considering that they were likely to meete with many such bickerings before they should come to London and not likely to hold out against them all their numbers not being answerable to the way they were to goe they turned towards Warwicke intending to expect the comming of the Earle thereof who being come from Calleis did together with his Sonne in Law raise people in all parts But before either the King or Warwicke got thither fortune brought the two Armies face to face within three miles of Bambery in a certaine place where were three hills In two whereof the two Armies were encampt the third left to the successe of fortune not assayed by the Welch because they could not without much hazzard make themselves masters thereof though they had a great minde so to doe The Earle of Pembrooke and the Lord Stafford were lodged in Bambery where to shunne disputes which upon the like occasion might arise they agreed each of them to take such lodging as they first should light upon The Baron being lodged to his liking the Earle forgetting his agreement and using his authority would I know not why have him change lodging the which he unwillingly did because so doing he was to quit the company of a Gentlewoman whom he found lodged there And having no other meanes to shew his resentment at the present hee together with all his people left the Towne leaving the Earle without any Bowmen who by their shooting were likely to bee the best advantage of the Battell The Earle was not herewithall dismayed but going to the Campe tooke any resolution rather than to retire It was just the day after St. Iames his day when Sir Henry Nevill Son to the L. Latimer thinking hee had been too long idle went forth to skirmish early in the morning being followed by a company of light horse But delighting more therein than he had reason hee so far advanced himselfe as not knowing how to retire hee was taken and soone after put to death upon coole bloud His youth nobility and valour the chiefest of all endowments not being sufficient to save him This act of cruelty incensed the Northerne people who resolving to revenge his death let flie their darts at the hill where the Welchmen lay whereby inforcing them to come down into the plaine where the battel began It was not sufficient for the E. of Pembrook who fought upon disadvantage to execute the part of a Commander it behoved him to play the part of a souldier whilst his brother Sr. Rich. Herbert minding nothing but the battel did so behave himself as the true story of his valour is not to be exceeded by any fabulous Romanza for making way through the enemies troops with his sword in his hand he passed twice through the whole length of their army returning to his own men if not untoucht yet without any mortall wound The which as I believe was occasioned for that his worth admired by those that saw it did by joyning delight with danger and wonder with delight with-hold the hands of all men from injuring him The battell did almost totally lean to his side when Iohn Clapham a Servant of the E. of Warwicks who had gathered together 500 of the poorest basest sort of people about Northampton appear'd upon the top of one of those hils with a white Beare in his Ensigne crying out a Warwicke a Warwicke the which did so much frighten the Welch as believing Warwicke to be there with all his forces they began to fly Sir Richards valour not being sufficient to detain them In this flight the prisoners not numbred 5000 men were slaine The Earle of Pembrooke his brother Sir Richard and many other Gentlemen wer taken prisoners and without any triall at Law beheaded at Bambery The Earle who was appointed first to suffer addressing himselfe to Conniers and Clapham entreated them in the behalfe of his brother hee objected unto them his youth and comelinesse of stature answerable to his Martiall mind that his valour even by themselves admired might one day be serviceable to his Countrey But Sir Henry Nevils death had so exasperated them as that it occasioned his death the death of his brother and of many others A lamentable Tragedy presented by so worthy men So as it is no wonder if vertue be hated since it is not usefull but rather harmefull to the owners thereof Sir Edward Herbert Baron of Cherbery doth at this time live descended from them a Gentleman who hath given such proofe of his valour as well in his owne private occasions in England as in the warres in the Low-Countries as hee may justly be said to sympathize with the said Sir Richard but in schollership he hath the advantage of adding that glory to his Ancestors by his famous Philosophicall composures which in the like kind hee hath not received from them Their cruelties did not here cease for those of Northampton having chosen unto themselves one Robert of Risdale for their Captaine and joyned certaine others unto him they surprized the Earle Rivers father to the Queen and his sonne Iohn in his mansion-house of Grafton brought them to Northampton and without more adoe beheaded them The Lord Stafford was generally accused for the losse of this battell who for so sleight a cause and upon so urgent an occasion forsooke the Kings service to revenge himselfe upon the Earle of Pembrooke And to say the truth this misfortune had not hapned at least not with the death of so many and so worthy men had hee been there Edward therefore sent forth Commissions to the Sheriffes of Devonshire and Somersetshire to seeke him out finde him and upon paine of their lives to put him to death They were not wanting in diligence they found him where he thought he had been sufficiently concealed and executed their command The victors this meane while had retired themselves to Warwicke whither the Earle thereof was come with a great body of armed men And understanding that the King was marching towards him hee advertised the Duke of Clarence who forthwith joyned with him bringing along a great number of armed men They were likely presently to have come to blowes according to the custome of England had not some great personages desirous of peace and of the good of the Weale publique interposed to finde some way of accommodation This negotiation made Edward so carelesse as that confidently believing in peace hee neglected all duties of Military discipline whilst Warwicke more wary than he being by his spies certified of the Guards negligence and the heedlesnesse of all the rest who behaved themselves as if no enemy had been set upon the King by night and without any resistance tooke him prisoner A blow likely to end the difference without blood-shed He first put him in the Castle of Warwicke from thence that no man might know what was become of him he sent him to Medlam a Castle in Yorkeshire then in the custody of the Archbishop
common sense faile to suggest unto him what injury hee was to suffer by the rule of the house of Lancaster notwithstanding the seeming favourable proceedings of Parliament in his behalfe hee cloaked therefore his sorrow and seemed to be glad at what did inwardly afflict him hee endeavoured to fit himselfe to the present times till fortune might afford some other occasion When Warwicke had thus taken order for things at home hee applied himselfe to foraine affaires his first thoughts were to divert Duke Charles from assisting Edward beleeving that whilest hee was busyed with the Armes of France in Picardy and those of England in the confines about Callis danger would enforce him to mind his owne affaires and not trouble himselfe with what concerned other men hee sent 400 men to Callis to make inrodes into the parts about Boloigne which were with all dutifull respect received by Vauclere which freed him of all suspition of being any way inclined to the contrary party Before Edward landed in Holland Charles was informed that hee was dead neither was hee troubled at the newes moved by his antient inclination to the house of Lancaster and though Warwickes power did much molest him not hoping ever to gaine him hee hoped notwithstanding strongly to oppose him by meanes of the two Dukes of Sommerset and Exceter who had beene by him maintained in their miseries but when hee heard hee was arrived in Holland he was altogether amazed for should hee assist him he should draw upon him Henries enmity neither could hee deny him aide since his Wife was his Sister Charles knew not that Callis was at Warwickes command building much thereon hee sent Comines to see what hee could promise to himselfe therein for Vauclere having denyed entrance to Warwicke and accepted of a Pension from him hee had reason to believe him to depend upon him the Duke and not to be reconcileable with Warwicke but as soone as Comines was come to Callis hee found hee had lost his labour hee was not received as formerly all hee met wore the Earles colours the gate of the house wherein hee lay and his owne Chamber doore were marked with the White-crosse Songs were every where sung of the firme friendship and intelligence betweene Lewis and Warwicke Being by Vauclere invited to Dinner hee met there a great many Gentlemen who talked neglectfully of Edward and those most who had formerly seemed most to affect him none but Vauclere himselfe spake modestly of him Comines faining the first report of Edwards death to be true said to them that 't was now to no purpose to talke any more of him since hee was dead and that if hee were yet alive the Duke of Burgondy had contracted no other friendship with him then with whatsoever other King That the Articles of contract mentioned onely England and the King thereof that the friendship between England and Burgondy should still continue the same the names of Edward and Henry onely altered Charles was not displeased with this agreement though it was not as he could have desired for under-hand hee could do what he listed whilst hee was free from suspition of being molested by England which was that he most feared The Wollen-Drapers of London wrought well for him in this businesse for Warwicke having taken 4000 men into pay to send against him the Merchants for feare the War might overthrow their Trafficke did so behave themselves as they made him alter his resolution which had it not happen'd much mischiefe might have ensued to him for this fell out just at the same time when Lewis had taken from him Amiens and St. Quintines so as his affaires were likely to have succeeded ill he not being able to defend himselfe in two severall parts against two so potent enemies Charles had not yet seene Edward their first encounter was in the Towne St. Paul the perswasions the King used to him were that he himselfe shared with him in his losse since that he had not now to do with Henry of Lancaster but with the Earle of Warwicke whose Friendship was never to be hoped for as long as Lewis his amity did prevaile that by assisting him hee should not onely assist a Brother in Law and one that would alwayes be his friend but hee should do a worke becomming a just and a great Prince without exposing himselfe to a long and impossible businesse since hee had such intelligence such friends and servants within the Kingdome as hee needed onely to shew himselfe with some Convoy of Ships armed with a few men rather for reputation sake then any neede These perswasions were but coldly entertained by Charles for the Dukes of Sommerset and Exceter shewed unto him what hee owed to his Birth hee himselfe comming of the house of Lancaster and promised him what hee could desire against Warwicke to whom they were both irreconcileable enemies Edward was not well pleased to be nourished with hopes whilest Charles made him believe that his dissembling was necessary for them both for him because hee was not to fight with two Kingdomes at one and the same time and for Edward because opportunity might render his succour more usefull But Edward not satisfied with these put-offs considering that his designes were the lesse likely to succeede well by how much the more firmely Henry grew settled in his Kingdome hee caused foure Ships to be made ready for him at Vere in Holland which being a free Haven not denyed to any one the Ships might seeme to be set forth by Edward himselfe and hired 14 more for him of the Easterlings bargaining that they should passe him over into England and serve him fifteene dayes after he should be landed Hee caused moreover 50000 Florines to be secretly delivered unto him and that this aide might not seeme to be given by him he made it be proclaimed that whosoever should assist Edward should incurre great punishment hereby hee freed himselfe from giving suspition to England and come what might come remain'd friends to both sides Edward had 2000 men with him besides Mariners with which having landed at Ravenspur in Yorkeshire he sent forth some light horse to discover how the Inhabitants were inclined and finding them wholly turned over to Henries side not so much as willing to heare him named hee changed his resolution hee gave out that he did not pretend to the Kingdome Fearing lest the troubles that might thereby arise might alienate the peoples hearts but to his patrimoniall estate of Yorke under the obedience of Henry It cannot be imagined what good effect this his crafty wisedome produced for this his pretence being thought not onely moderate but just no man opposed him therein Equity orany thing which resembles it is of so great efficacy amongst men as that hee who but a little before was banished declared a Traitor and had his Lands confiscated yet being so great a Prince by birth as hee was and having beene King it moved all men to compassionate him
thereunto departed so much distasted as there never was after this any good Intelligence between them If Charles were angry at this Truce it amazed the Constable much more before he knew the certain conclusion thereof and when he knew it he sent his Confessor to Edward to intreat him not to give belief to Lewis his words or promises That he would be pleased to accept of the two Towns of Eu and S. Valleri which should be delivered up unto him That he might lodge there the beginning of the Winter promising him better Towns within two moneths space but he named them not He offered likewise to lend him Fifty thousand Crowns to the end that he might not be necessitated to make the Agreement But Edward answered The Truce was concluded and was to be observed if he were displeased thereat he might thank himself for if he had kept his promise to him he had not done it The place of Parley between the two Kings was Pichines a Town belonging to the Vidame of Amiens three Leagues distant from the Citie where whilst a wooden Bridge was cast over the River of Some and parties from either side were sent to view it Edward came within half a League of Amiens and was by Lewis presented with Three hundred Cartload of the best Wines that could be found and his people had in the City free egresse and regresse Lewis had caused many Tables laden with all sorts of salt-Meats which might provoke to drink to be set at the entring in of the Gate they were guarded by the best drinkers of France Besides all this he gave Commission to all the Innes and Taverns that they should feast the English and not suffer them to pay a peny Upon which occasion Nine thousand English came into the Town Some of the more cautelous French seeing this were not void of suspition in somuch as they did advertise Lewis thereof who having set people to observe their behaviours Finding them all singing and making merry and the most part of them drunk he found no cause of fear 'T was a wonder that in three days all which time this open Court was kept there hapned not any falling out or quarrel amongst so many drunkards Assoon as the Bridge was fully finished Edward marched towards it with his Army in a glorious manner Lewis his Army being nothing in comparison to his Lewis was come thither before Edward Amongst the Orders of the Parley one was That each of them shoule send Four of their men into the company of the others to have an eye upon what should be done to the end that if they should finde any cause of suspition they might advertise their Masters But this was needlesse The two Kings were to be attended upon the Bridge by Twelve men onely of which those that are named were Iohn Duke of Burbon the Cardinal of Burbon his Brother and Commines Lord of Argenton who had a Suit upon him like to that which King Lewis wore for it was his custom oftentimes to have some-body neer him clad in like manner as he himself was Commines writes that when Edward appeared his very presence spoke him a King and that though he begun to grow somewhat fat he was notwithstanding very handsom though not altogether so comely as when Warwick made him flee to Flanders at which time he was the handsomest and most comely man that ever he saw There were with him his Brother the Duke of Clarence the Earl of Northumberland the Lord Hastings his Chamberlain the Bishop of Ely his Chancellor and others to the number of Twelve The Duke of Gloucester came not thither for that having not given his consent to the Truce he would not be present when it was to be sworn unto When Edward was come within Five spaces of the Grate he took off his Cap which was of black Velvet whereon was a rich Jewel of Diamonds they made â—…owe Reverences each to other and embraced each other thorow the partitions of the Grate Lewis was the first that spoke he said He never coveted any sight so much as this and that he blessed God that had brought them together to so good an End Edward having courteously replied in French the Chancellor of England read the Treaty asking Lewis whether it were the same that he had sent and if he were therewithal content he answered Yes as likewise with that which was sent him from the King of England Hereupon the Masse-book and the Crosse being brought they laid their hands thereon and swore to observe the Truce of Nine yeers comprehending therein those that were within named and the Marriage between their children This being done Lewis said merrily to Edward He might do well to come to Paris to see the fair Ladies there and take his pastime and that if he should chance to commit some trivial trangressions he would assigne the Cardinal of Burbon to him for his Confessor This Cardinal was a young Prince no enemy to good-fellowship So as Edward being well pleased with the complemental Invitation Lewis for a good while play'd upon them both Lewis after this commanded his men to retire and Edwards men forth with withdrew uncommanded They discoursed a pretty while together it not being well known whereon but as it is believed to the prejudice of the Constable Lewis asked him what he would advise him to do if the Duke of Burgundy should not accept of the Truce as it was likely he would not in regard of the proud terms he had used to him Offer it him the second time replied Edward and if he shall not then accept of it do what you think best Lewis made this enquiry concerning Burgundy onely that he might enquire of Edward as he did and discover what his opinion was of the Duke of Bretaigne Edward said The Duke of Bretaigne was his friend and such a one as he had not found the like in his need that therefore he desired Lewis not to molest him but suffer him to live in quiet Lewis was not well pleased with this answer for his intentions were not good towards that Prince and he was the worse pleased for that he knew not the reason of it which was his detaining of the Earl of Richmond for it was in Bretaigne's power to trouble Edward if he listed for though he should neither have assisted Richmond with Men nor Money yet the permitting him to return to England would be sufficient to shake all the foundation of that Kingdom Lancasters faction was ready to rise hearing of his name and to trouble the possession of the Crown the which he having peaceably enjoy'd since Henry's death he was not likely to do so long so opposed Lewis was ignorant of these interests but cloking his dislike they took leave each of other having embraced such Lords and Princes as were there Edward returned to his Camp and Lewis to Amiens from whence he sent to Edward whatever he thought behoveful for him even to
aid given by England did not much burden the Countrey which did abound in men and all things else the now-expences were to be drawn from England onely which being exhausted by Civil Wars could not well furnish things needful to so important an Expedition so as it was great wisedom in Edward if failed by the Duke cheated by the Constable and allured by Lewis with Moneys Pensions and chiefly with the promise of so honourable and advantageous a Match he did withdraw himself shunning thereby such snares as the contingencies of War might make him fall into as well at home as abroad Edward was not well landed when Lewis began to rid his hand of what other businesse he had to do which was the Truce with Charles and the Constables ruine The later was now no longer to be evaded his wife Mary of Savoy sister to the Queen of France she who always made up the breaches between her husband and brother-in-law was dead and his friends of all sides forsook him amongst which the Count Dammartin and Messieurs de Tremoville and Lude who were very powerful at Court so as imagining the King would come to S. Quintines as he did he withdrew himself from thence and abandoned that place not affying in the Garison which immediately yeelded up the Town Passing from hence to Varuins he there received Charles his Ambassadours who were come to treat of the Truce and were waited upon by handsom and well armed Troops There were in the Kings train besides the English Hostages many Gentlemen of the same Nation who bare them company and who wondering to see the Ambassadours so well attended one of them said to Monsieur de Commines that if the Duke of Burgundy had been accompanied with such men when he came to Calais Edward would not so easily have made an Agreement Monsieur de Narbone who was then present in a jesting manner replied They were too simple to believe that the Duke of Burgundy wanted such men as those but that their desire to return into England Six hundred Tun of Wine and a Pension had made them believe any thing This sort of jesting pleased not the English Gentleman who answered that it was true that he had heard that the French gybed at the English but they might gybe so long that their being gone might not hinder them from returning back again and although Monsieur de Commines would have smoothed over the businesse the English-man did notwithstanding complain thereof unto the King who being of a contrary humour to Narbone chid him as detesting his ill-advised indiscretion After much Dispute the Truce was at last concluded for nine yeers and all who had forfeited their estates by following the contrary party were suffered to return and take possession of them except Messieurs de Commines de Renti de Chasse and de Baldwin a Bastard of Burgundy the Duke who was inexorable in the behalf of such as had once quitted him would not be perswaded to suffer them enjoy any such priviledges as others did The chiefest Articles of the Truce were That the King should renounce his League with the Emperour and City of Collen should slight some forts that he should proceed against the Constable by way of justice according to the Treaty of Bovines that he should restore S. Quintines to the Duke and that he should not assist the Duke of Lorrein When Edw. understood that Charls would not accept of the Truce made by him he sent Sir Tho. Montgomery to intreat Lewis not to make any league with him save what was answerable to that which was made between them two and that he should not restore unto him S. Quintines and that if he were to make War against him he would crosse the Seas again to fight on Lewis his behalf on two Conditions the one That he should satisfie him for the losse he should have in his Customs of Wools at Callis which being taken from the Commerce of Dutch-men who were Charles his Subjects were worth unto him Fifty thousand Crowns a yeer the other that he should pay half the men which Edward should bring over But Lewis thanking him for his offer said he had already made the same Truce for nine yeers with him without any difference save the giving of Letters apart With this answer did Montgomery return and together with him the Hostages But Lewis would never have accepted of this offer though he had stood in need of it he thought it ominous to have the English in France besides the Commerce with Flanders and the ancient pretence to France might haply without much difficulty make Edward joyn again with Charles against them The Constable this mean while sinding himself abandoned by them who foreseeing his ruine absented themselves he knew not what to resolve upon nor whither to retire himself he durst not trust himself in Han though it were a very strong Fort and for the like occasions so fortified by him as it was thought almost impregnable because the Garison thereof were all Burgonians and French to flee into Germany with Moneys and Jewels would be dangerous at last after many consultations privately with himself he resolved to have recourse to Charles to demand safe-Conduct and under colour of important affairs to get accesse to him and win his ear Having got it he went to Mons with not above Fifteen or Twenty Horse where contrary to all faith he was at Lewis his request detained and sent to Peron The Duke according to the tie of his Articles was either to deliver him up unto the King within eight days after he should be his prisoner or else to see justice done upon him himself but he detained him longer cavilling from one day to another for above the space of a moneth not out of Charity but for fear lest when the King should have him he might break his word with him and hinder him in the taking of Nanci which he then besieged but making his account to take it on such a day he gave order that on the same day he should be delivered to the Kings Officers as he was Perceiving afterwards that he had cast up his accounts amisse Nanci holding still out he revoked his direction the very same day by an expresse Post who though he made all possible haste came three hours after the Constable was delivered up who being brought to Paris examined and out of his own Letters to the King of England and Duke of Burgundy convinced of high Treason he was beheaded in the Greve a place where malefactors are put to death paying so at once sufficiently what he ought sundry times to have done for his so many deceits He was descended from the most illustrious Families of Christendom the Families of Emperours and Kings allied to the chiefest Princes son-in-law to the Duke of Savâ—…y brother-in-law to the King of France and Duke of Millan Uncle to the Queen of England rich in Fee farms Copie-holds Rents and Moneys
what they could not do in person but whilst hee was taking order for so important an expedition he fell sick being sodainely struck with a great melancholy others say of a Surfeit and knowing he could not live he caused all the Lords to be sent for to him who by reason of the intended War were then in great number at Court He recommended to them the young Princes his Sonnes and together with them Peace shewing them that being young they would neede good Counsellors which in the distraction of private contentions would hardly be found that they having all a relation unto him some by blood some by affinity all by good will and duty they were to joyne in a reciprocall love one towards another to the end that the conformity of their mindes might beget the like in their actions and in their ends necessarily conducing to the service of an infant King to the good of the Kingdome and to the peace and quietnesse which he did chiefly desire amongst them hee put them in minde of the evills caused through civill dissensions he desired God of his goodnesse that no such might be hereafter but that this favour was not to be hoped for without the forgiving of past injuries which made him in the name of the same God and as the last comfort he should receive desire of them all forgivenesse of any injuries done by him All that were present wept and those who bare more rancour one to an other then did the rest shooke hands in token of their last obedience due unto him even to the last minute of his Life so as satisfyed with this their outward expression their inward minds unknowne he died the ninth of April 1483 in the 41 Yeare of his Life having Reigned 22 Yeares one month and five dayes and was buried in a Chappell built by him at Windsor He was a Prince who could not have had his like had he not been vitiated with the contagion of civill factions the gifts of minde and nature strove for priority in him He was of all men the handsomest and of all fortunate men the most valiant having in as many Battells as he fought alwayes had the Victory He had by his Wife three Sonnes and eight Daughters his third Son dyed an Infant we shall shortly heare of the compassionable end of the other two Of his Daughters Elizabeth was married to Henry the Seventh Cecily to Viscount Wells and after to another but had issue by neither Anne to Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolke whose children dyed all young Bridget was a Nun in Dartford Mary promised to the King of Denmarke dyed before the Marriage Margaret dyed young Catharine was married to William Courtney Earle of Devonshire to whom she bare Henry Marquesse of Exeter and he had Edward E. of Devonshire who died without issue in Padua the Yeare 1556 and Elizabeth dyed young Besides these his legitimate children he left behind two Bastards Arthur Plantagenet Viscount Lisle and Elizabeth Arthur had three Daughters and of Elizabeth is come the L. Lomley The end of Edward the Fourths Life THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND In the Life of Edward the Fift I Now should write the Life of Edward the Fift Son to the last deceased King as I have done the Lives of the rest but he being taken from this World in lesse then three Moneths by such cruelty as greater hath not been heard off I have not whereout to frame a History in lieu thereof I will write the Duke of Gloucester his wickednesses which are such as may raise a doubt whether cruelty be an habit of Nature in man or rather a raging fury since Nature in her operations doth nothing in vaine and such Beasts as live not by Rapine kill not other beasts for Preyes sake as hee to devoure the Kingdome slew his Nephewes But considering that there is not any Creature which is not in some sort addicted to this vice I believe it proceeds from two causes the one usefull and necessary which is Selfe-defence and wherein habit consists the other vaine and harmefull which is the coveting of superiority a passion more prevalent in men then in other creatures and this is fury whence if the World were void of ambition or other differing qualities it is not thereout to be averred that the strongest would not insult upon the weaker as alwayes they have done the which being manifest bruit beasts declaring it by their examples it is much more proved so to be when we take into consideration the inaequality of Fortune and Honour Many were the causes of the cruelty whereof we are to treate since practised in sundry manners War not cast into the account To kill Beasts to punish Malefactors are permitted and commanded by the rules of Government but what ariseth from private hatred is by the Lawes condemned though through the corruption of affection or frailty of humour executed by men Butchers and Hunters kill cattell and wild beasts which should they not do the beasts would devoure us and through the great increase of beasts and their destroying of the ground wee might be famished did not the Executioner put a period to the lives of such as are condemn'd our lives and livelyhoods would lie at the mercy of evill livers But the enemy which kills his enemy though in it selfe considered the fact be inexcusable rests yet excused Sodaine chances puntillioes of honour and injuries for which satisfaction is not to be given do so far incense men as humane nature may seeme somewhat to Analogize with cruelty since though it be absolutely to be abhor'd it is not absolutely condemned Now that Richard Duke of Gloucester a Prince by birth an unkle by nature and by the Lawes a protectour should become the Butcher the hangman the enemy of Edward the Fifth and of his Brother being his Nephewes is yet somewhat more which not falling under the capacity of humane fury befell him having disrobed himselfe of humanity and nature Of all execrable examples he is the onely one without parallel All cruelties mention'd of the Antients are in comparison of his meere inventions not true events Nature in the framing of such subjects doth usually transgresse her ordinary rules to put a difference betweene them and others to the end that having set a marke upon them wee may the better know how to be aware of them shee allots them aukward and disproportioned shapes thereby intimating unto us that being crooked and falsely shaped their workes are false and their inclinations crooked This Richard came into the World with his feet forward his Mother was cut up yet out-lived him shee brought him forth deformed insomuch as his brethren being the handsomest and most comely men of that age he was the most mis-shapen that those times produced Hee had a cloudy and a despitfull countenance he was of a low Stature one of his shoulders was greater then the other he was malitious envious injurious neither had hee
marched not like a New King but like one who had been so Long welcom'd wherever he passed with Shouts of Joy His taking up the Olive-branch and laying aside the Palm did enhearten the People who did now promise themselves that quiet which since Henry the Fourth's time till that present they had enjoyed but by Fits being subject to so many Alterations as had not those Evils ensued which did ensue the very Expectation and Apprehension of them was an intermitting Feaver for the space of Fourscore six yeers In like manner made he his entrance into London for though he was met by the Maior Magistrates and Citizens besides the Nobility and Gentlemen which accompanied them notwithstanding dispensing with the Pomp usually observed at the first entrance of Kings into that City he made his entry in a Coach undisplayed to the end it might not be thought that having reinvested himself into his Countrey by the favour of Armes and gotten the Crown by the Kings death he had any intention to Triumph over the People His entry was upon a Saturday the day of his Victory which day he solemnized all his life-time as being always the happiest day to him of all the days of the week He alighted out of his Coach at Pauls Church where he made Te Deum be sung and caused the Colours taken from the Enemy to be there hung up He pretended to no other Trophies neither did he own this as the Effects of his Own Valour or from Fortune but as from God the onely Fortune whereunto Sacrifices ought to be made He lodged in the Bishops Palace which joyns unto the Church as not being far from the Tower from whence he was to come to his Coronation And because it was said he had given his word to marry Anne the daughter and heir to the Duke of Britanny which in respect of the favours he had received from that Duke was believed to be true he in an Assembly of the chiefest Lords of the Kingdom which was called for that purpose did ratific his promise to marry the Princesse Elizabeth by which he stopped the Whispers and Fears that were had of him yet did he defer the Consummating of it without any manner of scandal till being Crowned and in Possession by his Own Title he might avoid being call'd King in the right of his Wife He made his entrance into the Tower on Simon and Iude's eeve and on the Feast-day made Twelve Knights Bannerets He created his Uncle Iasper Earl of Pembroke Duke of Bedford he who having brought him up of a Childe saved him from Edward the Fourth by carrying him into Britanny He created his Father-in-law the Lord Stanley Earl of Darby and Edward Courtney Earl of Devonshire He was Crowned in the Church at Westminster on the Thirtieth day of October with the accustomed Solemnities and joyful Acclamations both of the Nobility and People Cardinal Bourchier Archbishop of Canterbury executed that Office He held a Parliament Seven days after wherein he annulled all the Decrees for the Confiscations of the Lives and Livelihood of such as took part with him and made the like Decree against the chiefest of the Other side and to take away all suspition from the rest he granted out a General Pardon which freed such of fear who had cause to fear for his having condemned those whom he would not pardon did secure These and was a sure signe he would pardon the rest so as quitting the Sanctuaries and places where they had hid themselves they swore Fealty to him and did their Homage answerable to the tenure of the Declaration and reentred into their Possessions Afterwards as concerning his Title which was the chiefest Concernment he govern'd himself with such cautelousnesse as that the Princesse Elizabeth not being named therein he would have the Act that was made to contain a Double sense that the inheritance of the Crown should remain in Him and in his Children lawfully to be begotten not declaring whether it were his by Nature or by Conquest it sufficing him that whatsoever interpretation was made of it it must make for his advantage He would not prescribe any Succession in case he and those that should lawfully descend from him should fail because it should not be thought to be done of purpose to exclude the House of York he therefore left the decision thereof to the Laws He in the same Parliament conferr'd more Honours he created Monsieur de Chandos a Gentleman of Britanny who during his being there had been his familiar friend and would needs accompany him in his Expedition for England Earl of Bath he made Sir Giles Aubeny and Sir Robert Willoughby Barons he restored Edward Stafford eldest son to the Duke of Buckingham to his Blood Dignity and Goods and though his Confiscation were great yet his Father having been the First Promoter of his greatnesse and having thereupon lost his Life he restored all unto his Son which won him the reputation of being Grateful And though Kings do seldom call Parliaments without demanding some Aids by Moneys and doing some Acts of Grace unto the People he thought it not fitting to make any such demand at This time as not having any Grace to confer fitting to the time for though the General Pardon was an Act of Grace yet would not he pretend it to be such but rather a Correspondency to the satisfaction they had given him in receiving him to be King by his Own Title Besides he not having War with any one and having many great Confiscations faln unto him the which he so moderated as might become a favourable Confiscator and be expected in a good Government he was willing to spare his Subjects purses And though his intention was to govern in such sort as his People should have no reason to hate Him nor He to fear Them yet knowing he had Enemies he instituted a Guard of Fifty Archers under the Command of a Captain which was a New thing in England where their Kings are onely guarded by the Laws and their Subjects affections So as to take away all Jealousie he declared the Institution to be Perpetual moved thereunto by what he in the time of his Exile had observed others to do and for that the want of a Guard doth misbecome the Majestie of a King and is requisite to be had if not for Necessity for Decency The Parliament being dissolved he forgot not that he had left the Marquesse Dorset and Sir Iohn Bourchier as pledges in France for the Moneys wherewith he payed the Forces he brought with him into England Willing therefore upon this occasion to try the inclination of the Citizens he commanded the Lord Treasurer to desire the Lord Maior of London that the City might lend him Six thousand Marks and after sundry consultations the businesse was decided by the loan of Two thousand pounds sterling the which though it came short of the sum that was desired he took in good part supplying
as out of Faction or out of Envie could not endure that Henry should reign the one that the Duke of York son to Edward the 4 was Alive the other that the King was resolved to put the Earl of Warwick who was prisoner in the Tower secretly to death The First was divulged to nurse up Hopes in such as were ill affected the Second to encrease Hatred against the King as if equally cruel with Richard he were about to treat the Earl of Warwick as Richard had treated his Nephews Whereupon Simond meeting with so fit an occasion bethought himself to make Lambert personate the Duke of York but presently altering his Opinion he judged it fitter for his purpose to have him personate the prisoner the Earl of Warwick and that if his endeavours should succeed and that Lambert should be made King he himself should be recompensed with the Chief Miter of England and the Government of King and Kingdom Neither did he think to meet with any great Obstacle herein since that the love to the House of York remaining yet in the hearts of Most of the Kingdom they could not possibly endure that the King having married the Princesse Elizabeth he should not suffer her to be Crowned as she ought to be Resolving hereupon he began to give such instruction to Lambert as such a businesse required and met with an Aptnesse in him fit to receive whatsoever documents but considering afterwards that his pupil was to represent the person of one that was known to many and not known to him he thought it was unpossible to be done without the Assistance of some-body who was conversant in the Court who might be informed by those that had served the Earl of his childish conversation and of all things that had befallen since King Edward's death at which time he was but Ten yeers old None being fitter for such an Office then the Queen Dowager she was imagined to be the Instructresse for she was but little satisfied to see her daughter so little beloved and so coolly treated as a Wife and as a Queen wanting the usual Marks of that dignity for Henry had neglected her Coronation though he had lately born him a Son not that her intention was to make Lambert King but to make use of him to Depose her Son-in-law to substitute the infant-Prince the lawful Successor in his place and in case she should meet with too great oppositions Lincoln or Warwick which were Both of the House of York That which made people of this opinion was Her being shortly after confined to a Monastery upon no weighty pretence as we shall see The King thought it expedient to punish her under the colour of a Petty known fault for a heinous one which was not fitting to be known Howsoever it was Lambert took upon him the gestures and behaviour of a great Personage with so miraculous punctuality as that these being joyned to his Natural Sweetnesse a True Prince could not be formed out with more true Perfections then were these false ones which appeared to be true in Him The reasons which made Simond change his first designe and chuse rather to have his Comedian personate the son to the Duke of Clarence then King Edward's son though he that was Dead might easilier be counterfeited then he that was Alive was That when a speech went of his being escaped out of the Tower he observed so Great Joy in the People as he thought he should have more to further him in his designe and that it would be easier for him to insinuate a falshood in the Person of This man falsly supposed to have made an escape then in that Other whose escape would the hardlier be believed for in it Two Impossibilities were to be supposed Pity in the Varlets that were to murder him which could not without danger enter into such souls especially under such a King as was Richard and the Escape from the Tower which augmenting the danger took from the belief of any Compassion in Them or Life in Him But that which chiefly made him resolve upon This was that whilst he was doubtful what to do 't was said for a truth that Warwick was Dead in the Tower Now to act this Comedy well he did not think England a fit Scene a proportionable Distance being required in things which must be taken for what they are not unavoidable difficulties were to be met withal upon the place which might be avoided abroad where no Witnesses being to convince nor Acquaintance to confound boldnesse becomes impudence without which Cheats of this nature can hardly be effected He resolved to go over into Ireland a Kingdom affectionate to the House of York and wherein King Henry at his coming to the Crown had altered nothing neither Deputy Councellor nor Officer the same commanded there that were there placed by Richard a negligence to be blamed in so Prudent a Prince as He was who knew the inclination of that Kingdom and People wherein if alterations chance to happen remedies are hardly come by none being to be had from within it Self and all External helps the Sea interposed between them and home being Difficult Dangerous and Slowe All which made for Symond's purpose who coming before Thomas Fitz-Gerald Earl of Kildare who was Deputy a man ill-affected to Henry as he was well-affected to the House of York presented his pretended Prince unto him using such illusions as Lambert not having any one part in him which did not gainsay his mean Extraction the Deputy believed him to be what his Masters speeches and his Studied Nobility made him appear to be insomuch that acquainting some of his trustiest friends with this Secret under the Seal of Confession he found them and together with them the People prone to Rebellion They received this fancied Prince with great honour they gave the Castle of Dublin to him for his Lodging and few days after proclaimed him King by the name of Edward the Sixth There was not any one Province that denied him obedience and all of them joyned in declaring War against Henry whilst on the contrary side there was not any one that spake a word or drew a sword in his behalf But that Kingdom being but bare of Money and Arms and but meanly furnished with Souldiers they hoped that such in England as were friends to the House of York and Margaret Dutchesse of Burgundy would in a businesse of so great consequence assist them with their Supplies whom they advertise that Edward Plantagenet is escaped out of the Tower and come into Ireland where he was received and proclaimed King that they were purposed to bring him into England his hereditary Kingdom if they would be ready with their assistance to secure his Entry and that his Aunt of Burgundy would assist him with Money Souldiers and Commanders Margaret by reason of her vertue for she had nothing in her blameable but her inveterate hate to the House of Lancaster was in great
falne unto him by the death of the Earle of Marsh and divers others he in lieu of making use thereof himselfe gave them as donatives to many such gifts being of no validity without a testate of the great Seale the Chancellor would not give way thereunto as well in consideration that the Kings debts being great hee ought himselfe to make use thereof as likewise those on whom he did bestow them being men of no use nor merit were altogether unworthy of such rewards at which Richard being offended that his profusenesse which by those who received the benefit thereof was termed liberality should be questioned by an Officer he forced him to relinquish the office suspending the nominating of another in his place that he himselfe might by the great seale which now remained in his custody authorize it lest being withstood by the former he might meet with the like obstacle by him who should succeed him and by this meanes the doore being opened to one inconveniency it continued so to many others which ensued Of those who misled this young Prince in his resolutions five there were who bare extraordinary sway with him Alexander Nevil Archbishop of Yorke a man so well skilled in what belongs to Court affaires as was not by his Priestly simpliciâ—…y to be allowed Robert Vere Earle of Oxford a young man of no bad inclination had he not beene corrupted by the rise of a great fortune not without infamy the onely favourite Michael Poole a violent man who from the sonne of a Merchant was got to the honour of being Chancellor of England and Earle of Suffolke he was like a ship whcih not fit to beare so great sayle oversets Robert Trisillian a very bold man chiefe Justice who having made the Lawes a snare and Justice a pitfall for many was at last served with the same sauce being by them ignominiously put to death and Nicholas Bambridge Alderman of London one of those Citizens who nobly behaved themselves in the sedition of the Pesants hee had deserved an honourable remembrance had he not in the affaires of government proved as seditious as they The King was impatient of being subject to the Lawes of minority as were his subjects and that his desires should bee limited by the Lawes and that himselfe should bee restrained by that authority which did derive from him hee thought the order of the world in Princes did consist in disorder a defect incident to those yeares for youth takes little or no delight in any pleasures which are not seasoned with licentiousnesse and he being naturally given to please those who pleased him did all things against the haire so to ease himselfe of that burden which contrary to his nature he could not uninforced beare his uncle of Lancaster was the burden which did most molest him for being the prime man in the kingdome next to himselfe all such as daily found themselves oppressed by the insolence or insatiatenesse of the favourites had their recourse unto him An aversion which though not good was not yet without reason the originall thereof being considered The King had formerly beene enformed by an Irish Carmelite Friar that the Duke had secret plots upon the life of his Majesty and though the accuser had much desired that this businesse might be kept secret till such time as being made good he might at leasure and with best convenience be attached The King notwithstanding out of youthfull inconstancy did communicate it to two of his Chaplaines at a certaine time when the Duke came unexpectedly in who finding himselfe not welcomed according as he usually was imagined that they were talking of him and therefore withdrew himselfe into another chamber the Chaplaines doubting their owne safety for the Duke could not but suspect somewhat advised the King to make it knowne unto him which he did Wherefore calling for him he acquainted him with his accusation wherwithall somewhat surprised he in most humble manner desired his Majesty not to give credit to such people since so detestable an intention never entred his breast nor could it be for his advantage for say he should have such an intention which God forbid he should how could he effect it since by so wicked a paricide he was deservedly to fall into the hatred of all men he profered to prove his innocency by his sword he earnestly desired that the Friar might be put into safe custody and if it so liked his Majesty into the custody of Iohn Holland This Iohn was brother by the mother side to the King and consequently void of suspition had not his desire of marrying Elizabeth daughter to the Duke which afterwards he did made him partiall but the King not minding this granted the Dukes desire The impression which at first this accusation made in him was confirmed by the bold behaviour of the Earle of Buckingham not yet Duke of Glocester for entring at unawares into the Kings Chamber he swore by all the Gods to kill whosoever it was that durst say his brother was a traytor not excepting the King himselfe an action by how much the more rash so much the more deserving a condigne punishment if the times had been such as would have permitted it or had the Scepter been upheld by a more puissant arme then was that of Richard But the Frier the preceding night to the day which was appointed for judgement was by Iohn Holland to whom he was given in custody and another companion of his hanged up by the necke and privie members And to the end that hee might die the more speedily they placed a great stone in the center of the Arch which his body in that posture made in which manner being the next day found without further enquiry his body was taken from the prison and like the carcasse of a traytor drag'd up and downe the streets of London This action did no wayes advantage the Duke in the opinion of such as did not hate him whilst to those who had conspired his ruine it afforded weighty arguments whereby to infuse into the King unremoveable suspitions by the which being for two whole yeares tormented Trisillian undertooke to free him thereof by finding some meanes to put him to death by Law But this affaire being made knowne to so many favourites as the King had and hee himselfe not given to secresie came to the Dukes eares who conceiving that his quality was not sufficient for his safeguard his death being decreed retired himselfe to Pomfret a Castle of his owne where fortifying himselfe hee resolved to have no other Advocates then strength and weapons in a cause wherein his estate honour and life was concerned The Princesse of Wales the Kings mother was then in a Countrey house of hers where examining the danger her sonne was in being if not for his owne sake for those that were about him generally hated she though corpulent hasted and made an agreement between them But mens mindes like to the earth abound more
them and conferred them upon some others breaking the ice by the change of Chancellour The Archbishop of Yorke formerly Bishop of Ely for when Nevil was banished he removed to that See kneeling downe did readily deliver up unto him the great Seale Hee likewise changed the Lord Treasurer the Clarke of the Signet and the Judges hee removed the Earle of Arundel from being Admirall and conferred that place upon the Earle of Huntington brother by the mothers side to his Majesty He put the Duke of Gloster Earle of Warwicke and others from the Councell Table naming new Councellors in their places And not yet fully resolved whom to chuse for Chancellor hee carried the great Seale along with him to his Chamber where pitching upon a choice he returned backe and gave it to William Wickham Bishop of Winchester a favour which he unwillingly received All this passed quietly on no words proceeding from any one although the kingdome a body then ill affected passed but from one ague fit to another At the end of this yeare the Duke of Lancaster returned to England having spent three yeares abroad The mortality which fell amongst his people caused by the excessive heats in Spaine forced him to retire into Gascony where having begun a treaty with the Duke of Berry to give unto him for wife his daughter Catherine she upon whom the pretence to the Kingdome of Castile fell after her mothers death he thereby raised such jealousies in Iohn the first who then reigned as that the said Iohn demanded her for wife unto his eldest sonne Henry who was afterwards the third King of that name a youth of but ten yeares of age though Catherine were nineteen years old Upon these conditions that hee should pay unto him for the present 200000 Nobles and 10000 markes yearly during the life of the Duke and his wife Constance mother to Catherine That he should assigne over unto Constansâ—… Guadalajara Medina del Campo and Olmedo that shee might enjoy the fruits thereof during her life and that the espoused Princesse should be stiled by the name of Princesse of Austria the sonnes of those Kings though their eldest till then being only stiled Infanti The two on the other side renounced all their pretensions to those Kingdomes The Duke had before this married his daughter Phillep borne unto him by his former wife to Iohn the first King of Portugall having the good fortune to place them both in a like countrey and dignity His comming into England happened in an opportune time for the King having summoned the Nobility to Redding where he then was some strange alteration was doubted the ill will he bore to many being considered the Duke did so behave himselfe as sweetning the King they were all well received and contentedly dismissed But the Kings jealousies of him not ceasing being likewise displeased with his returne hee by the assistance of the first Parliament to the end that hee might againe bee gone gave him the Dutchy of Aquitany together with all the honours incomes and prerogatives which of old did belong unto that Dukedome and which for the present were enjoyed by that Crowne investing him with the accustomed badges of golden rod and Ducall Cap upon the meere tye of simple homage Richard was not strait handed of what he possessed but mainly addicted to his owne will with the which rather then to have parted he would well nigh have parted with his kingdome Insomuch as fearing lest if Lancaster should joyne with Gloster hee mought give him enough to doe To free himselfe from an imaginary obstacle hee weighed not the essentiall impoverishing of the Crowne of its richest Jewell And if the effects did not follow it was not for lacke of his good will but the good will of the people of that Dutchy who being obstinate would not contrary to their priviledges be dismembred from the Crowne of England neither did Glosters siding with him though extravagant any thing at all availe which did not proceed from brotherly affection as he would have it conceived but for that Lancaster being present his authority was the lesse who did pretend to be the onely director in the government of affaires Hee was not troubled at the eldership of his other brother the Duke of Yorke since that he chiefly intended his private pleasures But Richard was deceived in Lancasters intentions for it is not alwayes good to judge of things present by what is past For as in his departing from Spain he merited to be esteemed one of the most valiant and wisest Princes that did then live so at his returne to England he deserved to be held a peace-maker experience and the incommodities of warre having made him desirous of repose and changed or moderated his disposition the which was plainly seen in him the short time that he lived since that he did not onely tolerate the being denied by the Gascones but did patiently endure his sonnes distastes and exile not being moved at whatsoever accident save his brothers death the which hee notwithstanding suffered whilst if he had had like ambition as formerly hee mought not have been destitute of hopes the King being mightily hated he as much beloved And though the putting of his brother to death mought bee justifiable the manner thereof was such as could not be denied to be unjust cruell and tyrannicall The King was no sooner come to age but hee was informed that the Duke of Gloster had raised forces against him the which being found false he would not suffer him to justifie himselfe but injoyned him silence were it either that hee might keepe this plea on foote against him or to free his accusers from punishment the three next yeares past peaceably on the peace of France being on both sides earnestly endeavoured but the reciprocall pretentions and stoutnesse of both parties made it impossible to bee concluded Richard did desire it and the difficulties which the French met with for matter of warre made them likewise desire it as much if not more Charles his indisposition continued as likewise the Uncles discords each intent to their owne private designes and interest so as not able to conclude a peace they continued the league one yeare longer the which the state being in quiet afforded Richard leasure to live according to his owne inclination which was such as had he not erred in the extreme could not have beene better but the splendor of prodigality is like that of lightning which consumes and beares downe whatsoever it meets withall hee kept the greatest and noblest Court of any King in Europe His subjects led by his example dreamt not of frugality a verâ—…ue not much knowne in England but gave themselves over to luxuriousnesse great was his excesse of diet the pompe and bravery of his Court in apparell unimitated the number of his servants exceeding all beliefe 10000. men fed daily of his bread the Queene had 300. women which belonged to her service 300. was the
of warre with that Nation and likely that not ensuing to raise a warre at home To which the Count with a sad brow replied That the birth and bloud of such subjects allowing them more authority then stood with the Kings safety was dangerous that to temporize in cures made the malady greater But that as one poyson was antidote to another so dangers could not but by dangers be salved yet with this advantage that the former being certaine 't was a question whether the others would prove so or no That clemencie when 't was the off-spring of weaknesse and feare was alwayes subject to ingratitude and neglect never to thankfulnesse and acknowledgement So as Princes who wanted the Ballance to weigh offences and the power to counterpoise them by condigne punishments might account themselves as already lost These or the like words gave the definitive sentence against Glosters life for they were fast rooted into Richards minde as proceeding from one that was wise a Friend and an Ally and who was void of interest He now wavered no longer neither in respects nor delayes hee firmly resolved to put him to death but had not pitched upon the manner As soone as the Count was gone from England he acquainted the Earle of Huntington and of Nottingham with his designe and having with them agreed upon what was to be done he went out of London one night about Supper time and rid all night accompanied by a great many armed men who lying in ambush not farre from Plashey the Dukes house the King sent Huntington to acquaint him with his comming The message was no sooner delivered but by the sound of trumpets notice was given of the Kings arrivall The Duke who was then in bed threw his night gowne about him and came downe to meet his Majesty taxing Huntington of unkindnesse for not having given him earlier notice But these complementall quarrels were soone appeased by the Kings smiling aspect who desired him to goe make himselfe ready for that he must presently upon some urgent occasion goe along with him to London The Dutchesse in her night cloathes entertained the King whilst her husband did on his apparrell who not having leasure to take his usualll traine along with him got on horse-backe followed by some few and giving order for the rest to follow him As soone as they were come to the place of ambush Richard spur'd on and the Marshall comming from where hee was conceald tooke the Duke prisoner 't was bootlesse for him to call upon the King who seeming as if he heard him not pursued on his way The unfortunate man was brought to the Thames there imbarked and carried to Callis a fort under the command of the said Marshall where hee was shortly after strangled or as many will have it stifled between pillowes A businesse which clearly demonstrates unto us that their number is but small who falling into extravagancies upon confidence in the people have not come to miserable ends And though errors were committed on both sides it cannot notwithstanding be denied but that Princes are provoked unto tyranny more by the insolencies of particular men then of their owne disposition For it being dangerous to proceed by the ordinary course of Law with a priviledged man as was Gloster it behoved Richard to doe that by force which he was not sure to effect by justice since that his danger was more to be feared in the tolerating of such presumptions then in the violating of the Lawes And so it had certainly fallen out had he not done worse But evils fruitfull in themselves produce multitudes of their like And honesty in any one affaire once forsaken quite banisheth all shame in all succeeding actions After the Count Saint Pauls departure the King had received many distasts which wounding his reputation had confirmed him in his resolution of putting the Duke to death Brest a Fort of great consequence in Brettany was by the Duke thereofpawned for a great summe of money to Edward the third upon condition of being rendred when the moneyes should bee paid It was a place which had formerly fitted England for accommodations of warre in these parts And if Richard had had the same designes his predecessors had as he had not it may bee hee would not so punctually have observed conditions but as matters now went having received the monies he restored it to the owner without further dispute The Duke of Gloster who no whit abated his blaming of the Kings actions did in bitter manner twit him in the teeth with his restitution as done to the prejudice and dishonour of the State the King who thought he had not well understood him so outragious was his language willed him to speak it over againe and he not changing the sense but saying the very self same words over again did so much incense his Majesty as after having shewed him that he had done nothing which without infamy he could have forborne to have done he seemed to his other Uncles to be much greeved thereat who though they confessed him to be over violent did yet excuse him affirming him to be as void of malice as jealous of the honour of the kingdome the which he was in so high a degree as that he could not suffer the least diminution thereof how just soever Afterwards when any discourse concerning the King was offered hee spoke of him as of one degenerate and without courage that being unfit for government the greatest favours that could be done him were to allot livelihood unto him in some commodious prison Whereupon his brethren despairing of his amendment and fearing lest their presence might adde to his boldnesse retired themselves to their Countrey-houses beleeving that being left alone he would be more reasonable But so far was he from this as that he fell upon a resolution which if it were not the cause was the last pretence of his death he had as well plotted the Kings ruine as the King his Hereupon a randesvous was made in Arundell Castle where a resolution was taken of ceasing upon the Kings person of imprisoning the Dukes of Lancaster and Yorke to the end that they might not disturbe the businesse and of hanging the greatest part of all the Privie Councell The chiefe conspirators were the Earle of Darby Arundell the Marshall and Warwicke and of Prelates the Archbishop of Canterbury the Abbot of Saint Albons and the Prior of Westminster This conspiracie is thus reported by a certaine Historian but I cannot beleeve it to be true for reasons which shall hereafter bee alledged The Earle Marshall discovered the plot unto the King and the King unto the Councell which perswaded him to retaine the Duke the which being done Arundell and Warwicke were forthwith imprisoned And to shun the danger of a popular insurrection publicke proclamation was made that the fore named persons were imprisoned not for any former fault but for fresh treasonable offences to be made knowne the next Parliament where
Beckly till such time as the Duke of Lancaster came thither with whom seeing the Kings affaires went so ill he soone accorded Lancaster finding by this time his good fortune went to Bristoll took in the Castle and those three which had fled thither were by the mad multitude soon beheaded This newes was long in comming to Ireland by reason of the horrible tempests at Sea which for six weeks space suffered not a little vessell to passe over But when it was knowne the King did not as he should have done make suddenly for England being advised by the Duke of Aumerle to tarry till his ships which were scattered might be gathered together and such provisions made as were fitting for the Fleet. He caused the two young sons the one the Duke of Glosters son who died in his return and the other the sonne of this Lancaster who was afterwards King Henry the fifth to be kept in safe custody in the Castle of Tremni He sent the Earle of Salisbury for England with directions to gather together as many people as he could in Cheshire and Wales his two beloved Countreyes to the end that being ready at his arrivall which should be within sixe dayes he might encounter the enemy before his forces grew greater The Earle departed came to Wales and had got together fourty thousand good and faithfull men by meanes of whom if the King had come at his time appointed hee had either repossest himselfe of all againe or had at least given the enemy enough to doe but landing in Milford haven in Pembroke shire 18 dayes after hee found that a false report of his death being raised and his party having fifteen dayes expected him they had disbandoned themselves part of them comming over to the young Duke the rest retiring to their owne homes Whereupon astonished at so unfortunate an encounter his courage failed him And though those who were returned with him promised to die at his feet he contrary to his dignity and reputation chose rather to lose his Kingdome then hazard his life A weaknesse which this nation mightily detests for the inhabitants thereof no wayes fearing death nor willing to endure the troubles of the minde chose rather to die then live in misery As soone as Lancaster understood his arrivall he left the Duke of York at Bristoll and took his way towards Conaway where the King was without either forces or retinue All places as he went along surrendred themselves the town of Chester formerly so faithfull did the like The King resolved not to make use of his souldiers dismissed them that he with the lesse incumbrance might goe whither his fears drove him And for that purpose he gave order to Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester the Lord high Steward of his houshold to discharge his family wishing they might be reserved for a better fortune Others will have it that Worcester formerly distasted for that Richard had a little before declared the Earle of Northumberland his brother to be a traytor did of himselfe in publicke breake the staffe of his office and went unto the Duke of Lancaster and that upon this occasion the Courtiers did disperse themselves Those who counselled Richard were of opinion that he should goe into France to his wives father or else returne to Ireland where failing of hopes in England he might furnish himselfe with forraigne souldiers to make such use of occasions as time should administer But that if he would needs tarry in Wales a countrey yet well affected unto him be should doe well to passe further into the heart thereof whilst his presence changing the lookes of fortune some would follow him out of affection many out of duty and others by reason of the usurpers scandalous actions But all their perswasions were in vaine for it is the property of cast downe minds patiently to expect the blowes of Fortune And whilst their honour egges them on unto defence their pusillanimity is such as makes them suffer oppression Hee adhered to those who shewed him that his hopes of France were dangerous that the assistance he might have from thence would confirme his subjects in their rebellion lest they might be by them subdued That to returne into Ireland would bee to no end since hee could not promise himselfe much from the particular forces of that countrey That hee should doe amisse to hope in the repentance of the English For if they had out of hate abandoned him they would persist in their contumacie as despairing of pardon having so highly offended him that forraigne forces would bee rather harmfull then of any use especially the French So as there being no hope of help from abroad and despairing of any at home his best resolution would bee to thinke upon his owne safety and by giving away what he could not keepe endeavour a safe and private life These reasons made him listen unto the Archbishop of Canterbury and Earle of Northumberland the one by him banished the other proclaimed traytor with whom he agreed to resigne up his Kingdome upon condition he might be permitted to live a private life and have the lives granted him of eight persons such as hee should nominate The which being largely promised him by them readily approved of by the Duke they met together the Duke using all due respects which are requisite from an obedient subject to his naturall Prince Whilst Richard minding nothing but his present condition did things unworthy of his greatnesse and dignity hee gave himselfe up into the Dukes hands the 20. of August 1399. together with all his money horse and furniture his money amounting to above a million of gold The manner of this imprisonment is by others diversly related They say that the King despairing of his affaires sent the Dukes of Exeter and of Surrey to treat with Lancaster who keeping the former with himselfe who was his cousin and putting the other into the Castle at Chester did in their stead send the Earle of Northumberland unto the King who followed by a thousand Bow-men and four hundred lances was when he should be come nigh to Conaway to make thereof two Ambuscadoes and passing forward himself with only foure or five horsemen hee was under a safe conduct to goe into the Castle That the propositions he was to make were That Richard would speake with Lancaster and satisfie him in two particulars The one that processe might bee made against such as had had a hand in the death of Gloster and his companions The other that hee would give him an authenticall pardon for whatsoever former offence hee had committed against him that netled at these demands made unto him as King in a condition of not denying any thing he tooke horse and the Duke riding before under pretence of providing his dinner at Rutland stayed where the ambush was and where the King with his followers among the which were the Earle of Salisbury the Bishop of Salisbury and the Lord Scroope were
Sterling in the Church of the Dominicans with the title of King of England Henry had great good fortune so happily to acquit himself of this conspiracy otherwise in likelihood hee might have beene oppressed by evills which on three sides hung over him for during all his life his fortune was through dangers to arrive at happinesse and at safety by the Rockes of precipice France had made great preparations of man and shipping to succour Richard with intention to come for England relying upon his partakers upon the envy contracted by the new King and upon the inconstancy of popular affection their former hatred was changed into compassion They were all in Picardy under the command of Count St. Paul ready to take shipping when together with advertisement of the conspiracy came newes of the unhappy successe thereof which amazed them all To proceed farther under colour of revenge which brought along with it suspicion of invasion had now beene rashnesse since they were dead in whom they did most affie Greater preparations were to be made for the invasion of England these not being sufficient without some correspondency from within the Land And as the home conspiracy gave the last blow to Richards life so did the forraigne preparations confirme Henry in that resolution which he would not have willingly taken without these sharpe provocations so as that which was intended for his liberty caused his death The forces in France were all disbanded Charles upon good advice desired onely the restitution of his daughter a just request and not to be had but by civill meanes the which hee obtained sending over Embassadours to that purpose who were graciously received but the King referred his answer to certain commissioners who were to go to Callis to treat together with this of other affairs which neerely concerned both the Crownes Charles sent thither the Duke of Bourbon and Henry Edward Duke of Aumerle who by the late death of his father did now succeed in the title and inheritance of the Duke of Yorke together with whom hee sent Henry Earle of Northumberland Bourbon required the restitution of the Queene which they denyed not but desired that by the approbation of France she might yet remaine in England since by birth and yeares she was a fit match for the Prince of Wales as wife for whom they did desire her But Charles not willing to consent to this having conceived an opinion that the aliance with England would prove unfortunate for France a perpetuall peace was propounded by Yorke This being likewise found a difficult businesse France being resolved not to quit what it was possest of the English Edmund endevoured to bridle his insolency The battell was on both sides manfully fought Glendor had two advantages the number of men and his being their Captaine By these meanes hee proved victor obedience and good order having wonne him the Lawrell The Herefordshire men on the other side fewer in number and led by the Earle onely in regard unto his quality obeyed many and sometimes none doing what they listed so as distracted and not resolved what to do they made good the field till night rather out of an obstinate resolution then any reason or order At last they yeelded but fled not for none did pursue them Glendor was contented that he had overcome for finding himselfe in an enemies Countrey the night being darke many of his men slaine and the rest or weary or wounded hee forbare to pursue the victory Two thousand were left dead in the field the Earle was taken prisoner and kept in the bottome of a Tower no respect being had to his person neither did the King though by many much importuned indevour his liberty for he thought this his imprisonment to bee one of the happiest things that ever befell him Let me here bee permitted to relate a Story of the Welsh Women the like to which I have not met withall in any other history They ran like so many Bacchanals to the place of battell they cut off the noses and privities from as many as there they found dead they put the privie members which they had cut off into the mouthes of the dead with the testicles hanging out and the noses into their posteriors nor would they suffer their bodies to be taken away without ransome An action wherein eagernesse dishonesty cruelty and avarice were equally seene and were it to bee disputed which of these foure were most abusive whosoever should give his opinion in favour of any of them might lawfully feare the being thought unjust each of them having arguments to plead for the priority of mischiefe but if I were to be Judge herein I should beleeve that avarice were not to bee pleaded For though it bee a vice naturall to that Sex yet in what belongs to their houshold government it may bee accounted a vertue I should absolve them of cruelty as not an absolute cause but an effect of the fiercenesse of their nature And I would free them from dishonesty because no dishonesty being without delight this action was thereof incapable so as fiercenesse would win the plea were it not that the inveterate hatred which they bare unto the English had been the onely thing which made them fierce dishonest avaritious and cruell Glendor kept on his course sacking and spoyling the confines These two victories had made him bee esteemed by his owne men and feared by his enemies there was none the King being busied about more weighty affaires who withstood him but good fortune is like the flowing of the Sea which ebbes againe for a full sea is alwayes followed by an ebbe The Scots had at this very time taken their best advantage of the alterations in England they readily made use thereof and Northumberland was the place wherein they laid their first Scene The truce continued of force betweene the two kingdomes and because warre was not publickly proclaimed the truce was not esteemed broken for disorderly incursions are pardoned between nations at continuall enmity Nor was King Robert to be blamed herein unlesse it were for conniving The Scots having ransacked the countrey betooke themselves to doe mischiefe at sea and to endammage the fishing businesse But the English were not wanting unto themselves for having sacked the Ilands of the Orcades they met with the enemies Fleet who under the command of Robert Logon went to encounter them in fight they tooke many of them An action of small consequence and onely worthy of the name of Reprisall but occasions of open hostility ensuing hereupon Henry was unwillingly enforced to undertake a warre The King of Scotland had contracted a match between the daughter of George Dumbar Earle of the Marches and Prince David his eldest sonne the Earle having readily paid in a great summe of money by the way of portion Archibald Earle Douglas a high spirited man not able to endure this addition of power in any one much lesse in Dumbar who was of himselfe great and
whereupon the defendants bethought themselves of a wise caution If the enemy should take Blay they could not keep it unlesse they were likewise masters of Burgos The towne of Blay did therefore promise to surrender it selfe as soone as Burgos should be taken or surrendred Orleans well pleased with the bargaine as appearing advantagious unto him accepted of it gaining thereby as much time to take in Burgos as he must have spent in the winning of Blay But having lost many of his men in three months siege under Burgos having quitted a certainty for an uncertainty and lost both hee was inforced to returne to Paris whilst the Duke of Burgondy wary and well advised proceeded though more slowly yet more securely in his designes Hee was fully bent upon the enterprise of Callis but that Fort being difficult to winne defended by a gallant garrison and easie to be succoured by reason of the sea and the neighbourhood of England he could not hope the conquest therof without great forces very many souldiers so as having assembled together at Saint Omers six thousand horse and fifteen hundred Crosse-bow men and twelve thousand foot with proportionable munition and artillery the enterprise was the second time forbidden him though he had obtained Charles his consent Of such prevalence is the rage of a bewitching envie that such a conquest being to bee had in possibility without the hazarding of France they would rather have it remaine in the hand of an enemy then in the power of Burgondy a powerfull reason to make him take that resolution which he did Henry's reigne this meane while was like a craggy mountaine from which there is no descent but by a thousand crooked waies full of rocky stones and out jetting cliffes The first escaped others are met withall of more danger and anxiety in such like pathes he walked all the time of his life nor did hee till his end arrive at a wished for plaine one danger was a step unto another and the event alwaies doubtfull for the subjects former desire of him being now extinguished his friends failing and his enemies encreasing hee had no other helpe nor leaning-stocke in so painefull a descent but the eye of vigilance and the staffe of chastisement helpes and assistances which though they might cause him keepe on his way yet were they not sufficient to free him from wearinesse besides he was not certaine of overcomming all difficulties at last a condition fitter for compassion then envy in a Prince in his case and yet it was election that brought him to the kingdome having alwaies beene of that opinion which is held generous by most men to hazard himselfe to very extreams to be aut Caesar aut nihil yet I cannot find that there is any worth or noblenesse in aspiring to great matters by unlawfull waies that magnanimity a vertue in its owne nature so nice and tender can walke in such pathes without galling her feet unlesse it be that as things here below are composed of contrary elements so are our mindes composed of contradictory affections he was before subject to many conspiracies now more then ever and those who durst not aspire to bereave him of his life by their sword endevoured to bereave him of his honour by their pen. A revenge common enough amongst poore spirited people and such as are not worth the considering A Priest casting about how he might slay Henry made a catalogue of all such as had been rewarded by Richard giving it for granted that they would undergoe the businesse setting downe their names in paper as if they had already consented to the conspiracie This list being found about him whilst they endeavoured to lay hold of such whose names were there written he confessed he had never dealt with any of them but that it was a meere Idea of his owne imagining that some of them having been obliged by Richard other some injured by Henry they would all have been willing to have contributed to his destruction A confession which saved the lives of many condemned his own A Franciscan Frier together with eight more of the same order being accused as authours of certaine scandalous libels against the King and demanded what he would have done if Richard had been alive answered Hee would have fought for him against whosoever else as long as he could stand Sir Roger Clarindon Bastard brother to King Richard accused of the like fault was together with another Gentleman and a servant ignominiously hanged Richard had divers times beene said to bee alive after his death more particularly this yeare by the means of one Sherley his letters who was one of the Gentlemen of his Chamber This man after his Masters fall withdrew himselfe into France where being confidently informed that Richard yet lived he went to Scotland to know the truth But after hee had spoken with the Impostor whom hee knew to bee such hee forbare not to make use of the occasion and through the hatred hee bore Henry to doe his best to deprive him of his Kingdome hee caused a seale to be made like unto that which Richard was wont to use he writ divers letters to sundry friends signed with the same as if they had been written by Richard insomuch that he distracted the mindes of many it being already vndoubtedly beleeved that Richard lived The old Countesse of Oxford mother to the Duke of Ireland did not only publish the certainty hereof but did likewise cause a great many Stagges to be made in gold and silver which was Richards cognizance and bestowed them on such as depended on her to the end that they might stitch them on their sleeves as soone as he should be entred England But the little advisednesse used in this affaire and her too much security herein who sent a Secretary of hers to sundry people through all Essex was the cause of the discovery so as she consumed her dayes in a close prison her goods being by Law confiscated and the Secretary ended his journey in a Halter under a Gallowes Sherley finding that his plots could not take effect and not able to returne for France for lack of money came to Barwicke hoping that Sir William Clifford a friend of Richards would have furnished him Sir William kept this place against the Kings good will having refused to resigne it over to such as were by the King sent to him for that end so as being guilty of high treason hee looked to bee besiged taken and put to death Wherefore giving over his uselesse respect to Richard he detained Sherley and sent him to the King and was rewarded with forgivenesse of his former disobedience Sherley was executed who confessed to boot with his former fault that he was one of them who strangled the Duke of Gloster so as though he died very penitently and much compassionated by many yet the greatest part did no wayes pitty him the popular memory of the popular Duke prevailing over
That though it were an easie matter to convince them since they could never prove what he never dreampt of yet he was not come for that purpose That he did present himselfe as guilty since he was declared to be such not by his owne conscience but by his Majesties deluded opinion that therefore since it was impossible for him to live without insufferable anguish of mind being subject to such suspitions hee beseeched his Majesty to free him from further vexation with this weapon Then presenting unto him a dagger by the point hee added That he would willingly suffer death if it might cause such quiet unto his Majesty as his Majesty did beleeve That hee should not hold his hand out of any consideration of his soule for he had begged mercy of God and taken his Christian viaticum much lesse out of fear that this might be imputed as a sinne unto his Majesty for being already satisfied of the humane justice in punishing a guilty person worthy of whatsoever chastisement for what concerned divine justice he did promise him in the presence of those Lords who were by to be his advocate before the Tribunall of the supreame Judge in that fearefull and terrible day when the secrets of all hearts being knowne his Majesty and himselfe in the chariot of his innocency should triumph over the calumnies of other men The speech being ended the King threw away the dagger and with teares of joy imbraced and kissed him and confessed he had done amisse in beleeving otherwise of him then he ought to have done Hee assured him that for the time to come hee would be deafe to all such as should dare to speake against him But the Prince not herewithall contented humbly beseeched his Majesty to bring his accusers to the test that either they or he might receive condigne punishment The King satisfied in the innocency of his sonne and unwilling that those who were zealously his should be punished appeased his sonne saying that since this businesse was to be judged by the Peers of the Land nothing could be done therein till the next Parliament and that then he should receive such satisfaction as he justly did demand Then sweetning him with intreaties and faire speeches he made him quit his request and kept him in his good opinion as long as hee lived These and the like actions generally held dissolute afforded reason of bad presages as hath beene formerly said But assoone as he put on the Crowne he turned another leafe and became excellent in all such vertues as make a Prince famous in peace and redoubted in warre A change by how much the more rare the more admired since thereby the worst of men doe prove the best and types of vertue He first of all like a good husband purged his house of all uncleannesse and not content to have swept from thence all his deboisht companions he did not onely forbid them his sight and further company but banished them from comming within tenne miles of the Court He put in their places persons of exemplary lives Hee placed in his seates of Justice and in his Councell men worthy of such trust and joyning piety to his policy he founded Monasteries and brought the body of Richard the second from an obscure sepulchre in Langley to Westminster where he caused him with regall pompe to bee put in a tombe built at his owne charge and Lady Anne of Bohemia his first wife by him He sent Embassadours and Bishops to Constantia to endeavour in that Councell an end of the Schisme which had then a long time lasted and where not long after in stead of three Popes who reigned altogether Martin the fifth was chosen Pope to the great joy of all Christendome He referred the Lord Cobham who was accused of herefie to the Ecclesiasticall Courts having given him friendly admonitions for he had formerly loved him by reason of his valour from whence being committed over to secular Jurisdiction he was to have received his last punishment had hee not by some of his friends beene secretly conveyed out of the Tower But that which for the present befell not him happened to divers others for many of his opinion having seditiously assembled themselves and accused of conspiracy so many of them were taken as the prisons were not able to containe them and nine and twenty of the chiefest of them where one was a Priest were put to death the like befalling himselfe foure yeares after who was taken about the borders of Wales and hang'd and burnt He restored Henry Percy sonne to Henry hot spurre to his Lands Honour having sent for him back from Scotland whither he was for safety sent in the downfall of his family hee thought it not fit that so noble bloud should suffer punishment in the person of a child who being of so innocent yeares ought not to partake of his fore-fathers faults It was easie for him to restore unto him his lands which the King his father had given to Iohn his third sonne whom hee recompenced with an equivalent revenue Thus he ended the first yeare of his reigne in the beginning whereof the Duke of Clarence who was then in Aquitany hearing of his fathers death returned home to England and brought along with him Iohn Count of Angolesme together with the other hostages assigned over for the Duke of Orleans debt and was by the King received with a brotherly affection The Clergy had been practised upon in King Henry the fourths time by reason of their great revenues as being superfluously larger then was requisite for them In the eleventh year of his reigne mention was made in Parliament that they would have been cause of much scandall if the civill warres had not been The warres being at this present at an end and mens mindes more eager of this then formerly it was thought good not to lose the opportunity of time For since the King was addicted to war it behoved him to raise unto himselfe a permanent revenue to the satisfaction of the whole Kingdome A calculation was made that leaving to the Clergy what was sufficient for them the over-plus of their revenues was sufficient to maintaine fifteene Earles fifteene hundred Knights six thousand two hundred Gentlemen and an hundred Hospitalls besides twenty thousand pound a yeare reserved for the Kings Exchequer which twenty thousand pound was more then then an hundred thousand pound would now be A calculation which whether true or false proved a true danger to the Clergy The remedy was easie the combination being generall the advantage common to all for the King Nobility and Commonalty were to share in what was to bee taken from them A Parliament was called at Leicester wherein they were threatned They thought to eschew the blow by making some great offer but if it should not be accepted of for bee it what they pleased it must bee much inferior to what was expected from them they ran a hazard of defamation as corrupters
head and the corrupted humours of her principallest members That France did afford many advantages to whosoever should assault her as seated in a climate abounding with all good things whereas the sterility of Scotland afforded nothing but inconveniences sufficient to beat backe her assaliants That England could but for a while keepe footing there being to be beaten backe by the two urgent peeces of artillery cold and hunger That wit and valour would there lose the day inforced not by problematicall fables of fatality and destiny but by the reall and apparent necessity of nature since then no invasion was to be feared from thence to what purpose should the enterprise thereof be undertaken if being subdued it would neither cause lesse peace nor more trouble then whilst left at liberty warre might be elsewhere made for being fenced by the situation sterility it s owne and other forces it would alwaies afford occasion of beginning afresh to the end it might never beginne much lesse ever make an end with others That therefore to leave the confines well garded and take in hand what was propounded was the only resolution now to be taken as that which alone was conformable to the justice of the cause the reputation of the King and the reason of armes since England should never thinke to subdue Scotland if she did not first subdue France No sooner had the Marquis expressed his reasons but the Parliament did unanimously agree upon the warre with France so farre forgetting the businesse of the Clergy as no man thought any longer of it The King having created his two brethren Iohn and Humfrey Dukes the one of Bedford the other of Gloster and the forenamed Marquis Duke of Exeter following the wonted course of first denouncing war before the undertaking of it dispatcht away this last Duke together with the Admirall Grey the Archbishop of Dublin and the Bishop of Norwich as Embassadors to France whither they went accompanied with 600. horse and were received with great pompe royally feasted by King Charles who finding himselfe then well disposed would in their presence runne at tilt against the Duke of Alanson The jollities being over in solemne audience they demanded of him the restitution of the Crowne together with such Provinces as did of old belong unto the inheritance of the Kings of England namely the Dutches of Aquitany Normandy and Angius the Counties of Poictou and Vinena with this caution that if he would give unto King Henry his daughter Katherine together with the aforesaid Dutchies and Counties for a portion that then he would lay aside all other pretences but if he did deny this then Henry was resolved to doe what in him lay by force of armes to repossesse himselfe of his right These demands were long advised upon to finde out the marrow of the businesse but the Embassadors standing firme to the conditions agreed upon betweene Iohn King of France and Edwâ—…rd 3. King of England at Bretigny answer was made that a businesse of so great weight was not to be answered in an instant That assoone as it would be maturely discust the King would send his resolution by expresse Embassadors of his owne King Henry tooke this delay as an expresse deniall and sent word unto the Dolphin who had sent unto him a chest of tennis balls as who should say he thought him onely fit for sport that within few months he would requite his present and restore unto him balls of iron for balls of clouts which should be so tossed as France should have small reason to glory in her good walls And losing no longer time he began to raise monies munition victualls artillery and souldiers and hired a great number of ships from Holland and Zealand for his transportation King Charles was this mean while relapsed into his accustomed trances so as the Dolphin understanding what preparations King Henry made did himselfe likewise prepare for warre not forbearing though to send him a solemne Embassy as was by the Councell resolved on by the Duke of Vandosme and Archbishop of Burges Their instructions were to approve of the marriage and to propound in portion certaine territories of no great consequence supplied by a great summe of money upon condition that all other pretences abandoned peace might ensue The King who was at Winchester going to his army when hee understood their arrivall stayed there to give them audience the which he publickly did and after having feasted them at his owne table he by the Archbishop of Canterbury answered them that if the King of France would give unto him his daughter endowed with the Dutchies of Aquitany Normandy and Aniou and Touraine and the Counties of Poictou Vinena together with the rest that the Kings his predecessors had by right of inheritance possessed in France he would accept of her and peace if otherwise he would indeavour to acquire them by force and together with them the Crown which did of right belong unto him This being with much impatiency heard by the Archbishop of Burges who could not hide his anger hee desired leave to speak freely whereunto the King giving way with an inflamed countenance and angry voice hee said That if he did beleeve the King his Master had made him this offer as fearing his forces he beleeved amisse t was the compassion of Christian bloud that had moved him to it that he erred in his presumption to thinke that he alone was able to injuriously oppresse the noblest and most redoubted King of Christendome who by his owne forces and those of his subjects and friends was not onely likely to resist him but to take him prisoner and kill him and to expose such as should follow him to the scorne and fury of the French Nobility he further desired a safe conduct that they might returne without molestation and for ought else they would not trouble him The King who with much patience had listened to what the Archbishop said replied That he was nothing at all affrighted at his anger much lesse at its being sustained by the forces he alledged That his claime was known to all the world and by them themselves though they feigned the contrary That the power of their King was to them as the morning twilight whilst they had not seene the noon-tide of his strength That if Charles had subjects and friends he thanked God he lacked none That he should be consident that ere long the highest Crown of their Country should be forced to bow to him the proudest Miter meaning the Archbishop to bend the knee before him That they should say to the usurper Charles their Master in his behalfe that within three months he would come into France not as into a strangers house but as into his owne lawfull patrimony to vanquish it by the sword not boasting words That they might be gone with this answer which he would give unto them under his hand and seale as likewise their safe conduct the onely thing
the Orleanist thought no lesse a bosome friend then sonne in law to the Duke I know not though what judgement to give herein the tokens of this friendship his alliance set aside being very slight For at Burges he appeared against him and in other places upon other occasions seemed but very meanly to favour him he had quitted his wife the Dukes daughter for some affection he had elsewhere nor would he have resumed her if not threatned to have the treaty of Arras broken besides the Dolphin of his owne nature was not constant in his friendship opiniatred onely in odde fancies not over thankefull to his father and as much ignorant of government as he was presumptuous and headstrong Serres notwithstanding calls him terror of Burgony but without cause for had the Dolphin lived he had runne no danger for in time he might easily have won him by his subtilnesse And though through the antipathy of ambition he appeared against him yet it is not likely that he would have forgone that respect which as to a father in law he owed him This his death was rather thought and assuredly was a great blow to the Dukes fortune to the which he began to give way and retired himselfe to Flanders failing in what hee intended in France The Emperour Sigismond had all this while endeavoured as much as he might the peace of the Church which not likely to effect without the assistance of other Princes for to send their Prelates and Embassadours to the Councell was not of force enough against the stubbornesse of three titulary Popes which required a coactive authority to incline them to reason he resolved to goe himselfe to France whether he came with 800. horse and finding that it was impossible to compasse his designes without the peace of the two Kingdomes he meant to endeavour it And having laid the ground-worke thereof with Charles he procured Embassadors from France to goe along with him to England that he might the better treat thereof in their presence He was received by Henry with all due respects William Count of Hannault came thither likewise in person to the same end and shortly after the Embassadors of many Princes amongst which were those of the Duke of Burgony in greater magnificence then all the rest But the propositions which were propounded to King Henry were far short of what he pretended unto and of his good successe by the which he seemed to be inwardly advised to the contrary He forbare not though in thankes to so great a mediator to send Embassadors to Bavaois where as an introduction to the businesse a truce was propounded together with the ransome of such prisoners as were in England Things which easily might have beene agreed upon had not an accident happened which hindred all agreement the which though it be by Chesnes denyed his arguments for confutation are very weake The Duke of Exceter governour of Harfleur was gone forth with 3000. souldiers to scoure the parts neer about Roan against whom the Constable opposed himselfe with 5000. The French writers say it was Monsieur de Villaquiers and not the Constable and that he had but 3000. men They fought and 300. of the Dukes men were slaine the French say 1800. so as finding himselfe to be the weaker the Duke retired himselfe into an Orchard incompassed with a hedge of thornes where he staied the rest of that day and the next night As he retired upon breake of day towards Harfleur he was overtaken and set upon againe neere unto the City from whence new succours issuing forth he put the enemy to route Villaquiers himselfe being one of those that were slaine But however it were the Constable having for his first enterprise resolved to drive the English out of Normandy he besieged Harfleur and though he saw that this resolution would wholly break the treaty of peace yet was he so desirously confident to winne it that hee would not raise his siege though he was commanded so to doe Whereat King Henry being offended he recalled his Embassadors intended to have gone to the succour thereof himselfe in person and had done so had he not beene by the Emperour disswaded Being then perswaded to send away others in his steade he dispatched away the Duke of Bedford with 200 ships the French authors say 300. and with him many Lords and Gentlemen with whom he arrived there the day of the assumption of our Lady a fatall day aswell to the keeping of Harfleur as it was to the winning thereof for the yeare before the King came thither upon the Eve of that day The City was narrowly besieged by sea and land Vicount Narbonne Vice-admirall of France presented himselfe before it with a great fleet before the Constable came thither hoping alone to have surprised it by taking the defendents at unawares But being discovered and driven backe he was contented to have company in the continuance of the siege he gave many assaults into the Town but little good was done either by sea or land When he discried the English fleete hee prepared for fight and went into the mouth of the River The Duke did not refuse the encounter but sending some of his stoutest ships before to beginne the bickering he with all the rest seconded them resolving either to die or overcome They fought a long while with equall courage and obstinacy tillat last fortune favouring the English the enemies ships which what great what little were in number 500. were all of them almost either taken or sunke amongst which were three great Carrects of Genua which being afterwards sent into England did witnesse the defeate The Duke having reinforced the garrison with monies and men returned home the Constable having raised his siege assoone as the Navy was defeated The Emperour who sufficiently knew that it was lost time to tarry any longer in England touching the matter of peace provided for his departure The King had conferred upon him and the Count Hannault at their first comming the order of the garter and they were installed with extraordinary pompe at Winsor The Count was already gone the Emperour being likewise to be gone the affairs of Germany and of the Councell recalling him the King would waite upon him to Calleis a strait league being agreed on between them which having caused jealousies in divers Princes was the cause why the Duke of Burgony desired to speak with them both before they parted And because the declared war did not permit him to adventure his person to a profest enemy or at least he would have it so beleeved the Duke of Glocester and Earle of Marsh were sent unto him for ostages and he was met and brought to Calleis by the Earle of Warwicke This meane while his sonne Philip Count Caralois having with much honour received the ostages led them to lodge in Saint Omers And the next morning going to give the good morrow to the Duke of Glocester who was standing with his backe
to the doore discoursing with some of his domestiques the Duke was somewhat late in saluting him and did it in a more familiar manner then did become the quality of so great a Prince whereat he made no signe of distaste though he resented it his fathers occasions infusing dissimulation into him The Duke of Burgony was driven upon this by an accident from whence nothing but dangerous consequences was to be expected Those who governed France after the Emperours departure for England had laid a generall taxe upon all things vendible the which having distasted the people the Parisians more seditious then the rest plotted the most detestable conspiracy that till then had beene heard of in that Kingdome and having had recourse unto him as on whom they chiefly did rely he sent some of his friends unto them to confirme them in their resolution promising to assist them hoping by this meanes to compasse the so much coveted government and to suppresse his enemies his two ancient unalterable designes The appointment was to take the King the Queene the Duke of Berry the King and Queene of Sicily the Chancellour the Councell and those that sided with Orleans all prisoners on good Friday and to kill them all But many going that day out of the City to obtaine pardons by their devotions and fearing lest some of those might likewise have gone forth whom they would not have had to gone and so might save themselves they deferred executing their plot till Easter day which was the safety of those that were proscribed For the Chancellor hearing of the treason by meanes of a woman made the King and Princes suddenly retire themselves into the Louvre whilst the Provost arming such as upon so suddaine an occasion he could assemble together made himselfe master of the Market place and taking some of the conspirators prisoners infused feare into the rest freeing the lives of many from eminent danger by the death of a few Afterwards securing himselfe of the City by such men of armes as flockt unto him from all the neighbouring parts and taking away the chaines from the streets heads which made them insolent he disarmed the people whilst the Dukes officers had time to escape This businesse produced such jealousies and rancor as all parties drawing into the field they omitted nothing whereby they might injure one another And the Duke who masked presented the principall person in this tragedy the argument whereof was not changed though the Scene were thought that to compasse his ends it was requisite for him to secure Flanders from the danger of England that whilst he endeavoured to endamage others he might not bee indamaged at home To this purpose he came to Caleis where he did so worke upon these two great Princes as that the Emperour who at his passage into England was by the Duke of Bavariaes meanes brother to the Queene who was an utter enemy to the Duke become an Orleanist did upon this meeting become a Burgonian being wholly changed through cunning and the homage made unto him of the County of Burgony and Allost and King Henry prorogued the truce formerly made betweene Flanders and Artois for two yeares longer to the Dukes advantage and scandall of all well minded men for to preferre private respects before the publicke with the enemies of the State without the knowledge of the Soveraigne is as blameable and worthy of punishment as it is contrary to conscience and Law But he that propounds evill for his object loseth all shame which thereupon depends and his naturall confidence by reason whereof his Dutchmen called him Undaunted becomming the fatall chariot of his precipice made him to be undaunted at the encounter of his ruine His affaires being thus acommodated every man betooke himselfe to his owne home hee to Flanders the Ostages to Calleis the Emperour to Germany and the King to England Partly before and partly after this time were the funeralls of three great Princes celebrated in France That of the Duke of Berry of Iohn the Dolphin who succeeded to his brother Lewis and of the King of Sicily All of them unfortunate deaths for all the respects which concerned that Kingdome Berry and Sicily did serve to counterpose the ambition of Burgony and the Dolphin served for a removall of those evills if he had lived which in the succession of his brother Charles through the Dukes death did afterwards happen The Duke alive or dead was borne for the destruction of France so as that which authors write hereof if it be not true it is truth like That a Turkish Mathematician saved his life when he was prisoner to Bajazet the first by assuring Bajazet that more Christians would in short time bee destroied for his cause then the Othomans sword would cut off in a whole age Iohn the Dolphin during his brother Lewis his life had married Giacalina the only heire to William Count of Hannault and whilst he kept with him ready to goe for France he died not being yet fully twenty yeares old Not long before this a strait confederacy was made in Valentiniana betweene him and the Duke of Burgony the reputed cause of his death for it caused his being poysoned by those of the Orleans faction for he being dead the hopes of the Kingdome falling upon Charles Count de Poictou sonne in law to the King of Sicily and the last of King Charles his five sonnes they fell upon a Prince that was their friend bred up in the hatred and passions wherewith his father in law then living was indued But he dying likewise shortly after left it in doubt whether his death caused more of pleasure or displeasure unto the Duke for though he were freed of a mortall enemy yet his hopes of revenge being in his death lost did sowre the sweet thereof so as it may be said that the sweets of ill disposed men have no taste which is not seasoned with somewhat of sowre The articles of this confederacy and which caused the Orleanist to rid him out of the world if it be true that they did so were That the Duke of Burgony should serve the King and the Dolphin against whosoever particularly against the King of England That he should keep peace with all men in France except the King of Scicily The Dolphin on the contrary part obliging himselfe to assist the Duke not onely against his owne subjects if so it should fall out but against whosoever else should molest him But his enemies encouraged by this death became so insolent as they forced him to essay the strongest Cities to exclude the present government whereupon the civill warre grew hotter then ever it was And Count Armignacke upon whom through the death of these Princes the Kings incapacity and the Dolphins tender yeares all authority of government fell seconded by those of the Councell who together with him were afraid that the Queene weary of their presumptions might endeavour their ruine made her to bee carried to
governe alone they measure their owne interests by the concernments of their servants who if they were worthy would either sacrifice themselves for their Masters wellfare or would save themselves by flight to shun the being reputed their Prince his undoing These alterations made sport for King Henry the vitall spirits which ought to have concurred to the strengthening of so important a member as was Normandy retired themselves unto the heart oppressed by dangerous symptomes the which not easing the one did aggravate the other to the danger of them both nor could it be otherwise for the businesse requiring union and obedience the Duke could not obey the Dolphin whilst he pretended to governe him and union was impossible to the Dolphins servants being they were to lose their authority which together with the Dukes authority was incompatible The one side and the other did alike feare that the severall factions being once reduced into the right way would not goe astray againe for there is nothing whereof seditious men are more jealous then to make those taste the sweete of good who were formerly their associates and coadjutors in evill So as France running ruine through the excesse of disorder it was no wonder if England did establish herselfe through the excellency of counsell The English before they could besiege Roan were constrained to endeavour the taking in of Pont d'Arcke a fortresse seated upon the River Sâ—…ne that so they might the better keepe Roan from being succoured The King being not farre from thence in the Priory of Boneport sent the Lord of Cornwell to sound the defendants minds and to see whether the example of so many other places which had received his ensignes would move them to doe the like Iohn Graville was governour thereof who being resolute to stand out the Baron said unto him that he did ill to oppose himselfe against the King of Englands forces for he would undertake himselfe alone with very few more to passe over that River in despite of him and all his people offering to wage with him hereon his helmet with 500. Nobles in it against the best horse in his Stable Graville accepted of the wager and placed great troopes upon the passages Iames Harcourt being come to him from Estempes with 800. fighting men and 12000. of the Country people The Baron failed not to make good his word the next day he brought along with him 600. almost all archers amongst whom was a yong sonne of his owne of fifteene yeares of age one horse and some little field peeces all which hee conveied over in eight barkes to a little Iland situated in the midst of the River from whence shooting at the enemy who were upon the further banke hee so disordered them with his small peeees and his artillery as that they were faine to save themselves Harcourt retiring himselfe to Estempes Graville to Ponte d'Arcke and the rest to the woods so as being past over without resistance and having Knighted his sonne he put himselfe in battell aray and sent backe the boats to the end that they with some others that he had provided might convey over about a thousand souldiers with which hee did not onely maintaine skirmish against the garrison of the Fort but lodging himselfe in Mortamer Abbey he ransackt the Country putting them all in feare and disorder Graville being afterward jibed at for having so poorely mainteined the passage against so few men replied That if he had beene so seated as was he he would have hindred the passage not onely against him but against England and France put together But the seate was not the right reason of this it was rather the bowmens cunning and the terror which without any evident cause doth surprise even the stoutest hearts by the ancients called fate but by us divine providence the which is then more particularly seene when greater things are done then were the meanes whereby they were done The next day the Duke of Clarence passed over with 4000. fighting men and the King causing a bridge to be made on Roans side made himselfe Master of the field so as the Country people having no place to repaire unto the greatest part fled elsewhere and Graville having withstood a siege of three weekes despairing of succour yeelded the Fort their lives and goods saved Roan yet remained not that there were not many other Townes yet not taken in but because if she were once taken the rest would come in of themselves without one blow strucken The King of France and Duke of Burgony had sent thither made Captaines and souldiers to boot with the great number of inhabitants who were all resolved rather to die then to suffer the English subjection This siege was laid when the corne was not yet gathered in to the end that hunger might assist the other forces The King tooke up his quarter amongst the Cheartosine Monkes his brothers and Lords quartered themselves in seven other places to wit upon Saint Kathernes hill and over against the gates of Saint Hillary Caux Martinville Beauvais the Castle and the bridge The defendants made many fallies to impeach the besiegers workes slew some of them and lost some of their owne retiring themselves sometimes with their swords bloudy sometimes with bloudy heads But for all this they could not hinder them from securing their quarters with great ditches and workes and from accommodating themselves as that though they found all the adjacent houses Churches and Monasteries beaten downe and razed particularly Saint Severe Richburg Saint Gervais Mâ—…rtenville the Arsenalle and the Galleyes that were in it yet they used such diligence as that they wanted nothing requisite for a long siege as they thought this would prove the Cities strength being considered and the Citizens resolution who on the contrary side chased out of the City all such as had not wherewithall to victuall themselves easing themselves out of the number of 210000. mouths which were numbred in the City of 12000. of the most unusefull ones as old men women children and religious people who did afterwards all of them almost dye for hunger in ditches for they were not suffered to passe any further that the City might bee inforced to take them in againe the which she did not one of the evill effects of warre amongst those who doe defend themselves being to lay aside all manner of charity even though it concerne their owne blood so as the King was constrained the moanes and outcryes of the miserable people flying up to heaven afterwards to succour them to keepe them from utter perishing He sent the Earle of Warwicke and the Baron Talbot to Caudebec a place upon the Sene betweene Roan and Harfleur wherewith they agreed for the passage of the English Vessells over the River and that that Town of Caudebec should surrender it selfe as soone as Roan should either be taken or surrendred They gave ostages hereupon and suffered an hundred Vessells to passe over which came from the
would not doe it the meanes hee had made choice of being the fittest and safest for his souldiers and the best suiting with their deserts That he would keep on his course and that when they should be humbled with famine he would further humble them with such punishment as their obstinacy did deserve This being said hee retired himselfe with an angry countenance into his lodgings commanding his officers to keepe them at dinner with them These people were as much astonished at the Kings wisdome as they were at his power After dinner having advised of what was to be done they desired another audience the which was by the King graciously granted them They desired a truce for eight daies and having obtained it returned to the City The English set up in their campe three rich tents one for their Commissioners one for those of the City and the third for the one and the other to conferre together in The King named the Earles of Warwicke and Salisbury the Baron Fitzhugh Sir Walter Hungerford Sir Gilbert Humfreville and Sir Iohn Robsert together with Iohn Vasques of Almadas the City Iohn Buttler and six more The eight daies were spent in contentions accusations excuses demands and denialls nothing being concluded Whereupon when those of the City tooke their leaves they compassionately begged a prorogation of the truce till the suns next rising and obtained it When they were returned to the City they found the people in such an uproare as that they ran in danger of their lives so as they went early the next morning to Sir Iohn Robsert intreating him to interceede for a second prorogation of truce for foure dayes To the which the King againe giving way the surrender of the Towne was agreed upon the first day of the foure upon three and twenty Articles The chiefe of the which were That they should pay unto the King 365000 French Crownes that Robert Linet Vicar generall to the Archbishop Iohn Giordane Captaine of the Crosse-bowes and Allen Blancard should be delivered to the Kings disposall That they should sweare perpetuall fealty to him and all the Kings of England and that so doing they should enjoy all immunities and priviledges which they had enjoyed in the reigne of Saint Lewis That those who would might have leave to depart carrying nothing along with them but one ordinary suit of apparrell That the Souldiers marching out unarmed with a white staffe in their hands and one onely suite should sweare not to beare Armes against the King for one yeare next ensuing This Citie was surrendred the 19 day of January 1419. Guy Buttler accompanied by the best of the Towne brought the keyes and the Duke of Exceter tooke possession placing Corps de guarde and Sentinels where he thought necessary The next day the King made his entrance waited upon by foure Dukes ten Earles eight Bishops sixteen Barons and a great many Knights being met by the Clergy and Citizens who led him to the chiefe Church where he was received by the Archbishop and Cannons As soone as hee had given thankes he gave order for repaire of the ruines and causing proclamation to be made that all such Cities and Townes as would willingly submit themselves to his obedience should enjoy their former priviledges Caudebe Monstravillier Diepe Fescampe Arques Chasteau Neuf Dencourt Vernon Mante Gourne Honfleur Pont de Mer Triet Tancarville Abrichier Moleurier Vallemont Nucaville Ballacombre Fontenes Nugondeville Logembre Saint Germaine upon Calli Bodemont Bray Villaterra Ciarles Menill Ferefonte Beccrispin Baqueville and many other Townes sent him their keyes and received in English Garrisons The Countrey people and such as lived in the fields did the like so as the white Crosse of France was changed into the red of England Normandy fell into the hands of the English 229 yeares After the time that Philip the second tooke it from Iohn King of England which was the yeare of our Lord 1190. Allen Blancard was beheaded and the other two reserved to bee disposed of as the King should please were sometime after restored to their liberty having payed therefore great summes of money and the government of the Citie was conferred upon the Duke of Glocester The Duke of Burgony was hee who suffered more then any other in this losse whose authority being grounded upon the peoples good opinion was in danger to have fallen upon his opposite The evils which happened thereupon were to be imputed to him alone hee was the directer if not rather the corrupter of the State hee who by his evill practises had got possession of the Kings person had through his ill government obscured his lustre lost his reputation and lessened his command not void of suspition that he had intelligence with the King of England to suppresse the Dolphin a fault not to bee averred because it was not true the opinion thereof though likely to cause his ruine He could not contest against two enemies it behoved him to reconcile himselfe with one of them His naturall hatred his faction his ancient and new injuries his opinion of him to be of an humour not to be trusted his behoving to yeeld the government to him and the often denyed agreement between them made him despaire of reconciliation with the Dolphin With King Henry set the warre aside which may notwithstanding be maintained between generous Princes without malignity or hatred he had nothing of injury or offence His affaires being reconciled to him were not onely to be continued in thir present condition but bettered for his forces would be preserved entire to contend more vigorously against another The which being well weighed by him hee chose the later and sent expresse messengers unto Henry to perswade him to send Embassadours with whom at Troyes in Champania a truce was concluded by meanes whereof the two Kings meeting in a Parke neer Melune might treat of a peace And though King Charles came not thither hindered by a new accesse of his accustomed indisposition the Queene her daughter and the Duke failed not to come This fair Princesse was by them of purpose brought out of hopes that the beames of her beauty dazling King Henries eyes might make him desist from his rigorous pretences so as peace might be the easilier made and upon more advantagious conditions but where honour and love doe intershock Honour though a friend cannot but treat Love like an enemy Honour is not Honour if encountring with passions it overcome them not So as the King though he were much taken with her did not forgoe any thing he had formerly pretended unto hoping if hee could not get her by peace to win her by warre They came not at first to the Rendevous but having made choyce of two neighbouring places the Queen tarried at Pontouse the King at Mantes where he kept his Whitsuntide and made there three Earles Gaston de fois a great man in Gascony hee made Earle of Longaville Iohn Grey Earle of Tancherville and the Lord Bourchiere Earle
towne By battery mines and trenches the assailants got shortly underneath the ditch The Duke of Burgony who had made himselfe master of a Bulwarke did fortifie it much to the prejudice of the besieged The King built a bridge over the Seene to serve for commerce between the two Campes securing the Bankes on both sides with good corps de guard and to free his quarters from danger of surprise he cut some trenches on the outside of them and raised some workes upon each end thereof that so they might not bee assailed without great danger to the assaylors The breaches made by battery were made good by earth and bavens the besieged omitted nothing wherein either diligence or foresight might stand them in stead one ruine was answered by another wherein they fought at push of pike and wherein the King and Duke of Burgony managed theirs King Charles was come unto the Campe and together with him the Queene accompanied by the Dutches of Clarence newly arrived from England with a great traine of Ladies who were lodged by King Henry in a house erected of purpose neare to his owne tents without the reach of Canon so as making use of this occasion he would trie whether the besieged would yeeld to their King or no but being questioned thereupon they answered that if Charles King of France would vouchsafe to enter there he should be received with all due respects unto his Majesty but not Henry King of England nor Philip Duke of Burgony their professed enemies he sent this meane while the Duke of Clarence to Paris giving him the chiefe command of the City to the end that taking possession thereof he might by English forces secure the most considerable places therein as the Basteille the Louvre the house of Neele and forth there of the Boys de St. Vicenne the Count of St. Paule who was chiefe commander there was sent to Picardy to receive the oathes of the Cities of that Province touching the peace with England and to except of King Henry as Regent and heire the which was done without any opposition the besieged and besiegers were both but in bad condition the one being reduced for lacke of better nourishment to eate all manner of uncleanesse the other by reason of the Prince of Orenges departure who was gone with his people into Provence to defend his own affairs by the rage of a violent pestilence which had much lessened their numbers insomuch as the Duke of Burgony was forced to send the Signior de Luxenburg to Picardy to raise more men who returning shortly after with them appeared in so handsome aray before Melune as that the inhabitants beleeving they had beene the succour they had so long expected did not onely shew signes of joy by the ringing of bells but growne insolent did mocke the besiegers an error of small continuance yet not sufficient to have made them yeeld if the Dolphin had not at the same time advertised them that he could not succour them This Prince was governed by the wisdome and upheld by the purse of the Count de Vertu brother to Orleans and Angolesme prisoners in England but he being at this instant dead he was like a ship without sailes he could not move towards the preservation of a place of so great importance The Town was surrendred the eighth of September upon disadvantageous tearms those who were guilty of the Dukes death were condemned a prime article not to be forgotten the souldiers were to be forthcomming till they could put in good security not to beare armes under the enemies of either of the two Kings that inhabitants submitted to pleasure their weapons and moveables were put into the Castle Monsieur de Barbasan who was accused of being guilty of the Dukes death was saved for that there appeared no proofes thereof against him save onely insomuch as he was the Dolphins servant This notwithstanding he was sent prisoner to Paris and from thence to Chasteau Galliarde where after nine yeares space he had the good lucke to recover his liberty the place being then taken by the Dolphins forces who his father being dead called himselfe King Monsieur de Preaux together with five or six hundred Gentlemen and Gentlewomen and Citizens were likewise sent to Paris put into severall prisons the chiefest of them into the Basteile those who were put to death were few amongst which was one Bertrand of Chaumont a Gascoine a naturall subject of England for that he was bribed to save Amicron de Lau an accessory in the Duke of Burgonies death though the Kings brother did intercede for him for he had alwaies beene valiant yet could they not obtaine his pardon for reason of State would not permit Henry to give way unto passion and to be partiall in the Duke the sonnes just revenge moreover in right he was to lose his life who saved the life of a delinquent not through pity but avarice Winter growing on the souldiers requiring rest after having been so long in field the two Kings retired themselves to Paris being met by the people and Clergy with great magnificency they rid together the King of France on the right hand they lighted at the Church of nostre Dame and from thence Charles went to l'Hostell de Saint Paul Henry to the Louvre and the Duke of Burgony to his owne house l'Hostelle de Artois the next day the two Queenes made their entry in the like manner and were received by the City with great expressions of joy and met by the brothers of the Kings and Duke of Burgony followed by all the Nobility richly presented by the Citizens particularly the Queene of England and the King her husband The Dolphin had beene set upon all this while onely by the way of war now they endeavour to opugne him by the Law a businesse which did nothing at all import Henries pretences his foundations were of another sort not supported by these formalities for without them without his marriage with Catherine or his being adopted by Charles all of them workes of supererrogation in this case he was lawfull King but it redounded to his advantage to second the Duke of Burgonies desires that thereby or by what ever other meanes the Dolphin might be by the people abandoned Princes are subject to no seate of justice save that of conscience all others are but phansies and tricks fansies and therefore not to be despised for such are oft times more embraced by the people then is reason whence it happens that their authority being darkened and deprived of its lustre by contrary opinions they are subject to the eclipses of their subjects disobedience Burgony endeavoured the Dolphins ruine his fathers murtherer he was to open the way thereunto by the peoples fury perswade them hee could not for though the fault were very hainous the guilty party was by the common Law and Law of nature of too great authority with them being borne their Prince yet men alwaies
France and England Monyes were there Coyned with his stampe and the Armes of both the Kingdomes whilst Charles of more yeares but lesser power and excluded from the Metropolitane Citty possessed nothing on the other side the Loire save the Countries of Berry Forest Bourbonne Lyons and Auvergne the greatest part of Poictou and St. Onges did submit to him in consideration that the Nobility of those parts depended on him or else that they Neighbourd upon him these parts were reduc'd to such a point that one part of their Territories being under him the other under the English they were necessitated either by complying with the one faction to offend the other or else to declare themselves partiall for the one of them conformable to the intrest of their possessions On the other side of the River hee held the Countries of Mayne and Anjou some few places in Champagnia and Picardie being forced to tollerate the insolencies of his owne Souldiers for not being by reason of his poverty able to pay them they paid themselves by rapine and extortion upon the poore people afflicted and impoverished by all sides The Count de Fois had recovered Languedoc for him from the Prince of Orange and as for Guienne the Count Cominges by inclination and Count Arnigniac for hate to Burgony by reason of the Constable Arnigniacs ignominous Death in Paris neare his Bulwarkes All which effects proceeded from the Subjects love for who shall consider his undisolvable difficulties will find he could not possibly have overcome them without the resolv'd patience of those who did obey him who were constrained to indure not only Hostile injuries but likewise the injuries and rapine of such Souldiers as were their friends who being uncorrected and undisciplind were more of damage to them then was the Enemy hereunto may be added that they had no Prince of the bloud to uphold them The Dukes of Orleans and Burbon were Prisoners in England the Duke of Anjou resolute upon the recovery of the Kingdome of Naples and Burgony their inexorable Enemy but to dispute the contrary 't is likely that was not so much the love to Charles as the hatred to the English which made them willing to suffer so much for being but a yong Man about 22. yeares of age he could not have obliged them by benefits nor in those yeares have given such proofe of himself as to cause him to be desired 't is rather to be beleev'd that being born their presum'd King their desire to exclude the English was that which did only foment their affections All Nations do naturally abhorre being subjected one to another the diversity of Language Customes and Humours causing the reciprocall aversion and hatred which wee find in them and if there were no other reason for that it is a kind of wretchlesnes though not alwayes to be overcome by Strangers was a prevalent cause of making him be belov'd he being the Naile by which the other of the English Empiremust be driven out When Charles had understood his Fathers Death and caused his Obsequies to bee celebrated in Espalles a small Castle in Overgnie where he then chanc'd to be after one Dayes Mourning he caused him selfe to be solemnly proclaymed King and going from thence to Poictiers he was with Title of solemnity Crowned Reens a placeantiently destinated for that Ceremony was by the Enemy forbidden him so as France had now a divided Crowne not easie to be peiced together since two did equally intitle themselves King Whilst it was easie for Charles to peece the divided minds of such who either were not incumbred or wavering in Burgony's faction whence it insued that to preserve what the English had wonne or to augment it depended now no more upon the hope of ayd from France but upon the proper strength and Councell of England upon Councell that they might keepe Philip firme unto them for friends by reason of their passions are changeable upon strength since the obstacles which dayly increased by the going over of so many to the adverse party were by no other meanes to be removed After the two Kings Death skirmishes were made in all parts wherin certaine petty places were taken and retaken not worthy to be mention'd in story The Pariseans had sent a solemne Embassy into England to require speedy succour against the injuries done by Charles The English Writers say this Embassy was sent to cloake under this pretended zeale the treason which they were a hatching how to yeild themselves up unto him which whether it were so or no cannot absolutely be sayd but Du Pleis perverting the times and mentioning the Conspiracy before the Embassy augments the suspition they were sent back loaded with promises the effect wherof the English did better make good then did the Parisians their Faith Charles was by this time come to Rochell being somwhat startled at some forces raysed by the Duke of Brittany beleeving it to be done to his prejudice and contrary to what was lately agreed on betweene them during his Fathers Life where sitting in Councell part of the Chamber fell downe which with certaine others indamag'd Iohn of Burbonne Seigneur de Preaux he himselfe being in evident danger had he not beene suddenly drawne from thence At this time hapned the surprizall of Ponte de Melone under the Conduct of Iohn de Greiville who slew as many English as he found there as likewise their punishment who trusting upon the Duke of Bedfords absence had appointed time and place for Charles his People to enter Paris a plot which very well might have succeeded had not the Duke by his making hast hindred them for comming upon them with good forces unexpectedly he put many of them to Death some few escaping by flight and now no longer trusting them he put strong Garrisons into the Citty and parts adjacent wherof some yeilded themselves and some he tooke in He sent for the recovery of Ponte de Melone Thomas Mountaigue Earle of Salisbury a man according to the witnes of such Writers as are not English to be compared to whosoever of the Antient Romans and together with him the Earle of Suffolke the Lord Scales the younger Lord Poinings and many others This place was beseiged all Ianuary and February those which were within the Towne defending themselves valiantly upon the hope of succour which to the number of 6000 was Musterd together upon the confines of the Dutchy of Berry under the conduct of the Count d'Omale Count de Buchane and the Vicount of Narbone but being come within 6 Leagues of the Enemy and ordered in Battell array there fell such disorder amongst them that they return'd disbanded the greatest part of them being defeated by the English which were at Chartres and thereabouts the which when those of the Towne understood they grew into such a fury as throwing downe in the sight of the Enemy Charles his Collours which were set upon the Gates they tore them in peeces as also
all his other Ensigns cursing those who had perswaded them to shut themselves up in that Fort upon perjur'd Oaths of succour they yeilded themselves their lives only saved the which was denied to such as had served Henry the fifth to those who had sworne the finall Peace to those who were Complices in the Death of the Duke of Burgony and to such Souldiers as were Scotts Irish or Welsh together with Melene they surrendred all other Forts which were in their hands amongst which were Marchuse and Monliere those who would sweare fealty and Homage had their liberties granted them without Ransome the which all of them almost did in particular Greville mov'd therunto as I beleeve by his beleeving Charles to bee dead at Rochell for when hee knew the contrary hee was not long in forswearing himselfe This meane while Arthur Count de Richmond Brother to Iohn fift Duke of Britanny escaped away from the Earle of Suffolke Lord Lieutenant to the King in Normandy with whom ever since the Battell of Agencourt he had beene Prisoner A civill liberty was permitted him upon Oath and promise not to depart the which as long as the King lived was precisely observed by him not listning to his friends who had sundry times offered to backe him if he would fly away now thinking that by reason of the Kings Death he might with safety to his honour escape he fled pretending himselfe to be free from his Oath as personall to him that was dead but who shall well observe it shall find that bare promises not aggravated by curtesies no wayes due nor inforced as was this the largnes of his Imprisonment are of as much force in morall affaires with Princes and amongst such as are Nobly borne as is an Oath in Religion especially when as pretensions not dying with the King they together with their estates remaine in title and in substance intire unto their Successours if when the King dyed he had beene close Prisoner he could not without a note of folly have said himselfe to be disoblig'd from his promise so as having escap'd hee seem'd to repent that resolution which though at all times requisite was then the more to be esteemed of as it was now the more blame worthy since his owne Death and not the Death of any other was only able to acquit him of his Oath and promise made His first flight was to his Brother in Britanny from thence to his Cousin Philip in Flanders from whom he received a Commission to procure a Parley betweene him Britanny and Bedford so as being return'd from his Brother and having concluded the Interview Bedford went to receive them upon the confines of Normandie all three of them comming into an appointed place where Philip stayed expecting them the Confederacy which was contracted betweene them was confirmed by a double Marriage the one betweene the Duke of Bedford and Anne the younger Sister to Philip together with the County of Artois in portion in case they should have any Issue the other betweene Count Richmond and Philips eldest Sister Widdow to the Dolphin Lewis This being done Burgony and Richmond withdrew themselves to Arras Bedford to Paris and the Duke of Britanny to his owne Country to whom Bedford paid 6000. Crownes for his expences in that journey The inconstancy of the Dukes of Britanny in their friendship may seeme strange to some being subject to often and momentary changes but who will examine passages from the time that that State grew litigious will not wonder at it I have thought good to give you a short breviat thereof for the better understanding of the History and to ease the Reader of the paines of seeking that in others which I should have omitted Iohn the third Duke of Britanny who dyed without Issue married his Neece Iane of Britanny Daughter to Guy his next Brother but now dead to Charles of Blois second Sonne to Guy of Chatillione Count de Blois and Margaret Sister to Philip the sixt King of France to the end that shee being the true Heire other Woemen having beene formerly Heires to that Dukedome shee might have a Husband that might defend her When he was dead Iohn Count de Montfort his third Brother who during his life had no wayes opposed his Neece pretended by prerogative of sex to be Heire unto the State so as Blois relying upon France and he on England they had fierce Warre together for 23. yeares in which time 200000. Men were slaine in that quarrell To Count Montfort who as not having intirely possessed Britanny was not numbred amongst the Dukes therof did his Sonne Iohn succeed named Iohn the fourth after that Charles de Blois slaine in a great Battaile left him possessor therof The King of France who could not by force take from him his Estate indeavour'd to weaken him by Interposition Hee agreed upon this with the Widdow and the Sonnes of Charles the Defunct who renounced their pretensions to the Dutchy and he his pretences to the Vice-county of Limages restoring unto them together with other obligations the County of Pointevere an agreement which lasted not long among ulcerated minds The Duke beside these had two other great Enemies Beretrand de Gueschin and Oliver de Clissenne his naturall Subjects who having betaken themselves to the service of Charles the fift against the English proved so gallant Men that both of them one after the death of the other were Constables of France so as they having drawne unto the Kings pay the greatest part of the Lords and Commanders of Britanny who under their command had fought against Charles de Blois they left the Duke quite bereft of Captaines and Military affaires and but badly obeyed by his Subjects who were naturally inclin'd to the French so as wrought thereunto by gratitude Edward the third being his Father in Law who had put him into his Estate and by necessity the King of France being his Neighbouring powerfull Enemy hee turned sometimes one way sometimes another till being abandoned by his Subjects it behoved him to retire himselfe into England forsaking his Countrey least he should be made Prisoner by them not for that they hated him but for that they hated his friendship with the English whom they thought to be the cause of their ruine being at last aware that the King of France molested him not out of the pretended suspitions but to bereave him of his Estate they sent for him backe a little before the Death of Charles the fift wherby hoping now to be in quiet to please them he renounced his friendship with England and sided with Charles the 6 t who succeeded to Charles the fift Clissonne who was of greater power with the now King then he had been with the former finding him without his leaning stocke Ransomed Iohn Count de Pointevere from his Imprisonment in England upon whom as Sonne to Charles de Blois and Iane of Britanny Heire to Iohn the third the pretences to the Dutchy
for their security On the contrary side the Marishall Tolongonus at his returne found not foretime with so smiling an aspect for beleeving that by Monyes he had corrupted the Captaine of a Fort called la Busiere he was abused through too much beleefe for whilst he went to actuate the bargaine the Captaine having fitly placed two Ambushes brought him together with 11. others into the Castle where taking him Prisoner he at the same time caused almost all those that were without to be slaine and had it not beene for the Imprisonment of the Count de Ventadoure for whom he was changed he had not beene soone set at liberty This Yeare in the Moneth of Iuly was the first Sonne of Charles borne who in his due time succeeded him in his Kingdome by the name of Lovis the 11. a phantasticall Prince and almost ever rebellious towards his Father so as whilst he thought to have beene at quiet being free from the English Warres he gave against his Sons turbulencies which brought him to his end before his time marcerated by jealousy and slaine by suspition His birth notwithstanding so uncertaine are wee of future events brought unto him great cause of joy for the pledge of a Successor increaseth the Subjects love he was howsoever a great Prince who proved successefull in the rules of dissimulation rather borne together with them then learnt of any other Ghirard de Hallian describes him to be malicious wary cruell and full of Cousenage In England this meane while it was resolv'd to give libertie to Iames the first King of Scotland after 18. yeares Imprisonment which caused to the first mover therof since home hatred not love nor Charity had moved him to indevour it instead of gratitude unhappy successe and an ignominous end Robert Duke of Albany Governor of Scotland being dead the yeare 1420. just 15. Yeares after the Death of his Brother Robert the third his Sonne Mordecay succeeded him in the Government one who resembled his Father in the profuse spending of the goods of the Crowne amongst the Nobility to the end that forgetting the Prisoner King they might be content with the present condition and was like the King his Unckle in his Children for having neither ability nor wit to cause himselfe to be obeyed by them he was through desparation and despite reduc'd to ruine at the same time both them and himselfe Of the 3. for 3. they were Walter was the most insolent although they shar'd all alike in haughtines and disrespecting others Pride and the neglect of Inferiors was by them esteemed gravity and what became them and such insolent actions as arise from them proper and naturall to Men of royall Lynage and to generous and magnanimous Hearts Mordecay had often times admonished them but because in stead of reaping fruite therby he was laugh'd at by them he tooke no further care therof placing all his dislikes upon the backe of Patience till such time as the burthen grew too heavy for him to beare He very much lov'd field sports especially Hawking and having one Day an ex'lent Faulkon on his Fist Walter did with such incivility require it on him as he denying it the other snatcht it from his hand wrung off the necke and threw the Carkasse at his feete at which the Father being incensed sayd unto him that since he had in vaine used all meanes possible to bring him to obedience he was resolv'd to find out one whom both his Sonne and he should be forced to obey and he effected his words for a Parliament being immediatly called the Kings freedome was resolv'd upon Embassadors were chosen and sent into England where their request was maturely consulted on those who were against it alleadged that having beene detained so many yeares his Captivity was by him to bee esteemed an injury never to be forgotten and for the which he would take present revenge since England was now busied abroad that being at liberty he would regulate the disorders of Scotland the Governors authority not being sufficient to quench the contentions which Day by Day grew greater among the great ones nor to remedy the Thefts Murders and Rapines which as it were by reprisall was committed by the common People so as since nothing could prove more advantageous for the affaires of England all alteration was pernitious Others being of a contrary opinion affirmed his Captivity was so unlikely to raise in him any such conceits that it was rather by him to be accounted the originall of all his good fortune since that living there safe from his Unckles snares he was falne into the hands of two Kings who proving Fathers to him in education were not therfore much commended by such who preferre what is usefull to what is honest who argue that a worser resolution could not have beene taken then to have perfected wisdome by study and strength by the exercise of Armes in a Prince of so sublime inclinations whilst to do well they should have brought him up in all common vices and have made him effeminate amongst the worst of conversations that to have done otherwise was as much as to expect what befell him who nurs'd up a Snake in his bosome which when it had recover'd his heate slew him that had preserv'd it fitting considerations for Tyrant Princes but not for such as were so given as were these two Kings for if the one by making him Prisoner the other by detaining him had had respect to their owne proper intrests they would have treated him as an Enemy but their having inrich'd him with so vertuous education not to be lost neither by liberty nor Imprisonment was so rare and unparalell'd an example as he beyond all others was ever to acknowledge such The Duke of Glocester who thought there could bee no better meanes then this to joyne Scotland and England and sever it from France concluded his freedome setting a fine upon him of 100000. Marks and giving him for Wife Ioane Daughter to the Earle of Somerset Cousin-german to Henry the fift and Neece to the Bishop of Winchester whom he loved so as having payed part of his Ransome with his Wifes Portion and given in Hostages for the rest the which was afterwards payed by the Subjects in so good a manner as that they seemed not to be therewithall any whit aggreived he went his wayes nobly waited upon to his confines by his ancient friends by his new allyes and richly presented by his Father in Law Being come into his Kingdome he found it like a Ship tossed by the Seas Nothing remaining for maintenance of the Crowne save only the Customes the rest was all squandred away and bestowed upon particular Men by the two succeeding Governours Robert the Father and Mordecay the Sonne to the end that not minding his returne they might adhere unto them to publique grievances private ones succeeded the first complaints were against Walter who was Imprison'd and after him Mordecay and Alexander Iames who was
defeated the Siege being raysed and all Articles observed the place was surrendred up upon the appointed day none appearing in the succour therof Harcourt himselfe being dead whilst practising wiles upon a strength belonging to Monsier de Partene his Wives Unkle and coveting the lives of others he lost his owne The Duke of Glocester was intent in the execution of his Office when fortune to crosse the good way he was in threw upon him Iocheline of Baviers Countesse of Holland Zealand and Hannault Mistris of Frisia and Wife to Iohn Duke of Brabant who flying from her Husband got into England a busines which to bee well understood must bee taken from its beginning The house of Bavaria was come into the possession of the said Provinces inherited by Margaret Wife to the Emperour Lodovic the eighth of Bavaria by the death of William the fourth his Brother who was Master thereof slaine by the Frysons leaving them to his Sonne William the fift who becomming mad and without issue they fell upon his Brother Albertus to whom did succeed his Sonne William the sixt Father to this Iacoline who was the last shee of the House of Bavaria commanded in those Countries Now shee having beene Married to the Dolphin of France and left by him a Widdow her Father William would have her to Marry a dispensation being to be procured from the Councell of Constance there being then no Pope Iohn Duke of Brabant her Cousin-german for Margaret her Mother was Sister to Anthony Duke of Brabant Father to Iohn William dying before this Marriage was concluded Iohn of Baviers Bishop of Leidge his Brother and Unckle to Iacoline hoping by the Title of Guardian to worke himselfe into the Government of these States wrought so with the Emperour Sigismund though hee formerly assented to the aforesaid Marriage as that the dispensation should bee denied unto her and giving up his Bishoprick held by him the space of 27. yeares with much Warre and Bloud into the hands of Martin the fift lately chosen hee went into Holland where by assistance of such as sided with himselfe Master of certaine places threatning Warre unto his Neece if shee would not submit unto his Guardianship shee and her husband were advertis'd of her Unckles sinister proceedings in the Councell and having obtained the dispensation from the new Pope it was by the Emperours importunity redemanded when alleadged the evills and Warres which were thereupon likely to ensue Iohn of Baviers had received a Copy of the revocation before the Originall came and had sent it them to stop their proceedings but it being by them rejected as not authenticall not comming from the Pope they Married themselves the Husband being 16 the Wife 17 yeares old this Marriage was shortly after confirmed by the Pope himselfe declaring that the revocation being surreptitiously obtained the dispensation was in its first vigour so as they might continue without any scruple in the state of Matrimony wherein they were Iohn of Baviers falling in this designe intreated and obtained a dispensation for himselfe likewise to Marry not having in his so many yeares of Episcopacie exceeded the degree of Deacon he Marryed Elizabeth Dutchesse of Luxenburg Neece to the Emperour Sigismund from whom he obtained in Feefarme all the territories belonging to Iacoline as falne to the Empire William being dead without any Heires Male not remembring that they had descended to the House of Baviers by Female succession but he was stoutly opposed by those States who objected unto him that as they did not acknowledge any one but her for their Princesse so he himselfe had acknowledged her for his by doing homage to her for those Lordships which he possessed That Women were not there excluded succession when the case had so falne out that for this they had Letters and approbation from former Emperours nor was this the first with these protestations they declared themselves his Enemies and Hannault more then all the rest since shee had no dependancie upon the Empire but the Warre which for this cause the Duke of Brabant waged with them ended so favourably for him that besides having granted him by Tytle of inheritance divers Countries in Holland he was declared Lord Lievetenant for 3 yeares with Soveraigne authority in all the rest Hannault only excepted So as having now reduc'd the whole arbitratorship unto himselfe he did so worke upon the said Duke partly by wiles partly by snares as that he did not only prorogue unto him his tytle for 7 yeares longer but by his instigation became an Enemie to his Wife and by taking from her and changing her attendants did so much incense her that to bee rid of him shee retired her selfe into Hannault accompanied by her Mother and afterwards her selfe alone into England where the Duke of Glocester incited either by love or out of the hopes of so great States fell upon a resolution of Marrying her For the which some apparant reason being to bee given they pretended the dispensation to bee invallid and shee caused the Duke of Brabant by his Proctors to bee cited to Rome shee demanded that the Marriage might bee declared null a busines wherewith the World was scandaliz'd and which above all others troubled Duke Philip joyned by Father and Mother in the same degree of Consanguinitie to them both for he and Brabant were Sonnes to two Brothers he and Iacholina to Brother and Sister by which kindred he afterwards became Heire both to the one and the other But because the Progresse of this busines fell out the next ensuing yeare I will reserve the relation thereof to it's proper place having enlarged my selfe herein out of a beleefe that others might have the same curiosity that I had for not finding in the storyes which treat hereof the Light I did desire to see what moved Glocester to Marry another Mans Wife I could find no satisfaction save in the History of Holland Iohn Poole Brother to the Earle of Suffolke had the Government of Auranches in Normandy who thinking he lived but idlely in his garrison gathered together about 2500 Men taking them from their appointed garrisons to Anjou wherwith making excursions even to the Towne of Angiers he burnt the Suburbs thereof spreading himselfe every where about to the much prejudice of the Countrey till such time as loaded with prey and Prisoners he intended to returne But adversity causing warynesse and prosperity the contrary as his men were marching out of file and in disorder and doubting nothing they were set upon by Iohn de Harcourt Count of Omale and Charles his Lievetenant in the two Provinces of Anjou and Maine accompanied by the Viscount of Narbonne the Baron of Coulouses Ambrogius de Lora Monsier de Larchet by Andrew and Guy de Lavall Britons who together with the comminalty of those Frontiers were gone to joyne with him making about the number of 6000. Men with these he gave upon the others who were in disorder mingled with their
taken care to assemble together such as were escaped hee had beene wholly destitute of Souldiers Steven de Vignolus called la Hire did the like for considering in what condition his King was without Souldiers Commanders and Princes of the bloud all of them being all most Prisoners to the English Hee quitted Vitres and other places in Champagnia to joyne his troopes with the others Charles had not any time before beene in a worse condition Monsieur de Rombarres deputed to the custody of Vernuille with 3000. men as hath beene said yeelded it up two dayes after comming all of them out of the Towne their Lives Armes Baggadge and Horses saved Hee likewise was of some comfort to the common apparent ruine The Duke of Bedford who after so happy successe had withdrawne himselfe to Roan and from thence to Paris sent the Lord Scales with 2000. men accompanied by Sr. Iohn Montgomery and Sr. Iohn Falstaffe to annoy Aniou and Mayne where though a number of Castles yeelded unto them yet this seeming but a small affaire the neighbourhood of these two Provinces being dangerous for the safety of Normandy and requiring greater effects the Earle of Salisbury with 10000. fighting men went to besiedge Mans the Metropolitane of Maine battering it in such a sort as throwing to the ground the Houses Walls and Toures thereof Hee wonne it to his obedience and giving the command thereof to the Earle of Suffolke and the Lieutenancy to Falstaffe hee passed forward to S. Susanna defended by Ambrogius de Lore assaying it on that side which hee thought fittest for assault but having got no good thereby the Walls being manifully defended Hee bethought himselfe how to have it without so much bloud Hee played upon it with his Ordnance two whole dayes together so as having layd flat its defences and reduc'd it to such a point as that it was not able to endure any other assault they were inforced to surrender paying some certaine monies and the Garrison comming forth onely in their Doublets their lives saved From hence he went too before Forte Barnardo where being advertis'd by the Gascons of Alansons Garrison how they had made agreement with Iohn de Villiers to sell unto him that place for 400. Crownes hee sent thither the Lord Willoughby and Falstaffe with 2000. Souldiers who surprised the purchaser whilst he thought to have made his entry with 200. Horse and 400. Foote which hee had brought to guard the place they slew him none of the rest escaping save 25. thankes to their Horses heeles The place which hee besieged being then yeelded up unto him together with a many more hee frighted France which thought fortune too partially favourable unto him At this time Edmund Mortimer Earle of March formerly deprived of his liberty died at Trimmes in Ireland whereupon his just and lawfull pretences fell upon Richard Plantaginet sonne to that Richard Earle of Cambridge who by the commandement of Henry the fift was beheaded at Antona wee shall shortly heare newes of his claime unfortunate to him the King and kingdom for though he turned England topsey turvy he did not notwithstanding compasse the government thereof the which was reserved with better fortune for his sonne This his death was accompanied by the death of Iohn Mortimer his Cousin who accused of treason to the scandall of all men suffered the punishment of the Law his faults being beleeved to bee calumnies and himselfe brought to so ignominious an end for that alone which by vulgar Politicians is called Reason of State The same resolution which as wee have said made the Duke of Glocester marry Iacoline of Baviers contrary to the Law made him likewise resolve to take up Armes against him who of all others was most requisite for the friendship of England neither could hee after the first errour forbeare committing of others for he was inforced to recover for her her possions injoy'd by the Duke of Brabant her legitimate husband the which hee now pretending himselfe to be the like must account his Neither thought he that he should neede any great forces since Hannault which was to be the seat of the warre was thought to favour him for the people of the Country had alwayes sided with their true and naturall Princes so as both of them imbarking themselves at Dover with 5000. fighting men conducted by the Earle Marshall they went to Calis Duke Philip according to appointment formerly made with the Duke of Bedford was come for this cause to Paris and after having friendly disputed it amongst themselves they framed an agreement to be accepted of by both parties the Duke of Brabant did not refuse to accept thereof but Iacolina and Glocester did who said they might goe to take possession of what was their owne without the interposition of others A resolution which did inwardly wound the brother who foresaw the evills that were to ensue thereupon and did touch Philip to the quicke being interessed in these states and Princes by neighbourhood and pretensions besides he thought Glocester did too little value him whilst the English ought rather to set an esteeme on him then on any other Neither did hee forbeare to say to Bedford that since his brother would not condescend to the agreement made between them two he was not to be blamed if he should imploy all the forces he had in the behalfe of Brabant against Glocester to the which Bedford knew not what to reply no reason being to be given for his actions who not respecting friendship equity nor publik interest is resolv'd to pursue his owne Caprichies Glocester passed through Artois into Hannault where he and his wise Iacolina were received with all expressions of obedience all the Lords and Gentry of the Country comming into their service except the Counts Conversan Angebert and Anguiere and Iohn de Iumont who were the onely men that with their Townes and Fortresses observed the oath they had formerly taken to the Duke of Brabant who growing more powerfull by reason of the concourse of men from Artois and Flanders for Philip had made it be proclaimed that such as were obliged to weare Armes should goe to his service he began the warre to the great incommoditie of the Country the which growing cooler towards their Princes would have shewed some effects had not not their places of chiefest importance beene in the power of the English Glocester did not beleeve that Philip would have opposed him but hearing of the Proclamations and seeing the effects hee made his grievance knowne unto him by letters which though in some sort modest yet were they not void of injury for he had let fall from his pen that in his Proclamations there were many untruthes whereupon Philip replyed that hee had taken upon him the defence of his Cousin the Duke of Brabant as by reason hee was obliged by accepting the Articles of that agreement which Glocester refused to doe whilst both law and conscience required that the deciding
affaire in France could not prosper if those of England did amisse this newes made a great impression in the Duke so as deputing the Earle of Warwicke who was but a little before come thither with 6000. men His Lieutenant in the Regency of France hee went together with his Wife to England and came to Lancaster where the Parliament was at that time called The first action hee did was to blame such Lords as had sided in this difference not naming his Brother or Uncle to whom his discourse tended who drawne by their venome had stir'd up the People to the danger of the King and Kingdome and utter subversion of the affaires in France hee exhorted them to lay aside their passions and take to them more moderate and civill thoughts Gloster did not forbeare for all this to present in full Parliament his complaints against the Bishop First that Richard Woodville Lieutenant of the Tower had by the Bishops instigation denyed him entrance Secondly that hee was resolv'd to lay hands upon the King and carry him from Eltham to Windsor without the Kings consent or consent of the Councell Thirdly that when as hee had resolv'd to hinder him herein Hee had caused the Bridge to bee shut up upon him caused the chaines to bee drawne and placed men armed with bowes arrowes and all other manner of weapons in the chambers windowes and corners neare about to hinder his passage and to kill him and as many as were with him Fourthly that hee had beene told by Henry the fifth as hee lay asleepe in the great chamber at Westminster in his Fathers time by the barking of a Dog a certaine man was discover'd behind the hangings who being question'd by the Earle of Arundel said that hee was placed there by directions from the Bishop of Winchester to kill the Prince in his bed and that being removed from thence hee was immediatly drowned in the Thames Fifthly that he had told him likewise that his Father in his latter times being troubled with grievous indispositions the Bishop should say unto him that since hee was no longer fit for governmrnt hee should doe well to transferre both the government and Crowne upon him The Parliament was not easily brought to beleeve the circumstances of this accusation especially when the Bishop gave in his answere To the first hee said that before the Duke of Gloster went to Hannault hee and the councell good reasons moving them thereunto had ordered that the Towre of London for the time to come should bee victualled and munition'd as other forts use to be That after his being gone to Hannault the Citie being in apparent danger threatned by libels and seditious speeches particularly against strangers the greatest part whereof were for this cause fled the councell fearing a rebellion had appointed Richard Woodville to be Lieutenant of the Towre who to boote with the great affiance the deceased King had in him was Chamberlaine and Councellor to the Duke of Bedford with directions that during this his charge hee should not suffer any one whosoever to enter therein that was stronger then himselfe without particular commandement from the King or order to bee given by the Councell that the Duke at his returne disliking this order would breake it Hee pretended to enter and inhabite there being offended that Woodville denied him entrance and that the Bishop had advis'd him so to doe the which hee did not deny his reason being that the Duke desiring Richard Scot Lieutenant of the Tower to deliver up into his custody one Randall a Frier convict of treason against the late King and who had bin some yeares Prisoner Richard not able to deliver him without order from the Councell nor to refuse his delivery without offending the Duke desired him to send him such a command as might serve for his discharge the which the Duke denied to doe saying his commandement might serve for a sufficient discharge so as the Bishop seeing him so farre exceed the limits of his authority and not knowing where it would end could not chuse but give Richard this advice so much the more for that after his returne from Hannault hee had not forborne to allure some of the People saying that if they had beene ill dealt withall in his absence as hee understood they had they should bee so no more now that hee was present and that as for the Tower which was reinforced to keepe them in awe as who should say they were not loyall Hee would find a remedy for that if they so pleased To the second that hee never had any intention to lay hands upon the King much lesse to take him from where hee was to governe him otherwise then till then hee had beene unlesse it were by the resolution of the Councell that such a thought could no wayes availe him but rather prove harmefull and dangerous to him the which hee offered to make good in time and place convenient To the third that hee denied not to have done as much as was alleadged but not to the end as was objected that hee had beene certainely inform'd ever since the last Parliament at Winchester of the great ill will the Duke bore him which made him resolve not to bee there to shunne the evils wherewithall hee was threatned that evident signes were seene of this that certaine people of base condition being assembled together on the Thames side where boates use to land were heard to say that if they should meete with the Bishop in that place they would throw him into the River and that the Sunday before All-Saints day the Duke being demanded by the Councell concerning his ill will to the Bishop hee said it is true and that it might bee his reasons should bee seene one day in writing that the next Munday by the Dukes commandement no reason being given for it the Citizens were all night in Armes saying injurious things against the Bishop that commandement was likewise given to the Courtiers to bee with the Duke by 8. in the morning armed that on Tuesday hee gave directions to the Major and Aldermen to send unto him 300. Horse-men to waite upon him whither hee was to goe which was as it was said to remove away the King without the Councels knowledge all which being manifest signes of this the Bishops danger hee resolved to prevent him as it is lawfull for every one to defend himselfe so as if he had fortified the Bridge to the end it might not bee forc't it was not done with any intention of damnifying the Duke or any others but to keepe himselfe from being damnified since hee was not the assaylant but the defendant To the fourth and fifth that hee had bin true and loyall to all Kings which if hee had not beene Henry the fifth a wise King would not have trusted him so much as hee did Hee offered to prove this the proofe to bee such as is wonted to bee granted to persons of his state and
condition that herein hee humbly intreated the Duke of Bedford and all the lords spirituall and temporall of that Parliament since they were the lawfull Judges for the administration of justice especially in this case and because the aforesaid letter written to the Duke of Bedford suffered a sinister interpretation hee interpreted it according to its naturall sence the end for which it was written not admitting of any other If this busines had hapened betweene private men or that it had beene judgeable where Lextalionis is practised it would not have beene so easily ended but being betweene two great Lords almost equall in authority bloud and followers and where hee who layes treason to anothers charge though calumniously undergoes no punishment but the hazard of single Duell the remedy was easy the condition of the times the necessity of peace at home and the evils which by doing otherwise were likely to ensue being considered for the cure of a Fistula differs from the cure of a wound the one as soone as cut must bee suddenly closed the other being newly made must bee kept open to the end it may purge But there was no probability in this accusation the 3. first articles though they had some shew yet was there no proofe of them and that appearance wiped away by a more solid recremination the fourth and fifth not to bee spoken of since the dead are not call'd to witnesse nor cited before Earthly Tribunals they were alleadged onely to make the party accused ill thought of not that there was any reason to condemne him for them Moreover it is not likely that in England where the accusation witnesses defence and judgement are all made in publique and in face of the Court an accessary should bee privately drowned by night the King not being advertis'd thereof the party not delivered up into the hands of justice nor confronted with his accuser whilest the Prince who could not love the Bishop seing the ill will hee bore him had so large a field to revenge himselfe in by Iustice not being withstood either by any interest of feare or want of proofe the case being cleare the guilty convinc't the fault inexcusable treason in the highest degree The order which was taken in this busines was to sweare all the Lords as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall to proceed therein without passion and with secresy it was by them put over to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Dukes of Exceter and Norfolke the Bishops of Durham Worcester and Bath the Earle of Stafford the Lo. Privy Seale and the Lo. Cromwell who after having made them promise to stand to their judgements as well themselves as their adherents Glocester in the word of a Prince and sonne of a King and the Bishop in the bare word of a Priest they framed certaine words which they were to speake one to another causing them the King being present to come to the Parliament The Bishop seeming much grieved at the scandalous speeches layd to his charge pressed much either to bee declared innocent of what hee stood accused concerning the two last Kings since hee was not nor could not bee convinst thereof or else that he might be permitted to justifie himself and being gone out of the house to allow them time to consider hee was shortly after cald in againe and Bedford in name of the whole house sayd unto him that upon the examination of his request the King and all the Lords declared him to be an honest man and faithfull to both the Kings which declaration was ordered to bee regestred amongst the Acts of Parliament then saying the conceived words one to another and having shaken hands the businesse was ended and they pacified The King was willing to witnesse his gladnesse of this accord by solemne mirths and Court solemnities he created Richard Plantagenet sonne to the Earle of Cambridge beheaded at Antona Duke of Yorke This title ceased in this family through the death of Edward Plantaginet slaine in the battle of Aiencourt elder brother to the forenamed Earle of Cambride and not to bee ransomed by this Richard his nephew and next heire without his being restored in blood as now hee was this was hee who afterwards deposed the King and who was the first cause of exturpating the house of Lancaster having boldnesse enough to contest for the kingdome with him and to lay claime thereunto in full Parliament as wee shall hereafter see in its due place neither was hee likely to have arrived at so immense a bouldnesse had he not beene promoted to this honour and honord by those high places of trust which by the King he afterwards was But God governes things here below by meanes contrary to wordly reason for whilst men foolishly beleeve that good turnes make past offences be forgotten examples shew us that the correspondencies due to vertue and reason ought not to be expected from men but such as the interest of profit dayly produceth profit is that alone which surpassing vertue or reason spurnes at any other gratitude the which though it ought not alwayes to be supposed 't is notwithstanding a want in judgement to thinke otherwise in great offences especially such as were these of this Richard on whom no benefit being to be conferred which was not inferior to the kingdome usurped from him it was the chiefest of all others to chalke out vnto him the wayes to the conquest thereof and by conferring upon him honors riches and power to indow him with an ability of doing what he did An errour whereunto the best of men are onely subject who expect not that from others which they themselves would not doe this creation was accompanied with another of Iohn Moubray who being Earle Marshall was made Duke of Norfolke which title was unluckily enjoyed not above three yeares by his Father who died in Venice being banished for England the first yeare of Henry the fourth this solemnitie was concluded by the order of knighthood which the Duke of Bedford gave into the King accompanied by 35 great Lords or some of great Families and the liberall contribution which by way of subsidie was given in Parliament in consideration of the warre with France no one City being exempt from the payments of monies or raysing of souldiers At this time the Duke of Exceter died a man of great wisedome who having no sonnes made the King his heire though besides the Bishop his brother and the Countesse of Westmerland his Sister hee had by her a great many Nephewes Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke whom the Duke of Bedford had left his Lievtenant in France was not this meane while faultie in what belonged unto his charge for entring the County of Maine hee tooke there many townes and being returned to Paris met with this newes of his being chosen to the government of the King in place of the deceased Duke of Exceter though he went not into England till a good while after advancing in the meane while by
his service in France his Kings his kingdomes and his owne reputation Alansonnes liberty who was taken prisoner at the battell of Vernuille was by the Duke of Burgundies meanes Bedford being at London procured his ransome came to 200000. Crownes Faire offers were made unto him if hee he would forsake France and cleave unto England in particular much of what hee was to pay was proffer'd to bee remitted him but no offer promis'd nor benefit could sever him from his affections unto this King and Country Hee sould unto the Duke of Britanny not being otherwise able to pay so great a summe the Barony of Fugures for 80000. peeces of gould called saluti and 38000. which he was moreover to give him for the which hee pawned unto him the two Rubies of la quaglia and Estampes and the two brothers famous Iewels in the house of Britanny the which being repawn'd by him and the rest made good out of his owne monies hee return'd into France The Duke of Bedford went thither likewise with a great many Souldiers having taken requisite order for the affaires in England Hee was waited upon to Calis by the Bishop of Winchester I know not whether in respect or to receive the Cardinalls Cap which was sent to him from Rome the new discensions councelling him perhaps to doe so This Prelate had coveted the being a Cardinall ever since Henry the fifths time but that King much misliking his ambition forbid him to endeavour it that rub being now out of the way the present King a Child and though Glocester his enemy yet Bedford his friend there was none that withstood him therein Hee receiv'd therewithall the faculty and title of Legat which added to his incombes so as loosing his former name he was through all the kingdome stiled the Ritch Cardinall The Count de Richmond this meane while endeavoured by his valour to repaire the ill fortune hee met withall at his entrance into the Constableship In Anior he tooke La Methe upon conditions and the Castle of Gollerande by assault In Maine Ramfort by composition and Malicort by force where hee slew the English and hung up the French that defended it On the other side Sir Iohn Hothall an English knight passing betweene Mans and Alansonne with 20. Horse was set upon by a Captaine call'd Monceau who had with him a troope of 120. fighting men the English lighted from off their Horses in the midst of the highway where they were set upon and where there was no helpe but a resolution either to overcome or die they so behaving themselves as that killing many of them and putting the rest to flight they tooke Iohn Sorret prisoner a Brittish Gentleman and returned safe to their Garrison but the daily inrodes that the Norman Garrison made into Brittanny made the Duke thereof resolve to shut them up within their owne limits by fortifying Pontersonne To this worke together with the Constable came Messieurs de Castelbriand Beaumaneir Lohac Castelghironne Montalbon Belforte Charte Rostrenan Balliere and others of Brittanny the Constable of Scotland Iohn Onscart Walter Brusacke and other French Commanders these comming by night to descry the English fortifications they were pursued by such as were within with danger of being but ill treated but as soone as the Constable had fortefied Pontersonne hee went from thence leaving Mounsieur de Rostrenan Captaine thereof and under him Mounsieur de Belfort Iohn Veyer and Ouscourt who doing as they had beene done by did by incursions passe on to Auranches doing all the mischiefe they could but those of the Garrison not induring to bee braved underneath their walls sallied forth and had likely to have retired with losse had not 400. English led by Mounsieur de Novestres come unexpectedly to their ayd who charging Rostrenon tooke him prisoner and together with him 140. others not above two being left dead upon the field This chance made the Duke of Britanny send Mussieurs de Castelbriand and Beaumaneir to command Pontersonne in Rostrenans place I have described this action according to Argentres Hall and the other English Historians ascribe the glory onely to the Garrison of Auranches not mentioning Novestres nor any others that came into their succour So as being almost alwayes likely to meete with the like discordance likelihood ought to open unto us the way to truth which by writers is with passion shut up for no Iudge can injoyne us to beleeve one rather then another unlesse the one relation be held Canonicall the other Apocriphall Pontersonne was a thorne in the Duke of Bedfords side for it was a place whereby the enemy was much commodiated for the annoyance of Nor mandy and his men hindred for doing the like to Britanny so as resolving to quit himselfe thereof hee sent thither the Earle of Warwicke accompanied by the Lord Scales and many others who layd siege unto it with 7000. men the first day of Lent Belleforest and Argentres writes that the Duke of Britanny knowing it was not able to hold out would have it abandoned that so together with the towne he might not loose the people that were in it that the French and Scots withdrew themselves from thence leaving onely the Britans there who contrary to their Princes command would defend it but it is hard to be beleeved that the Duke having purposely sent his brother to fortefie it assisted by so many Lords and the worke of three nations France Scotland and Britanny should afterwards repent it as if no places were to bee defended save such as are inexpugnable and that to busie the enemie in a long siege as was this subject to so many contingences especially of being succour'd either from Britanny which was Contiguus with it or from France were a matter of no advantage besides it is not probable but that he should have foreseene the enemy would assay it it being a place so contrary to his designes and much lesse that the Brittish Garris on abandoned by the Scotch and French should dare to defend it contrary to their Princes command but howsoever it was the Earle of Warwicke besieging it and those within valiantly behaving themselves as well by defending it as making often sallies the siege was brought to that passe as that the assailant wanting both meat and munition and not having wonne one foote of ground the Lord Scales was inforced to goe his wayes with 3000. men Monstrelet sayes but 500. to provide for necessities for the Campe accompanied by Sir Iohn Harplay Bayliffe of Constantine Sir William Breerton Bayliffe of Caen Sir Ralfe Tassonne and Sir Iohn Carbonall The Duke of Britanny who had made a generall Muster of all his Horse and Foote and chosen out a part thereof under the command of Mounsieur de Castelgironne Hanandaye and the Viscount of Belliers leaving the rest entertained a proposition made by the Baron of Coulonnis a Norman to surprise the Lord Scales at his returne in a place which he
Blois belonging both to his Parrimony during his imprisonment Whereupon they ground this I know not for 't is a childish thing to article with a prisoner that is an enemy in what is advantageous to him and the contrary to ones selfe not being thereunto inforced neither by force nor reason but say this were so France is not so free from this fault as that shee should be the first that should cry whore I will onely alledge one agreement made if that of Bertigny was ever observed let England though innocent bee condemned The siege of Orleans being then resolved the Earle of Salisbury went from Paris with requisite provisions and 10000. fighting men accompanied by the Earle of Suffolke and Lord Talbot and desiring to have the way free betweene Paris and that Citie hee tooke the Towne of Ianville by assault and five dayes after the Castle thereof by composition causing some to bee put to death there as having forsaken the side they had formerly sworne unto Bogeances having yeelded it selfe hee caused Proclamation to be made that all priviledges and goods should be preserved unto such as would acknowledge Henry for their King Ierguo and Meung by reason of this offer brought in their keyes He tooke Nogunt Retrou Puisset Rochforte Bertanwurt Touri Mompipeo the Tower of Pleuviers and other places hee presented himselfe before Orleans the 12. of September Charles had sent to the defence of this Citie Mounsieur de Busacke and Mounsieur de Faiette both Marshalls of France the Bastard of Orleans who commanded in chiefe during this siege William Stuart Constable of Scotland William Albret Lord d'Orvall Mussieurs de Guicourt Tovars Chavigni Greville Chabannes Ponton de St. Treigle La Hire Valperga an Italian and Luis de Vancourt together with 1200. Souldiers Luis of Bourbone Count Cleremont went thither likewise uncommanded The inhabitants pull'd downe all the suburbs of the Citie amongst which 12. Parish Churches foure Monasteries places of pleasure Gardens Orchards and whatsoever else could hinder the sight of the besieged or bee of service for the Besiegers within the Towne they spared not for any fortification or fence either to secure themselves from the besiegers or whereby to be lesse exposed to their batteries the Earle could not pitch his quarters unmolested with continuall skirmishes which was the Souldiers daily exercise for three weekes together but without any remarkable effect Fortune disdaining to shew her countenance in things of so little moment but the Bastard having made a salley forth by the gate of the Bridge and being entertain'd with like bravery he lost many of his men and had many of them taken prisoners He made head againe at the great Tower upon the end of the bridge from whence he was beaten backe leaving the English masters of the Tower which was presently given into the custody of William Glasdale This secured the Bridge which was the safest way for victuals and succour The Earle built many Forts round about and especially over against the gates so as the Citie being little lesse then girt about seemed to be in a desperate case not able without difficultie to befurnish'd with victualls or re-inforced with defendants though the Citizens upon all occasions did voluntarily performe the duties of Souldiers but this Tower a purchase so appearingly advantageous was the losse of Salisbury and the ruine of this and all other enterprises for blowes from heaven are like lightning which wounds where it is not expected The Tower had a bard window in the highest part thereof in the very face of the Citie where the Captaines went oft times to discover such places as were most subject to danger and where the Earle of Salisbury accompanied by Sir Thomas Gargrave and William Glasdale came to looke out A Canoniere observing that many people used to appeare at that window levell'd a piece of Canon against it and going to dinner left order with his sonne that if hee should see any one at that window hee should give fire unto it which just as the Earle came thither hee did the Bullet broke the Iron barres which gave upon the Earles head striking out one of his eyes and bearing away one of his Iawes and wounded Gargrave so sorely as that he died thereof two dayes after at eight dayes end the Earle dyed likewise leaving one onely daughter behind him whose sonne shewed himselfe though to the publique losse to be descended from that gallant man no death was ever more lamented The Souldiers beleeving that in his losse all was lost as indeed it fell out for the good fortune of the English declined from that time forward even to their being wholly driven out of France The Duke of Bedford who was mainely sensible of this newes deputed the Earle of Suffolke in his place and made the Lord Scales and Lord Talbot and Sir Iohn Falstaffe chiefe under him in that Campe they did what they could not to loose the enterprise together with their Generall but their worth could not withstand the change of Fortune The first day of the yeare they essayed to scale the Bulwarke before the gate Saint Renard which being stoutly defended they retired the second day the Citie was succour'd with some small provisions brought by the Admirall Gallant who waded thorough the Loire in a season which being extraordinarily dry though in the midst of winter suffer'd them to passe and repasse without danger and in his returne meeting with some troopes that went a freebooting he set upon them defeated them and retired safely The Campe stood in great neede of Victualls Artillerie and munition wheresore they sent Sir Iohn Falstaffe Sir Iohn Ramstone and Sir Philip Hall with some Forces to the Regent to convey some unto them they were furnished with a great many Carts and Sumpters the Regent adding to their small numbers Simon Mosier Provost of Paris together with a part of the guard of that Citie and some of his owne Domestiques which in all made up 1500. not counting those who waited on the Carriages they marched in good order not meeting with any obstacle till being come to Rounray they might discover betweene 9. and 10000. of the enemy the French say betweene 4. and 5000. Serres but 4000. led by the Duke of Bourbonne to succour Orleans but as hee was deceav'd in the person of the Conductor taking the Father for the Sonne for the Duke of Bourbonne was then prisoner in England so was hee deceiv'd in the number though I doe not beleeve they were 9. or 10000. for so great a number would have beene sufficient to have fought with the besiegers Campe. But were they more or lesse they flew upon the English as if assured of victory for their Troopes being assuredly great and having nothing to hinder them the enemy incumbred fewer in number and weary with Marching they beleeved them not onely not fit to fight but neither yet to put themselves in defence The Scottish-men who were better acquainted with
the English and knowing the effect of their arrowes knew how to bee thereby least damnified advised to fight on foote but they were not listned unto so as every one following their owne fancy much disorder ensued Falstaffe at the appearance of this cloud was together with all his men lighted off horsebacke and making one firme body of them fenced them about with the carriages and planted his wonted stakes expecting to be set upon as he was but businesses were so carryed that after much shooting many handy blowes the great number of the enemy vanished some of them being slaine some retiring in good order and some taken prisoners the cheefe that were slaine were the Constable of Scotland and his Brother Mussieurs d' Orvall Chasteau Brune Montpipe Werdusan Duray Grave and some sixscore gentlemen more part French part Gascons the rest almost all Scots the English count 1100. prisoners Dupleix but onely one and he a Scotchman Serres accuses Count Clerement whom he formerly called the Duke of Brabant of want of courage for that frightned at this blow he and his men went their wayes abandoning the besieged which Guitres Gancourt Greiville Villiers La Hile and S. Raigle did not resolving all of them to see the end thereof under the Bastard of Orleans The English came unto the Camp with their expected carriage with their unexpected prisoners because the provisions which they brought consisted much of Herrings it being Lent the French entitle this incounter the Herring day This defeat did much perplex the besieged for all their resolution of well defending themselves for though generous hearts in adversity do not goe lesse in courage yeare they distemper'd by eminent dangers for where courage pretends the two distinct offices of Captaine and Souldiers it pretends ruine for wisedome ought onely to regulate she being the onely lawfull egger on or withholder of what ever generositie or fortitude such qualities as were required in a good Souldier were not wanting in the Bastard of Orleans and the Inhabitants abounded in all such conditions as a Prince can desire in his people in love to him in hatred to their enemies and in resolution amongst themselves rather to suffer the worst of evills then suffer themselves to be governed by forrainers yet wee are neither Numantinians nor Saganthians Christian religion forbids it us but as wee must dye when one Humidum radicale or radicall moisture failes so the yeelding unto others doth consequently follow the want of forces and bad fortune Charles was weake his helpes desperate he wanted Souldiers wanted Captaines a many whereof were slaine in this battell the Citie full of people victuals growne scarce and dangerous it was to expose themselves to the last of dangers the defendants lives was not the onely thing in question but their wives children goods and country to which ones dutie is performed when all is done that may be the surplusse is not generositie but impotency of minde repugning it selfe for all this they could never pitch upon the resolution of yeelding themselves unto their enemy though it were impossible for them to hold out many weekes but no understanding is more speculative then that of Prisoners These were no better shut up in an expectation of speedy death or servitude they bethought themselves to offer up the Citie upon condition that it should be delivered into the hands of the Duke of Burgony for if this offer were accepted of they were to remaine under the command of a Frenchman a Prince of the blood and though an enemy not so of his owne inclination but by passion and this much abated of its first fervency and if it should not be accepted of it was likely by reason of the distaste this refusall would cause in him to procure an alienation in that Duke from the English as though not immediatly yet not long after it did to this purpose Embassadours were sent to the Regent with two propositions the first that the towne of Orleans might bee held as a Neutrall alleadging that it was no reason the jurisdictions of their Duke now prisoner in England should be molested contrary to the articles agreed upon betweene the Crowne of England and him the second that if this might not be granted that the towne of Orleans might be assigned over into the hands of the Duke of Burgony a friend and confederate of England as upon these conditions it should be to the former the Regent answered that the Duke of Orleans was not taken prisoner upon conditions but in the battle of Agencourt wherein there was no treaty neither of life nor livelihood that therefore that which they pretended unto was ridiculous and new since his jurisdictions as those of an enemy and as those which in all actions of enmitie tooke part with Charles were subject to the lawes of Warre and lawfully to be oppugned To the second that England having undertaken this enterprise at a great charge and with the losse of so many great commanders and Souldiers no other body having contributed hazarded or lost any thing therein to require of them to invest a third party therewithall defrauding themselves thereof was an unjust and anindiscreet request and not to be granted this negative displeased Philip but if hee herewithall incited his Councellors to anger who pretended themselves to be treated withall like fooles since that they having framed the net by turning the kingdome of France upside downe others injoy'd the fruit thereof Hee did it against reason for Philip would have done the same Those who accuse Bedford of folly that being able to have wonne Orleans he lost it for not being willing to trust it in a friends hands doe judge by the event after the which any man may be wise A towne abandoned by reason of the Kings impotency without victuals without munition which parlied which offered it selfe a battle formerly lost against all rule or reason and therein the losse of so many Captaines and Souldiers to make Philip more powerfull with whom for past distasts they were to proceede with more caution to open unto him the way of making himselfe master of all such places as could not bee made good to make him Arbitror of France that hee might dispose of it at his pleasure after that he had intended his owne ends added so many Provinces to what formerly possessed by him the English by waging warre with Charles having diverted all his oppositions without the which he could not have inlarged his territories and at this present yeeld up Orleans unto him was to make them be rather reputed weake then wise I deny not but that he might have done better to have yeelded it unto him but am onely thereunto drawne by the event contrary to the preceeding apparances and foresight wherein if a man erre he is not to be blamed for it but if it had beene possible that a contrary event might have shewne us how Philip would have behaved himselfe having gotten Orleans we would
great pompe no expences spared for the solemnization He was crowned in the Church of Nostre-Dame on the seventeenth day of October the Cardinall of Winchester setting the Crowne upon his head whereat the Bishop of Paris was much distasted thinking that office had belonged to him to whom the Church and Diocesse did belong hee returned with a Crowne on his head and a Scepter in his hand another Crowne and Scepter being borne before him in signification of the Kingdome of England Chesnes sets downe the particularities which I omit as not requisite to our story The businesse of War did not in this meane while lye idle but was pursued by both factions with alternate Fortune some good successe this side had and some of no great consequence Francis Suriaâ—…es called L' Aragonesa suprised Montargis getting that by some little money which those who had attempted it before him could not get by force Hee with 2000. Crownes corrupted a woman belonging to Mounsieur de Villiers Captaine of the Towne by whose meanes he made himselfe master thereof and though not long after the towne was re-taken by Messieurs de Graville and de Vitry yet not being able after a siege of five or six weekes to take the Castle they went their wayes leaving the towne to ' its former possessors who refortifying it held it till with it they lost all that they held thereabouts Mounsieur de Bousac Admirall of France being come to Beauvois with intention to make some impression in Normandy was crost therein by the Earle of Arundell who lying in ambush with 2300. men neare to the Castle and having sent a choice troope of Horse even to the Palisadoes to set upon him behind they were by him set upon with as much violence as diligence they retired making him beleeve that he had wonne the day but falling into the snare and being after a long and gallant conflict defeated he with some few saved himselfe amongst many others Saint Raigle was taken prisoner who was afterwards changed for Talbot Renatus of Aniou brother to Lovys the third Duke of Aniou Count de Province and who by his pretensions to the Kingdome of Naples intitled himselfe King of Sicilie injoy'd the Dutchy of Aniou as Husband to Isabel daughter to Charles the first Duke of Lorraine Anthony Count Vademont brother to Charles pretended to the succession thereof alleadging that the inheritance fell not upon women whereupon the Warre began Renatus was maintained by the French Anthony by Philip and the English Renatus besieged Vademont Anthony went to succour it strengthned by his assisters Renatus leaving some to make good the siege went couragiously to meete him they fell together at Velleamant not farre from Nauci the English having obtain'd that the Horsemen should fight on foote so as the Bowmen having routed the enemies Horse they disordred all the rest and defeated them killing 3000. of them and taking 200. of them prisoners amongst the which the Bishop of Mets and the Duke himselfe who was sent to Bracones upon Salin a strong Castle of Philips whereby reason of the negligence of his subjects he was a long time captive and delighting in drawing of pictures He painted upon the walls of his chamber a great many wafer cakes which in French are called Oublies willing by that Hieroglyficke to signifie that hee was forgotten by his owne men Oublier in French signifying to forget Those who were before Vademont understanding by those who had escaped that the battle was lost and their Duke taken prisoner rise from before it fearing to be set upon by the conquerors and leaving all they had behind them fled away but the besieged pursued them slew and tooke many of them ransackt their Campe and returned home rich To oppose this prosperitie the Lord Willoughby and Matthew Gough had besieged Saint Silleri a strong Castle in Aniou with 1500. men Mounsieur de Lore was Governour thereof who was at the present absent and hearing of the danger gathered forces to succour it Chatier upon this occasion names Buil and not Lore and sayes that hee gave order to the Garrisons of the neighbouring Forts particularly to those of Loval and Sable that they should come at an appointed time who came to the villiage called Vivain to expect him there where they were set upon but whether of the two it were Willoughby being by his spies advertis'd of their comming prepared to set upon them before that being increased they might set upon him He gave the charge hereof to Matthew Gough who went away by night with part of the 1500. He found them fast asleepe in a place they thought safe without sentinells they were wakened by slaughter and the beating downe of their Pavillions no safety being had but in flight but having driven them away they fell themselves into the like carelesnesse for busying themselves in binding up their booty and overtaken by the day the light discover'd the weakenesse of their forces so as the fugitives re-assembling themselves set upon them on the one side whilst Lore comming up unto them did set upon them on the other side Gough and Lore were both taken prisoners but Lore was rescued by the death of 600. English the French name not the number of their slaine but that about 25. or 30. were taken prisoners and that Willoughby raysing the siege suffered in his reer-ward by the besieged Chartier makes no mention of Lore as has beene sayd nor that the English came by night but that surprising the French as they were at dinner and they â—…lew and tooke as many as they pleased of them and that Buil and Lore comming upon them they were defeated and 1500. of them slaine A number absolutely false not so much for that the other writers mention 900. lesse as for that the whole number whereof they were but a part exceeded not 1500. But though this losse were considerable 't was nothing in comparison of that of Schartres though not sealed by any English blood Foureteene yeares were fully past since this Citie had quitted Charles his obedience to side with Burgony never changing partie So as the obstinacy thereof made it not to pretend remission nor yet to hope for it by rebellion The Garrison thereof was but small not exceeding 120. English who relying upon the faith of the Inhabitants left the care of the custody of the towne to them One who was servant to one of Charles his Financiers was native of Schartres who besides other kindred had a brother there who wonne his living by buying and selling meate carrying it in a Cart from one place to another but because the Warres hindred him from trafficking with Orleans a Citie neare at hand and which imported his profit very much hee intreated his brother to procure him a safe conduct that hee might goe and come unmolested by those of the contrary side having obtained the safe conduct hee met his brother in Orleans who offering him great rewards perswaded him to
the Cardinall Santa-croce about so holy a worke he came treated but did nothing at his first comming both parties seemed to bee well dispos'd their words in generall were complementall full of honest and good intentions but those which were in fact essentiall were high in demands resolute to keep what they had and obstinate in pretensions so as perceiving he did but loose his time that he might not returne home and doe nothing he concluded a Truce for six yeares which according as was foretold prov'd changeable and of short continuance the more needfull France was of rest and quiet the lesse prone was she to suffer it Monstrelet Chesnes and Dupleix say not that it was made with Henry but with Philip Polydore Hallian and Serres affirme it to be made with both Paulus Aemilius Chartier Belleforest and Giles doe not at all mention it The Cardinall of Winchester went by order from the King to allay some tumults raised there under pretence of Religion by two seditious spirits William Mandeville and Iohn Sharpe who indeavoured to insinuate two things into mens hearts that the Clergy should possesse nothing that the lay people should by way of charity have all things common amongst them a superfluous division the last article being sufficient for that which was pretended from the one was indifferently demanded of all the direct way to introduce carelesnesse and sloth amongst the people instead of Charity and to punish Industry vertue and all good acts They were severely punished their extravagant and contagious opinions ceasing with them The Cardinall was to returne to France with provision of Souldiers and mony the truce not thought likely long to continue whereupon a Parliament being called the Duke of Glocester tooke order for this busines as likewise to the concluding a peace with the King of Scotland who being troubled with home dissentions had sent Embassadors to demand it for it made little for his purpose to have warre abroad and at home whilst France as he beleeved had by meanes of this truce laid downe armes But I wonder that Buchanan and Ascu make no mention at all hereof The King and Regent were at Roan when the Cardinall came thither Consultation was had what was to be done the souldiers expence in time of truce as in time of war seemed superfluous to some the wisest amongst which the three Dukes of Bedford Yorke Sommerset did not onely diswade from lessoning the Souldiers but would have their numbers increased to the end that if a breach should happen as was expected they might have forces enough to end the enterprise or at least to make good what they had won for the ordinary provision did not resolve the war but did onely draw it out in length with danger of loosing what they with so much expence of blood and coyne had already won But the appearing good of sparing prevailed over the other more essentiall one though it was not afterwards put in execution the regulating of companies being deferr'd till the truce was broken The King this meane while went to Calais from thence to England where he was received with great solemnity and joy But the Souldiers sorry to live under the Lawes of France the Garrison of Calais accustomed to pillage mutinied not alleadging the want of pillage for their cause though it were so but the smal nesse of their pay not able to maintaine them the Regent hasted thither putting foure of the most seditious to death cashiering and banishing some and putting others in their place appeased the rest The Dutchesse his wife sister to Philip was some moneths before dead the onely preserver of that lukewarme intelligence which after so many ill satisfactions remained betweene them so as going to Terrovane he there married the daughter of Peter de Luxenburg Count Saint Paul one who was no great friend of Philips this he did not giving Philip any account at all thereof increasing the former distasts by the little account he seemed to make of him since being his Ally and confederate he had pretermitted those offices with him which among friends and Princes who are friends use not upon like occasion to be pretermitted the last occasion save one of severing him wholly from England According to the opinion of the wisest the truce in stead of six yeares lasted but six moneths Charles his people deprived of their pray and accustomed to Rapine could not live upon the ayre the greatest and worst part of them were handicrafts men and country people who wonted to the sword scorn'd to turne backe to the Plow Harrow and Pick-axe The first beginnings were pilferings and robberies from whence they came to the taking of men and setting them to ransome but this they did onely with the Burgonians till such time as having taken free libertie they shocked likewise against the English So as their insolencies causing reprisalls and those reprisalls incounters so as the Warre was as easily kindled againe as are firebrands which full of vapour and smoake sucke the flame unto them the parties offended knew they could not be righted but by armes and that all appeales as untimely refuges would bee ridiculous so as interchangeably and with the liking as I thinke of both parties they threw themselves upon all inconveniences The French took S. Valleri in the mouth of the River some confining upon Normandy a little distant from Abbeville seated on the other side of the River and with diversitie of fortune made many attempts and conquests in Aniou and Maine Ambrogius de Lore being gone from St. Scelerin with 700. men passed over the River Orne he went towards Caen to surprise the Faire which was held every Saint Michaels day before S. Stevens Church in the fields he divided his 700. he kept a 100. Crossebowmē and 50. Horse with himselfe with the which he placed himselfe betweene the Faire and Caen to beate back those of the Garrison if they should sally forth to hinder his designe He sent the rest to the place of businesse which succeeded luckily unto them for the English ignorant of what was done came not forth and none being in the Faire but buyers and sellers they found no opposition the booty was rich with which repassing over the Orne he made a scrutiny of the prisoners he detained such as were ransomable which were 800. and suffered the rest to depart home which were in number 2000. The Regent seeing that by the open breach of Truce Laignes hindred the commerce and victualls which were brought to Paris sent the Earle of Arundel to besiege it hee gave him 1200. souldiers and for his companions the Earle of Warwicks sonne and Monsieur de Lilleadam who was Marishall of France for Henry but little good could bee done his forces were but few and the place was well provided for so as having by Canon shot broken one of the Arches of the bridge which crossed Marne and burnt the Ravelin finding himselfe the weaker in
They made some resistance though but for a small time their numbers not being able to withstand the great Forces of the Constable and people so as some of them being slaine and the rest retired into the Bastaile they were beset with Corps de Guard in such places as were least to be annoyed by the Artillery in so much as being blockt up on all sides this their retreate served onely for their recapitulation which is no small advantage in such a case the goods they had left in the Citie were seised on and shared the Bishop of Terrovan to boote with his other houshold implements part of which hee afterwards recovered by the favour of Messieurs de Trenant and Lalaigne lost the richest adornements of his Chappell the goods of such Citizens as had sided with the enemy were confiscated the antient Officers cashiered and new ones put in their places and the besieged not able to hold out and not likely to bee succoured after tenne dayes came forth their good and lives saved and with a safe conduct from the Constable retired themselves to Roan Thus Paris returned to its former government sixteene years after that the Duke of Clarence had placed a Garrison there in the behalfe of his brother Henry the fifth This and some other losses had rather madded them then mated the English The Garrison of Callais went to Bullen and had almost taken that part which is called the lower Bullen But Fortresses are taken by great Forces not great anger having burnt many of the shipps which lay in the Haven they passed into the precincts of Gravelline where destroying all the country they gave a furious allarum to the common people who having taken Armes ran to oppose them but as it is usuall to homebred people to presume much and performe little they were rooted 400. of them slaine 120. taken prisoners the rest escaping whither they could whilst the English leading away their pray and prisoners retired themselves to their Garrisons on the other side some of the inhabitants of Gisores were corrupted by La Hire to permit him entry in to the City so as comming with great forces from Gerbery hee entered in and laid siege to the Castle wherein the Garrison had saved themselves and given notice hereof to Roan so as whilest the oppugners and defendors were in their chiefest heate the Lord Talbot came thither with the Lord Scales and 1800. Souldiers werewithall he freed the Castle recovered the Citie chased the enemy away and punisht the traytors At this time the Duke of Yorke came from England to Normandy bringing along with him 8000. Souldiers with which if hee had bin dispatcht away when he ought to have beene the Country of Cauxe had not beene lost and much lesse Paris The Duke of Summersets envy the cause of so great losse was not punished for that hidden mischiefes are not subject to punishments or for that the faults of great delinquents are not without great danger taken notice of Monsieur de Croy Bayliffe of Hannault had at this time gathered together 1500. Souldiers under the conduct of Messieurs de Vaurin Noyrule Sananses and other remarkeable commanders with intention by way of Praeludium to the siege of Callais to runne the country round about it The Garrisons of Callais Guines and other neighbouring places fall upon the same designe who the same night were gathered together to the number of 2000. to sacke the country about Bullen so as the Burgonians had advanced themselves but one houre sooner they had met with their Scouts who they descryed by breake of day upon the passage over the bridge of Millay Croy having advised what was to bee done resolved to set upon them whilst in disorder they should be pillaging the country and though hee could not take them at unawares yet howsoever to give them battell hee devided his men into two squadrons himselfe following the English with the former having for his guide the smoke of such houses and villages as they burnt The English had notice of his comming from Some who at the same time they had taken prisoners so as having there forraging those who were nearest him united themselves together and placed themselves upon the top of a little hill where being by him discovered but not the rest that marched after he set upon them not expecting the arrivall of his second Squadron and finding them in disorder and but a few in number and the first incounter he slew betweene three and fourescore of them the rest fled to their companions and were pursued by the victorious But when they perceived a second Troope they made a stop expecting the arrivall of their second Squadron and wavering in their resolution of fighting they encouraged one another to what none of them had any minde The English this meane while having reordered themselves set furiously upon them the Bickering was not long and the formerly victorious making very little resistance were driven even to underneath the walls of Ardresse the number both of slaine and prisoners did not exceede 100. for surprised by feare they betooke themselves rather to flight then fight Decroy was wounded and his horse slaine under him but he had the good fortune to recover another and was more vext at the manner of his losse then at the losse it selfe which might be counterpoised by his former encounter The victualls returned with their prisoners to Callais and were met by the Earle of Mortaigne sonne to the Duke of Sommerset who was sent thither with 1500. men to oppose Philips designes who if hee had undertaken this enterprise with men taken into pay and not with the common people of Flanders who will be entreated and not commanded by their Princes hee would either have reaped more advantage thereby or lesser shame had he gathered together so many men as thinking the number superfluous he dismist the greatest part of them the number of those who remained amounting to 40000. An Army which if considered in ' its number richnesse of apparell splendor of Armes quantity of Artillery Pride of Pavillions and infinite number of Carriages fit to conquer a whole nation not a single towne but wee are deceived in nothing more then in a good opinion wee hold of our selves The people of Gaunt thought that the walls of Callais ought to have fallen downe at their appearing as did the walls of Iericho when the Israelites appeared They were troubled that the ships came no sooner from Holland fearing least the English having the Sea open should leave the towne empty and fly away to England they thought that being terrible to their owne Princes at home they should bee the like abroad to all the world and growing insupportable by reason of this confidence they became odious to all men before they came from Flanders they caused two Mills belonging to two particuler men to be beaten downe imputing the late losse of the Flemings before the Graveline to them neither durst Philip contradict
the same I cannot imagine where Lille can have had this if not from Meirus none of all the English Writers I have met with having so much as dream't thereof Belleforest by alleadging Lille and Meirus and giving word for word what Meirus saith doth plainely shew hee had it from him and from whence Meirus had it it is not hard to guesse since hee was a Dutchman his Author was Margarita the Sister of Edward the fourth second wife to Charles Duke of Burgandi Philips son Of all women that ever were she was the most passionately given to the faction of her owne family for if shee had a hand in the false supposition of an Edward Plantagenet and afterwards by her owne invention did suppose the sonne of a Iew turned Christian to the end that he might personate the Duke of Yorke when he together with his brother Edward the fifth was smoothered in the Tower and so trouble the affaires of Henry the seaventh as wee shall hereafter see t is no wonder if shee invented this Genealogie to defame him and make him to bee by the World despised besides it is not likely that a young Queene Dowager lately come into the Kingdome who neither had had time nor occasion to raise herselfe a faction in the Kingdome without regency or authority without meanes either to punish or reward should be so long permitted to live in so dishonest a manner not onely in the face of her sonne a milde youth but in the fight of her too powerfull and sensible brother-in-lawe of the nobility and all the Kingdome for it is not to bee supposed that the Court could bee hud winckt in foure great bellies shee was therefore undoubtedly married and her marriage wincked at by reason of her husbands birth which though it was not answerable to her present condition yet to be tollerated in respect of his fore fathers for nobility doth not lose it priviledges for want of fortune and want of worth which hee wanted not if wee may beleeve them who were likely to have better testimonials thereof then Meirus and if hee were put to death which is not certain it was not for his basenes of birth but for his offence in having dared contrary to the lawes to marry the Kings mother Queene Katharine was followed in her death and imitated in her marriage In death shee was followed by Queene Iane daughter to Charles the second surnamed the wicked King of Navar Dowager to Henry the fourth King of England and before him to Iohn the fourth Duke of Britanny by whom shee had Iohn the now present Duke and Arthur Count de Richmond Constable of France In her marriage shee was imitated by Giva Colinia daughter to the late Count Saint Paul who for fancy sake like her did marry Sir Richard Woodveil afterwards created Earle Rivers without acquainting her brother the now present Count St. Paul therewithall nor yet her uncle the Bishop of Tirrovane and as from Katharines marriage Henry the seaventh did proceed and all the Kings that have succeeded him even till this present day so from Iacholinus marriage did Elizabeth wife to Edward the fourth proceed from whom came Elizabeth wife to Henry the seaventh the first mother of the Kings of England and great Britanny they were both French women married to two brothers alike in resolution and fortune so as if those that blame them could have foreseene their succession they would have commended them for bad actions are stiled good by their happy events In the last insurrections in Normandy the English had lost Harfluer a losse of great consequence for the preservation of that province the Duke of Somerset went to besiedge it and to recover it accompanied by Faulkonbridge and Talbot Estouteville commanded there in chiefe with a Garrison of 600. Souldiers and though the Towne did suffer much by battery the walles being thereby defaced and the houses beaten downe yet could they not come to an assault The Bastards of Orleans and Burbone presented themselves before it in the way of succour and did on all sides molest the besiedgers hoping by disordering them to succour the Towne but not succeeding therein they abandoned the enterprise The Duke of Somerset got as much honour in the winning of this Towne as shame in the losse of it for having wonne it in the Duke of Yorkes regency hee not long after lost it in his owne Tancherville yeelded it selfe likewise to Talbot after a siedge of foure monthes as did also Beauchastaean and Maleville Charles on the other side having past the Loire with the Constable and Count de Marsh did by assault take Chasteau Landone hanging up all the French they found there Charni and Nemours yeelded themselves up unto him hee battered the Towne of Monteaâ—… till such time as Thomas Gerard who did defend it sold it to him for a summe for mony so say the English not Chartiere who saith hee wan it by force so as the Castle afterwards yeelded all the French wherein were hanged and the English set at liberty at the Dolphins request from thence hee went to Paris where having not beene since it returned to his obedience hee made his entry with great solemnity and acclamation all these losses hapned in the interim when the Duke of Yorke being called from his regency and the Earle of Warwick appointed in his place no man thought how to regaine them for Yorke being out of authority and Warwick seaven weekes weather bound so as hee could not passe into France for lack of winde this was the cause why Monstreau without any further contestation yeelded it selfe unto Charles Yorke during all the time of his regency in Normandy was not personally present at any act of Warre saving at the taking in of Fescampe yet at his departure hee left the fame of a wise and just Man Florimand de Brimaâ—… Balieffe of Pontieu had private advertisement that the Fort of Crotoi was ill provided of victuall and not likely therewithall to bee supplied if it were beguirt with an unexpected siedge Hee advertised Philip hereof who suddenly dispacht away Messieurs de Achi Crovi Kenti Iaques de Brimeau Boudlers Lavense and Graen with good forces to besiedge it but hee did not provide for the most essentiall thing which was to block up the heaven for it had not victualls wherewithall to sustaine it selfe for 8. dayes The Garrison which feared nothing but hunger an engine against which there is no defence finding the Sea open sent forth a vessell which by severall returns freed them from the pressing affaire and were no wayes affraid of being otherwise oppugned The Burgonians were too lateaware of their errour so as manning forth foure ships they tooke from them the liberty of the Sea and there land forces were daily augmented Philip was come for this purpose to Hedine and leavied new forces in Hannault and Piccardy This Fort was a place of great consequence a Sea haven the inlet into Picardy
held out for Talbot being come with 4000. Souldiers with full purpose to give the Constable battle who having fortified himselfe in the City did not stirre from thence though much provoked tooke a Fort placed in the Island neare unto the Market-place wherein hee slew 120. men tooke all the rest prisoners and forced Monsieur de Croy to abandon his quarter and got many barkes loaded with victualls so as having secured the besieged and furnished them with fresh Souldiers they did not withstanding forbeare to surrender themselves A few dayes after Sr. William Chamberlaine was their chiefe as saith Monstrelee and Sr. Thomas Abringant according to Chartier but whether of either it was where hee came to Roan hee was clapt up prisoner in the Castle and accused for having surrendred not necessitated thereunto since hee had men victualls and munition but how ever hee so pleaded for himselfe as he was set at liberty The Constable not content with this atchievement marched into Normandy besieged Auranches and at the comming of the Duke of Alansonne was by him reinforced with new troopes a part whereof tooke the City and Castle of Saint Susanna in Mayne through the treachery of an English Knight as saith Giles whom hee nameth not As for Auranches after three weekes siege hee was forced to rise from before it for Talbot came and countersieged him entring the towne in his very sight the Constable not being able to hinder him The Dolphins insurrection which hapned at this time did a little retard his fathers good fortune for thereby the English repossessed themselves of such places as they had lately lost hee was then just sixteene yeares old he lived at Loches under the tuition of Count de Marsh a gentleman of noble conditions but his authoritie grew lesse after his marriage and after that with the waight of the Corrazza hee liked well of millitary applause and the flatteries of such who hoped for advancement by reason of this rent the causes hereof were two the first for that Charles was alwayes governed by people of no great account the second the ambition of the Princes which hath at all times been prejudiciall to France for they pretend to that out of right which is onely due unto them by favour Charles gave occasion hereof by his ill conceived suspitions and the Princes laid hold thereof contrary to the lawes of nature by making the sonne disobedient to the father and to civill wisedome by putting dissention in the kingdome in a time when they should all have conspired to have set it free by expelling the enemy But suspitions were in Charles become inseparable and become naturall unto him by reason of his being become accustomed to his mothers persecutions and the enmity of Burgony and England so as affying onely in the meaner sort of people as those that were lesse apt to hurt him he made them insolent as mistrusting the great ones he gave them cause of offence by excluding them from his familiarity and affaires his sonnes discontents sprung from the same fountaine his father grew jealous of him seeing him grow in authority as in yeares and in the subjects expectation so as to keepe him under he treated him more frugally and held a stricter hand over him then his yeares his being married and his ambition could permit those who misled him were the Dukes of Burbone and of Alansonne the Counts of Vandome Chabanes the Dunnesse Charmount Tremugtie Boveant and Prie by the Bastard of Burbones meanes these bad him weigh the duty he ought his father and the welfare of the state that the former was to be preserved by the preservation of the latter but not contrarywise They shewed unto him the evill effects caused by his fathers bad government they ript up all from the murthering of the Duke of Burgundy even to the present time they enformed him that those who were of the greatest authoritie about him perswaded him to peace which could not be done without dismembring the kingdome which was to deprive him the Dolphine of his inheritance and patrimony for that their power being weakned by warre wherein Captaines and governours of provinces were onely to be used they could not tyrannize over the King Kingdome Princes and Dolphin unlesse they should exclude men of merit They told him how his being confined in so solitary a place might serve for an Argument to prove this since he was kept there of set purpose that being far from the Court and ignorant of affaires he might depend upon them that by taking upon him so generous a resolution hee could not displease his father since the effects would shew that such disobedience would redound more to his profit then any obedience could doe since thereon depended the preservation of the state father sonne and subjects I know not whether it were these reasons that prevailed with the Dolphin or else his owne contumatious inclinationâ—… his answer was hee was ready to doe whatsoever his quality obliged him unto That all the power lay in the Princes that hee would neither be wanting to himselfe nor them In briefe leaving Loches and the Count his governour he went to Monlius where the Duke of Burbone waited for him and whether the Duke d'Alansonne and Count de Dammartin came unto him and after them all the rest with a resolution not to part with him till such time as according to the common pretence of all seditious people disorders were reformed the authority of the Princes established and men of worth called into favour They used their best meanes to draw Philip to their faction but hee whose eyes were not dazled did not onely deny them but advised them to more wholesome resolutions since their enterprise was unjust full of danger and for which they had no ground hee protested hee would never seperate himselfe from Charles and said hee should bee able to doe the Dolphin better service by not siding with him then if hee should take his part this answer did displease the confederated finding themselves thereby deceived in their chiefest hope but they were much more displeased when all the Provinces did with horrour and detestation heare of this insurrection They all loved the Dolphin and offered to serve him but not against his Father who having admonished him of his duty and not prevailing went armed to Poictiers from whence hee sent to the Duke of Burbone commanding him to deliver up unto his Sonne and to the Duke of Alanson commanding him to surrender up Niorte and Saint Massence willing them both to come before him and give a reason for their insurrection but they obeyed not On the contrary Alanson sent word to Massence to defend it selfe upon notice whereof the City revolted and the Castle was besieged and taken by the Kings forces which suddenly flockt thither and the Commanders hanged Finally a totall agreement was made by an assembly held at Clarimont where the King being perswaded to pardon the Offendors if together with the
honour made him his deputy to celebrate the formality of espousall and to bring his bride over into England He went then and had with him his wife and a great many of Ladies and Gentlemen carriages and letters for her father who was rich in titles of imaginary kingdomes as of Scicily and Ierusalem had not meanes to send her to her husband so as all the charge which was very vast fell to Henries share being come to Tours hee married her in the name of his master in the presence of the King of France The Queene and a great number of Princes and Lords amongst which were the Dukes of Orleans Calabria Alanson and Brittany the marriage was solemnized with feasts and tilting after which with the like or better shee was married by Henry in England and crowned Queene Normandy lay openly exposed by the surrendring of the two Provinces Count Armignac was scandalized and shortly likely to revenge himselfe the kingdome was fallen into an Abisse from whence it was not to be raised but by the death of the King the ruine of the Queene the desolation of the house of Lancaster the destruction of the Nobility the rebellion of the people and the alteration of the State This seperation of Armes caused the Duke of Yorke and many other Commanders returne to England that they might consult of what provisions were to be made before the expiration of the truce to the end that Normandy being well fortified Charles might be brought to a well conditioned peace and if not that they might be able to make a powerfull warre But England did in this an evill mannager who having a house covered with Lead sells the Lead and then covers it againe with straw to the end that a sparke of Fire by reason of this new covering may be sufficient to set it on fire the given Provinces were the Lead sould and prodigally squandred the provisions for Normandy the thatching over with straw the two Provinces might have entertained the warre and being lost have advanced time which is the father of the changes of fortune for losse in warre doth seldom happen in one action and at one instant To this purpose a Parliament was called subsidies paid Souldiers raised and the Duke of Sommerset made a Regent of France in stead of the Duke of Yorke the Marquesse of Suffolke were it either to boast of his favours or that hee foresaw the future danger made a long speech in the upper house relating his ownemerits in the making of this truce and this match and advertising the Lords that since the truce expired the next Aprill and peace did not ensue they should doe well to take such order as that Normandy might not be endamaged for it was to be beleeved that the French finding it ill provided would make use of their advantage that having advertised the King thereof he did now the like to them to the end that if any evill did happen it should not be said to have beene for want of any good admonition he desired them in discharge of his innocency to thinke on this the same thing was done the next day in the lower house the Messengers whereof entreated the Lords of the upper house that by joynt consent of both houses this present action might be registred amongst the acts of Parliament hee obtained what he desired the favours of favorites being like to little Rivolets which easily glide into the current waters even of the greatest rivers they sent their Speaker to the upper house where the Lords who did likewise waver with the wind did on their knees beseech the King that in respect of great services done by the Marquesse he would vouchsafe him this and whatsoever other favour for that he could not bestow his graces upon a more worthy subject and the King who of himselfe was wonderfull prodigall of his favours to him and loved to be entreated thereunto as not willing to seeme to doe it of his owne inclination answered them in such a manner as every one might see he made him the haven of his favours and the object of other mens respects the action was registred but not with that successe as was hoped for to witnesse that the peoples and Princes favours are of short duration and oftentimes unfortunate hee shortly after created him Duke he gave him two rich wardships that of the countesse of Warwick and of Margaret the daughter of Iohn Duke of Summerset who was afterwards the mother of Henry the seventh hee likewise at his request created Iohn de Fois Count de Longaville and Captaine de Bus Count de Candale both of them Guascons all these favours served onely to make his downe-fall the more sudden which usually doth not faile being caused either by the hatred of private men or of the Prince for such mens insolencies encreasing with their authorities and their authorities growing greater by their favour they become insupportable and having once offended cannot support themselves but by new offences whereby begetting hatred and envie amongst private men and societie in Princes they must needs fall and be overthrowne either by the one or the other According to Articles of marriage all places belonging to Aniou and Mayne were already surrendred except Manns the which being of more importance then the rest Charles did beleeve they had no intention to deliver it up so as having raised a convenient Army he prepared to have it by force which when Henry understood he gave order that it should be forthwith surrendered unto him not so much for that he should not have just cause to breake the truce as that by justice he was to doe it But Chartier and Monstrellet say that the English held it till the yeare 1449. at which time Charles besieged it and that the Lord Privy Seale being chosen Bishop of Winchester caused it to be yeelded up unto him but how ever it were this cessation from Armes wrought the like effects in England as in a healthfull body the forbearing of moderate exercises doth which by filling it with bad humours bringeth infirmities upon it The natures of the late married couple were if not opposite sufficiently differing the husband was of a womanish inclination the wife of a manlike spirit the King was humbled evout spiritually given caring onely for his soules health the Queene was proud ambitious worldly given and not to be quieted till having brought the kingdome to be governed as shee pleased shee might see her selfe free from Rivals in the government The Duke of Glocester was no wayes pleasing to her as well for that he had opposed her marriage an injury not to be forgotten as likewise that her husband being long since out of his minority was still governed by him as formerly when he was under age the which being observed by such as did not love the Duke they let slip no occasion whereby they might worke his ruine The Marquesse of Suffolke for that he could not rise to
whither all the enemies Forces were bent to besiege it and in case hee should be met withall to fight as he did for being come to Iermingy a place betweene Carenten and Baieux on the 18. of Aprill they were met by Count Cleremont the Admirall of France and the Senesshall of Poictou with 600. horse and 6000. foote they fell to blowes and valiantly was the battell fought till the Count Richmont comming in with fresh men the English were defeated 4000. of them slaine 800. taken prisoners amongst which Terrill Mowberry and Sir Thomas Drue Vere and Gough with the small remainder saved themselves this is the relation made by the English Monstrelet saith the French had but 600. Launces besides their bowmen whose number hee doth not specifie but as we shall see every of his Launces proved foure and all on horsebacke that the English pitcht their Swords Daggers against the ground to the end that the enemies horse might thred themselves thereon they that were gotten into an advantagious place with a little River and many Gardens full of trees at their backes so as they could not be set upon behind and that Count Claremont having with him but a small number of men sent speedily to the Constable at Saint Lo to come and succour him who came thither with 240. horse and 800. Archers that being come to a mill where the English had beaten backe 1500. Archers and wonne two Culverins he set upon them overcame them and slew 3770. of them and tooke 1400. prisoners I will not relate what others write hereof but onely what is set downe in the Chronicles of Normandy printed in Rhoan the yere 1581. no authors name set there the which I cite in other places because it particularly appertaines to the Province it sayes that the English who landed at Chereburgh were 3000. that they had added to their number from the Garrison of Caen five or six hundred from that of Bayeux 800. from Vires betweene foure or five hundred which number it summes up to make betweene five and six thousand whilst give the number granted which is there but doubtfully spoken of it makes but 4900. that Messieurs de Cleremont de Castrus de Mongaton de Rayes Admirall of France the Senesshalls of Poictou and Burbone and Iames Renault met with them neare to a village called Iermingi where they skirmished the space of three hours but that the Constable Monsieur de Lavall and Marishall Louhac comming up with 300. Launces and their bowmen the battle was valiantly fought on both sides the English discomfited 3774. of them slaine and 1440. of them taken prisoners that but five or six of the French were found missing so as the English being well 6000. the good people say that God was the cause of this victory Belforest sayes there were 10. of the French slaine Hallian 8. Dupleix 4. or 5. and Serres agrees in the number with Hallian yet hee makes the miracle greater then doe the rest for hee saith the English threw away their armes and suffered themselves to bee slaine and taken to mercy many of them being spared through the courtesie of the French his owne account prooves him a lier but much more the accounts made by the rest for hee counting those who came from England to bee 4000. and that with the addition of the other Garrisons they made 8000. whilest the Chronicle makes them in all but 4900. and counting 3774. slaine and a greater number saved through the courtesie of the French those who hee makes to run away shamefully will proove but a very small number and his number exceeds the number mentioned in the Chronicle above 3000. To boote hee contradicts Hallian who writes that Gough escaped away with a good number of horse 1000. Archers whereas he accused them of cowardise I know not with what face he can do it if they for the losse of one Battell ought to bee reputed cowards what ought the French to be who lost so many to fight till the last gaspe is not cowardise to defeat 1500. Bowmen and take two culverins is not cowardise cowardise is a thing not knowne unto the English as Serres saith they either fight with valour or retire with reason Mathew Gough who upon all occasions gave triall of his valour did not abandon his companions as hee calumniously affirmes hee did but the case being desperate and the losse inevitable hee deserves commendations in that hee reserved himselfe for a better occasion for had hee done otherwise hee should rather have merited the name of foole then of valiant This battell being wonne the French went before Virus Captaine Henry Mawbery their prisoner was there so as it held not out long the Garrison withall they had got to Caen here count Cleremont parting from the Constable went into Britanny and from thence to the siege of Auranches which in about a Month was taken the defendants being suffered to depart away weaponlesse Tomâ—…laine a place neere Mount Saint Michell might have held out longer but there being no hopes of succour the Inhabitants would not together with the Towne loose all that they had The Dunnesse Nivers and Eu encamped themselves before Bayeux where much was done before it fell into their hands for though great breaches had beene made by the cannon and the Walles beaten downe in many places yet would they not yeeld whereupon the Assailants who longed to sack the Towne seeing the breaches made and the walles ready to fall downe gave them two assaults but in such disorder as doing it without their Captaines command they were beaten back yet Mathew Gough who after the Battell of Iernimgi was got thither knowing they were not able to resist the third assault surrendered it comming forth with a cudgell in his hand and with some 900. persons the greatest part whereof were Women and Children to whom carriages were permitted though not articled for wherein this route was carried a pitifull Spectacle into Cheriburg Bribec Valonges and Saint Saviours yeelded to the Constable who mustening all his forces together besieged Caen on two sides and made a Bridge to passe over the River Charles came thither in person accompanied by the King of Cicely the Duke of Calabria his son the Duke of d'Allanson the Counts of Maine Saint Paul and Tancherville with a great many other Noble men Gentlemen and Archers and tooke his Quarter in the Abbey of Dardenne at his comming with much a doe and losse of bloud The bulwarkes of Vancelles upon the River Dine were taken mines were made in all places particularly towards Saint Stephens so as the Walles being throwne downe they fought at handy blowes This notwithstanding the City was not likely so soone to have yeelded and much lesse the Castle which very was strong had it not beene that a cannon shot lighting upon the Dutchesse of Somersets-house a particular which the French conceive made her with teares in her eyes begge of her Husband not to suffer her
and her Children remaine any longer in so eminent danger Caen was by King Henry given to the Duke of Yorke so as though the Duke of Somerset as Lieutenant generall had all plenary authority in all other places yet had hee not so in this without Sir David Halls consent Commander of the Towne under the Duke of Yorke But Somerset summoning together the chiefest Citizens told them that it was impossible to defend the Towne and that in endeavouring it they would endanger being taken by force His proposition was gladly entertained by them all Hall opposed him shewing him that though his authority was generall yet had hee nothing to doe in that place which did belong to the Duke of Yorke and whereof the charge was committed to him that the Towne was not in such danger as hee pretended for it neither wanted men munition nor mony that therefore it behooved them to spin out the time till the Duke himselfe might come to the succour thereof or els give order for the surrender thereof That in the meane while hee would defend it against whatsoever power since the Castle was impregnable and though subject to the thunder of a cannon yet onely Women and Children were there at to bee affraid not men of warre Long were the disputes hereupon but the Inhabitants siding with the Duke all of them naturally enclined to the French and fearing to bee sackt they mutined against the Captaine vowing that if hee did not yeeld up the Towne within three dayes they in despight of him would throw open the Gates to the King their threats were not to bee despised since the common sort of Souldiers and the Duke sided with them so as hee was constrained to yeeld but would not have his name used in the articles which were signed in this manner the next day of the Feast of Saint Iohn Baptist that in the Towne Castle should be yeelded up on the first of Iuly in case they were not before that succoured that the Duke Dutchesse their Children all others that had a minde to depart might do so the Souldiers with their horses harnesse the Inhabitants with their Wives Children and moveables but at their owne charges that they should pay what they ought unto the Citizens and should leave behinde them all sort of Artillery Sir David Hall tooke shipping for Ireland to advertise the Duke of Yorke his master hereof who was so much offended thereat that if his former injuries received from the Duke of Somerset did touch him to the quick this vext his very heart Of a 100. Townes enjoyed by the English they now enjoyed but foure Lisieux commanded by Gough yeelded their lives and livelyhood saved but the Garrison was to march forth with a white truncheon onely in their hand Falce whereof the Earle of Shrewesbery was Master by gift from Henry held out a while the souldiers sailed forth to surprize the cannon which they saw appeare but being repulsed and Charles himselfe comming thither in person they demanded parly which was granted them they agreed upon two articles one for each side for them that they should surrender the place if they were not succoured within twelve dayes For Charles that hee should set the Earle of Shrewesbery at liberty who was prisoner in Dreux Dumfronte yeelded the second of August the lives and goods of the Inhabitants saved Chereburg held last out it was valiantly defended as long as their munition lasted from thence the Governour thereof Captaine Thomas Gonvall and the Garrison went to Callais where he found the Duke of Somerset and the rest who after so many adverse fortunes had retired themselves thither Normandy returned back againe to the possession of the French 30. yeares after it had beene conquered by Henry the fifth and 3. were the causes of her losse the first that a small number of Souldiers were not sufficient to retaine it in obedience for though it did patrimonially belong to the Crowne of England yet did it not any longer retaine those former good affections to England which had beene cancelled by the interposition of the government of two ages from the time that King Iohn of England was deprived thereof by Philip the first so as being French in scituation tongue and customes it was impossible to preserve her with the weake forces of bare garrisons devided conquests and which are aloofe of are not kept without great Collonies or without the totall rooting out of the people especially when they neighbour upon great Princes that may helpe them the common wealth of Rome doth antiently teach us this and in moderne time the Turke and the Spaniards the Turke in the Easterne Countries and parts adjacent the Spaniards in Cuba Muxico Pera and the rest of America wherein destroying as many as could hurt them they reserved none alive save some few that they thought might doe them service the second was the Duke of Somersets avarice for that hee did not keepe such garrisons there as hee should have done but pocketted up the money in his owne purse as appeares by his conniving during the truce at the robberies which with suppository beards were done upon the high wayes by his Souldiers whereby hee gave just occasion of complaint unto the French and by not paying of his Souldiers lost all power either of suppressing their out rages or punishing their selves the third home divisions of these three the first is not to bee questioned the second though some what obscure yet cleare enough by the effects the third may suffer a dispute for though ill humours were conceived they were not ripe enough to cause the ruine of the state â—…or would they have beene at all conceived or bred under a princely spirited King 〈◊〉 proceed from ill government ill government from the want of judgement insufficiency and easinesse and cruelty in the Prince now to come to these ruines I say the chiefest of them had their beginnings from the Duke of Suffolke of whom there are divers opinions Polliâ—…ore Holinshead and Hall judge evilly of him following the vâ—…lgar opinion which never adheres to favorites Caniden and Speed evilly but not with ingratitude grounding themselves upon many truthes I in like manner beleeve both well and ill of him the good in him was that he was very vertuous and of heightned conditions for what concerned himselfe he waged warre in France 44. yeares without intermission in seventeene of which he never saw his owne country when he was taken prisoner his ransome cost him 20000. pound sterling though then he had no greater title then bare knighthood he was of 30. yeares standing of the order of the Garter his father was slaine at the siege of Harflore his elder brother in the battle of Ajencourt and two younger brothers in the same warres so as it cannot be denyed but that his Prince and country ought much unto him since he spent his life and livelihood in the service of the one his reputation in the service
fortune of the one side is described nor the cowardise nor disorder of the other no man doubts but that 150. Spaniards may have defeated great armies of the Indians And t is no wonder the novelty of their horse the resistance of their armour the noise made by their muskets and field peeces made them bee beleeved to bee descended from heaven and were causes of their victories if Hallian had read the English historians hee would not have thought them so vaine gloriously light hee would there have feared the death of 800. French not of 10000. as hee saith however it was this defeate was the cause of the surrendring of many Townes this yeare which were neither beleaguered nor summoned and the next ensuing yeare 1451. was the decider of the generall disputes in Guascony which was by the sword taken from the English and given to the French The chiefe Commander in this enterprise was the Dunnesse Lieutenant generall to Charles hee was accompanied by his brother the Count de Angovelesme this being the first service hee did his King and Country after his imprisoment in England Monguione held out against him 8. dayes and then yeelded from thence hee went to Blaye to block up this Towne great forces were brought both by Sea and Land Iohn Bourchier generall of France brought thither great store of vessells loaded with men armes and victualls and finding five great English vessels there which had brought provision to the besieged hee fought with them forced them to weigh anchor and flie and gave them chase even to the haven of Burdeaux Messieurs de Bessiere de Chabanes and Count Pointever came thither by land a great breach being made they gave an assault wherein the City was taken about 200. English were slaine and taken prisoners Messieurs d'Esparre and d'Monferand both of them Guascons saved themselves within the Castle the which together with themselves they soone after yeelded up Bourg held out 6. dayes Libourne summoned by the herauld delivered up its keyes Whilest businesses proceeded thus in these parts men were not idle as els where every man of any account imployed himselfe about some thing or other foure Princes of the bloud Cleremont Angovelesme Vandosme and Eu did joyntly besiege Fronsac a place thought impregnable both by Land and Sea Count de Fois Lieutenant of Guienne beyond Garronne accompanied by many Gentlemen particularly by Messieurs d'Albret and Laurec bretheren by Tarras and Orvall sonnes to the former went before Arques and had it upon composition Count Armignac not forgetting his affront touching the marriage of his daughter went to besiege Rions Count Pointeverres besieged Castelon which yeelded to him as did likewise Melion where hee stayed and sent his troope to Fronsac which was the most important place of all the rest as hath beene said Charles had foure armies in the fields which were all at the same time busied in severall places so as it is no wonder if the English were enforced to yeeld since to boot with the mighty forces of the enemy the Townes whereof they were masters denyed to doe their duties in defending themselves being wrought upon either by inclination or feare Fronsac was a very strong place but likely in a short time to bee brought to extremity if not succoured foure armies did environe it so as if the English had beene in case to have kept the field yet would they not have beene able to succour it as well by reason of the besiegers great forces as likewise for that the two Rivers Dordonne and Darronne by reason of the very great encrease of waters were not navigable Being thus difficulted the defendants demanded a truce untill Saint Iohn Baptists-day upon these conditions that if they were not succoured before that time so as the Dunnesse should bee enforced to raise up siege they would surrender up the Fort and hee was to give safe conduct to whosoever would bee gone and to fit them with carriages and shipping for themselves and goods at their owne charges That the garrison should march forth with their horses and armes and leave their artillery behinde them that those who would sweare obedience to Charles and to bee his good and loyall subjects should enjoy their goods in whatsoever part of the Kingdome and bee pardoned for what was formerly past that such as would serve him in the warre whether Citizens voluntiers or of the garrison should have the like entertainement as the other souldiers that of the prisoners that were taken at Blaye Gaches Charnali and 6. other should bee set at liberty without ransome and that the like was to bee understood oâ—… Iohn Stafford who was taken prisoner at the Battell of Iermingi the 23. day of the Month being come and the besiegers not fought withall the City was yeelded up and the Castle the English oretired themselves to Burdeaux whither likewise the Dunnesse did immediately goe The English stories doe not mention the particulers of the surrendring of this Citie onely that finding it selfe abandoned it shared in like fortune as did Fronsac but those of France doe specifie that Burdeaux agreed to yeeld if Fronsac should yeeld and that they would expect it till then to pay the duty they ought to Henry and yeelded with the more honour to Charles I forbeare to speake oâ—… its long capitulations as likewise of those made by Gastonne de Fois Knight of the Garter and Bartrand de Monferanda the former not desirous to live in France disposed of his goods to his grandchild who bore the title of Count de Candalle a child of three yeares old who when she should bee of yeares was to sweare allegiance to Charles the second agreed to yeeld up the places he held to the French upon condition that when hee should have sworne Allegiance to Charles they should be againe delivered up unto him Burdeaux was easily brought to execute the agreement The Dunnesse made his entry thereinto the 29. of the same moneth and on the sixt of Aâ—…gust he besieged Baâ—…onne which held ouâ—… till such time as the Artillery being come up and a breach made so as it was in danger of being taken by assault it yeelded with power for the Garrison to retire and a penaltie layd upon the Citie to pay 40000. Crownes halfe of which was afterwards remitted by Charles Charter reports a miracle which hapned the next day after the surrender thereof he saith that the ayer being cleare a white crosse appeared in the skie for the space of halfe an houre at the sight whereof the inhabitants tooke from of their ensignes the red Crosse the badge of England saying that God by that white Crosse which was the badge of France did admonish them for the time to come to be good Frenchmen And because Hallian writes that this effect which proceeded from the clouds was ascribed to religion and prodigie Dupleix calls him a destroyer of all miracles pretending him to bee convinced no lesse by the serenitie of the
ayre then by the Testimoniall letters of the Count Dunnesse authenticated by his seale both which are very slender reasons The ayre ceaseth not to be tearmed cleare though some little cloud may appeare wherein may be formed the forenamed Crosse and for the testimoniall letters alleaged they might be beleeved had they beene written by some English Generall Factions are like Sexes the one doth not succeed unto the other especially when the one doth disagree within it selfe Hallian one of the same faction not beleeving that the Pucell of Orleans was sent from heaven was therefore reprehended and now not beleeving this Crosse his beleeving in the Crosse of Christ doth not exempt him from being reputed by Dupleix a bad Christian. We have the first and the second causes and ignorant people not able to give a reason for the second have recourse unto the first which is by all men knowne to cover their idiotisme with piety and religion but the learned though alleadge the second causes they omit not the first though they name it not supposing that no existence can be without it God in the creating of nature hath given her her orders to the end that without the name of Miracle though all his workes are wonderfull shee may operate accordingly So as if the earth yeeld not ' its fruites so abundantly one yeare as another and they alleadge for reason thereof the inequalitie of seasons some conjunction of unfortunate Plannets or some such like influence they forbeare notwithstanding to have recourse to God Almightie Knowing for certaine that he is able though contrary to the course of nature absolutely of himselfe to provide therefore noâ—… is there any so ignorant nor wicked body who doth not confesse this but in miracles 't is otherwise the Church must alwayes examine them Hallian denies not miracles nay I doe verily beleeve he beleeves them so much the better in that not admitting of them indifferently upon simple testimony hee according to true Pietie discernes betweene devotion and superstition as good Graine is discerned from Tares but pietie is not there simply required by Dupleix though hee make shew thereof hee useth it for a vehiculum he would make us swallow a falsehood wrapt up in religion with the same end hee had in the Pucells case which was to strengthen Charles his pretences by the meanes of miracle and in this case hee alleadges his testimonies with such seeming sinceritie at the businesse required The Dunnesse letters containe these words that the Crosse appeared in a cloud with a crucifix crowned with an Azure Crowne which afterwards changed to a Flower de Luce according to the relation of more then a thousand that saw this prodigie This was the end of the English government in Guascony which had ' its beginning in the yeare 1155. by the marriage of Ellinor Dutchesse of Aquitany with Henry the second King of England and came to its period after 296. yeares in the yeare 1451. in Henry the sixt his dayes and as William the father of Ellenor forsooke his stake the world and his daughter to undertake a pilgrimage and peacefully ended his life in an Hermitage and was canonized for a Saint So Henry the successour to two Williams the one a Guâ—…scoyne the other a Noâ—…man did not quit it but lost it for having too imperfectly imitated the sanctitie of the one and no whit at all the valour of the other and being opposite in nature to the Conquerour and in pietie not equall to the canonized Saint he came to a violent end with the reputation of being innocent but no Saint The Duke of Yorkes machenations were a chiefe cause of all these losses where withall the people being corrupted nothing was thought of but homebred rancour the praise worthy ambition of publique reputation which so long had warmed every mans heart was extinct the evill satisfaction given by the Queene augmented and Sommerset so much hated as that his house was broken open and ransack't every one detâ—…sted his actions envied his power and lay in Ambush for him as being the obstacle of their worst designes The Duke of Yorke who was in Ireland had notice given him of all these proceedings and because the Kentish sedition had had but an ill successe hee resolved to come for England his chiefe friends and Counsellors were Sir Iohn Mawbery Duke of Norfolke Richard Nevill who was stiled Earle of Salisbury in the behalfe of his wife daughter and heire to the valiant Thomas Montague who was slaine before Orleans Richard Nevill his son who was likewise Earle of Warwick in the right of his wife Thomas Courtney Earle of Devonshire Edward Brooke Barron of Cobham all of them personages not inferior to any for their power followers and valour of these five the first two were drawne to forsake the allegiance they ought to Henry their King and kinsman by reason of their affinitie with the Duke of Yorke the rest were onely moved by Englands ill genius the Earle of Salisbury discended from Iane Beaufort daughter by the third wife to Iohn Duke of Lancaster Henries great grandfather so as being so neare a Kin unto him he had no reason to take part against him but the marriage of the Duke of Yorke with his sister Sicily was the reason why both he and his sonne for sooke their former duty Iohn Duke of Norfolke tooke part with the Earle of Salisbury as being the sonne of one of his daughters but more in the behalfe of his Father who was banished and of his Uncle who was beheaded at Yorke in the time of Henry the fourth I know not what moved Thomas Earle of Deuonshire who married the Daughter of Somerset first to side against him and afterwards to his misfortune to joyne with him the Lord Cobham had no other interest save his owne proper disposition alwayes enclined to actions of the like nature their resolution was for to cloake their first commotions as that they should not seeme to bee against the King but the people should bee prest under pretence of the publique good That the Duke of Somerset should bee their baite who was fit by reason of the bad successe in Normandy to colour the reason of this insurrection and consequently they intended his ruine without the which they could not hope to effect their ends since hee was the onely remaining Buckler for Henries defence and preservation Having taken this resolution hee went to raise people in Wales many flocking unto him from all parts under the plausible pretence of publique good with these hee marched towards London The King at first newes hereof had got together a good army to meete with him but hee shund him hoping to encrease his numbers and like fame to yet by going he would not hazard to trye his passage through London the deniall thereof might lessen his reputation but passing over the Thames at Kingston hee went into Kent and pitched his campea mile from Dartford some ten or
the Duke of Yorke was to bee acknowledged King The people joyfully received this declaration and the next day which was the fourth of March hee went to Saint Pauls where Te Deum being sung hee made the offering which Kings use to doe and was in Westminster proclaimed King by the name of Edward the fourth FINIS THE SECOND PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND Between the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke WHEREIN IS CONTAINED The Prosecution thereof in the lives of EDWARD the fourth EDWARD the fifth RICHARD the third and HENRY the seventh Written originally in Italian By Sir Francis Biondi Knight late Gentleman of the Privy-Chamber to His Majesty of Great Brittaine Englished by the Right Honourable HENRY Earle of Monmouth The second Volume LONDON Printed by E. G. for Richard Whitaker and are to be sold at his shop at the Kings Armes in Pauls Church-yard 1646. To the Readers his beloved COUNTREY-MEN I Know it is not usuall to say any thing before Second parts of the Same continued Story nor truely am I so inamour'd of my own Pen as to write more then according to some acception may be thought Needfull The reasons then that drew me to this otherwise Unnecessary Epistle are First to let my Readers know lest I may seem to derogate from my Authour by tacitely arrogating to My Selfe that the three Last lives of this Volume are not yet as I can heare of printed in Italian and the Authour being dead out of whose written Papers whilst he was here in England I translated them I know not whether they may ever undergoe the Presse in the Language wherein they were by him penn'd or no. My next inducing reason is That the subject of both parts of this Treatise being Civill Warres and this Second comming forth in a Time of Civill Warres in the Same Countrey I hope I may be excused for doing what in me lies to perswade to a Happy Peace whereunto I know no more powerfull Argument then by shewing the Miseries of Warre which is a Tragedie that alwaies destroyes the Stage whereon it is acted and which when it once seizeth upon a Land rich in the plenty of a Long Peace and full with the Surfeit of Continued Ease seldome leaves Purging those Superfluities till All not onely Superfluous but meere Necessaries be wasted and consumed as is sufficiently made to appeare throughent this whole History I know no Nation in Christendome that could till of some late yeeres more truely have boasted of the blessings of Peace Plenty and Ease then this nâ—…w Miserable Kingdome of Ours insomuch as it may be truely said of Us Quae alia res civiles furores peperit quà m nimia faelicitas Ariosto sayes Non cognosce la pace è non la stima Chi provata non ha la guerra prima We have now sufficiently try'd both Peace and Warre let us wisely betake our selves to the Best choice and say with Livy Melior tutiorque certa pax quà m sperata victoria illa in tuâ haec deorum in manu est And what though the ballance of Victory may leane some times much more to the one side then to the other many Checks may be taken but the Game is never wonne till the Mate be given and if you will believe Guicchiardine who was a Solid and Experienced Statesman be will tell you that Nelle guerre fatte communemente da molti Potentati contra un solo suole essere major le spavento che gli effetti perche prestamente si rafreddano gli impeti primi cemminciando a nascere varietà de pareri onde s'indebolisce tra loro la fede e le forze e cosi spesso auviene che le imprese comminciate con grandissima riputatione caggieno in melte difficultà e finalmente diventano vane If all be true that is of late reported ouâ—… two great neighbouring Kings are concluding a Peace if so we may invert the Proverbe of Tunc tua res agitur c. I believe we are most concerned when Their walls are Least on fire and unlesse it please Almighty God so to inspire the hearts both of our King and Parliament to the speedy piecing up of these unfortunate Rents and mischieveous Misunderstandings as that we may have a happy and speedy Peace cordially agreed on by all sides I am afraid we may finde my beliefe to be too true for Civill Warres give faire Advantage to Forraigne Powers Remember then that an honourable Peace is the Center of Warre wherein it should rest and that when Warre hath any other end then Peace it turnes into Publique Murther and consider that if injustissima pâ—…x justissimo bello sit anteferenda as it is held by some how Blessed will the Peace-makers be in setting an end to that warre which is by all sides acknowledged to be Unnaturall having our Saviours word for their attestate that they shall be Own'd for the Children of God Ita bellum suscipiatur saith Cicero ut nihil aliud quà m pax quesita videatur That this may be the endeavour of all parties interressed is the Sincere Counsell and Humble Advise of him who is a Faithfull and Loyall Subject unto his King an earnest Interceder to God Almighty for a Blessing upon the Parliament a Hearty Well-wisher to his Countrey and who wilâ—… conclude all with the words of the man according to Gods owne heartâ—… Seeke Peace and pursue it Imprimatur May 18. 1645 Na. Breut THE SIXTH BOOKE OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND In the Life of Edward the Fourth WIth what ease Edward came unto the Kingdome is worthy of observation but hard it is to give a just reason thereof whether power Justice or the peoples inclination It was not power since he was admitted of by election not Justice for to decide the right of the Crowne without an Assembly of Parliament is not a duty belonging to the people especially the tumultuous people of a City though Metropolitan without the joynt approbation of all the Shires and say it did by right belong unto him a businesse of such importance against a King that was no usurper who succeeded to two who for the space of more then threescore yeares his owne reigne comprehended were acknowledged and received for Kings was not to be decided in so short a time he being Sonne to the last one of the best deserving and most glorious Princes that England ever had and being King himselfe ever from his cradle for the space of eight and thirty-yeares so as he had his goodnesse been as usefull as it was innocent the Duke of Yorke durst not have contested with him for the Kingdome nor Edward bereft him of it The peoples inclination was then the onely thing which tooke the Kingdome from the one and gave it to the other whereby Princes may learne that long possession without the practice of Princely actions and the foregoing such affeâ—…tions as are hurtfull and hatefull to the people is
to comfort the mother Vauclere sent unto him willing him to retire else he should be enforced to treat him rudely But by what ensued I believe Philip Comines report to be true that by secret message he had desired him not to wonder at what had hapned that all was done for his service that if hee should have suffered him to come in hee had been utterly lost since England Burgundy the Towne and a great part of the garrison were his enemies That his best course was to retire into France not taking any further thought concerning that Fort assuring him that in due time he would give a good account thereof But by naming England to be his enemy hee onely meant Edward not the generality for never was any man better beloved by the people than was he which was the onely cause of Edwards aversion and feares for the peoples love doth usually raise jealousies in the Prince Edward seeing him gone thought himselfe rid of a troublesome burden which turned little to his advantage for the continuance of his jealousies would have made him more cautelous than hee was The reasons why Burgundy hated him were because Warwicke had ruined the house of Lancaster to which hee was most affectionate his mothers mother being a branch thereof That hee was a friend to the King of France a Prince by him infinitely hated and the opposing of his marriage for no other end but that he thought hee should thereby become too powerfull for France The inhabitants of Calleis opposed him not for that they hated his person but because the warre would have broken their commerce with London for the Company of Wollen-drapers kept a Store-house in Calleis from whence the Low-countries and all Germany were furnished to the great benefit of particular men and the King did thereby receive a yeerely toll of 50000 Crowns Comines saith but 15000 and that it came all into the Earls coffers As for the Garrison it cannot be denied but that the greatest part of them had dependence upon him But Monsieur de Duras a Gascon and the Kings Marshall being then there with a great many souldiers under his command hee would have runne danger of being taken prisoner if he should have entered the Town Vauclere by his dissembling compassed his ends for the newes of this his unexpected behaviour comming to the Court of England the King tooke the command of that Towne from Warwicke and bestowed it on Vauclere And the Duke of Burgondy to confirme him in this his charge sent thankes unto him by Philip de Comines and gave him a pension of 1000 Crownes a yeere Notwithstanding all this Vauclere served and deceived them all as the effects shewed Hee demeaned himselfe in this manner not out of any loyalty to the King or love hee bore unto the Earle but that hee might have two strings to his Bow and doubly secure his owne interest For had hee been loyall to the King hee could not have given the Earle any hopes nor have effected them when hee might doe it without danger and if hee had loved the Earle hee would not have denied him entrance into the Towne it being the onely place hee could receive succour from But hee not knowing which of them would prevaile chose not to endanger himselfe whilst being in good condition hee might betake himselfe to that side which should be most availeable for him Mens ends are commonly their owne interests for the which they thinke it lawfull to abandon vertue which alwaies goes accompanied by some crosse which they abhorre The Earle of Warwicke finding that now hee had no hopes in Calleis but what were future sayled towards Diepe as hee was advised by Vauclere and according to his first intention By the way hee tooke as many ships as hee met withall belonging to Charles his subjects gaining thereby great riches which did furnish him at his present need and forced Charles to send a great Fleet into those Seas to revenge himselfe either by taking him prisoner or inhibiting his returne for England Being come to Diepe and by command from Lewis received with all manner of respect hee was by the said Lewas met at Amboise where causing him to be provided with all things necessary hee promised him his best assistance and caused a great many ships be rigg'd out for him well provided with Souldiers and Mariners And this hee did the sooner for that Charles had threatned him if hee should assist Warwicke Queen Margaret came to meet him as soone as she heard he was arrived and with her the Earles of Pembrooke and of Oxford the last of which had lately escaped out of prison and was fled from England Lewis to have the surer tie upon him caused Prince Edward the Queens sonne to marry with Anne the Earle of Warwicks second daughter Warwicke taking thereby to sonne in law the sonne of him whom he had formerly deposed that he might now depose him that he had placed in his place As soone as the marriage was concluded Warwicke and the Duke of Clarence tooke an oath never to put a period to the warre till such time as Henry or in default of him his sonne Edward should recover the Kingdome And Queen Margaret promised to make them two Governours of the Kingdome till such time as her sonne should be of yeeres King Edward was daily advertised by Duke Charles what treaties were in hand to his prejudice the Duke complaining that Edward should more minde his pleasures than his affaires But it was in vaine to object the feare of danger to a courageous Prince a lover of pastimes vaine it was to perswade him to quit his sports and plunge himselfe in troubles since it was so unlikely that should befall him which did He advised him to oppose the Earle at Sea for that if hee should set foot on Land and have his partakers joyne with him the danger and difficulty would be the greater Hee on the other side desired hee might land believing that at his pleasure hee might take him prisoner or kill him before hee could be succoured He made diligent inquiry after such as hee might suspect to be Warwickes friends so as those that were knowne to wish him well were in an ill condition Many of them tooke Sanctuary Marquesse Montaigne brother to Warwicke obtained his pardon and came over to the Kings side But the wisest resolution hee could take was to send over a Gentlewoman into France who under pretence of visiting the Dutchesse of Clarence might worke upon her husband This woman being arrived at Calleis made Vauclere believe that businesses were likely to be accommodated and that the King had sent her over to this purpose When shee was come to Amboise she so well performed the trust imposed in her that having shewed the Duke what danger hee was in by taking part against his brother she made it appeare that the house of Lancaster could never raigne voyd of jealousies whilst any one of the house
of Yorke were left alive That by endeavouring to ruine his brother he wrought his owne overthrow by quitting the right unto the Crown to the which he was so nigh himselfe For Edward though he were young had yet no sonne and but one daughter who might very well miscarry and such were his disorders as there was little likelihood he should have any more That being therefore to be presumed heire he much injured himselfe by giving the Crown away from himselfe to his enemies who could never thinke themselves safe as long as he lived These reasons and others which the discreet woman knew how to make use of prevailed so farre with Clarence as that he gave her his word to joyne with his brother as soone as hee should be come into England Which sheweth of what little efficacy oathes and alliance are when a powerfull interest comes in place Clarence for some sleight domestique distasts failed his brother even to the endangering the losse of his Kingdome You shall see him faile his father in Law even to the making him lose his life Whence wee are taught that in great affaires wee ought onely to trust such to whom profit and danger are univocall together with us Many of the King of France his ships were making ready in Harfleur for the Earle of Warwickes service and some of his owne likewise where he received sundry dispatches from many Lords of England They desired him not to delay his returne though hee were to come all alone for being looked for by so many that were desirous to spend their lives in his service hee needed no foraine forces and that his delay might endanger his friends and overthrow the enterprize He acquainted the Queene and his companions herewithall whose opinions were that hee should forth with be gone with such ships as hee should finde in readinesse and that as soon as the Queenes ships should be in due equipage her father the King of Sicily had sent her as many as hee could to this effect she and her sonne would imbarque themselves upon the first newes of any hopes of good successe in England so as having taken leave of the King and thanked him for so many and so great favours hee went into the Fleet whither by command from the King the Admirall of France and divers other ships were come to guard him from Charles his Fleet which lay expecting him in the mouth of the River Seine and which was much greater than the Kings Warwicks and the Admirals all joyned together Doubtlesse had not fortune plaied one of her wonted trickes the English had not returned to England for the Burgonians were many strong and resolute to doe all that was possible to take the Earle But the night before the Earles departure the Dukes ships were by a great tempest scattered many of them were sunke the rest driven into sundry places not any two of them being found together So as the Earle putting to Sea the next day with a faire wind as if the tempest had risen and were allayed to doe him service came to Anchor in Dartsmouth haven in Devonshire the same place where six moneths before he tooke shipping for Calleis Edward was at this time busied in sports and revellings not thinking on foraine affaires relying upon Charles his mighty Fleet which lay in wait to fight with him and hinder his passage into England When he heard he was landed he past from his first confidence to a second and worser thinking hee had him now in a noose Hee advertised Charles and desired him to take order hee should not returne againe to France and then hee needed trouble himselfe no further for that he was sufficient of himselfe to hinder all his designes within his Kingdome and to chastise him But Charls who was a wise and vigilant Prince was not of this opinion he would have had him to have hindred his landing without the adventuring of his Person and Kingdome upon the uncertainty of battell and the inconstancy of his people and fortune The first thing Warwicke did was to make Proclamations be made every where in Henries name that all men from sixteene to threescore yeere old upon grievous punishment should come and present themselves armed before him to serve Henry the lawfull King against Edward Duke of Yorke the unlawfull usurper of the Kingdome He was forthwith obeyed great numbers of people flockt unto him even those who the yeere before were wholly devoted to Edwards service A change though strange yet not to be wondred at Old things cause satiety new businesses provoke fresh appetite Edward being in this straight resolved to doe the same which the Earle had done Hee summoned all the Peeres of the Land was obeyed but by a few and by those more out of feare than out of any good will Hee went to Nottingham accompanied by his brother the Duke of Gloucester the Lord Scales the Queenes brother and the Lord Hastings his Chamberlaine presuming there to raise an Army answerable to his need The Rebels this meane while increased and the Ministers in their Pulpits did approve of Henries right The bastard Faulconbridge and the Earle of Pembrooke the one in the West the other in Wales did proclaime him King That which most troubled Edward was that Marquesse Montaigne having gathered together 6000. fighting men and brought them almost unto Nottingham hee returned backe either for that he thought Edwards affaires were now desperate and that the ayreevery where resounding Long live Henry Long live Warwicke he thought it foolishnesse not to share of his brothers good fortune or else for that hee had now a just occasion to revenge himselfe of Edwards ingratitude as hee tearmed it who for his service done unto him and his blood shed for him in so many battels and dangers had onely requited him with the bare Title of Marquesse He declared himselfe against him and brought those 6000 along with him proclaiming Henry King as the others had done I know not whether he had reason to accuse Edward of ingratitude or no. Voluptuous people who like him are given to their pleasures are naturally prodigall in their owne dissolutenesse and backward enough in paying what they owe. I am very certain his other brothers could not complaine thereof though Warwicke injuriously did The Archbishop of Yorke wore the second Mitre of England and the Earle of Warwicke if wee may believe Comines to boote with his owne Revenues which were very great had 80000 Crowns a yeer comming in in Lordships Confiscations and Places meerely conferred upon him by the Kings grace which was much more in those daies than 300000 would be now But it is hatefull and dangerous to Princes when pretensions grow to that height as there is no meanes of recompence and that the onely pretence of the pretenders seeming to upbraid doth tacitely demand and seeme to plead the participation of their Princes dignity and estate Edward knew not what to say to these alterations which hourely
seeing he was used but as an instrument to work the designes of others began better to bethink himself His men had taken a servant of Iames de Gratsi a Gentleman who then served the King prisoner Edward would have him set at liberty without ransome and the Lord Howard and Lord Stanley having furnished him with Moneys for his expences loaded him with the presentment of their services to the King in case he should come to speak with him which at his first coming he did This News seeming strange to Lewis who did not reflect upon the names of those that sent him his naturall jealousie wrought so far upon him as that he made Irons to be clapt upon him taking him to be but a Spie the which he the rather did for that his Masters brother was in great favour with the Duke of Bretagne But after he had made him be privately examined by some and had spoke with him himself he remembred the English Heraulds words That if he did resolve to treat with Edward he should send a Herauld to demand safe-Conduct for his Ambassadours prescribing unto him that he should make his addresse to the Lord Howard and Lord Stanley Having well bethought himself herein some time past before he could resolve whether to do it or no At last he resolved and pitcht upon a person to send wherein his choice seemed very strange Monsieur de Hales had a servant with whom Lewis had never spoken but once he thought this man fit for the employment he was a man poor in aspect but rich in understanding who could at the same time expresse himself boldly enough and yet with modestie whereupon it may be said that in this his choice he shewed his wisedom He caused a Heraulds Coat be made for him whereof there was none at that time in the Camp for Lewis was an enemy to Apparences no great friend to Decency and no ways curious in the accustomed Formalities of Princes This man received his Instructions and presented himself before the English Camp He made known to the Lords Howard and Stanley that he desired to speak with the King and chancing to come when the King was at Dinner he was led into a Tent to dine When he was brought unto the King he told him in Lewis his name He was come from the King of France his Master who was desirous of Peace with his Majestie and his Kingdom as that which was to be sought for by both of them by reason of the commodity of Commerce and which was necessary for the Subjects both of the one and the other That the King his Master wondred to see him come into France since he had never given him occasion to wage War That if he had favoured Warwick it was not out of any ill will to him or his House but in respect of the Duke of Burgundy his inexorable enemy who had made his Majestie of England take Arms against him not for that he intended any advantage or honour to him thereby but that the Forces of England might better his own condition and that of his Colleagues That the Dukes affairs needed Accommodation not War the which might be witnessed by the state his Master found him in since being undone by a long and unfortunate Siege he was reduced to such a passe as that he could not sustain himself but at the charge of others He wished Edward to consider that he had Winter at his back That he was in the Field and unprovided of Towns not being come out of his own election but called in to please his Subjects who if they desired War with France 't was out of passion since reason shewed them there was no appearance of their reaping any profit thereby but rather the contrary for building upon the Duke of Burgundy and the Constable they were certainly to be deceived their Coyn being of a false alloy That he knew the King of England had been at great expence to come into France but that if he would give way unto a Treaty his Master would give him such satisfaction as that he his Nobility and Countrey should have reason to rest satisfied That if it would please him to send Lewis a safe-Conduct for a hundred Horse he would send Ambassadours to wait upon him where he pleased either in any Village or between the two Camps and that Lewis would not fail to send the like to wait upon his Ambassadours Edward and the major part of his Counsel were well pleased with this Proposition The Herauld was suddenly dispatched away being presented with a hundred Angels in a gilt-Cup and had along with him the Safe-Conduct he desired and was accompanied by an English Herauld who might bring back the like with the which assoon as he returned the Ambassadours met in a Village neer Amiens the two Armies being four Leagues distant from thence And though the Demands of the English were exorbitant standing still upon their old Pretences of demanding the Crown and in the second place the Dutchies of Normandy and Guienne yet the one being desirous to return home the others to send them away assoon as possibly they could this Treaty ended upon two chief Conditions besides such as concerned Commerce The one That Lewis should pay to Edward Seventy five thousand Crowns Seventy two thousand says Commines before he went from France the other That the Dolphin who was afterwards Charles the Eighth should marry ELIZABETH eldest Daughter to Edward who was afterwards Wife to Henry the Seventh allowing her for her Maintenance Fifty thousand Crowns a yeer which were for Nine succeeding yeers to be paid her in the City of LONDON at the end whereof the Marriage being to be consummated the married Couple were joyntly to enjoy all the Revenue of the Dutchy of Guienne the annual payment of the abovesaid Fifty thousand Crowns ceasing And that the Peace between the two Kingdoms should be understood to continue during these Nine yeers their friends therein comprehended namely the Dukes of Burgundy and Britanny Many blamed Lewis for these Agreements and not looking into the reasons thereof imputed pusillanimity and cowardise unto him but they did not well understand the businesse Commines says that besides his declared enemies who were the Dukes of Britanny and Burgundy and the Constable he had so many private concealed ones in the body of his Kingdom as without this Agreement he might have suffered losse He meaneth as I believe such Princes and Lords who not approving of the Person of the King would have caused the good o France which Charles said once he wisht her to wit That in stead of One King she might have Six But suppose there were no such dangers there yet remains one reason not spoken of by him which of it self ought to have perswaded him to do what he did The end of War is Victory but all Victories are not equally profitable there is difference between overcoming to preserve our own and overcoming to get
be thereat troubled for all should be well The Archbishop differing in opinion from the Chamberlaine answered He knew not what good to hope for from such demeanours The Gentleman being gone hee rose from bed made all his Family get up caused them to Arme themselves and taking the great Seale along with him he went unto the Queene he thought he was come into a Pallace newly pillaged he saw nothing but confusion and people justling one another for haste some carrying in stuffe some going out to fetch in more sighes and teares hee met with everywhere The Queene was set upon the floore no more now what shee formerly had beene It added to the immensity of her affliction to see her selfe bereaved of her eldest Sonne and other kindred who were her onely stay to consider that though she were sorely opprest with Pre sent evills yet was she to expect greater oppressions Whence it may be gatherâ—…d that fore-sight is the bitter fruit of most mature wits a gift which graciously conferr'd for a Reliefe to mankinde workes a contrary effect the present imagination forestalleth future evills and afflicts the apprehension which ought onely to be caused for what hath already happened So as it can hardly be decided whether the fore-fight of Evills through the excellency of judgement be not a bad effect of a good cause and whether at this rate stolidity bee not rather to be chosen then the most refined understanding since such as are dull and stupid suffer onely in the present Act of their misfortunes The Chancellour having comforted the Queene with such reasons as in such desperate occasions hopes may suggest acquainted her with what the Chamberlaine Hastings had let him know supposing that Hastings who had beene obliged to the late Edward would side with his Children and Family but the Queene loathing to heare that Name reply'd hee was in an ertour to believe him to be her friend who hating her bloud indevour'd the utter extirpation of it The Archbishop not able to perswade her to the contrary discoursing from the least of dangers to the greatest that might happen bad her be assured that if any other King should be crowned then that King which now they had in their hands they would crowne the Duke of Yorke who was now in her possession And that you may bee hereof certaine Loe Madame said hee the Great Seale of England his Father your Husband gave it mee I give it you that you may keepe it for your Sonne and if for the present I could give you a greater Testimonie of my good will you should have it Which being said hee left the Seale with her and departed about breake of day not weighing of what importance the thing was that hee had done and how prejudiciall it might be to him But being come home and seeing the Thames out at his Window full of Boates which were fill'd with Glocesters Servants who observed if any went by water towards Sanctuary and hearing that there was part-taking and tumults raised in the City Lords and other people appearing in sundry Assemblies Armed hee bethought himselfe that if any extravagant courses should be taken his delivery of the Great Seale to any whosoever without the Kings Command since it was delivered to his custody might redound much to his dammage whilst the Queene could reape no advantage thereby whereupon he privately sent for it againe and when he had it carried it according to custome openly in the sight of all men This meane while commotions in the City did still continue it being believed that the proceedings at Northampton were not onely caused for what concerned Rivers but out of a designe to hinder the Coronation and troubles had beene likely to have ensued had not the Lord Chamberlaine assured them that those Lords were imprisoned for certaine Conspiracies plot ted against the Dukes of Glocester and Buckingham as would be made appeare by due processe of Law That no doubt was to be made of the Duke of Glocester since he had alwayes continued constantly faithfull to the King but that to suspect it might be of dangerous consequence if they would not lay downe their Armes with the same facility they had taken them up This Testimony quieted the greatest part of the people especially when they understood the King was comming waited upon by the Duke his Unkle with all manner of respect as also that amongst Rivers his carriages certaine Barrells full of Armes were found which though it were not believed by the wiser sort yet Gloucesters followers insisting much upon it it raised doubts in some who otherwise would not have beene perswaded to it For nothing is more prejudicall to Truth then Falshood boldly affirmed with Confidence and Obstinacy The King was met by the Lord Major of London the Sheriffes and Aldermen all in Scarlet accompanied with five hundred Citizens on horse-back cloathed all in purple Gloucester shewed such appearance of Reverence and Love to the King his Nephew as hee changed their former suspicions into a great good liking of him insomuch as when a Protectour was to be chosen as usually is done in the minority of Kings hee alone without any manner of contradiction was named thereunto not onely as he was Unkle and the next Prince of the Bloud but as he that was loyall most loving and of all others the fittest for a charge of such weight Many were forthwith removed from their Offices whereof the Archbishop of Yorke was one of the first not without sharpe reproofe for having left the Great Seale with the Queene Doctor Russell Bishop of Lincolne a man of Laudable conditions succeeded him in his place Earle Hastings was continued in his place of Lord Chamberlaine All which were businesses of small importance not being those which troubled Gloucester and though to have won the Peoples good will and obtained the Protectours place was the right way to his designes yet were they not things hee could have missed of the peoples good opinion depending upon his naturall dissembling and the Protectours place upon his neerenesse of Bloud Royall and consequently without Competitour That which most troubled him was that he could not ridde his hands of the One brother without the Other for if the Elder brother were made away the Duke of Yorke was to succeed In this it was that he was to use his best wits for the Queene being jealous of him and the Duke of Yorke being in a place not to be violated he could not come by him but by Deceipt and Sacriledge But it was no hard matter for him to overcome these difficulties a fraudulent perswasion eased him of the trouble of seeking out Other meanes He at the Counsell Table spoke against the Queen in these or the like words That there was no malice could parallel hers since to work the Kings Counsell into an ill opinion with the World she together with the Duke and Princesses had taken Sanctuary as if there were apparant cause of
Spring which issuing from its undefiled Fountaine would not onely water with his favours such as had deserved well of His House but would make them bud forth by the opulency of his rewards That Hee was sorry Hee could not fully expresse Himselfe upon this occasion since the Dutchesse of Yorkes reputation was therein concerned as well Mother to the Protectour whom hee feared to offend as to King Edward but necessity had enforced him to say more then willingly Hee would have done He referr'd himselfe therein to what the Preacher had said the preceding Sabbath day at Pauls Crosse whose integrity was not to be contradicted hee being a Messenger of the Word of God so wise intelligent and indowed with so much worth as it would not suffer him to say any thing especially upon such an occasion and in such a place which was not certaine truth that great was the efficacy of truth which had opened his Mouth formerly shut up by the way of circumspection that Hee had fully layd open the claime which the Protectour Duke of Gloucester had to the Crowne since Edwards Children being illegitimate as the issue of an unlawfull Marriage the Kingdome fell to him the which being maturely considered and therewithall the Valour and Worth of so gallant a Prince the Nobility and Commons especially them of the Northerne parts being resolved not to be governed by Bastards they had resolved humbly to Petition Him that He would vouchsafe to take upon Him the Government of the Kingdome which by Nature and by the Lawes belonged unto Him For his part he knew not whether he would Accept of it or no for being free from all manner of Ambition and sufficiently acquainted with the troubles of Government he was affraid he would refuse it Howsoever the necessity of the Kingdome being great King Edwards Children not onely excluded by the Lawes but very Young hee hoped that the threats of the holy Scripture Woe be to the Kingdome whose King is a Child would move him to condescend to the generall supplication of the State which needing a Prince of mature age who might be Wise and of Experience would never cease to call upon him till they were heard in what they desired That he had taken upon him the charge of delivering the Petition but considering it might be the more graciously accepted if the Citizens of London would joyne with him therein hee was come to intreat them that weighing the Publique good and their owne particular advantage they would be the first that might doe it and that their forwardnesse herein would make him more favour the City then all the preceding Princes had done His Speech being ended and expecting when the people applauding his discourse should cry up Richard King he was amazed to finde the contrary he found he was abused in his hopes of the Lord Majors having prepared them for it so as drawing neere unto the Major he asked him what might be the reason of the peoples so great Reservednesse and silence who not knowing what to say answered hee thought his Grace was not well understood whereupon believing that that might be the cause of their silence and that his eloquence might yet prevaile with them he in a lowder tone and in other words repeated all he had said before whereat all that heard him marvelled for he could not have spoken better though he had penned it and gotten it without Booke But for all this the people altered not their silence He then would have had the Recorder of London to repeat once more what he had said wherein he desired to be excused as being but lately entered upon the Office and not having as yet had any occasion to speake unto the people but the truth was he did not like the businesse thinking it to be unjust Yet notwithstanding the Major urging him and alleaging that the Dukes too eloquent and Court-like Speech was not well understood he unwillingly obeyed interposing ever and anon this Parenthesis He saies to the end they might not believe his Vote went with it But the people still more deafe then formerly the Duke said unto the Major He never met with so obstinate a silence and preparing to speake a third time he said He was come hither to perswade them to concurre in a businesse wherein peradventure their assistance would not be requisite for the Nobility and Commons of the other Provinces would doe it without them but that he bearing a particular affection to that Noble City did not desire it should be done without them but rather would have them have the first part therein Hee desired them to say whether in conformity with the rest of the Kingdome they would name the most Noble Prince Richard Duke of Gloucester at the present Protectour of the Kingdome for their King To the which though no man answered yet was not the silence so great as before for one whispering in anothers eare a noise was heard much like the noise of a Hive of Bees but in the lower end of the Hall where were many servants and shop-boyes who in the crowde were gotten in they began to cry aloud the Dukes servants being the Ring-leaders Long live King Richard throwing their Hats up but the Citizens turning about to see what the matter might be continued their former silence The Duke wisely making use of this disorder and being seconded by the Major said Hee was much overjoyed to heare that with so much conformity and without one Negative voice they had desired this Noble Prince for their King hee would acquaint him with it so as it should redound to their advantage He wished them to be ready for the next morning he would present him with their supplication to the end that the Pròtectour might be perswaded to accept of the Kingdome so much desired by Them and by the Kingdome Which being said he went away few or none appearing well pleased The next morning the Major assembled all the Aldermen and chiefe of the Common-Counsell of the City into Pauls Church from whence they went to Baynards Castle the place where the Kings of England had formerly kept their Courts where the Protectour now lay and where according to appoinment made came the Duke of Buckingham accompanied with a great number of Lords Knights and Gentlemen who sent word to the Protectour that a great many men of great account were ready there to waite upon his Grace in a businesse of great importance The Protectour seemed unwilling to come downe the staires and give them admittance as if the businesse had been New unto him feyning as though their unexpected comming the cause not knowne why had made him somewhat jealous Buckingham by this His refusall strongly argued the Protectours integrity as being farre from imagining what the businesse now in hand was Hee sent him word againe that the businesse was not to be imparted to any save Himselfe securing him in so humble and submissive a way as was sufficient to have
treason in Henry the Sevenths time confest what had beene sayd after the same manner 't is here not knowing what became of their bodies after they were taken from the place were hee had buried them He suffered for other faults the punishment he deserved for this as did likewise the rest God doth not alwayes punish all faults in an instant but seldome suffers evill actions to have good ends for being approved of neither by men nor by the Lawes if they escape one punishment they fall upon another and for their second fault receive the punishment due for the former As long as Richard lived after this He was both outwardly and inwardly troubled with feares and agonies and according to the relations of some that were most inward with him He after this so execrable act injoy'd not one houre of quiet his countenance was changed his eyes were troubled and ghastly Hee wore coates of Male underneath his clothes and had almost continually His hand upon His Daggers-hilt ready to strike as if Hee had then beene strucken He spent whole nights in watching and if at any time He chanced to take a little rest He would be wakened with fearfull Dreames which would force him to quit His bed and so walke up and downe His chamber full of prodigious feares The other two though they escaped humane Justice yet were they met with all by Justice from above for Miles Forest dyed having almost all his members first rotted and then cut off if Deighton fared not altogether so ill yet was hee in daily expectation to be made an exemplary spectacle by some ignominious death for it is affirm'd by one who writes of him that in his time he was alive in Callis but so universally hated and detested by all men that hee was pointed at as he went along the streetes Others affirme that he lived and dyed there in great misery The first intestine troubles which Richard was afflicted withall were occasioned by the bad intelligence which was held betweene Him and the Duke of Buckingham What the occasion thereof might be is onely knowne by conjecture yet such as is not likely to erre They were both naturally proud therefore prone to breake and though Buckingham first endevoured Glocesters friendship before Glocester His he did it not in respect of his alike Genius but fearing least hee might fall from the greatesse he was in under the authority of the Queene and her kinred to shun this Rock he gave against the Other which though it were the more dangerous yet did he rather chuse to submit himselfe to a Superior who was borne great then to his Inferiors who had acquir'd greatnesse It is said that Edward being dead he sent his servant Persall presently to Yorke where Richard then was who being privately admitted by night made offer unto him of his Masters service in this change of King and that if neede should be his master would come unto him in Person waited on by a Thousand fighting men that he made the same be said over to him againe when he came to Nottingham and that when he returned to Yorke he went to visit him attended by three hundred horse where a close friendship being contracted betweene them things followed as hath been said even to the Usurpation of the Crowne after which they cooled in their affections to the amazement of those who observed their friendship for they came to the point of not Trusting one another and 't was thought moreover that in the last journey to Glocester Buckingham ran hazard of his life The cause of their distast was supposed to arise from some claime Buckingham had to the Duke of Hertfords Lands for that reputing himselfe to be his Heire he thought that Richard would not have denied them unto him neither in Justice nor yet in Recompence of his service But these Lands were so linkt to the Crown as that being falne from the house of Lancaster upon the late depos'd Henry and from Him upon the Crowne they were to be free from any privat propriety or pretension which still continuing in the Duke Richard feared least his thoughts might exceed the condition of a Subject insomuch as when Buckingham demanded them he received so sharpe so threatning and so scornefull a deniall as not able to endure it he fained himselfe sick that so he might not be at the Coronation and Richard sent him word that if he would not come he would make him be brought thither whereupon he was forced to go in all the rich and stately Equipage which at an Extraordinary charge he had prepared before their distasts Others notwithstanding will have that the distasts between them rose after this not having as Then any being that the King standing in need of him would not have hazarded the losing of him in that manner and that the Duke very well acquainted with his Nature would not have hazarded his Life being assured that upon any whatsoever occasion he could not expect better dealings then his Nephews had met withall Notwithstanding the first opinion was thought true in respect of his proud behaviour as likewise for that in the very act of Richards Coronation he turned his Eyes another way as Repenting he had bin the occasioner of it and that Richard though he knew him to be distracted treated him civilly and presented him at his departure to Glocester but his Alienation grew after he was come to his house at Brecknock and had had discourse with Dr. Morton Bishop of Ely This Bishop was a learned man and of a good life a constant part-taker with Henry the sixt neither did he ever forsake him even till his imprisonment He fled with the Queen and Prince into France and returned with them into England But their affaires succeeding ill and Edward being established in the Kingdome He was by him received into favour for knowing him to have bin Loyall to his First master he thought he would be the like to Him so as leaving him Executor of his last Will and Testament he continued his wonted loyalty to his Children which Richard knowing to be such as was unalterable he put him in the Tower and afterwards assigned him to the custody of the Duke of Buckingham with whom discoursing of Richards iniquities he gave the rise to his Ruine for they found the true way to put a period to the Civill warres by marrying Henry Earle of Richmond to Edwards eldest daughter But having retired himselfe to Rome with intention not to meddle any more in Worldly affaires he returned not till sent for by the said Earle when he was King by whom hee was made Archbishop of Canterbury and Chancellour of England and who likewise procured him to be made Cardinall in which Honours he died as vertuously as he had lived This man at the Dukes returne found a great alteration in him towards Richard He hoped to worke some good effect thereout not by propounding any thing but by seconding his opinions
him in his journey he stole away disguised and getting luckily to Ely he provided himselfe of moneys and past over into Flanders where being Absent but in a safe place he furthered the businesse more then he could have done had he not without danger stay'd in England Yet did his departure prove unfortunate to the Duke for wanting His advice and some too early notice being gotten of the Designe it proved his finall ruine Bray acquainted his Lady with the businesse who approved of it encouraged thereunto by the great quality and condition they were of who were the promoters of it but the Queen being in Sanctuary and it not befitting the Countesse to goe to her in person she sent to her her Physitian Lewis who being a learned man by birth a Welchman and one of the greatest esteeme of as many as were of his profession was fitter to be imploy'd in this businesse then any one of another condition for the Queen stood in need of such men being continually troubled with new indispositions of health caused either for want of bodily exercise or by the superaboundant exercise of her mind so as willing him to visit her as of Himselfe she wished him to acquaint her with the businesse not as it was Digested and Concluded but as a conceit of his Owne not hard to be effected if She would approve of it The Physician consented and going to London upon some Other pretence he went to visit her being well known unto her and having occasion to speake of her Afflictions he desired leave to acquaint her with a Thought which since it proceeded from a good Heart he hoped that though it might appeare to Her to be Vaine and not Feasible yet she would not be the worse for knowing it The Queene permitting him to say his pleasure he told her That since the Death of King Edward of glorious memory and of the two innocent Children her Sonnes and since the Usurpation made of the Kingdome by Richard the most detestable of as many Tyrants as ever had been heard of he could never be at quiet within himselfe till he had found out a meanes whereby to put the Kingdome in Quiet the just Heires in their Possession and to bring the unjust Usurper to ruine But that having considered many he bethought himselfe that so much blood having been spent betweene the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke the best way was to unite them both by Marriage giving the Lady Elizabeth heire to the house of Yorke for wife to the Earle of Richmond heire to the house of Lancaster A match wherewith all the Kingdome was to be satisfied for that Peace being thereby likely to ensue the two Houses were to be accorded to the Destruction of the Tyrant and the restoring of Her selfe Family and Children to their former greatnesse If things naturally good of themselves are apt to content such as are endued with Reason and especially those who are thereby to receive Ease and Comfort great reason had the Queene to be herewithall pleased who being laden with so many miseries saw in this her desperate condition an evident meanes of restoring her Selfe and Family She thanked God acknowledging that if there remained any hopes of consolation to her there was none in humane appearance more likely then this After she had thankfully acknowledged her Obligation to the Physitian for his so wise and discreet advise she prayed him that since he had beene the first inventor he would likewise put it in execution that she knew of what esteeme he was with the Countesse of Richmond to whom she bad him say in Her behalfe That if the Earle her Sonne would binde himselfe by Oath to marry Elizabeth her Eldest Daughter and in case she should Die her Second daughter she promised to assist him by all friends and adhaerents in getting the Crowne The Physician having told the Countesse thus much she presently went to worke Reynald Bray dealt with such as he knew faithfull and fit for a businesse of such importance whilst the Queen negotiated with all those who hated the King and wisht for nothing more then an opportunity of doing her service Those imployed by the Countesse besides Bray and the Physitian were Sir Giles Aubeny Sir Iohn Cheinie Sir Richard Gilford Thomas Ramney and Hugh Conway The Physitian had preferred one Christopher Urswick to be her Chaplaine a wise man and who having served on the behalfe of Henry the sixth as long as he lived might safely be relied upon as well for his Fidelity as for his Wisdome She had purposed to have sent him into Brittanny to her sonne but being the Duke of Buckingham was the promoter of the businesse she thought it was fitter to imploy some one of a better quality she therefore sent unto him Hugh Conway who with a good summe of Money tooke his way by Plymouth through Cornwall whilst Sir Richard Gilford sent Thomas Ramney for the same end through Kent to the effect that if the one should miscarry the other might doe the worke but Fortune was so favourable to them as they differed not many houres in their meeting in Britanny Their Embassie was That he was sent for as King Named thereunto by the Great ones and desired by All The marriage agreed upon by the Queene and the Duke of Buckingham That he should come away with all possible haste and land in Wales where he should finde Ayd and Friends sufficient to render himselfe powerfull in an Instant both factions being for him The Earle fashioned out by nature to be King communicated the businesse to the Duke of Britanny who after King Edwards death had given him his liberty desiring his assistance in so necessary an expedition he being called in by a free-borne people profest enemies to the Tyrant whose cruelty was so detestable to all the world promising him that if God should so farre favour his cause as he well hoped he would he would be answerable unto him with such Services as befitted an obligation never to be forgotten Richard had by meanes of his Embassadour Thomas Hutton yea by the proffer of certaine summes of Money dealt with the Duke not long before to keepe him in safe custody but the Duke detesting Richards wickednesse did not onely doe nothing therein but made good all his promises of Favour to the Earle upon this occasion So as confident of good successe he sent Conway and Ramney backe to his mother with answer that he did accept of the invitation that as soon as he should have provided things necessary he would come for England that in the meane time order might be taken for the affaires there to the end that he might finde the lesse impediments Upon the hearing of this they who sided with him tooke courage and began to prepare for the businesse They sent into requisite places people fit to make them good and disposed of other Commanders in other places that they might be ready upon occasion Others under-hand
tell of his Departure he dispatched so speedily after Him as those who had the Commission to stay Him got to the uttermost bounds of Britanny not above an Houre after He was gone out of them The Duke being this time returned to His perfect sence was displeased hereat thinking this might redound to his Dishonour He chid Landais and commanded that all the English that were left in Vennes should be suffered to depart making them to be defrayed not onely whilst they were in His State but till they came to their Master to whom He likewise sent the Money He had promised by Edward Woodvile and Edward Poinings two English Gentlemen for the which the Earle returned Him many Thankes saying He should not be at quiet till Fortune had befriended Him with some meanes whereby in some sort to requite His infinite Obligation to the Duke by whose favour only He lived King Charles was then at Langres whither the Earle went to Him and acquainted Him with the reason of His flight from Britanny and how the Nobility and People of England had sent for Him to free them from Richards tyranny Hee intreated his assistance which was not hard to obtaine from so generous a Prince as Hee was against one who for his notorious wickednesse was abhorred by all men The King bad him be of good comfort promised to assist him and brought him on his way to Montargis treating the Lords that were with him with hospitality becomming a King whilst thus he was ordering his affaires Fortune the better to encourage him sent unto him a man not onely forgotten but who was little better then thought dead Iohn Vere Earle of Oxford who after the Battell at Barnet had gotten into Scotland from thence to France and from thence had made himselfe Master of Saint Michales Mount in Coâ—…wall where being besieged and yeilding up the place King Edward had sent him prisoner This Noble-man had so farre prevailed with Sir Iames Blunt Captaine of that Fort and Sir Iohn Fortescue Porrer of Callis that he did not onely obtaine his liberty but got them to forsake their commands and go along with him to put themselves under the conduct of the Earle of Richmond But Blunt having left his Wife and all his goods in Hammes he fortified it compleately and added to the usuall garison an extraordinary number of Souldiers to the end that if they should be besieged they might defend themselves till Fortune had turned her back upon Richard The Earle tooke this unexpected Liberty of the Earle of Oxford as a good augury for being of Noble Blood of esteemed valour of praise-worthy constancy having beene alwayes a sider with the House of Lancaster one in whom vertues disputed for precedency in whom wisdome and valour were rivalls he thought God had given him his Liberty at this so necessary time that hee might assist him The King being returned to Paris the Earles retinue increased all that were fled from England as well as all the English that were in those parts either as Schollers in the Universities or returning from their Travells flockt unto him amongst which one Richard Fox a Secular Priest a man of very good parts who was shortly after advanced to great places and dignities Richard this meane while was not wanting to Himselfe his spirits were bent upon his Owne Preservation and the preservation of the Crowne which hee unworthily wore and though he saw both Heaven and Earth conspired against him yet hee thought by his own Wil nesse to make his party good in despight of them both But when he understood the Earle was fled out of Britanny he was much amazed his safety consisted in his hopes of having Him in his power vvhich now fayling him he began to feare his enemies forces consisted novv of both the factions for by the Match vvith the Princesse Elizabeth he had united the faction of Yorke to his owne of Lancaster so as the claime of Yorke falling upon him by his Marrying the right Heire he vvas sure to meet vvith great Opposition His onely remedy vvas to breake the Match but barely to breake it vvas not enough he must do more and by fore-casting the vvorst do vvhat vvas best for Him He thought how to strengthen himselfe by the same pretences notwithstanding his being therein opposed by the Laws Blood and Enmity he vvould marry his Neece Incest vvould serve but as a Laurell to crowne all other his abominations He could easily vvithout any scruple rid himselfe of his present Wife His conscience vvas so stecled over as it could not suffer compunction As for the opinion of the World vvho regards not Honour values not shame His subjects hatred vvas not to be respected so long as with a Rod of Iron he could keepe them in obedience That vvhich he pitcht upon vvas Deceit Slaughter and Incest for Deceit vvith Allurements and faire Promises to sweeten the Queene Mothers distastes and thereby to make vvay for the other two his Wives Death and his Marriage vvith his Neece He chose people fit for this office They excused what was past they made her believe the King was much troubled for his much beloved Neeces that he was sorry they should make themselves voluntary prisoners that they mistrusted the naturrall inclination and love of an Unkle who as if he were their Father thought of nothing but their Good That his chiefest desire was to treate them according to their Birth and his Affection to have them in Court to finde out good Husbands for them and see them well bestowed and that if it should be his fortune to lose his Wife whose indispositions were such as there was no great hope of her Life his resolution was to make the Princesse Elizabeth his Queene that the Neerenesse of Bloud would prove no impediment Lawes were not without some Exceptions and were to be dispenced withall when the Necessity of the State the Quiet of the Kingdome and the Peoples safety did require it They forgate not the Marquis Dorset promising him Mountaines of Gold if he would returne to England they shewed how the way he was in was dangerous that he should rather hope upon a fortune already made then to be made that old wayes were plaine and sure New ones slippery and Precipitious These men with these and the like conceptions knew so advantageously to behave themselves that the Queene at the very first Onset gave them Hearing and began to Melt and at the second gave consent to All that the King desired forgeting her sonnes deaths her Husbands Infamy who was divulged to be a Bastard her own shame her marriage being in the Pulpit said to be Adulterous she a Concubine and her Daughters illegitimate and which most imported the Promise she had made to the Countesse of Richmond concerning the Marriage of her eldest daughter sealed with an Oath All these things were to her as if they never had beene Ambition so farre prevailed with her as to make her faulty
that hee might leave no enemies behind him But seeing himselfe reduced to such termes as he was not to hope for safety but by victory it being impossible for him to Retreate and that Sir Walter Herbert and Rice ap Thomas drawing neere him to hinder his passage hee could not without more helpe make any long resistance he wrote to his Mother to his Father in Law and his Father in Lawes brother and to Sir Gilbert Talbot That being come upon Their Advice into England it was Their Aydes that must sustaine him for he having but a Few people with him if hee were Once defeated hee was defeated for Ever That the Countrey hee was to passe over was of a great Length That reason required hee should passe the Severne at Shrewsbury to come to London That they should thinke how to succour him in Time otherwise their succours would be too Late for Him and Ruinous for Themselves That their communication being necessary for his Counsels they should come Suddenly least Delay might marre All That Temporizing was the Ruine of Designes That if Dissimulation had been requisite till Now it was now no more So but Harmefull for that thereby those who yet had courage would be disheartned This dispatch being sent away by a faithfull servant he resolved to fight with whoever should oppose him it was the onely way to worke his ends Regality was not to be had but by Regall valour Hee tooke his way towards Shrewsbury and in his march met with Rice ap Thomas who with a considerable number of Welshmen swore Fealty to him the Earle having two daies before promised to make him President of Wales as soone as hee should be King which accordingly hee did Being come to Shrewsbury hee met with an answer from his Mother and the Others according to his desire From thence hee past on to Newport where Sir Gilbert Talbot with two thousand men came to meet him as likewise did Sir William Stanley at Stafford where hee made some stay to refresh his people Sir William after he had a long time consulted with the Earle returned to his Troopes which being defrayed by his brother were not farre of The next day hee came to Litchfield where being come by Night hee lay in the Field and the next day was by the Townesmen received into the City as their Prince The Lord Stanley had been there two daies before with his Souldiers and was gone from thence to make way for the Earle and that he might not be seene in his company he was cautelous in what he did by reason of his Sonne who was left Hostage with Richard and who otherwise would have lost his life Richard who at this time was at Nottingham knew of the Earles arrivall but with such a relation of his inconsiderable forces as he made no Account of him He thought he was come onely with those who had fled to him from England and that his Forces consisted meerly of Banisht men who growne desperate betooke themselves to their last refuge as for others he perswaded himselfe there would not be any one that durst declare himselfe for him so as the rashnesse of a desperate man was not worthy his trouble hee thought it would be beneath Him to take Notice of him and that Sir Walter Herbert and Rice ap Thomas were sufficient of Themselves either to beate him or to make him ignominiously surrender himselfe But afterwards well weighing the Consequences hee was of another minde his affaires appeared to be in a condition not to be trusted to Other mens directions by reason of his being so generally Hated and the wicked meanes used in his usurping of the Crowne He therefore thought it not safe for him to confide in Others and having a Scrutiny of such as were most Interressed in the preservation of his Person and Dignity from out the not many he chose Iohn Duke of Norfolke the Earle of Northumberland and the Earle of Survey giving them Commission to gather together the best and most trusty of such as did depend upon them and come unto him and he gave order to Robert Brackenbury Lieutenant of the Tower that he should raise all the force hee could and bring along with him as his companions in Armes Sir Thomas Bourcher and Sir Walter Hungerford not for that hee expected any service from them but that being jealous of them he feared lest they might conspire against him All these his foresights did not satisfie him when hee understood the Earle had past the Severne He then began to mistrust his affaires and to complaine of those who had promised to defend the passage Now it was that he saw his businesse was not to be trusted to any Third party and growing to distrust all men he went himselfe in Person in the head of his Army to give him battell executing Himselfe the duty of a Sergeant Major He came by night to Leicester upon a white Steede environed by his Guards and great number of Foot with a staring and threatning Countenance answerable to the speeches hee uttered against such as forsaking Him had denied him to be their King or who by abandoning him Hereafter were to doe so The Earle hearing of his approach encamped himselfe neere to Tamworth where in the mid-way hee was met by Sir Thomas Bourcher and Sir Walter Hungerford who fearing Richard had privately stolne from Brackenburies forces The like from Other parts did divers personages of good condition who it may be would have proved his Enemies had not their Hatred to Richard moved them to take part with Him Yet this Concourse of people wherewith hee ought to have been comforted freed him not from the much melancholy caused by the Lord Stanley who kept farre from him and in a posture as it appeared rather to be Doubted of then Hoped in As hee rode thus pensively in the Reare of his Troopes hee was so transported with sad thoughts that hee was not aware how hee was left behind with not above twenty Horse with him the Army being passed on and having encamped it selfe whilst hee through the Obscurity of the Night had lost the Tract thereof He wandred up and downe a good while hoping to meet with some of them or to heare their noise but neither Finding nor Hearing any thing of them hee got into a little Village fearing lest hee might be knowne taken and carried to the Enemy and not daring to aske the Inhabitants any questions hee continued in these feares till the Breake of Day whilst his campe was more troubled then Hee not dreaming that hee had Lost his Way but fearing some strange Misfortune had befalne him 'T was his good lucke not to meet with any enemy but when hee was come to his Army hee did not tell them that hee had lost his way through Musing or Carelesnesse but that he stayed purposely behinde to Speake with some hee had received advantageous advices From hence he went to finde out the Stanleys who
It was to be believed that their adversary Outwardly assailed by Their forces and Inwardly by his Owne faults must needs fall since Gods judgements the Longer they are in comming they fall the Heavier the weight of Heavens scourge being according to the orders of Divine justice inevitable It was not to be endured that to the excesse of so many enormities Incest should be added the Onely sinne remaining for him to have runne through the whole Catalogue of wickednesse That he pretended to marry his Neece the Princesse Elizabeth to honest by some colourable Title his unlawfull possession of the Crowne the which being due to Him as onely true Heire and therewithall the said Princesse who was promised to him in marriage 't would be great errour in Them to permit either the One or the Other That since God had freed him from so many Treacheries beene gracious to him in suffering him quietly to passe the Seas to be peacefully received in England and brought to confront His and the Common Enemy hee would not be now wanting to worke the confusion of that Enemy through Their valour since hee makes use of Good men to punish the Wicked Their rewards were to be Great all goods Confiscable should speedily be distributed by Him who was to be Judge of each mans valour and desert They ought not to be terrified at their owne Small numbers and the Many of the Enemy for as divine Justice was the first argument of Victory so those people which they saw were led on by the Lord Stanley were all for Them as likewise were many Others who now appearing under the Enemies Colours would in the heate of the battell shew themselves Friends For Himselfe hee promised all that could be expected from a Souldier and Commander He desired them onely to Imitate Him in what belonged to the Souldier that whilst hee fought They should fight and when Hee should forbeare to fight that then they should Forsake him The summe of all his considerations and reasons were That as the Victory consisted in their Valour so if they should be Failing to themselves were to fall under the power of an Enemy who not being to be parallel'd for Cruelty 't was better for them to Die Honourably with Sword in Hand then Ignominiously to Languish under a Tyrant that had not forborne his owne Nephews This being said vvith a Confident heart and vvith Cheerefull countenance he gave on upon the Enemy and vvas as cheerefully follovved by his men Richard fared otherwise no Jollity was observed in his march nor yet willingnesse save in such whose fortunes depended upon His all the rest were wavering and divided into Three severall opinions some thought to side with the Earle some with him of the two who should Overcome and some neither with the One nor the Other but to be meere Lookers-on Richard being now King found like loyality in his subjects as whilest He was a subject he used to the King his Nephew There stood between the two Armies a piece of marish ground with some causey waies that had beene made for the conveniency of Passengers and though the season it being the 22 of August had hardened it yet the Earle knowing the situation thereof to be for his purpose to secure his small number on that side he hastened to be first Master thereof and having it on his right hand hee wonne the Sunne which was in face of the Enemy who advancing the fight beganne The Earle of Oxford being himselfe so farre advanced that hee was in danger to be cut off commanded his men not to stirre Ten foote from their Colours whereupon They forbearing to fight that they might close together the Kings Vantguard did the like being desirous either Not to fight or that the victory might be theirs against whom they were Enforced to fight But Oxford being returned to his charge returned to Handy blowes At the joyning together of the two Armies their severall inclinations were quickly seene those of the Kings side that Fought fought Faintly and those who fought Not withdrew themselves and forsooke the Campe. The King had commanded those he most relied on to have a care that businesses might be carried without Disorder and that they should advertise him of any Danger that should appeare These seeing how some were Negligent and how other some withdrew themselves advised him to save himselfe judging that hee was betrayed But Divine Justice would not suffer him to listen to such advice no not when Victory appearing evidently on the Adversaries part they presented him with a Fleet horse whereon to escape the which hee would not do saying That that day was to terminate either the Warre or his Life Understanding afterwards that the Earle was not farre from him guarded but with a few Gens de Armes hee spur'd on towards him and knowing him by some markes hee ranne at him with his Lance in Rest the Earle was not displeased with the encounter judging it the true way to decide their controversy but he could not meet him hand to hand being thwarted by some of his owne men They gave against the Standard slew Sir William Brandon the Standard bearer and advancing forwards Sir Iohn Cheiney stopt his passage whom hee bare to the ground though hee were a Gentleman of much strength and valour The Earle with his Sword in hand stopped his fury at the very instant when the Lord Stanley investing the Kings squadrons afforded occasion to such as had a minde thereunto to run-away the which when Richard perceived hee left the Earle and thrust himselfe into the thickest of the fight either to reunite his owne men or die the sooner the later of which befell him for fighting valiantly he fell with his Sword in hand all besmear'd with blood All things made for victory on the Earles behalfe to counterpoise the smalnesse of his numbers in himselfe Prudence Diligence and Valour in those that sided with him Despaire of safety if they should lose the day and the Regaining of their Goods Countrie and Honours if they should Overcome But all this was not likely to have sufficed for the Kings desperate valour who encouraging by his example kept his men in their duties had brought the enemy in the two houres space which the battell endured to such a passe as being but few and out of breath they began to give back whereupon if the Lord Stanley who kept himselfe to decide the day had not come in to succour they were likely all of them to be lost We have hitherto spoken ill of Richard though not so ill as he deserved yet now wee must say That though he lived ill he dyed well according to the esteeme of humane generosity His end bore with it heroicall effects Wisdome and Fortitude were two lights which if they did not illuminate the actions of his past Life they did illustrate his present Death When he saw himselfe abandoned by all that those who yet stayd by him served against
Little good in Ireland since he would want Supplies being likely to have None from England which peradventure he might Lose They were but Few that were of this opinion for they wanted there all the chief Ground-works of War strong Holds Arms Money and Souldiers an Enemy could not be Stopped without strong Holds nor Themselves Secured without Money Souldiers were not to be had nor could they encamp themselves in Open field without Arms. Reason perswaded to passe the Seas and make the war in England Henry had done the same with Greater Lesser company and yet had had Good successe it was to be believed that not having any One that sided with him in Ireland he would have but Few in England where if the Greatest part were affectionate to the House of York whilst they had No Head to follow what would they when they should have a lawful King attended on by a whole Kingdom an agreement which would invite and encourage England to do the like But all these arguments though Sufficient were not efficacious enough to make this resolution be taken the onely reason which bare sway to have the war in England was the Want of Money wherewithal to pay the Dutchmen and their no hopes of Enriching themselves by fighting in Ireland The needier sort of people flockt to the beating of the Drum those who had nothing but their Lives to lose were contented to venture them upon hopes to better their fortunes in so Rich a Countrey They embarqued themselves better furnished with Hopes then with Weapons and landed with Lambert clad in kingly apparel at the Pile of Fowdray in Lancashire they were conducted by the Earls of Lincoln and Kildare and Viscount Lovel followed by the Dutchmen under Colonel Swart Broughton met them at their landing with but a few men they marched towards York and passed peaceably where they went to shew that Lawful Kings come to Ease not to Oppresse their Subjects but shortly after their hopes began to grow cool when they saw not any one come in to them in their Solitary March especially since they could not with more reason expect any to side with them in any Other Countrey then in that which was so much enclined to the House of York and to Richard But Viscount Lovel not having found any safety there the yeer before they might believe They were not now likely to fare better Some were of opinion that the Alienation of those people proceeded from a Distaste they took that Two Forreign Nations the Dutch and Irish should pretend to present them with a King made by them and though Henry the 4 and Edward the 4 and the Now-King had in the like manner been presented by Strangers yet the case differ'd They the first and last were call'd in by a Part of the Kingdom to free them from the two Richards the 2 and the 3 the One for divers reasons more hated then the Other and Edward came of himself building upon the People's Love neither had Henry the 7 given any occasion of Hatred whereby to be driven out rather the opinion of his Worth and his having Matcht with the House of York had established him moreover the Procession made to Paul's wherein the True Plantagenet was seen made them not minde the False one Lincoln being brought to that passe as he could not retire without ruine resolved to perish generously by hazarding a Battel He marched towards Newark minding to make himself master thereof but Henry who at the first news of their landing was advanced to Coventry sent some Troops of Light-horse abroad to take Prisoners that he might learn News a superfluous diligence for he had Spyes amongst them who advertis'd him of all their proceedings Being come to Nottingham a Counsel of War was held wherein it was discust where 't were better to protract time or to Fight the King was for giving Battel being encouraged by the accesse of 6000 fighting men most of them Voluntaries under 70 Colours the Earl of Shrewsbury and the Lord Strange were the chief Commanders and that the enemy might not take the advantage of Newark the King encamped himself between them and the Town Lincoln seeing himself so closely pursued went to Stoke planting himself upon the side of a little hill from whence he descended assoon as the King presented him Battel the which was valiantly fought on Both sides but of the Manner how there is but Small or very Obscure knowledge 'T is held that of the King 's Three Battallions the Vantguard onely fought the other Two moved not at all which seems the Stranger for that having fought even to the Last man the one Half of the said Vantguard being Slain the King would purchase the Victory at so Dear a rate which if he would have suffer'd All his men to have fought he might have had it better Cheap All the Chief of the Enemy were slain Lincoln Kildare Lovel Broughton and Colonel Swart great slaughter was made of the unarmed Irish who budged not one foot from the posture they put themselves in at the Beginning of the fight the Dutch who were well armed and understood their work died not unrevenged The Conflict endured Three hours not likely to have endured so Long had the Main-battel and the Rere-ward fought 'T is said the L. Lovel sought to save himself but finding the Banks of Trent too high for his horse they were both drowned as not able to clammer up Others will have it that he got over the River and that he lived a long time in a Cave The King was displeas'd at the Earl of Lincoln's death not that he Loved him or out of desire of further Revenge but that thereby he was bereaved of the means of working out of him what Correspondency the Dutchesse Margaret had in England There died Four thousand of the Enemy the One Half of the Kings Vant-guard and the Other half were work for the Chirurgions So roundly were they dealt withal Not any one of Quality was slain on the King's side They took many Prisoners amongst which king Lambert Symnel otherwise called Edward the Sixth and Simond his Tutor and Seducer 't was thought he should have been rigorously proceeded against but his yeers he not being full Sixteen yeers Old freed him from the Highest of faults He confest who he was and the Meannesse of his Birth that the fault proceeded from his Governour whom he was not wont to disobey His punishment was the Kitchin where he was put to the vilest employments his Scepter and Crown were turned to Spits and Fire-forks he continued in the office of a Scullion till by what means I know not he was preferred to be one of the King's Falconers in which condition he died not giving any further occasion of Story The King shewed herein his Wisedom for had he put him to Death being so Young and for a fault not of his Own Chusing Severity might have had the face of Cruelty and Justice of
Injustice and together with his Life his Memory would have been Lost whereas by Pardoning him he gave life to a testimony of his Own Clemency and Others Wickednesse and instructed the People upon other occasions The being a Priest saved Simond though worthy of whatsoever punishment the King was pleased to afford him Penitence and Pennance by giving him leave during his Life to bewail his sin in Prison There is a great difference between Virgil's calculation of this Battel and that of Other Writers he affirms it to have happened in the yeer 1489 the rest in the yeer 1487 on the Sixteenth of Iune on a Saturday the day which was observed to be happie and propitious to the King I follow the Later The King went not from the Camp till he had given humble thanks to God for the Victory the which he did likewise three days together at Lincoln with Processions and other religious duties and he sent his Standard to our Ladies Church in Walsingham whither he had vowed it He caused some of those that were taken to be put to death doing the like in York-shire where diligent search was made after the Rebels and since it would have been a kinde of Cruelty to have punished so Many for One fault he was contented to commute the Blood of their Veins for the Blood of their Purses imposing great Pecuniary punishments upon them wherewith both He and They were satisfi'd He went to Newcastle from whence he sent Ambassadours to the King of Scotland to invite him either to a Treaty of Peace or to a longer Truce His being but newly setled in his kingdom and the Inveteratenesse of the Faction counselled him to be at quiet with his Neighbours especially with Scotland for these two kingdoms being almost Naturally given to be Enemies they did much harm one to another by fomenting Rebels and nourishing of Seditions Yet was this peace more requisite for King Iames then for Him For being a friend to men of Mean condition and an enemy to the Nobility he never wanted cause of Fear so as it behoved him to have Peace with England that he might punish the Contumacious and revenge himself upon his enemies He therefore courteously received the Ambassadours letting them know there was nothing which he in his heart more desired then that which they came for but that there would be great difficulty to make the Parliament condescend thereunto for that there was an ancient Law which did inhibite Peace lest the people growing carelesse through Idlenesse and losing their natural vigour which was conservable by the Use of Arms might become Lazie to the prejudice of the State that therefore they must content themselves with a Truce for Six or Seven yeers which being obtained they might Renew from time to time without much difficulty for what concern'd Himself King Henry might assure himself he would Always be his friend he intreated them howsoever to keep secret his free Communication with them otherwise they would ruine the businesse for nothing would be granted which should be known they had desired of him Henry was contented with a Truce of Seven yeers which being obtained he returned to London where being taught by the last events that his hatred to the House of York had been the cause of all the disorders that had ensued he prepared for the Coronation of his Wife which was effected the Five and twentieth of November which was in the Third yeer of his Reign and almost Two yeers after he had married her 'T was generally believed this resolution proceeded from Any thing else rather then from Good-will the affections wherewith we are born being as hard to be concealed as to be laid aside Neither is it to be marvelled at if Henry born during the time of Hatred and Civil wars wherein he had lost his estate and been kept Prisoner till he was Ten yeers old carried Exile into Britanny demanded from thence by Edward and Richard granted and sold to the former to the Second sold but not granted and saved as it were by miracle from the hands of Both of them it is no marvel I say if the Remembrance of these things did confirm him in the above-said hatred and that that Hatred was converted to his very Nature and Blood against the Blood of those who had laid traps to Ensnare and to Destroy him But neither did his memory fail him in what concern'd Good Turns for the cloud of Dangers and Suspitions being blown over he set the Marquesse Dorset at liberty and that he might know his imprisonment had proceeded from the Jealousies of the Times and not from any Evil he had Done him he suffered not those Ceremonies to be used to Him which usually are to such as are imprison'd for any fault His affairs being thus quieted he dispatched away an Ambassadour to Pope Innocent the Eighth to give him advertisement thereof and to thank him for having honoured his Maariage with the assistance of his Nuntio offering Himself and his Kingdom to be upon all occasions at his Service for which the Pope by way of correspondency gratified him by Moderating the Priviledges of Sanctuaries and other Priviledg'd places and by sending him a Bull which was welcome and advantageous to him for thereby Traytors became lesse bold We have hitherto spoken of the affairs Within the kingdom we must now passe on to External businesses to the which the King could not Before attend being busied about Home-affairs which more concerned him The designes of Lewis the Eleventh King of France father to Charles the Eighth who at this time reigned were to establish himself within the limits of his own Kingdom and such bounds as confin'd upon his kingdom by readjoyning unto it whatsoever at sundry times had been dismembred from it either by Appennages or Otherwise and to beat down the Authority of Princes and great Lords that hindered him in his designe which was to become Absolute to bring this to effect it was necessary for him to collogue with England which was the onely place able to disturb him and prodigally to present it whereby having laid it asleep as he desired he reunited to the Crown the Dukedoms of Burgundy and Anjou the Counties of Bar and of Provence together with all the best places of Piccardy He intended to do the like to the Dukedom of Britanny but not effecting it he left the care thereof to his son Charles who though very Young did fully bring it to passe For Peter de Landois a proud and insolent Officer of the Duke of Britanny having incens'd the Nobility of the Dutchy and called in Lewis Duke of Orleans to his aid by making Anne the Eldest daughter and Heir to that State be promised to him in Marriage by her Father the Barons had recourse unto Charles who being entred with Four several Armies into Four several parts of their Countrey made them too late perceive that they had not call'd him in to Assist them but to
Destroy them The Duke of Britanny who knew his Forces too weak to withstand the King's had recourse to Henry to whom Charles had already sent Ambassadours to shew him That the chief Princes of the Blood and greatest Lords of his Kingdom being retired into Britanny under pretence of Refuge but in effect that being joyned to that Duke they might mischief Him the more he was forced to take up Arms and necessitated to war for his Own Defence and to Prevent him that sought His ruine that the war was Defensive on His side that he pursued Rebels in a Prince's Countrey who owing Homage to Him ought not to have received them and much lesse to have Conspired against him with them wishing him to remember that if the Duke of Britanny had done him any favour he had marr'd the merit of it since it failed on his part that he might have been utterly ruined by being deliver'd up to Richard that he did not pretend to remember him of the Assistance and Favours he had received from Him which were done out of meer Affection and contrary to what Reason should have perswaded him to for his Own good since it had been better for him that a Tyrant like Richard should have reigned in England then so vertuous a King as was he That if he would rightly weigh both their good turns he should finde His proceeded from true Friendship the Duke's from Self-interest That he did not desire a Requital of Assistance knowing that he was but Newly possest of the Kingdom which he had purchas'd with great Expence and Trouble but onely that he would stand Neuter That he would not by aiding the Duke hinder the just progresse of hiâ—… Arms justly to punish Rebels and to give due correction to him that had contrary to all Law received them He herewithaâ—… acquainted him with his having taken some certain Towns from the Archduke Philip in Flanders affirming he had not done it out of any Ill-will but for that it behoved him a little to Quell him the difference between them for any thing else being Little or Nothing they being Neighbours and he to marry his sister He said this to disswade Henry from believing that he made war in Britanny to Possesse himself thereof and to honest the Usurpation by Marrying the Heir as he intended and as he did and to make him believe this the rather he discover'd unto him as a businesse of great Trust his designes upon the Kingdom of Naples as if the attempt upon Naples which was but an imagination in Future were not compatible with his Present Real attempt upon Britanny Henry was displeased at this Embassie Two Princes being therein concern'd of which he knew not whether to prefer being obliged to them Both and equally favoured by them Both. He knew Charles did but Dissemble that the injury he did the Duke was unjust and hurtful for England that France might peradventure have reason enough to be Offended with Britanny but none to Subdue it The danger was great The Duke was Old Sickly and for the most part out of his Wits He had no issue Male Females the weaker they are and Marriageable the fitter are they to serve for an occasion of Oppressing the Countrey The Nobility was Mistrustful the People wavering He objected to himself that the Duke having preserved Him so many yeers against the Treacheries of so many Enemies he was in Honour obliged to do the like for him wherewithal it likewise became him to preserve the freedom of Commerce unto his Kingdom which would be Lost or much Lessen'd should it fall into the hands of such a King who if by reason of what he already possessed he were of so great might as he became formid able to his neighbours and those that lived further from him what would his greatnesse become when it should be Augmented by the Addition of a Dukedom equal to a Kingdom rich in Nobility People Seas and Ports But having been likewise Obliged to Charles he could not without the Badge of Ingratitude treat him like an Enemy To do then what he ought to do which was not to Declare himself Against the One nor Suffer the Other to be Undone it behoved him to have Evident Reasons should he do Otherwise whereby it might Appear that he was Perforce induced thereunto His Obligation being Equal his duty of gratitude could not be Dispensed withal to Either of them so as desirous to carry himself Indifferent where Circumstances were Equal as in his Obligations it behoved him to do Otherwise where Circumstances Differ'd as in Interest of State and Justice Two ponderous weights Both of which were put into the Duke's Scale Having then answer'd the Ambassadours in matters of Lesser importance as in the businesse of Flanders he told them He found himself bound in a Like bond of obligation to the King and to the Duke That the cause of his flight from Britanny into France was not from the Duke but through the wickednesse and malice of his Officer Landois He must confesse he Oft hath owed his Life unto him having had divers treacherous plots contrived against him by the corruption of his Servants that He never failed him neither in Will nor Deed So as finding himself in this condition with them Both he hoped that his Interposing himself as a Friend between them might produce that Peace which was to be desired and to which end he would forthwith dispatch away an Ambassadour to him They being dismiss'd with this answer he bent all his endeavours to work a Reconciliation between them that he might not be Enforced to take up Arms the which if against his will he Must do he was resolved to employ them to Preserve Britanny neither did he believe fortune would prove so favourable to Charles but that He might have time to Negotiate this businesse grounding his Confidence upon the great Oppositions he had on the one side Maximilian on the other the Forces of Britanny and the Orleanists in the Bowels of his Kingdom ready to raise a Civil war which he was not likely Quickly to quit his hands of together with the Inconstancy of his Young yeers able to make him Change his minde especially he being environ'd with men of Mean condition who rather make their fortunes in Court-changes then in Chances of War Upon these supposals which proved all false he sent his Chaplain Christopher Ursewick into France he gave him order that if he found Charles disposed to Peace he should instantly go to Britanny and conclude it in the best manner he could Ursewick came to France where Charles made him believe he did passionately desire Peace whilst he was far from it he therefore past on into Britanny thinking he had done Half of his work but he found he was deceived for the young King handled the businesse with so much Subtlety as he that had been longest Experienced and Verst in businesse could not have done it better He seemed to be very
desirous of Peace knowing that Ursewick's pains would be to no purpose for the Duke of Britanny was not in case to rely upon his Own Judgement having indeed None at all and the Duke of Orleans would not hear of it for being injured by him it was not likely he should trust him He on the other side should by this means justifie himself to Henry since the making of peace stuck not at Him so as he should not have any occasion to enterprise ought against Him the fault in all appearance not being His. Ursewick being come to Britanny found the Duke so very ill as it was impossible for him to treat with him who had lost almost all the faculties of judgement it behoved him to treat with the Duke of Orleans whom he acquainted with the King his Master's desire and with the good inclination he found in the King of France thereunto so as there remained nothing to establish a good Agreement but to conclude upon the means to every one's satisfaction The Duke being far from any such thought knowing that Charles his intention was other then he made shew for and he himself thirsting to make war with Another man's purse and with the hopes of getting the Dutchy of Britanny answer'd He wonder'd that so Wise a King as Henry would suffer himself to be over-reached by so very Young a King as Charles and that those reasons to which he was bound by Honour and Gratitude bore no sway with him that he should do well to remember the Duke of Britanny had been in lieu of a Father tâ—… him from his Childhood till his promotion to the Crown to the which though Nature Birth and the Kingdom had play'd their parts he had Never attained had he not used that charity towards him which obliged Henry to do the like for Him that the present Mediation did not correspond with the businesse that it was Destructive but Useful for Charles who thereby would gain time to do that which otherwise he could not that Aid was expected from Henry worthy of the Greatnesse of his Minde of his Tye of Friendship and of the imminent Danger the fair Appearances of France were nothing but Fraud and Cozenage 't would be too Late Dangerous and Dishonourable to know it by the Event that if Henry would believe Charles to be of as Candid a minde as was He himself he might do well to believe it with his Sword in Hand so that if it should prove Otherwise he might be ready to Chastise him that had abused him by doing this he should acquit himself on All hands nor could any one have just cause to complain of him And if the reasons of Gratitude which were the same with those of Honour were not of force enough to perswade him he ought to do it out of reason of State and take upon him that defence in Time without Offending Any One which should he undertake Unseasonably would be offensive to All Three to France by opposing it in Open War to Britanny by giving it too Late succour and to England by permitting a Great King to Increase in Power State and Situation hurtful to that Kingdom who was set upon on all sides subject to the discretion of England upon whose pleasure he depended having Seas Ports Commerce and all that could accommodate or incommodate secure or endanger England Ursewick was ready to answer That Princes could not chuse but in some sort believe one another especially where an Obliged friendship plays the part of a Surety not that Wisedom may not have her Exceptions but that she should too largely dispose of her self if where there is Parity of Friendship and Obligation she should believe a friend to be what he ought not to be that Henry's obligations to France arose from Britanny's failing him which if it were not through any fault of the Duke 't was through the fault of Landois Fortune and Chance 'T was Chance that when fleeing from England he would have gone to France brought him into Britanny Fortune when he would have stay'd in Britanny brought him into France whither he would not have gone nor have had any obligation to the King thereof had it not been for danger of being sold to Richard by Landois He did not accuse the Duke of this but neither ought the Duke to accuse him if Fortune bore him to Divide between Two that obligation which was formerly due to Him alone He could not but confesse this without the mark of Ingratitude neither could he take One of them into his consideration and leave the Other neglected More time was requir'd to arm by Sea and Land then to send an Embassie the One did not hinder the Other That an Ambassadour served for a Soul to such businesses as were to be brought to Life no resolutions of importance being taken between Prince and Prince but by Mediation But Ursewick not being suffer'd to say This nor what more he would have said for the Duke arose from him and would not hear him he returned to Charles who told him He had rightly foretold that the Duke of Orleans would not un-enforced yeeld to any Pacification that he would endeavour to force him to it as his obstinacy required in the mean time he desired Henry not to desist from doing good offices for by continuation thereof that Peace would be effected which He desired to which he for his part would Never be Averse and that under such conditions as Henry should prescribe him Lewis the father of this Prince would never suffer this his son to be taught more Latine then Qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare wherein he so well profited as not having his brains troubled with any Other lesson and being thought by reason of his rough nature to have but a blunt judgement he deceived all men especially Ursewick whereby the King his Master was likewise deceived Some think that Henry's credulity was but feigned that he might have an Excuse not to intricate himself in a War he Hated and which would be of great Trouble to him But if he were not Deceived he deceived Himself for hoping it would be hard for Charles to make any Progresse in this businesse being unable at the same time to beat the Forces of Britanny and Orleans his party it proved clean Otherwise The French Army being entred Britanny and brought in by the confederate Barons made them soon repent it The Articles greed upon between them were instantly broken Cities besieged taken and Sacked no difference being put between the grounds and territories of the Confederate and Not confederate whilst the Duke abandon'd by his Subjects and not assisted by his friends escaped narrowly being taken at Vannes from whence with much ado he got to Nantes where being besieged and destitute of hope he sent the Count of Dunois and Viscount Coteman to get aid from England who having ridden by night thorow Forests and desert places in great danger the Countrey being wholly possest
as had their Husbands for if they were endowed with Absolute Soveraignty and Dominion they might wage War put the State into Combustion and utterly lose it but having learn'd that she had great power in the Council and that the Archduke could do no otherwise whilst the world would believe that Perkin was protected in Despite of Him he recalled the English Merchants from Flanders and banisht the Flanders Merchants out of England and transported the Staple of Cloth and Wooll from Antwerp to Callis the which though it were to the great losse of the People and that Philip knew they would exclaim against it yet did not he forbear doing the like by driving the English out of his Dominions The King moreover upon advertisements from Clifford imprisoned the Lord Fitz-water Sir Simon Montfort and Sir Thomas Thwaites William d'Aubeny Robert Ratcliff Thomas Cressenor Thomas Astwood William Worseley Dean of Pauls and certain Friers amongst which two Dominicans he would have shut up More but the scandal would have been too great Montfort Ratcliff and d'Aubeny were convinc'd of High Treason and beheaded the Lord Fitz-water being sent prisoner to Callis not in despair of Life by his endeavouring to escape lost both his hopes and life the rest were pardoned The King had created his second son Henry Duke of York in Westminster where as is usual at such Solemnities divers Knights of the Bath were made but when he heard that Clifford was landed in England he withdrew himself to the Tower that he might hear him There to the end that if he should accuse any of extraordinary quality they might be imprisoned without any great noise Clifford being admitted to his presence threw himself at his feet and begg'd his pardon the which being formerly granted he again confirmed unto him and being commanded to speak if he had any more to say concerning the Conspiracy he named the Lord Chamberlain Sir William Stanley at whose name all the standers by were startled it not being likely that a man of his quality rich the Favorite neerest to the King and the chief instrument of his Assumption to the Crown should be a Traitour whereupon being advised to think Better what he said he without Haesitation or Altering his Colour accused him as Before Stanley was shut up in his Chamber and was the next day examined by the Council he denied some few Circumstances but confess'd the Fault affying his Former actions for which he presumed the King would pardon him but he was deceived Deserts and Mis-deserts weigh not alike when they are of a like Excesse though he had Put the Crown upon his head by negotiating how to take it Away again he nullified his Former deserts his Repenting for the Service done cancell'd the Obligation the which though it were very great was in some sort rewarded Recompence cannot be given for a Kingdom by conferring Another Kingdom to the Donour or by resigning over to him the Same the Inequality of the Persons equals the Disparity of the good turn the Riches and Honour he received from Henry were equivalent to the Crown which Henry received from Him if it may be Formally said that he did receive it from him the one was Born for It the other for Meaner things Yet was Henry in great doubt with himself whether he should put him to death or no the love and reverence which he bare to his Father-in-law pleaded for Clemency Example and the Condition of the Times put in for Severity but if it be true which some Authors write his Riches bore down the balance he being esteemed one of the greatest money'd men in England Neither were men deceived in this their opinion for in his Castle of Holt were found Fourty thousand Marks in ready money his Jewels and Moveables not therein comprehended and in Revenues and Pensions he had Three thousand pounds a yeer a considerable sum in those days Whereupon after having deferr'd this businesse some Six weeks to the end that his Brother and the People might have time to Examine it he was condemn'd to die and lost his head His execution afforded matter of diversity of discourse those that were not of the Court who were ignorant of the Secrets of Government and made their conjectures upon Circumstances and doubtful Relations esteemed the case if not wholly void of Fault at least not worthy of the Highest punishment a belief which was occasioned by reason of a Rumour that was spread abroad That in his discourse with Clifford concerning Perkin he should say unto him That if he should for certain know he were the Duke of York son to Edward the Fourth he would not take up Arms against him A manner of Speech which though it did not Openly declare any ill-will to the King's Person yet such was it as did not sound well in His mouth his Example being sufficient to alter the whole Kingdom and the words not admitting of any other interpretation then his Opinion of Henry's unjust title to the Crown which derogated from the Pretences of the House of Lancaster and from the Authority of Parliament The reason which alienated him from the King is said to be That he desiring the King to make him Earl of Chester a Title and County which the Kings of England do for the most part give to the Princes of Wales their first-born Sons the King did not onely Deny his request but was Offended with him for it thinking him now arrived to those pretences which did exceed the condition of a Subject after he had rewarded his services with equivalent rewards having made him Privy Counsellour Lord Chamberlain given him daily whatsoever he demanded assigned Pensions to him and in the day of Battel wherein Richard was slain seemed not to take notice that he appropriated unto Himself the Prey and Booty of the whole Camp of which He himself stood in Need being but a New King permitting all things to him to the end that when he was grown Rich he might satisfie his own thirst of having This man's death put all the Court in a Quandary one man durst not trust another each one feared lest all his friends might prove Cliffords Yet such was the spirit of Back-biting that they made use of pen and paper to utter what for fear of danger they durst not do with their tongues Libels were written against some of the Council and against the King himself the authors whereof could not so well conceal themselves but that Five of them miscarried paying for their Errour with the losse of life Perkin's party this mean while decreased no man durst so much as think any more of him and they were but very few that tarried with him in Flanders amongst which Clifford's companion was the chiefest who notwithstanding afterwards alter'd his opinion and together with his Pardon got leave to return home But the death of the Conspirators and the dissipation of the Complices were not sufficient to make Henry rest in quiet unlesse
assuring the King hee would never be unmindfull of the favour he had received from him he embarked himself together with his Wife and such whose desperate condition necessitated them to follow him in three ships which the King gave him and made for Ireland for he had no hopes in Flanders by reason of the new friendship between the Arch-duke and Henry The Cornish men understanding that he was come into Ireland intreated him to come over to them professing their obedience their Lives and Lively-hoods for the advancing of his pretences to the Crown They who were taken Prisoners in the last Battaile were returned home having ransomed themselves at small rates from such as had taken them and the Kings clemency had wrought contrary effects in them making them more enraged for they did not interpret it as proceeding from Kindnesse but Feare so as falling upon new conceits beleeving that all the other shires would follow them they received Perkin with great applause who Landed there with four little Barks in September having with him not above a Hundred and Forty men Three Thousand of the Cornish presented themselves before Him in Bodmin all armed from whence he sent forth a Declaration under the name of Richard the fourth King of England promising great matters for the ease of the present Tyrannical government Hee had with him Three chiefe Counsellours come with him a broken Mercer a Taylor and a Scrivener Secretary Frion had left him when he saw none appeare for him in England these three seconded by the rest were of opinion the first thing which was to be done was to winne some good Town which might make for his Safety and Reputation and might encourage the rest They pitched before Exeter which being a great and rich Citie the hope of Booty invited other to come unto Perkin They made faire promises to the Citizens amongst which That King Richard would make their Citie a new London in recompence of their Fidelity and for their being the First that did acknowledge him for their King but wanting Artillery to force them bare words were not sufficient to perswade them The Citie sent newes of the siege to the Court and demanded succour the which Perkin feared and therefore did all he might to make himselfe Master of it before the succour could come He assaulted it by Scaling Ladders and set fire on one of the Gates endeavouring to enter by one way or other but the wals being well defended the fire quenched and many of the Assaillants slain the danger past over The King when he heard of Perkins arrivall and that he had besieged Exeter was exceeding glad hoping to free himselfe from rather a Troublesome then Dangerous molestation He suddenly dispatcht away forces to releeve it under the Conduct of the Lord Chamberlain accompanied by the Lord Brooke and Sir Rice ap Thomas with directions that they should make it be given out that he was following himself in Person But the Lords that lived in those parts knowing they should doe an acceptable service if they should come into the field unrequested assembled many troops The Earl of Devonshire with his Son and the chief Gentlemen of the Countie on the one side and the Earl of Buckingham on the other so as being joyned together before the Chamberlaine began to march they advertised the King of what they had done desiring to receive his commands Perkin understanding these preparations raised his siege and went to Taunton though the Cornish did much encourage him promising not to leave him whilest they had a drop of blood in their bodies But were it either through feare or that Warinesse had taught him not to trust to such promises he would be gone having about seven Thousand men with him and seeming howsoever to be couragious But forsaking all these the next night he fled with Three-score and Ten horse to Beaulieu where with some of them he tooke Sanctuary The King hearing of his flight sent five hundred Horse after him fearing lest he might escape away by Sea but finding he had taken Sanctuary they used no other violence but to keepe a good Guard over him till they should receive new Commands The troops which remained in Taunton yeelded themselves to the Kings mercy who pardoned them all save some Few which being the most seditious amongst them were put to death And because the Lady Gordon wife to Perkin was left by him in Cornewall at Saint Michaels Mount as in a safe place the King sent to take her from thence not so much out of Civility to so Noble a Lady as fearing lest shee might be with Child which should shee have prov'd it might have beene a new occasion of farther trouble but it was Gods goodnesse to them both that shee was not Shee was with all possible Honour receiv'd in Exeter the King did much compassionate her excellent Beauty which deserving a true Prince was falne into the hands of a cheating Impostour whom shee notwithstanding loved as not beleeving him to be so Hee sent her to the Queene and assigned her a good Pension the which shee enjoyed during his life and many yeares after He made a solemn entry into Exeter where having thanked the Citizens for their Loyaltie he took off his sword he wore and gave it to the Major with power to have it carried before him He sent expresse Messengers to the Sanctuary to Perkin with promise of Pardon who seeing himself destitute of all hopes of safety yeelded himself and coming forth of Sanctuary put himself into their hands and was brought to the Court but not to the Kings Presence though oft-times for Curiosities sake he would see him out of the Gallery window Divers Commissioners were nam'd to proceed against such as had sided with Perkin who were Punished with Pecuniary mulctes the world not being deceived in their opinion that he was better satisfied to let the Purses blood then the Veins The Scorn and Mockery which Perkin received from the Courtiers and from such as ran to see him as if he had been a Monster would have been a greater punishment to a man of Honour then a Thousand Deaths When he came to London he was led on Horse-back through all the Citie to the Tower and from thence brought back again to Westminster suffering by the way a world of opprobrious and injurious Language For his greater ignominy they led another bound neer unto him who was Farrier to the Kings stables and who next to the three above-named having been one of his chief Counsellours had in his running away put on the habit of an Hermit hoping to escape better thereby then by Sanctuary but being known taken and brought to London he was hanged after he had accompanied his New Master in this Procession Perkin upon examination declared at full his whole Genealogy his Father Mother Grandfathers Vncles Cozins their Occupations Countrey his voyages together with many other superfluous things concealing or not setting down in writing
what was most Essentiall as that his Father was a Jew that he himself was born in London held at the Font by King Edward and the Dutchesse of Burgundy her practises He confessed his going to Portugall but not that he was sent by Her In like manner he confest his journey to Ireland Whereupon the Confession being first written with his own hand and afterwards Printed did not satisfie the Peoples curiosity since they saw the name of the afore-said Dutchesse the chief Actor in this Comedy purposely concealed But the King would not irritate her any farther thinking it sufficient punishment for her to be so diversly spoken of as shee was together with her own vexation that her inventions not succeeding should be made evident to the world The Civill wars whereof I write ought to end with the death of Richard the 3. without any further progress but the fire therof though quenched having left hot ashes and caused the alterations of those two Impostours Symnell and Warbeck it was requisite for me to write This life likewise though with intention to end it according to the Object and Title propounded to my self with the Imprisonment of the Later of the two the last exhalation of all these Heats But it would have mis-become me to have left it abruptly off there remaining so Little of it without discovering the fountains head from whence the Kings of Scotland derive their lawfull succession to the Crown of England and without setting down the punishment of Warbeck and of the Earl of Warwick the last Male of Plantagenets race whose death freed the Kingdom from Pretenders I wil then proceed with the greatest Brevitie that may be The truce between England and Scotland was no sooner made but that an unexpected accident hapned which had wel nigh broke it and turn'd all things to their former troublesom condition The Castle of Norham is parted from the confines of Scotland by the river Tweed so as neighbour-hood having caused conversation and friendship between some young men of Scotland and of England the young men of Scotland had wont to passe over the River and come to drinke and sport with those of Norham the Souldiers of the Garrison growing mistrustful of this custom their grudges not being totally extinguished by the Truce did not thinke their coming proceeded from Friendship but out of a desire to pry into the Fortifications whereupon falling first to Words and then to Blows the Scotch-men by the disadvantage of place and ods in number were hardly treated and some of them were slain King Iames taking this as done purposely to injure Him dispatcht away an expresse Herauld to complain thereof and in case the King should not give good satisfaction to denounce War Henry who minded nothing but his quiet answer'd That he was sorry for the Accident which hee neither knew of nor did allow of that hee would inquire into the Actors of it and give them such punishment as there should be no occasion to breake the Truce But time passing on and nothing done Iames thinking this was but his Dissembling with intention that Delay working Forgetfulnesse might exempt the faulty from Punishment was more offended then formerly and certainly somewhat of mischiefe would have hapned had not the Bishop of Durham who was Lord of Norham wisely taken order in it For knowing that the injury was done by His men he wrote in so civill a manner to Iames about it as that he rested satisfied and desired the Bishop to come unto him that they might treate upon the present occasion and upon certaine other things that concern'd both the Kingdoms The Bishop acquainted Henry with this who gave him leave to goe hee therefore went to the Abbey of Melrosse where the King then was who at their first meeting complained of the injury done The Bishop answer'd that could not be call'd an injury where there was no intention of Offending He confest the too much Rashnesse of his men occasioned by misfortune not out of any intention to offend Him the offence if any there were must needs proceed either from the King or the Garrison not from the King for he was not of such a nature which if he were it was not likely he would make a Truce to Breake it immediatly without any Advantage or Occasion nor did it proceed from the Souldiers who were sure to be Punished for it a chance unthought of caused by suspition could not be termed an Injury not that hee did not confesse the Authors Guilty of it but with the Distinction allow'd of by the Lawes between Accidentall and Premeditated faults that as the Later were worthy of severe Punishment so were the Other of Clemency and Pardon obtainable upon request from so generous a Prince as was His Majestie The King being pacified said He pardon'd the offence in respect of the Friendship contracted the Continuance whereof he desired And then drawing him aside pursued to say His desire was to have a Long and Good peace the which if Henry likewise desired the true way to effect it would be by Henrie's giving him for wife his Eldest daughter Margaret for that thereby the friendship between the two nations would be perpetuall that this was the reason why he had desired him to come into Scotland hoping that by his wisdom he might bring the busines to a good end The Bishop after having modestly answer'd for what concern'd Himselfe promised him all the Furtherance his service could doe him in effecting his desire Being returned to England he acquainted Henry with the King of Scotlands desire wherewith King Henry was much pleased The busines being long debated in Counsell the match was agreed upon so as Peace might precede it which was done Peace being concluded during the lives of the two Kings and for one Year after and the Marriage was to be celebrated but not Yet the Bride who was born the 29. of November 1689. being too young Charles the eighth King of France died this yeare on the 7. of Aprill whose Funerals were with great pomp celebrated in London the King being very sorrowfull for his death as calling to mind the Favours he had received from him Perkin was this mean while in Prison but so carelesly looked unto as cosening his Keepers he made an Escape Not knowing whether to fly for safety being followed and diligently sought for he returned to London presented himself before the Prior of the Monastery of Bedlam a man of great esteem desiring hee might be received into that Sanctuary the Prior acquainted the King with it desiring him to pardon his life the Counsell were for the most part of a contrary opinion desirous that he should be taken from the Sanctuary and executed so to end their fears but the King at the Priors intercession pardoned him his life being contented that he should stand in the Pillory from whence hee was brought with Irons upon his feet to Westminster yard where hee again read his
Pope Alexander the Sixth upon the occasion of the year of Jubile for since they only received the benefit thereof who went to Rome he thought it fit that it should be commuted for by Remote countries the inhabitants whereof could not make so Long a journey in so much as they staying at Home might receive the same indulgences which those did that went on Pilgrimage to Rome if they would give a certain summe of money to be imployed in the wars against the Turks whose advancing Hungary Germany and Italy did much apprehend This man did so wisely negotiate this af fair as he thereby got a great summe of money without any manner of grudging or murmuring save against the Kings Person who being naturally given to Extort from his People it was thought hee would not have suffered these monies to have beene gathered had not he Himselfe had a share therein An opinion which was known to be false in the time of Iulius the Second who making it a difficult busines to grant Prince Henry a Dispensation to marry Katharine who had been wife to his brother Arthur Cardinall Adrian de Corneto who endeavoured the obtayning of it alleadged amongst the rest of the merits of King Henry his Father that he had not pretented to share in the monies raysed by Pons in that kingdom Neither was there any dissimulation used in this by Alexander at least there Appeared none for he propounded this war in the Publick Consistory in the presence of as many Emssadours as were then resident in that Court with designe to set upon the Turkish territories in Three severall places in Thracia by the Hungarians Bohemians and Polanders in Greece by the French and Spaniards and at Constantinople by him Himselfe accompanied by the King of England and the State of Venice and he sent Nuntioes to All Princes that they would joyne their Forces and Monies according to their Abilities in so pious a worke The Answer which the King gave to Pons was That he was ready to Accompany his Holinesse but that it was impossible for him to doe it in that manner the remote Distance of his countrey would put him to Double the charge of any of the rest that the Kings of France and Spaine were first to be made Friends which if it should not be effected all other designes would prove but vain that when they should be made friends 't was they that best might accompany him as being Neerest him which if they should Refuse to doe He would wait upon him Himselfe not considering either Expence or other incommodity upon Condition he might have some Cities upon the Sea-side in Italy delivered into his possession to make use of what ever chance might happen This answer and it may be the Like of other Princes made this undertaking vanish away to Nothing when the Proposition was such as might very well have beene effected Cardinall Morton who was likewise Arch-bishop of Canterbury and Chancellour of England died this year We have spoken of him formerly He was a man of great Integrity yet somewhat given to Gripplenesse which made him be ill thought of for it was beleev'd he had nourished in the King his humour of Impositions But time proved the Contrary and had he left no other laudable memory behind him his being the First agent in the uniting of the two Roses is a merit whereby to render him Glorious to all Posterity Iohn Earl of Lincolne he who was slain at the battle of Stoke left his brother Edmund Earl of Suffolke heir to his Humour and his Misfortune in so much as calling to mind that he was Son to Elizabeth who was sister both to Edward and Richard hee thought he might be as bold under This King as he had been under the Other two his Vncles He had slain a man in such a manner notwithstanding as the Circumstances did not Aggravate the fault Henry gave him his Pardon but so as he was to passe all the course of Law and Justice and to appear before the Iudges and receive Sentence of Condemnation This manner of proceeding against him did so touch him to the quick as reputing the Favour that was shew'd him Ignominy he sodainly left the Land and went into Flanders to his Ant Margaret at which though the King was offended yet was he resolved to apply Lenitive salves giving order to his Agents in those parts to offer him his Pardon at the very First so as he would return knowing that Despair in banisht men begets thoughts in them of Little service to Themselves and of much Trouble to Others It succeeded according to his imagination for accepting the Pardon he returned to England the Dutchesse not opposing him therein either for that she thought his Genius inferior to the Kings or else that she was satisfied that in Perkins publick Confession her name was conceal'd But arrogant and proud natures such as was that of this Earl leading men into Dangers brought this man at Last to his Ruin under Henry the Eighth The match between Prince Arthur and the Infanta Katherine of Spaine which had been treated on for the space of seven years received this year its maturity the King her Father sending her nobly attended into England The tediousnesse of this negotiation proceeded from Both parties for the two Kings being endued with equall wisedome before the establishing of the Affinity would see each others fortune established the Infanta had for her Portion 200000 Duckets without any covenant of Restitution either to Her selfe or her Family and in lieu thereof she had set out for Ioynture the third part of the Principality of Wales of the Dutchy of Cornewall and of the County of Chester and if she should come to be Queene she was to have as much as any other Queene before her had had The marriage was solemnized in Pauls the Bridegroome was Fifteene yeers of age the Bride Eighteene The Festivals being ended they returned to keepe their Court at Ludlow in Wales but their abode there was but for while for the young Prince died there on the second day of Aprill in the yeare 1502. five moneths after he was married having lived 15. Years 6. moneths and 13. Dayes Nothing more is to be said of him Authors write nothing of him since hee lived not long enough to be knowne All that is related of him is That being naturally given to study he was learned beyond his Age and the Condition of a Prince This his death did much molest the King the Infanta Katharine was left upon his hands and if Prince Henry were to marry Another wife he was to find out a second Joynture a thing repugnant to the merit of State and to his Frugall honour whereupon resolving to marry him to the same Katharine he wrote concerning it to Spaine and Rome Ferdinand was contented but he met with Difficulties in procuring a Dispensation from the Pope and in getting his Sonnes Good-will who though he was then but
Twelve years old had courage enough to oppose his Father therein a Good while It proved an unfortunate marriage miserable Changes and Troubles arose from the Divorce which thereupon ensued The marriage of the King of Scots with Princesse Margaret which was treated of some years past by the meanes of Bishop Fox was celebrated this year which together with the preceding yeare was remarkeable for two Marriages and two Deaths for the marriage of Prince Arthur and his Death the Preceding year and for the marriage of the King of Scotland and the Death of Queene Elizabeth this Present year the Queene dying in Child-bed and the Child dying likewise not long after This marriage was published in London in Ianuary for which Te Deum was sung in Pauls and great Joy was had in the Citie The cause of this long Dclay was by reason of the Princesse her tender age who at the Consummation thereof which was in August was not above Fourteen yeares old Besides many of the Counsell had opposed it for if the Second Prince should dye as did the First England was to fall under Scotland which they much abhorr'd but the King cleared this opinion for if it should fall out as was proposed the cleane Contrary was like to happen the King of Scotland would live in England the Lesser being to give way to the Greater which would not have hapned if this Princesse should have beene married to France and the succession should have fallen to her Children Every one being satisfied with this reason there was not any that opposed it And this is the match which hath given the lawfull succession of England to the Kings of Scotland which hath hapned without any opposition in these our dayes The King now finding himself at quiet on all sides his Neighbours being his Friends and having extinguisht all Intestine broyls hee fell to be exceeding avaricious so as those vertues which placed before in a Benigne aspect gave forth happy beams were by the Interposition of this vice found to be in the shadow of a prodigious Ecclipse Princes meet easilier with fitting Ministers for what is Bad then for what is Good Henry met with two pernicious instruments who Nourishing Covetousnesse in him did Increase it in him by unjust means and by drawing blood from the Purse-veins of Thousands of Innocent people These were Edmund Dudley and Richard Empson the first being borne a Gentleman did by his wickednesse obscure the splendour of his Blood the other being the Son of a Shoo-maker made good that from Filth and Mire nothing but Pollution and Stinch can be expected They were admitted to the Court being both of the same profession Lawyers and they by alike means got alike Preferment being Both made Privy Counsellours so as their Ambition being satisfied their Avarice remained to be so likewise which is the drift of Ambition in Basely-minded men but because Ingenuity and Justice though they may nourish the moderate cannot satisfie the Insatiate they would not make use of Them but of their Contraries that from the Rivers of Gold which sprung up in the Kings Coffers they might derive some Channels of the same metall which might run into Their Purses at the charge of King and Subject The Laws at that time either by reason of the Civill Warres or through the Negligence of the Iudges were either Forgotten or growne out of Use and the Patrimony of the Crowne enjoyed by many by vertue of Long-Leases being become almost as good as Fee-simple to the Enjoyers moved the King to look into them and these two who were thought the most Learned and best Practised in the Law were by him chosen to this purpose and had full Authority given them But ther was never any so Good or Wholsom Law which hath not been profan'd by Malice and Corruption They raised up many Accusers and the Accused being put in Prison and there kept the time appointed for their justification being maliciously Prorogued they were enforced to Purchase their Liberties with Great summes of Money Others being cited by Them or their Delegates the usuall course of Law not being observed were Condemned they abounded in False Witnesses and False Pretences whereby they impoverished the wealthy Wards was not suffered to enter upon their Lands without vast disbursements Such Iudges as swayed by Integrity resisted Their wils were either better Taught by Imprisonment or Ruin'd by Amercements Laws which had at sundry times been enacted by Parliament more for Terrour then Punishment a great part whereof were Repealed too were without any manner of remission rigorously put in Execution in so much that the King himselfe being a little before his Death told by conscionable men what Injustice had been done he left it in his Will that such as had unjustly suffered should have Ample Satisfaction made them Which he Himself ought to have done in his Life time but did not for when Covetousnesse hath once taken possession of a mans heart the Offices of Conscience have no Power the Law of the Flesh which opposeth the Law of the Mind doth captivate us under the Law of Sin where withall being ensnared we cannot get loose againe I recount not All that is written to this effect I will only relate One passage which may serve for all the Rest. The King as hee came to Henningham a Castle belonging to the Earl of Oxford one whom he was wont to make use of both in War and Peace he was there received and feasted with much Splendour and Magnificence all that by whatsoever title held any Land of the Earl came at that time to give their Attendance on him of the which many were Gentlemen many Yeomen these and the Gentlemen likewise wore all of them the Earles Blew-coats and Feathers in their hats of the Earles colours for the rest of their apparell they were all richly clad every man according to his Condition when he King came forth they placed themselves in two Rows making a gallant shew in the Great Hall He looking wistly upon them asked the Earl if they were All his Servants who smiling answered No for then he should be thought an Ill husband but that they were all his Tenants who were come upon this occasion to wait upon His Majestie the King having thanked him for his Good Entertainment said unto him that the Report of hospitality came short of the Truth but that he could not suffer his Lawes to be broken in his Presence without resenting it and that his Atturney generall should talke with him about it The Lords were then to give but a Certain number of Liveries or Blew coats which Law whether it stand still in Force or no I know not This busines cost the Earle Ten Thousand Pounds for for so much was he compounded with the Kings Officers besides the Charge he had been at in his Entertainment which was very Great and which might have Freed him from the Punishment he was run into had the Kings Gratitude been
Govern them as he had done Before in which respect All the Kingdom concurr'd except some of the Nobility who had greater hopes under a New Young King then under an Old and Ancient one who being sufficiently informed of their Humours knew they were given rather to Tyrannize then to be contented with Respect from their Inferiours These Disputes caused great jealousies on all sides specially in Ferdinand for Philip following the advise of his Father the Emperour hee feared lest if they should happen to corrupt Consalvo as they had endeavour'd it they might take from him the Kingdom of Naples wherefore he recalled 2000 Spaniards from that Garrison under pretence of sending them into Africa and making the Germans be dismist he weakned the forces thereof that he might have the lesse cause of feare Amongst divers rumours which were spread abroad to discredit him with the Castillians one was that he intended to marry Ioane who was thought to be Daughter to the last King Henry who had beene a Competitresse for the Crowne with his Wife Isabel that so he would undertake the Defence of Her claime which formerly he had oppugned and thereby make himself King of Castile which he never Dream't of T is true he pretended the claime of a Father to whom the Guardian-ship of children under Age belongs of which number though Ioane were none in respect of Years yet in respect of her weaknesse she was to bee accounted one The very selfe same thing was granted in the Kingdom of Navarre to Iohn King of Arragon this mans Father The rumour of his intention of marriage was not vaine for hee Himselfe had caused it to be spread abroad from the first Beginning of the distastes that he might thereby mortifie Philip for in case she should have any Sons he deprived him of all the Kingdomes wherein He had any Propriety especially of Naples Hee pretended likewise to the Kingdome of Granada or at least to Halfe of it having gotten it with his Wife These conceits proceeded from the Dislike hee had that during the Life of Isabel Maximilian and Philip should make Peace with the King of France without His knowledge that of the Articles These were some The Marriage of Claudia Daughter to Lewis with Charles Philips eldest Son the investing of Milaine upon Lewis and his heires male if he had any and in case hee should have none upon Claudia and Charles and if Charles should happen to Dye upon Philips second Son marrying with the same Claudia so as willing to pay them with the same coyne hee not making Them acquainted therewithall made his Peace with Lewis who gave unto him for wife Germana de Fois his sisters Daughter and by title of Dowry renouncing unto him that part of the Kingdome of Naples which belonged unto Him with this obligation on the other side that Ferdinand should pay unto Him 700000 Duckets within ten yeers for the expences he had beene at in that Kingdome and should give in Dowry to his Wife 300000. more A busines which incens't Philip and made him undertake his voyage into Spaine The first contentions begate both Feare and Hope in Henry Feare that the Emperour Arch duke and King of France joyning in League together against Ferdinand hee should not only fall from being Arbitrator between those Princes as till then hee had beene but also to boote with the Prejudice that might redound to Him by their Confederacie from the advantage of his friendship with Arragon which now being left Single might be to his disadvantage Hope for that intending to marry Ioane Queene of Naples Dowager to the last Ferdinand he beleeved that Kingdome would be assigned over to Him as a Feoffee in Trust whilst the other two were in contention There were at this time in Naples two Dowager Queens the Mother and the Daughter both of them but young The first who was sister to Ferdinand King of Arragon was second Wife to Ferdinand the first King of Naples by whom shee had this second Ioane who was both Wife and Ant to Ferdinand the Second for she was sister by the Fathers side to King Alphonso who was his Father Hereupon Henry built his Designe He sent Embassadours by way of Complement unto them Both and Katharine who was Widow to Prince Arthur being Neece to the One of them and Cozin to the Other he gave unto them Letters from Her giving them particular Instructions to examine the conditions well and see what by vertue of such a Match might be hoped for in that Kingdome from thence they were to passe into Spaine as they did But when they returned hee gave over that Designe having learnt that she lived meerly upon Pensions from Ferdinand without other Lands or Iurisdictions The advantage hee got by this Embassie was to know how hee might keepe the friendship both of Ferdinand and Philip and to free himselfe from feare of Philips joyning with France and of the Marriage of Charles the Sonne of Philip to the Daughter of Lewis as was formerly a greed upon for Ferdinands Secretary had secretly treated with the Embassadours that the Princesse of France being taken from Charles contrary to the First capitulation that she might be married to the Duke of Angonlesme heire apparent to the Crowne their king should give Mary his Second daughter for wife to Charles A busines which hee was much pleased with for Charles was the Greatest match of Christendome being to inherit all that his Father Mother and Grand-father possest and to this purpose he endeavour'd as much as in himlay that there should be no breach between them in the future Amongst so many of their relations he liked not to heare that Castile desired Philip and detested Ferdinand by reason of the great Taxes and Impositions which he put upon them it being his Own very case so as upon the like reason he thought his Son might be desired and He abhorr'd the grievances imposed by Him much surpassing those of Ferdinand Those who tooke part with Philip did much importune him to come into Spaine before Ferdinand should be setled in his pretended Administration but he desirous to come thither unexpected took shipping together with his Wife in Ianuary when 't was thought hee would not have tane his journey till the next Summer He had hardly quitted the coast of Flanders when taken by a sodaine tempest his Navy was disperst upon the coast of England he himselfe lighted upon Waymouth and was brought a shore in a little Frigat His Counsell would not have had him landed since by losse of Time hee would misse of his designe of comming unexpected unto Spaine but he being sea-sick would by all means come on shore The great number of his ships had given an Alarme to the Countrey so as many troops of armed men came to Waymouth not knowing what his Fleet was nor what he would doe Sir Thomas Trenchard and Sir Iohn Carew who were their Leaders understanding the reason of
of Orleans who went along with him and afterwards forsaking him return'd to Court and though hee had formerly bin hated by the Constable was afterwards favoured by him by reason of his Valour who shall consider what wee have related in this present affaire will thinke it farre from likelyhood of truth for Charles intending to advantage his party against Philip by making Richmond Constable who would not accept of it without Philips consent Philip did ill in consenting thereunto and worse in agreeing that Savoy and Britany should furnish him with souldiers receiving no other satisfaction for it but Tannignes banishment from Court but one of 3. things in my opinion caused him to doe it either that being distasted by the English hee was not well pleased with their advancements or that having his thoughts bent upon Iacholina's territories where it behoved him to attend and Charles being in bad case by reason of his losse at Vernuille Hee resolved to give him a breathing time to the end hee might not be made a pray by the English and hee have no share therein or else that he did it to leade the way to that reconciliation which ensued shortly after and that the Constable had already begunne to treat with him which is the most likely but if it were none of these wee must say that the actions of Princes are like the workes of nature which are seene but not knowne The first advantage Charles reaped hereby was the alienating the Duke of Britany from England To this end he sent unto him Mussieurs de Treves and de Lusa intreating him that since hee had banished those whom he had reputed his enemies Hee would as a Parent and kinsman assist him with men against the English who advanced every day more and more to the ruine of the Kingdome This Embassie being consulted upon and oppugned he resolv'd against the opinion of the major party to succour him beleeving that the mischiefe hee had suffered was occasion'd rather by those Councellors which govern'd him then by Charles so as desirous to speake with him mouth to mouth before any resolution should be taken they met at Lanmeurs where they tarried some dayes and departed the one and the other infinitely satisfied The Duke at his returne raysed a good body of Souldiers and gave them to his brother who joyned with the French Troopes whilst the Earle of Warwicke besieged Pontersoune and inforced it if not succour'd by such a day which it was not to surrender He placed there a Garrison which not ceasing to make inrodes into Britanny caused the Constable to march thither He besieged it forced it slew all the English and demolish'd it from thence he came to S. Iaques de Beveron a place of no great circuite a little before fortified by the English but fortune did not smile upon him here as it did in the former exploit for the besieged not onely defending themselves against the besiegers violence but offending them by perpetuall sallies and skirmishes did abate their first furies to which may be added the Souldiers want of pay which should have beene administred by Mounsieur de Iae who injoyed what of favour and authority the President of Provence held under Charles so as the Constables protestations of not being able without pay to hold the Souldiers together either being not listned unto or not regarded he resolved to try his fortune by a generall assault before the Army should disbaind which according to the French calculation consisted of 20000. according to the English of 40000. and because he knew that the Earle of Suffolke and Lord Scales were in a neighbouring towne he sent 2000. men to the end that they might be impeached if they came to succour the towne but these men having gone a good way not discrying any enemy as indeed there was none for Suffolke had had no notice of this the Constables last resolution they returned backe with flying colours and in Battle array when these who were scaling the Walls beleeving them to be enemies tumbled downe from the Ladders following those who at the foote of the Wall out of the same beleefe threw away their Armes and fled to save themselves The defendants who were of the same beleefe sallyed forth at two severall places towards the River side and charging them home forced them to throw themselves into the water where according to the French Authors betweene 6. and 700. men were slaine but according to the English what by water what by sword above 4000. forsaking their Tents Artillery and all manner of provisions and the Constable being abandoned by the French who in great disorder and without leave taking returned to their owne homes retired to Britanny more worthy to be comiserated then blamed The English Court the towne of London and the whole kingdome was at this time full of troubles by reason of the contention sprung betweene the Duke of Glocester and his Unckle the Bishop of Winchester Alterations not to be wondred at for as thunder proceeds raine and the conjunction of two dismall Planets the malignity of their influence so were not Henries misfortunes to fall out without the precedency of many disorders which though severally consider'd were of no great moment yet being joyned were such as caused his ruine the distemperatures of a state being like to those of humaine bodies which if languishing are almost alwayes mortall the natures of these two contenders were hard to be reconcil'd the one would be obeyed the other could not brooke command the Bishop pretended that since the Gouernment of the King appertained to him the Duke had no reason to insinuate himselfe thereunto though he were nearer of blood and of greater authority but whether this or ought else were the cause of their hatred 't is most certaine the Bishops pride and ambition was most hatefull His mighty masse of riches procured him not onely hatred but envy likewise an evill which as it caused one part of the Nobility to wish him well so wrought it a contrary effect in the rest which drawne either by the condition of his birth as of blood royall by the reverence of his calling as of Bishop by the spendor of his attendants as being served by none but selected men and by the fulnesse of his tables which exceeded all others did adhere unto him so as the Citie being thus divided the chiefe Magistrate who had the care thereof was constrained to keepe a great guard therein day and night the shops were all shut up hourely fearing least some contention arising amongst the partakers they should fall to pillage which was the onely end of the poorest sort of people which were the aptest to doe mischiefe The Bishop failed not to justifie his cause to the Duke of Bedford writing vnto him that if hee did not immediatly come to England his brother would bee the cause of much mischiefe which he prayed God to withstand he intreated him to make haste for that the