnto mee and others hee being a man of great grauity truth and sinceritie in his speeches 38. And coÌ„forme to this I haue seen a letter written in Spanish from the said howse of Hat-field vnto K. Philip then in Flaunders by the Count of Ferâ—â— afterward Duke and then Embassadour for the said King in England which letter was written vpon the 16. daie of Nouember in the yeare 1558. when Queen Marie being now extreme sicke and annealed out of all hope of life he went to visit the said Princesse Elizabeth from his Maister and relateth all the conference and speach he had with her and her answers to diuers points concerning her future gouernment with his opinion of the same both in matters of 〈◊〉 and religion concerning the latter wherof though hee discouered in her a great feeling and discontentment of certaine proceedings against her in her sisters time and therevpon did foreâ—â—some troubles like to ensue to some of them that had been in â—â—fe gouernment and namely to Cardinall Poole if he had liued 〈◊〉 wrtieth he that for the Principall points of Catholicke faith â—â—en in controuersie he was persuaded she would make no great â—â—teration and in particular he affirmeth that she protested vnto vnto him very sincerely that she beleiued the reall presence in the Sacrament after the words of consecration pronounced by the Priest 39. Which relation of this noble man is much consirmed by that which was written to the said Queene herself some six or seauen yeares after by Doctor Harding in his dedicatory epistle before the confutation of the English Apologie of the Church of England vpon the yeare 1565. wherin he commendeth her liking of her more sober preachers both allwayes heertofore saith he and specially on Good-friday last openly by words of thanks declared when one of a more temperate nature then the rest in his sermon before your maiesty confessed the Reall Presence So he And that this opinion and affection staied and perseuered with her euen vnto her old age by her owne confession I haue for witnes another Worshipfull knight yet aliue who vpon the truth of his conscience hath often protested vnto me that hauing occasion to walke talke with her and to discourse somewhat largely of forraine matters for that he was newly come froÌ„ beyond the seas in her garden at VVhitehall not aboue fiue or six yeres before her death relating vnto her among other things the iudgment and speaches of other Princes concerning her excellent partes of learning wisedome bewty affability variety of languages and the like but especially the speaches of certaine great Ladies to this effect vpon viewing of her picture the said knight seeing her to take much contentment therein and to demaund still greedily what more was said of her he thought good asking first pardon to ad the exception that was made by the said Ladies to wit how great pitty it was that so rare a Princesse should be stained with heresie wherat her Grace being much moued as it seemeth answered And doe they hold me for an heretick God knoweth what I am if they would let me alone and so auouched vnto him in particular that she beleiued the Reall presence in the Sacrament with other like protestations to that effect 40. And sundry yeares before this againe there being sent into England from France one Monsieur Lansacke of the French King Counsell that was Steward in like manner of the Queen-mothers houshould as before hath byn meÌ„tioned he was wont to recount testifie after his returne with great asseueration that hauing had confident speach with the Queen of England about matters of religion she told him plainely that which before we touched about her spirituall Supremacy to wit that she knew well inough that it belonged not to her but to S. Peter and his Successours but that the people and Parlament had layed it vpon her and would needs haue her to take and beare it Adding moreouer her Catholicke opinion about other points in controuersie also and namely about Praying to Saints affirming that euery day she prayed herself to our Blessed Lady And so far forth had she persuaded this to be true to this French Counsellour as he did not only beleiue it and reporte it againe with great confidence but was wont to be angry also with such as should seeme to make doubt of the truth therof among whome for
also calumnious what shall wee saie of M. Attorney in this behalfe that presumeth so confidentlie to put such open vntruths in print 4. First then for the former point not onlie many Catholicks in the first eleuen yeares by him prescribed did refuse publikely to come to the Protestants Church but many Puritans also from the verie first entrance of Queen Elizabeth to her Crowne and so is it testified by publike authoritie of diuers books set forth by order and approbation of the Bishops of England themselues these years past against the said Puritans recounting the beginning ofspring and progresse of that Sect and faction one of them wriâ—â—ng thus Vpon the returne of Goodman VVhittingham Gylby with â—he rest of their associates from Geneua to England although it greiued them at the heart that they might not beare as great a â—way heer in their seuerall Consistories as Caluyn did it Geneua c. yet medled not they much in shew with matters of this discipline but rather busied themselues about the apparrell of ministers ceremonies prescribed and in picking of quarrells against the Communion booke c. Thus writeth hee of the first Geneâ—ian English preachers that returned from thence to England after the Queens raigne and that for these quarrels against the Common and Communion-booke they refused to come to the Protestants Church in those daies as much as Catholikes it is euident But yet you shall heare it affirmed plainly and distinctly out of the same Author quite opposite to M. Attorneys asseveration though hee bee of his religion if yet he haue made his choise 5. For the first ten or eleuen yeares of her Maiestyes raigne saith hee through the peeuish frowardnes the outcries exclamations of those that came home from Geneua against the garments prescribed to ministers and other such like matters no man of anie experience is ignorant what great contentioâ— and strife was raised in so much as their Sectaries deuided themselues from their ordinarie coÌ„gregations meeting togeather in priuate howses in woods and fields had and kept there their disorderly and vnlawfull Conuenticles which assemblees notwithstanding the absurdnes of them in a Church reformed M. Cart-wright within a while after tooke vpon him in a sorte to defend c. So hee And thus much for Puritanes whome if M. Attorney will graunt to bee of anie perswasion what soeuer in Christian religion he then must needs graunt also that hee was much oâ—ershott in this his first so generall a Proposition affirming that none of what persuasion soeuer did at anie time refuse within that compasse to goe to Church But lett vs see how wee can ouerthrow the same in like manner concerning Catholickes of whom principally hee meant it 6. Hee that shall but cast backe the eye of his memorie vpon the beginning of Queen Elizabeths raigne and shall consider how many Archbishops Bishops Deans Archdeacons Heads of Colledges Chanons Priests Schollers Religious persons of diuers sortes and sexes Gentle-men Gentle-weomen and others did refufe openly to conforme themselues to that new change of Religion then made and published by authority of the said Queen at the beginning of her raigne will maruaile how and in what sense and whether in iest or earnest sleeping or waking M. Attorney set downe in writing so generall a negatiue assertion For that he shall see so many conuictions therof as there be particular witnesses of credit against him in that behalfe And truly it seemeth that either he was an infant or vnborne at that time and hath vnderstood little of those affaires since or els forgot himself much now in affirming so resolutely a proposition refutable by so infinite testimonyes 7. For if he looke but vpon Doctor Sanders Monarchy in latin in his 7. booke where he handleth the matters that fell out vpon the first change of religion in Queen Elizabeths dayes he shall find 14. Bishops at least of England only besides ten more of Ireland and Scotland togeather with Doctor Fecknam Abbot of VVestminster Father Maurice Chasey and VVilson Priors of the Carthusians 13. Deans of Cathedrall churches 14. Archdeacons 15. heads of Colledges almost 50. Chanons of Cathedrall churches aboue eightscore other Priests wherof diuers were Doctors or Bachlers of diuinity Ciuill and Canon-law depriued from their liuings and offering themselues either to voluntary banishment abroad or to imprisonment and disgrace at home for maintenance of Catholicke religion to omit all the rest of the lay sort both of the Nobility Gentry and others that stood openly to the defence of the same Religion All which did refuse to goe to the Protestant-seruice euen in those first dayes which is testimony inough to conuince the open and notorious falsity of M. Attorneys assertion that no person of what persuasion soeuer in Christian religion did at any time refuse to goe to Church though I deny not but that many other besides these throughout the Realme though otherwise Catholickes in heart as most then were did at that tyme and after as also now either vpon feare or lacke of better instruction or both repaire to Protestant-Churches the case being then not so fully discussed by learned men as after it was whether a man with good conscience may goe to the Church and seruice of a different Religion from his owne which releiueth little M. Attorneys affirmation And so this shall suffice for the first point 8. In the second point being no lesse notoriously vntrue then the first he offereth the said Catholickes much more iniury in affirming that vpon this occasion of the Bul of Pius quintus against Q. Elizabeth they first refused to goe to the Church as not holding her for true and lawfull Queene insinuating therby another consequence also much more false and malicious then this to wit that the same may be said and vnderstood of Recusant Catholickes at this day in respect of his Maiesty that now is But the vntruth of this assertion is most manifest both by that we haue shewed before that great multitudes of Catholickes refused euen from the beginning to goe to Protestant-Churches though then the matter was not much vrged against them as also by this other reason for that their holding the Queene for true or vnlawfull was and is impertinent to the matter of going to Church Nay their holding her for not Queen if any so did did rather disoblige then oblige them to this recusancy 9. The reason heerof is for that one principall cause binding them in conscience not to goe to the seruice of a different or opposite religion to their owne was the precept and commaundement giuen by the said Queene that all should repaire to the said seruice to shew their conformity c. For that the obeying of this precept in matters of religioÌ„ they offering themselues otherwise to goe to any Church for temporall matters was a kind of publike denying their owne faith As for example if in Persia at this day or other
Pope Clement the 7. and how the same began cap. 15. num 4.5.6 7. Bulles from Rome not admitted in England except they came certified from some Prelate at home and why cap. 12. num 28. cap. 13. num 27. C. Calixtus the Pope his meeting vvith Henry the first in Normandy cap. 8. n. 14. Campian his fellow-martyrs protestations at their death cap. 16. num 12. Canon-lawes how they vvere receyued in England cap. 14. num 17. Canutus K. of England his confirmation of Peter-pence to Rome cap. 6. n. 72. Catholicke Religion the birth-right of Englishmen cap. 1. num 26. Catholickes falsely charged by M. Attorney cap. 16. num 2.3 deinceps Catholicke-Recusants from the beginning of Q. Elizabeths raigne cap. 16. num 7. Catholickes falsely accused of inconstancy cap. 16. num 18. Caudrey the Clerke his case cap. 3. per totum Causes of K. Henry the 8. his falling out and breach vvith the Sea Apostolicke cap 15. num 1.2 3. Ceadwalla K. of the VVestsaxons his pilgrimage to Rome cap. 6. num 83. His baptisme there and death ibid. Celestine Pope his letters to the Realme of England in absence of K. Richard the first cap. 9. num 33. Charters for Church-priuiledges before the Conquest and after cap. 5. num 2. 3. 4. deinceps cap. 8. num 23. The beginning of the Great-charter vnder K. Henry the third cap. 10. num 6. Church-libertyes confirmed by K. Richard the second cap. 12. num 43. S. Chrysostomes iudgement of spirituall power cap. 2. num 21.22.23 24. Ciuill warres in England vnder King Henry the third cap. 10. num 12. Clergy-men subiect to the Ciuill Magistrate in temporal affaires cap. 2. num 33. 34. But not in spirituall ibid. num 35. Clergie-mens persons exempted from secular povver cap. 2. num 26. 37. Clerkes euer exempted from temporall Iudges cap. 15. num 20. Collations of benefices by lay-men cap. 7. num 26. 29. Comparison betweene Catholick sand Sectaryes cap. 1. num 13. 14. Commodityes or discommodityes of municipall lavves cap. 1. num 20. Comon-lawes birthright cap. 1. num 22. 23. Complaintes against strangers beneficed in England cap. 10. num 21.22 23. deinceps Remedyes sought to the Pope therfore ibid. num 23. Controuersy-wryters condemned by M. Attorney and vvhy cap. 1. num 26.27 28. 29. Controuersy-writers against their conscience cap. 1. nu 32. and vvho they be ibid. num 35. Constantius the Emperour reprehended by Bishops cap. 4. num 6.7 8. Confirmation of Church libertyes in England by diuers Kinges before and after the Conquest cap. 5. num 7. deinceps Cap. 8. n. 23. Conquest of VVales by K. Edward the first cap. 11. num 9. Conuersion of diuers Kingdomes in England one after the other cap. 6. num 15. Condemnation of Protestantes doctrine by K. Henry the eight cap. 15. n. 15. 16. Conscience the cause that Catholicks follow not M. Attorneys current cap. 16. num 19. 20. Constantius the Emperour his iudgement touching such as dissembled in Religion cap. 16. num 20. Councell of Constance in Germany cap. 13. num 6. English Prelates sent thither ibid. Courtes spirituall and temporall and their difference ca 4. nu 11. deinceps Courtes spirituall superiour to temporall ca. 10. num 30. Cranmer the first hereticall Archbishop of Canterbury ca. 15. nu 32. Burnt at Oxford for his heresies ibid. Crosses erected by K. Edward the first ca. 11. num 6. Crowne of EnglaÌ„d not subiect to any in temporalityes ca. 12. nu 48. D. Decrees and Ordinances of Pope Formosus for the Church of England ca. 6. num 59. Decree against Bigamy ca. 11. nu 31. Decree of Pope Gregory the ninth about proceeding against hereticks ca. 13. num 14. Decrees of K. Henry the eyght his breach with the Sea Apostolicke ca. 15. num 11. 12. Despaire causeth forgetfulnes of all reason and duty and vvhy ca. 16. n. â—2 Demonstrations before the Conquest against secular Princes Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction in England cap. 6. per totum Deposition of Stigand Archbishop of Canterbury ca. 7. num 9. Difference of Courtes and vvhat it proueth ca. 4. num 11. Difference of lawes and law-makers before the Conquest ca. 6. num â— Difference of Courtes shew differeÌ„ce of origen and authority ca. 11. nu 50. Directions of ancient Fathers hovv to find out Truth ca. 1. nu 17. 18. Dispensations of most importance procured alvvayes from Rome cap. 6. num â—4 35. Dissention betvveene Protestants and Puritans and vvhy Prefac n. 18. 19. Dissimulation in Religiou hovv daungerous cap. 16. num 20. Doubts raised in England concerning bygamy cap. 11. num 32. E. Ecclesiasticall lavves made to be the Kinges lavves by M. Attorney cap. 4. nu 13. 14. Ecclesiasticall vveighty matters allvvayes referred to Rome by our English Kinges cap. 6. num 19. Edgar K. of England his speach for the reformation of the Clergy cap. 6. num 87. 88. His piety and deuotion tovvards the Sea of Rome ibid. S. Edmund Archbishop of Canterbury threatneth K. Henry the third if he obayed not cap. 10. num 37. K Edward the Confessor his confirmation of Peter-pence to Rome cap. 6. num 73. K. Edward the first surnamed Long-shanke cap. 11. num 3. His deuotion ibid. num 4. His vvorkes of piety ibid. His Conquest of VVales ibid. num 9. His mutability in keeping Church-priuiledges ibid. num 11. His violent proceeding against the Clergy ibid. num 12. 13. His euer obedience to the Sea of Rome in meere spirituall things ibid. num 14. 17. His deuotion tovvards the first Pope in Auinion in France ibid. num 16. His accusation of the Archbishop of Canterbury to the Pope ibid. num 16. His lawes in preiudice of the Clergy ibid. num 21. K. Edward the second his euill successe of marriage in France cap. 11. n. 41. K. Edward the third his restraints against the Clergy of England cap. 12. num 1. 2. His punishment for the violence vsed towards the Church cap. 12. nu 2.3.39 40. Motiues that induced him therto ibid. num 3. His great embassage to the Pope ib. num 7. His protestation for obedience to the Sea of Rome for himselfe and his cap. 12. num 8. His disordinate life ibid. num 41. K. Edward the fourth his raigne ouer England cap. 14. num 1.2.3 deinceps K. Edward the sixth his raigne cap. 15. num 26. His Supremacy of the Church of England declared by the Protector his vncle ibid. S. Egwyn Bishop of VVorcester his monastery of Euesham cap. 6. num 42. His voyage to Rome ibid. nu 79. Elections of Bishops 4. kinds cap. 7. num 32. Eminency of spirituall power aboue temporall cap. 2. num 19. England made tributary to Rome cap 6. num 67. cap. 9. num 62.63 64. Entrance into England denyed to the Popes Legates and vvhy cap. 14. n. 13. 15. Error vvhat it is
Power and the author therof c. 2. n. 2. Power spirituall and temporall and the different endes therof cap 2. n. 3. 4. deinceps per totum caput Power spirituall of the Church and pastors therof cap. 3. n. 10. Power spirituall more eminent than temporall cap. 2. n. 19. Premunire and the first beginning of that law cap. 12. n. 11. Priuiledges and franquises of Churches and monasteryes procured from the Pope cap. 6. n. 37.38 deinceps Priuiledges of the Abbey of Euesham cap. 6. n. 42. Of the Abbey of S. Albans ibid. n. 43. Priuiledges of Glastenbury-Abbey from Rome cap 6. num 45. Priuiledges of VVestminster procured by K. Edward the Confessor cap. 6. num 47. Priuiledges of Ecclesiasticall men in temporall courtes cap. 7. n. 18. alibi saepissimè Promotion of strangers to Ecclesiasticall dignityes in England cap. 10. num 21. 22. cap. 11. num 36. The inconueniences therof to Englishmen ibidem Protestants doctrine condemned by K. Henry the 8. cap. 15. num 15. Prouisions against bribing at Rome cap. 13. n. 21. Prouisions of Ecclesiasticall liuinges in England made by the Pope c. 12. n. 5. The CoÌ„plaintes therof by Englishmen ibidem The continuance of the same in England cap. ibid. n. 9. AgreemeÌ„t therabout made betweene the Pope and the Kinge cap. ibid. n. 21. Q. Queene Eleanour Mother to K. Richard the first her iorney to Sicily cap. 9. num 29. Her returne by Rome and busines there with the Pope ibid. num â— Her complaintes and petition to Pope Celestinus ibid. num 39.40 41. Queene Elizabeths spirituall authority giuen her by Parlament cap. 3. num 3. 4. The inconueniences and absurdityes that follow therof ibid. n. 4. 5. 6. cap. 4. num 27. Her singularity in that point ibidem num 28. Her supremacy mistiked by Protestants Puritans cap. 4. num 41. 42. 43 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. Causes that moued her first to accept of the Supremacy cap. 15. num 35. 36. Her conferenâ—e vvith Syr Fran. Inglefield ibid. num 37. Item with the Count of Feria the Spanish Embassadour ibid. num â—â— Her protestation about the Real-presence in the Sacrament ibidem n 39. Her ConfereÌ„ce with Mounsieur Lansacke the French Embassadour ibidem num 41. Her owne inclination towards Catholicke Religion ibid num 42. How she vvas drawne to great extremes and cruelty against Catholicks cap. 15. num 43. Queene Mary her raigne cap. 15. n. 3â— Her restoring of Catholicke Religion in England cap. 15. num 31. 32. R. Reasons that shew william the Conrour to haue alwayes acknowledged the Sea of Rome cap. 7. num 8.9.10 deinceps Recourse to Rome presently after Englands Conuersion about Ecclesiasticall affaires cap. 6. num 10,11 12. Recourse to Rome by the Kinges of England and Scotland in their greatest Controuersyes cap. 11. num 44. Recusancy of Puritans and the first cause therof cap. 16. num 5. Recusancy of Catholickes from the beginning of Q. Elizabeth raigne cap. 16. num 7. Reformation of the English Clergy by King Henry the 7. cap. 14. num 15. Reliques sent to King Osway of NorthumberlaÌ„d by Pope Vitalianus c. 6. n. 24. ResignatioÌ„ of inuestitures by K. Henry the first cap. 8. num 14. Restraintes of exercising the Popes Authority in England and how the same vvere first made cap. 2. num 41. cap. 10. num 25. cap. 12. num 35. King Richard the first his raigne c. 9. num 22. 23. deinceps His misfortunes ibid. num 23. His behauiour and oath at his Coronation ibid. num 25. His voiage to Ierusalem ibid. num 26. 27. His kingdome commended to the Popes protection ibid num 27. His mother sent from Rome to Sicily ibid. num 30. His letter to Pope Clement the 3. ibid num 31. His captiuity in Austria ibid. num 38. K. Richard the second his disorders cause therof cap. 21. num 42. His confirmation of Church-libertyes ibid. num 43. His obedience to the Church-Censures ibid num 47. S. Sanctuary graunted by the Pope to S. Iohns Church in London cap. 14. num 9. Denyed by the temporall iudges ibid. num 10. Scruple of Conscience vrged vpon M. Attorney cap. 16. num 14. Sectaryes not any vvay compared to Catholickes vvhy c. 1. n. 13.14 15. Sectaryes their vayne comendation of Truth cap. 1. num 16. Singularity of knovvledge in heretickes cap. 1. num 5. 6. 7 Statute in Parlament for giuing spirituall authority to Q. Elizabeth cap. 3. num â— â—â— â— 19. The absurdityes that therof ensue ibid. num 5. 6. 7. num 19.20 21. 23. 24. Statutes of K. Henry the 3. in fauour of the Church cap. â—0 num 27. Statute of Merton made by K. Henry the 3. cap. 10. num 39. Statute of Bigamy anno 4. Edouardi 1. cap. 11. num 30. Statute of Carliele made in the raigne of King Edward the first c. 11. n. â—9 Statute against Lollards cap. 13 n. 22. 23. Statute for reformation of the Clergy cap. 14. num 15. K. Stephen his raigne ouer England cap. 8. num 25. His oath for the libertyes of the Church ibid. num 27. His inconstancy by euill counsaile ibid. num 28. His violence vsed against Clergy-men ibid. His citation and appearance before the Bishops ibid num 31. Stigand Archbishop of Canterbury deposed cap. 7. num 9. Strangers their promotions to Ecclesiasticall dignityes in England and inconueniences therof cap. 10. num 21. 22. 23. cap. 11. num 36. Remedyes sought therof from the Popes of those tymes ibid. num 38. Supremacy Ecclesiasticall not possibly in a woman cap. 4. num 26. 27. Supremacy assumed first by K. Henry the 8. cap. 15. num 13.14 15. Also by K. Edward the 6 ibid num 26. Item by Q. Elizabeth ibid. num 34.35 36. 37. Suppression of the kinghtes of the temple cap. 11. num 43. Synne of heresy how great and greiuous cap. 16. num 26 27. T Tenantes of the Church priuiledged  A straÌ„ge attempt to impugne Catholicke religion by Catholicke Princes lawes in EnglaÌ„d The importance of M. Attorneys Plea The singularity of M. Attorneyes paradox Ciâ— Tuscul q. 3. M. Attorney chalenged of his promise The Author promiseth all modesty in this answere M. Attorney bound in conscience and honour to enforme a nevv his Maiesty * M. Garnet M. Attorneyes ouerlashing in speech Math. 5. Math. 12 The Diuelâ—s sinnes in â—â—pting Adam M. Garnetts case Hovv things heard in confessioÌ„ may not be vttered by Catholick doctrine A partition not afterward performed M. Garnet an honest man by M. Attorneyes warrant M. Attorneyes wit in making a bloudy law to be a sweet lavv About Equiuocation About the antiquity vniuersality of the Protestant Church A straÌ„ge discourse of M Attorney about his Church * Many all 's A theologicall argumet for the Roman Church Mar. vltimo Iâ—an 14. 10. Mat. 10. 1 Timo. 3.
anno 1245. Ibidem K. Henry obtaineth of the P. to be accompted of ful age Paris in 〈◊〉 Hen. 3. an 122â— The beginning of the great Charter for church priuiledges VValsingh in viâ—a Edvvards primâ—â— initiâ— Eâ—ypodig Nâ—u 〈◊〉 an 1274. The deuout behauiour of K. Henry 3. ConfereÌ„ce betvvene K. Henry aud S. Levves K. of France Paris anno 12â—4 in vst Hen. 3. The vtilities by our English Kinges deuotion to Rome Paris Ibid. The Ciuil vvarrs of England vnder K. Henry the third The points vvherin the soueraignty of the Sea of Rome vvas seene The manner of Ecclesiastical elections vnder K. Henry 3. The manner of placing a Bishop of Durham Paris in vit Henr. 3. an 1226. 1228. An other example of the prouision of the Church of Canterbury Ibidem Richard of Canterbury appealeth to Rome against K. Henry 3. Paris an 1231. in vit Henr. 3. Tvvo elected Archbishops of Canterbury refused by the Pope Paris anno 1232. Hovv obedient K. Henry vvas to the Sea of Rome CoÌ„plaints of English-men against straÌ„gersâ— in England Math. Paris anno 1244. The louing and obedient letter of K. Henry vnto Pope Innocentius CoÌ„plaints made to the Councell and Pope himselfe of abuses Paris anno 1245. The popes seuerall orders for prouiding for Englishmen Generall consent of vvâ—â—ting to the Sea of Rome for remedye of agrieuaÌ„ces Math. Paris Anno. 1146. The beginning originall cause of al restraints Mag. Câ—art cap. 1. The statutes of K. Henry all in fauour of the Clergye 2. H. 3. tit ProhibitioÌ„ 13. 4. H. 3. Ibidem 15. 15. H. 3. tit ProhibitioÌ„ 22. Regist. fol. The explication of the lavv Stat. an 9. 〈◊〉 6. cap. 11. Spirituall coâ—â—tes superior to the teÌ„porall Hovv spirituall Courtes are the Kings courtes M. Attorneys inference hovv it holdeth and holdeth not Diuers examples ouerthrovving M. Attorneys commentarye Paris anno 1â—32 The King obeyed the Bishop of London in restoring Earle Hubert Paris Ibid. K Henry obeyed the B. of London in spirituall matters The Bishops refuse to excommunicate at the Kings appointment Paris anno 1234. S. EdmoÌ„d Archb. of Canterbury threatneth excoÌ„munication to the King if he obey him not Paris anno 1215. pag. 656. K. Henry obeyed the Deane of Paules in spirituall authority The Statute of Merton an 20. Hen. 3. This instance proueth nothing See the Code l. 5. tit 27. log 1. Constant lib. 5. Imper. Ze 1. lib. 10. Imper. Iustin. Nouell constit 89. de natural liberis §. Siquis igitur c. Lib. 4. Decret tit 17. cap. 6. * Cap. CoÌ„questus est * Cap. 13. Per venerabilem Ilidom Cap. 7. Causam quae M. Attorney mistaketh and mis-relateth the matter This King began his raigne an 1272. and raigned 35. yeares vntill 1307. Stovv in vita Edouards prâ—â—â— King Edvvard surnamed Long-shanke Deuotion of K. Edvvard Magna Charta VValsingam in vitae Edvvards p. anno 1191. King Edvvard praied and gaue almes for his Queenes soule Crosses erected VVorkes of piety of King â—dvvard VVestmon in heâ— or maiori in vita Edou primi Vestmonasteriensis anne 1197. A pious patheticall speach of King Edvvard King Edvvardes occasions of dealing in VVales and Scotland VValsingam anno 1292. in vita Edouards King Edvvardes mutabilitie in keeping priuiledges Math. Vestmonast VValsingam anno 1307. Math. Vestmon an 1278. Violent proceeding of K. Edvvard A sleight of K. Edvvard against the Clergie In anno 1294. A Knight sent to force the Monkes of VVestminster to yelde by feare to the Kings vvill In meere spirituall things the King neuer made difficulty to obey the Sea of Rome VValsingam eodem anno Diuers Bishopricks disposed of by Popes vnder K. Edvvard the first King Edvvardes deuotion tovvards the first Pope in Auinion King Edvvard accused the Archb. of Canterbury vnto the Pope VVestmonast eodem anno The great respect borne to the Sea of Rome by King Edvvarde An Embassadge sent by K. Edvvard to excuse himselfe to the Pope Thomas VValsingam in an 1308. The manner of vvriting of K Edvvard and his nobility to P. Bonifacius Math Vestmonaster Thom. Valsing in an 1301. 1302. King Edvvards lavves in preiudice of the Clergy of England Vide 3 Edo 5. â—â— Ass pl. 19. Brooke tit premunire pl. 10. Note this vvas vva â—y the common-lavv of England before any statute made CoÌ„mon-lavv must haue some birth or beginning VVestmonasteriensis an 1197. A cleere ouerthrovv of M. Attorneys assertion In vvhat sense the publishing of a Bul might be punished in K. Edvvards dayes Reportis fol. 15. 31. 〈◊〉 â— tit â—â—com 6. â— instance 15. Edouar tit Quare non admisit 7. Vide 39. Edou 3. 20. Note 1. ansvvere CoÌ„mon-lavves imagined but not extant Anno â— Edouards terâ—â—i stat 2. cap. 2. Seasing of Bishops landes Anno. 14. Edo 3. stat 3. pro Clero Hovv Bishops might be punished for not admitting the Kings iust presentatioÌ„ Supra cap. praeced The Archbishop of Canterbury depriued of his spiritual iurisdiction by Q Elizabeth anno 1580. The statuâ—e of 〈…〉 an 〈…〉 vnderstoode in vvhat senâ— should â—e receiued allouâ—ed hâ—ere Lib. 1. Decretalium Gregorie tit 21. The Decree against Bigamy In 6 Decre alium â—â—â— tit de Bigamis The true state of the case and doubt risen in England A poore commentary and shifte of M. Attorney Hovv M. Attorney straineth the â—ext to helpe himself 4 instance Statutum de anno 25. Edouâ— 1. Carlile vide 20. Edouar 3. tit Essom 24. Nota. The first atteÌ„pte vvas to vsurpe vpon such Ecclesiasticall things as appertayned to the Clergy of England vvho at that tyme stood in great avve of the church of Rome The ansvvere to the fourth Instance of M Attorney IncoÌ„ueniences by promoting strangers in England Diuers agreemeÌ„ts for prouision of Benefices VVest monast anno 1307. Remedy sought from the Pope himselfe VValsing Ibidem See statute anno 25. Edouards 3. The statute of Carleile maketh nothing for M. Attourney This King began his raigne an 1307. and raigned 19. yeres to vvitt vntill 1326. Ancient English vvriters vvhen the end VValsing in 〈◊〉 1307. Stovv in Edouardo p. â—â—â—ine vita The ill successe of King Edvvardes marriage â—n France The suppression of the Knights of the Temple VValsiâ—gam in storia Edâ—uâ—râ— 2. anno 1311. 1â—24 â—oâ—dor Stovv Ibidem Recourse made to the Pope by EnglaÌ„d and Scotland in their greatest controuersies VValsing anno 1319. 1323. The â— of Canterbury made by the Popes prouision The Bishop of Hereford taken froÌ„ the barre by Ecclesiasticall authority The statute of Edvv. 2. articuli â—lâ—â—i cap. 36. Eos the ordinance of circumspecté agatis â—do 1. so this effect â—y this statute of the â— of Ed. 2. and 15. of Edvv. 3. cap. 6. 31. E. 3. cap. 11. and by other statutes heretofore mentioned the iurisdiction of the Ecclesiasticall courtes iâ— allovved vvarranted by consent of Parlament in all cases vvherein they novv haue iurisdiction so as these lavves may be iustly called