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A28178 An history of the civill vvares of England betweene the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke the originall whereof is set downe in the life of Richard the Second, their proceedings, in the lives of Henry the Fourth, the Fifth, and Sixth, Edward the Fourth and Fifth, Richard the Third, and Henry the Seventh, in whose dayes they had a happy period : written in Italian in three volumes / by Sir Francis Biondi, Knight ... ; Englished by the Right Honourable Henry, Earle of Mounmouth, in two volumes.; Istoria delle guerre civili d'lnghilterra tra le due case di Lancastro e Iore. English Biondi, Giovanni Francesco, Sir, 1572-1644.; Monmouth, Henry Carey, Earl of, 1596-1661. 1641 (1641) Wing B2936; ESTC R20459 653,569 616

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Thomas Holland Earle of Kent Henry who dyed young Iohn first Duke of Sommerset who maried Margerite daughter to Sr. Iohn Beauchamp Margerite married to Edward Adham earl of Richmond Henry the 7. who married Elizabeth daughter to Henry the 4. Edmund Duke of Sommerset slaine in the ●…attell at S. Albans who married Elenor daughter of Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke Henry Duke of Sommerset beheaded an 1462. Charls Sommerset Earle of Worcester bastard Edmund Duke of Sommerset beheaded Anno 1471. dying without heyrs Iohn slaine at the battell of Teuksbury Thomas Ioane married to Iames the first King of Scotland Margerite married to Thomas Courtney Earle of Devonshire Thomas E. of Devonsh beheaded Henry beheaded Iohn slaine at Teuksbury Henry Beaufort Bishop of Winchester Cardinall of St. Eusebius and Chancellor of England Thomas Beaufort Earle of Dorset Duke of Exeter and Chancellor of England Ioane Beaufort for whose issue looke the next lease Iane Beaufort married to Ralph Nevill Earle of Westmerland Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury beheaded who married Elenor daughter to Thomas Montigue Earle of Salisbury William Lord of Faulkenbridge Edward Earle of Abergaveny George Lord Latimer Robert Bishop of Durham Cuthbert Henry Thomas Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury and Warwicke surnamed The great he married Anne daughter of Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke Isabel wife of George Plantagenet Duke of Clarence brother to Edward the fourth drowned in a But of Malm●…y Edward Earl of Warwicke last heyre male of the Plantagenet he was beheaded Margerite Countesse of Salisbury wife to Richard Poole beheaded the 13. yeare of Henry the 8. she was mother to Cardinall Poole Anne wife to Edward Prince of Wales son to Henry 6. he was slaine by the Duke of Glocester who after married the said Anne Edward Prince of Wales who died before his Father Iohn Marquis Montigue who maried the daughter of Sr Edward Engelthorpe George Archbishop of York and Chancellour of England George Nevil Duke of Bedford degraded together with his father for not having left sufficient meanes to maintaine their honour Luce first married to Sir Thomas Fitz-Williams then to Sir Anthony Browne by whom William Earle of Southampton St Anthony Browne Iane married to Will. Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel Thomas Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel William Earle of Arundel Elenor wife to Thomas Stanley Earle of Darby George Baron Strange Thomas Earle of Darby Edward Lord Mounteagle Iames Bishop of Ely Catherine wife to Iohn Moubray second duke of Norfolke Iohn duke of Norfolk married to Elenor daughter of the Lord Bourchier Iohn duke of Norfolk married to Elizabeth daughter to Geo. Talbot 1. earle of Shrewsb Anne wife to Richard Duke of York second son of Edward the fourth Elenor wife to Henry Pearcy second Earle of Northumberland slaine in the service of Henry 6. in the first battell at Saint Albans Henry the third earle of Northumberland slaine in the like service who married Elenor daughter to Richard Lord Poinings Henry the fourth Earle of Northumberland slaine by the people for leavying a taxe imposed by Henry the seventh and the Parliament he married Maudlin daughter to the earle of Pembrocke Henry the fifth earle of Northumberland William Allen a Bishop Iocelin Elenor married to Edward Stafford duke of Buckingham Anne wife to William Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel Anne wife to Humfrey Staffo●…d first Duke of Buckingham slaine in the first battel at Northhampton Humfrey Earle of Stafford slaine in the first battell of St Albans he married Margerite sister to Edward Beaufort Duke of Sommerset Henry second Duke of Sommerset beheaded by Richard 3. he married Catherine sister to Richard Woodville Earle Rivers Edward Duke of Buckingham Henry of Wiltshire both beheaded by Henry the 8. Iohn Stafford Earle of Wiltshire married to Constance daughter to Sir Henry Greene. Edward Stafford Earle of Wiltshire Catherine wife to George Talbot Earle of Shrewsbury George E. of Shrewsbury married to Anne daughter to the Lord Hastings Francis Earle of Shrewsbury Margerite married to Henry Clifford Earle of Cumberland Sicely of whose issue see the next leafe Sicely married to Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke who waged warre with Henry the 6. as lawfull pretender to the Crowne hee was slaine in the battell of Wakefield King Edward the 4. who married Elizabeth daughter of Richard Woodville Earle Rivers King Edward the 5. Richard duke of York Both slaine in the Towe●… by their uncle Richard 3 Elizabeth married to Henry the 7. Arthur prince of Wales Henry the 8. Catherine married to William Courtney earle of Devonshire Henry Earle of Devonshire and Marquis of Exeter beheaded by Henry the 8. Edmund who died in the battell with his Father George Duke of Clarence drowned in a But of Malmsey in the Tower he married Isabel daughter to Richard Nevil Earle of Warwicke Edward Earle of Warwicke beheaded under Henry the 7. Margerite Countesse of Salisbury married to Sr Richard Poole beheaded under Henry the 8. Henry Lord Montigue beheaded under Henry the 8. Reginald Poole Cardinall Vrsula married to Henry Lord Stafford sonne and heyre to Edward last Duke of Buckingham Richard Duke of Glocester by tyrannicall usurpation called afterward Richard the 3. who married Anne daughter to Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury and Warwicke Edward Prince of Wales who died during his fathers life THE INTRODVCTION MY intention is to write the story of England for as much as concernes the C●…vill Wars of that Kingdome from their first rise to their happy period Events which the lesse they be known forth of those Climats the more worthy are they of others knowledge Civill knowledge accounts not him wise who applies himselfe only to what concernes his owne Country but who enlargeth his understanding to the universall knowledge of all Nations Such as are unexperienced and too passionatly g●…ven to the love of their owne Country doe vsually misprise forraine occurrences whilst alteration in governments doth vary those vertues in them by which they acquired a name above others The Assyrians Medes and Persians the Macedonians Greeks and Romans doe witnesse this unto us people ought not to boast of what they were but if there be any occasion of ostentation of what they for the present are Barbarisme is not so generall in the now present times as in times past of as many Nations as are there is not any one who at this day can vaunt her selfe to be the law-giver unto others What is wanting in some one is peeced up by the advantages which some others have not This discipline of warre learning the liberall sciences arts mechanicall and civill comportment are so diffused as those who last embraced them are like to cisternes which doe more abound with water then doe the house tops and gutters from which they did at first fall There was a time when the Grecians had presumption enough to repute the Romans barbarous their condition shewes us how much they were deceived The Vandalls Lombards and Gothes were civilized at the cost of the
them and conferred them upon some others breaking the ice by the change of Chancellour The Archbishop of Yorke formerly Bishop of Ely for when Nevil was banished he removed to that See kneeling downe did readily deliver up unto him the great Seale Hee likewise changed the Lord Treasurer the Clarke of the Signet and the Judges hee removed the Earle of Arundel from being Admirall and conferred that place upon the Earle of Huntington brother by the mothers side to his Majesty He put the Duke of Gloster Earle of Warwicke and others from the Councell Table naming new Councellors in their places And not yet fully resolved whom to chuse for Chancellor hee carried the great Seale along with him to his Chamber where pitching upon a choice he returned backe and gave it to William Wickham Bishop of Winchester a favour which he unwillingly received All this passed quietly on no words proceeding from any one although the kingdome a body then ill affected passed but from one ague fit to another At the end of this yeare the Duke of Lancaster returned to England having spent three yeares abroad The mortality which fell amongst his people caused by the excessive heats in Spaine forced him to retire into Gascony where having begun a treaty with the Duke of Berry to give unto him for wife his daughter Catherine she upon whom the pretence to the Kingdome of Castile fell after her mothers death he thereby raised such jealousies in Iohn the first who then reigned as that the said Iohn demanded her for wife unto his eldest sonne Henry who was afterwards the third King of that name a youth of but ten yeares of age though Catherine were nineteen years old Upon these conditions that hee should pay unto him for the present 200000 Nobles and 10000 markes yearly during the life of the Duke and his wife Constance mother to Catherine That he should assigne over unto Constans●… Guadalajara Medina del Campo and Olmedo that shee might enjoy the fruits thereof during her life and that the espoused Princesse should be stiled by the name of Princesse of Austria the sonnes of those Kings though their eldest till then being only stiled Infanti The two on the other side renounced all their pretensions to those Kingdomes The Duke had before this married his daughter Phillep borne unto him by his former wife to Iohn the first King of Portugall having the good fortune to place them both in a like countrey and dignity His comming into England happened in an opportune time for the King having summoned the Nobility to Redding where he then was some strange alteration was doubted the ill will he bore to many being considered the Duke did so behave himselfe as sweetning the King they were all well received and contentedly dismissed But the Kings jealousies of him not ceasing being likewise displeased with his returne hee by the assistance of the first Parliament to the end that hee might againe bee gone gave him the Dutchy of Aquitany together with all the honours incomes and prerogatives which of old did belong unto that Dukedome and which for the present were enjoyed by that Crowne investing him with the accustomed badges of golden rod and Ducall Cap upon the meere tye of simple homage Richard was not strait handed of what he possessed but mainly addicted to his owne will with the which rather then to have parted he would well nigh have parted with his kingdome Insomuch as fearing lest if Lancaster should joyne with Gloster hee mought give him enough to doe To free himselfe from an imaginary obstacle hee weighed not the essentiall impoverishing of the Crowne of its richest Jewell And if the effects did not follow it was not for lacke of his good will but the good will of the people of that Dutchy who being obstinate would not contrary to their priviledges be dismembred from the Crowne of England neither did Glosters siding with him though extravagant any thing at all availe which did not proceed from brotherly affection as he would have it conceived but for that Lancaster being present his authority was the lesse who did pretend to be the onely director in the government of affaires Hee was not troubled at the eldership of his other brother the Duke of Yorke since that he chiefly intended his private pleasures But Richard was deceived in Lancasters intentions for it is not alwayes good to judge of things present by what is past For as in his departing from Spain he merited to be esteemed one of the most valiant and wisest Princes that did then live so at his returne to England he deserved to be held a peace-maker experience and the incommodities of warre having made him desirous of repose and changed or moderated his disposition the which was plainly seen in him the short time that he lived since that he did not onely tolerate the being denied by the Gascones but did patiently endure his sonnes distastes and exile not being moved at whatsoever accident save his brothers death the which hee notwithstanding suffered whilst if he had had like ambition as formerly hee mought not have been destitute of hopes the King being mightily hated he as much beloved And though the putting of his brother to death mought bee justifiable the manner thereof was such as could not be denied to be unjust cruell and tyrannicall The King was no sooner come to age but hee was informed that the Duke of Gloster had raised forces against him the which being found false he would not suffer him to justifie himselfe but injoyned him silence were it either that hee might keepe this plea on foote against him or to free his accusers from punishment the three next yeares past peaceably on the peace of France being on both sides earnestly endeavoured but the reciprocall pretentions and stoutnesse of both parties made it impossible to bee concluded Richard did desire it and the difficulties which the French met with for matter of warre made them likewise desire it as much if not more Charles his indisposition continued as likewise the Uncles discords each intent to their owne private designes and interest so as not able to conclude a peace they continued the league one yeare longer the which the state being in quiet afforded Richard leasure to live according to his owne inclination which was such as had he not erred in the extreme could not have beene better but the splendor of prodigality is like that of lightning which consumes and beares downe whatsoever it meets withall hee kept the greatest and noblest Court of any King in Europe His subjects led by his example dreamt not of frugality a ver●…ue not much knowne in England but gave themselves over to luxuriousnesse great was his excesse of diet the pompe and bravery of his Court in apparell unimitated the number of his servants exceeding all beliefe 10000. men fed daily of his bread the Queene had 300. women which belonged to her service 300. was the
for their security On the contrary side the Marishall Tolongonus at his returne found not foretime with so smiling an aspect for beleeving that by Monyes he had corrupted the Captaine of a Fort called la Busiere he was abused through too much beleefe for whilst he went to actuate the bargaine the Captaine having fitly placed two Ambushes brought him together with 11. others into the Castle where taking him Prisoner he at the same time caused almost all those that were without to be slaine and had it not beene for the Imprisonment of the Count de Ventadoure for whom he was changed he had not beene soone set at liberty This Yeare in the Moneth of Iuly was the first Sonne of Charles borne who in his due time succeeded him in his Kingdome by the name of Lovis the 11. a phantasticall Prince and almost ever rebellious towards his Father so as whilst he thought to have beene at quiet being free from the English Warres he gave against his Sons turbulencies which brought him to his end before his time marcerated by jealousy and slaine by suspition His birth notwithstanding so uncertaine are wee of future events brought unto him great cause of joy for the pledge of a Successor increaseth the Subjects love he was howsoever a great Prince who proved successefull in the rules of dissimulation rather borne together with them then learnt of any other Ghirard de Hallian describes him to be malicious wary cruell and full of Cousenage In England this meane while it was resolv'd to give libertie to Iames the first King of Scotland after 18. yeares Imprisonment which caused to the first mover therof since home hatred not love nor Charity had moved him to indevour it instead of gratitude unhappy successe and an ignominous end Robert Duke of Albany Governor of Scotland being dead the yeare 1420. just 15. Yeares after the Death of his Brother Robert the third his Sonne Mordecay succeeded him in the Government one who resembled his Father in the profuse spending of the goods of the Crowne amongst the Nobility to the end that forgetting the Prisoner King they might be content with the present condition and was like the King his Unckle in his Children for having neither ability nor wit to cause himselfe to be obeyed by them he was through desparation and despite reduc'd to ruine at the same time both them and himselfe Of the 3. for 3. they were Walter was the most insolent although they shar'd all alike in haughtines and disrespecting others Pride and the neglect of Inferiors was by them esteemed gravity and what became them and such insolent actions as arise from them proper and naturall to Men of royall Lynage and to generous and magnanimous Hearts Mordecay had often times admonished them but because in stead of reaping fruite therby he was laugh'd at by them he tooke no further care therof placing all his dislikes upon the backe of Patience till such time as the burthen grew too heavy for him to beare He very much lov'd field sports especially Hawking and having one Day an ex'lent Faulkon on his Fist Walter did with such incivility require it on him as he denying it the other snatcht it from his hand wrung off the necke and threw the Carkasse at his feete at which the Father being incensed sayd unto him that since he had in vaine used all meanes possible to bring him to obedience he was resolv'd to find out one whom both his Sonne and he should be forced to obey and he effected his words for a Parliament being immediatly called the Kings freedome was resolv'd upon Embassadors were chosen and sent into England where their request was maturely consulted on those who were against it alleadged that having beene detained so many yeares his Captivity was by him to bee esteemed an injury never to be forgotten and for the which he would take present revenge since England was now busied abroad that being at liberty he would regulate the disorders of Scotland the Governors authority not being sufficient to quench the contentions which Day by Day grew greater among the great ones nor to remedy the Thefts Murders and Rapines which as it were by reprisall was committed by the common People so as since nothing could prove more advantageous for the affaires of England all alteration was pernitious Others being of a contrary opinion affirmed his Captivity was so unlikely to raise in him any such conceits that it was rather by him to be accounted the originall of all his good fortune since that living there safe from his Unckles snares he was falne into the hands of two Kings who proving Fathers to him in education were not therfore much commended by such who preferre what is usefull to what is honest who argue that a worser resolution could not have beene taken then to have perfected wisdome by study and strength by the exercise of Armes in a Prince of so sublime inclinations whilst to do well they should have brought him up in all common vices and have made him effeminate amongst the worst of conversations that to have done otherwise was as much as to expect what befell him who nurs'd up a Snake in his bosome which when it had recover'd his heate slew him that had preserv'd it fitting considerations for Tyrant Princes but not for such as were so given as were these two Kings for if the one by making him Prisoner the other by detaining him had had respect to their owne proper intrests they would have treated him as an Enemy but their having inrich'd him with so vertuous education not to be lost neither by liberty nor Imprisonment was so rare and unparalell'd an example as he beyond all others was ever to acknowledge such The Duke of Glocester who thought there could bee no better meanes then this to joyne Scotland and England and sever it from France concluded his freedome setting a fine upon him of 100000. Marks and giving him for Wife Ioane Daughter to the Earle of Somerset Cousin-german to Henry the fift and Neece to the Bishop of Winchester whom he loved so as having payed part of his Ransome with his Wifes Portion and given in Hostages for the rest the which was afterwards payed by the Subjects in so good a manner as that they seemed not to be therewithall any whit aggreived he went his wayes nobly waited upon to his confines by his ancient friends by his new allyes and richly presented by his Father in Law Being come into his Kingdome he found it like a Ship tossed by the Seas Nothing remaining for maintenance of the Crowne save only the Customes the rest was all squandred away and bestowed upon particular Men by the two succeeding Governours Robert the Father and Mordecay the Sonne to the end that not minding his returne they might adhere unto them to publique grievances private ones succeeded the first complaints were against Walter who was Imprison'd and after him Mordecay and Alexander Iames who was
of Orleans who went along with him and afterwards forsaking him return'd to Court and though hee had formerly bin hated by the Constable was afterwards favoured by him by reason of his Valour who shall consider what wee have related in this present affaire will thinke it farre from likelyhood of truth for Charles intending to advantage his party against Philip by making Richmond Constable who would not accept of it without Philips consent Philip did ill in consenting thereunto and worse in agreeing that Savoy and Britany should furnish him with souldiers receiving no other satisfaction for it but Tannignes banishment from Court but one of 3. things in my opinion caused him to doe it either that being distasted by the English hee was not well pleased with their advancements or that having his thoughts bent upon Iacholina's territories where it behoved him to attend and Charles being in bad case by reason of his losse at Vernuille Hee resolved to give him a breathing time to the end hee might not be made a pray by the English and hee have no share therein or else that he did it to leade the way to that reconciliation which ensued shortly after and that the Constable had already begunne to treat with him which is the most likely but if it were none of these wee must say that the actions of Princes are like the workes of nature which are seene but not knowne The first advantage Charles reaped hereby was the alienating the Duke of Britany from England To this end he sent unto him Mussieurs de Treves and de Lusa intreating him that since hee had banished those whom he had reputed his enemies Hee would as a Parent and kinsman assist him with men against the English who advanced every day more and more to the ruine of the Kingdome This Embassie being consulted upon and oppugned he resolv'd against the opinion of the major party to succour him beleeving that the mischiefe hee had suffered was occasion'd rather by those Councellors which govern'd him then by Charles so as desirous to speake with him mouth to mouth before any resolution should be taken they met at Lanmeurs where they tarried some dayes and departed the one and the other infinitely satisfied The Duke at his returne raysed a good body of Souldiers and gave them to his brother who joyned with the French Troopes whilst the Earle of Warwicke besieged Pontersoune and inforced it if not succour'd by such a day which it was not to surrender He placed there a Garrison which not ceasing to make inrodes into Britanny caused the Constable to march thither He besieged it forced it slew all the English and demolish'd it from thence he came to S. Iaques de Beveron a place of no great circuite a little before fortified by the English but fortune did not smile upon him here as it did in the former exploit for the besieged not onely defending themselves against the besiegers violence but offending them by perpetuall sallies and skirmishes did abate their first furies to which may be added the Souldiers want of pay which should have beene administred by Mounsieur de Iae who injoyed what of favour and authority the President of Provence held under Charles so as the Constables protestations of not being able without pay to hold the Souldiers together either being not listned unto or not regarded he resolved to try his fortune by a generall assault before the Army should disbaind which according to the French calculation consisted of 20000. according to the English of 40000. and because he knew that the Earle of Suffolke and Lord Scales were in a neighbouring towne he sent 2000. men to the end that they might be impeached if they came to succour the towne but these men having gone a good way not discrying any enemy as indeed there was none for Suffolke had had no notice of this the Constables last resolution they returned backe with flying colours and in Battle array when these who were scaling the Walls beleeving them to be enemies tumbled downe from the Ladders following those who at the foote of the Wall out of the same beleefe threw away their Armes and fled to save themselves The defendants who were of the same beleefe sallyed forth at two severall places towards the River side and charging them home forced them to throw themselves into the water where according to the French Authors betweene 6. and 700. men were slaine but according to the English what by water what by sword above 4000. forsaking their Tents Artillery and all manner of provisions and the Constable being abandoned by the French who in great disorder and without leave taking returned to their owne homes retired to Britanny more worthy to be comiserated then blamed The English Court the towne of London and the whole kingdome was at this time full of troubles by reason of the contention sprung betweene the Duke of Glocester and his Unckle the Bishop of Winchester Alterations not to be wondred at for as thunder proceeds raine and the conjunction of two dismall Planets the malignity of their influence so were not Henries misfortunes to fall out without the precedency of many disorders which though severally consider'd were of no great moment yet being joyned were such as caused his ruine the distemperatures of a state being like to those of humaine bodies which if languishing are almost alwayes mortall the natures of these two contenders were hard to be reconcil'd the one would be obeyed the other could not brooke command the Bishop pretended that since the Gouernment of the King appertained to him the Duke had no reason to insinuate himselfe thereunto though he were nearer of blood and of greater authority but whether this or ought else were the cause of their hatred 't is most certaine the Bishops pride and ambition was most hatefull His mighty masse of riches procured him not onely hatred but envy likewise an evill which as it caused one part of the Nobility to wish him well so wrought it a contrary effect in the rest which drawne either by the condition of his birth as of blood royall by the reverence of his calling as of Bishop by the spendor of his attendants as being served by none but selected men and by the fulnesse of his tables which exceeded all others did adhere unto him so as the Citie being thus divided the chiefe Magistrate who had the care thereof was constrained to keepe a great guard therein day and night the shops were all shut up hourely fearing least some contention arising amongst the partakers they should fall to pillage which was the onely end of the poorest sort of people which were the aptest to doe mischiefe The Bishop failed not to justifie his cause to the Duke of Bedford writing vnto him that if hee did not immediatly come to England his brother would bee the cause of much mischiefe which he prayed God to withstand he intreated him to make haste for that the
his service in France his Kings his kingdomes and his owne reputation Alansonnes liberty who was taken prisoner at the battell of Vernuille was by the Duke of Burgundies meanes Bedford being at London procured his ransome came to 200000. Crownes Faire offers were made unto him if hee he would forsake France and cleave unto England in particular much of what hee was to pay was proffer'd to bee remitted him but no offer promis'd nor benefit could sever him from his affections unto this King and Country Hee sould unto the Duke of Britanny not being otherwise able to pay so great a summe the Barony of Fugures for 80000. peeces of gould called saluti and 38000. which he was moreover to give him for the which hee pawned unto him the two Rubies of la quaglia and Estampes and the two brothers famous Iewels in the house of Britanny the which being repawn'd by him and the rest made good out of his owne monies hee return'd into France The Duke of Bedford went thither likewise with a great many Souldiers having taken requisite order for the affaires in England Hee was waited upon to Calis by the Bishop of Winchester I know not whether in respect or to receive the Cardinalls Cap which was sent to him from Rome the new discensions councelling him perhaps to doe so This Prelate had coveted the being a Cardinall ever since Henry the fifths time but that King much misliking his ambition forbid him to endeavour it that rub being now out of the way the present King a Child and though Glocester his enemy yet Bedford his friend there was none that withstood him therein Hee receiv'd therewithall the faculty and title of Legat which added to his incombes so as loosing his former name he was through all the kingdome stiled the Ritch Cardinall The Count de Richmond this meane while endeavoured by his valour to repaire the ill fortune hee met withall at his entrance into the Constableship In Anior he tooke La Methe upon conditions and the Castle of Gollerande by assault In Maine Ramfort by composition and Malicort by force where hee slew the English and hung up the French that defended it On the other side Sir Iohn Hothall an English knight passing betweene Mans and Alansonne with 20. Horse was set upon by a Captaine call'd Monceau who had with him a troope of 120. fighting men the English lighted from off their Horses in the midst of the highway where they were set upon and where there was no helpe but a resolution either to overcome or die they so behaving themselves as that killing many of them and putting the rest to flight they tooke Iohn Sorret prisoner a Brittish Gentleman and returned safe to their Garrison but the daily inrodes that the Norman Garrison made into Brittanny made the Duke thereof resolve to shut them up within their owne limits by fortifying Pontersonne To this worke together with the Constable came Messieurs de Castelbriand Beaumaneir Lohac Castelghironne Montalbon Belforte Charte Rostrenan Balliere and others of Brittanny the Constable of Scotland Iohn Onscart Walter Brusacke and other French Commanders these comming by night to descry the English fortifications they were pursued by such as were within with danger of being but ill treated but as soone as the Constable had fortefied Pontersonne hee went from thence leaving Mounsieur de Rostrenan Captaine thereof and under him Mounsieur de Belfort Iohn Veyer and Ouscourt who doing as they had beene done by did by incursions passe on to Auranches doing all the mischiefe they could but those of the Garrison not induring to bee braved underneath their walls sallied forth and had likely to have retired with losse had not 400. English led by Mounsieur de Novestres come unexpectedly to their ayd who charging Rostrenon tooke him prisoner and together with him 140. others not above two being left dead upon the field This chance made the Duke of Britanny send Mussieurs de Castelbriand and Beaumaneir to command Pontersonne in Rostrenans place I have described this action according to Argentres Hall and the other English Historians ascribe the glory onely to the Garrison of Auranches not mentioning Novestres nor any others that came into their succour So as being almost alwayes likely to meete with the like discordance likelihood ought to open unto us the way to truth which by writers is with passion shut up for no Iudge can injoyne us to beleeve one rather then another unlesse the one relation be held Canonicall the other Apocriphall Pontersonne was a thorne in the Duke of Bedfords side for it was a place whereby the enemy was much commodiated for the annoyance of Nor mandy and his men hindred for doing the like to Britanny so as resolving to quit himselfe thereof hee sent thither the Earle of Warwicke accompanied by the Lord Scales and many others who layd siege unto it with 7000. men the first day of Lent Belleforest and Argentres writes that the Duke of Britanny knowing it was not able to hold out would have it abandoned that so together with the towne he might not loose the people that were in it that the French and Scots withdrew themselves from thence leaving onely the Britans there who contrary to their Princes command would defend it but it is hard to be beleeved that the Duke having purposely sent his brother to fortefie it assisted by so many Lords and the worke of three nations France Scotland and Britanny should afterwards repent it as if no places were to bee defended save such as are inexpugnable and that to busie the enemie in a long siege as was this subject to so many contingences especially of being succour'd either from Britanny which was Contiguus with it or from France were a matter of no advantage besides it is not probable but that he should have foreseene the enemy would assay it it being a place so contrary to his designes and much lesse that the Brittish Garris on abandoned by the Scotch and French should dare to defend it contrary to their Princes command but howsoever it was the Earle of Warwicke besieging it and those within valiantly behaving themselves as well by defending it as making often sallies the siege was brought to that passe as that the assailant wanting both meat and munition and not having wonne one foote of ground the Lord Scales was inforced to goe his wayes with 3000. men Monstrelet sayes but 500. to provide for necessities for the Campe accompanied by Sir Iohn Harplay Bayliffe of Constantine Sir William Breerton Bayliffe of Caen Sir Ralfe Tassonne and Sir Iohn Carbonall The Duke of Britanny who had made a generall Muster of all his Horse and Foote and chosen out a part thereof under the command of Mounsieur de Castelgironne Hanandaye and the Viscount of Belliers leaving the rest entertained a proposition made by the Baron of Coulonnis a Norman to surprise the Lord Scales at his returne in a place which he
affrighted at so great a wonder if they were both Miracles and that the English concealed the one by stealing away her heart they could not conceale the other since the dove flew away to the skie in midst of flames and in the sight of all men whereby her innocency sanctity and martyrdome the injustice of her judges and the infidelity of the English spiritually blind to so apparent a miracle might haue clearly appeared to the World Neither would Varan have beene the onely relater hereof for France the whole World and England itselfe would in despight of her selfe have confessed it for what remaines that the Judges who condemned her came all to an evill end it might bee beleeved suppose it were so if a death according to humane appearance happy were an argument of a mans uprightnesse The just would then have reason to judge themselves more then all the Judges of the World since amongst the unjust which are innumerable few or very seldome any come to apparent punishment But I am of opinion that according to Christian piety it would bee safer to beleeve that as of good men there are more miserable then fortunate and of bad more fortunate then unfortunate so God reserves to his owne good will as well the reward as the punishment changing the good and evill of this World with the good and evill of the World to come our judgements in this case being oblique false and not belonging to us The last argument of her innocency the most solid and hardest of all the rest to bee answered is that 26. yeares after when the English were driven out and Charles established shee was declared innocent by a Comissioner deligated from Calistus the third but the Pope had nothing to doe herein more then his delegation an ordinary title upon such occasions Princes though delegated by God are not alwayes just neither could the Popes assigne them to that office but upon the place where the testimonials were to bee examined so as the Arch-Bishop of Rheims and the Bishop of Paris Commissioners and the Bishop of Constance who were joyned with them are liable to the like oppositions by the English as were the Bishop of Beauvois and his associates by the French These opposed as having dependancy upon England those as depending upon France the witnesses of her condemnation partiall to Henry the witnesses of her absolution partiall to Charles shee was condemn'd by those who had dependancy on the one and absolv'd by those who did depend upon the other and yet in a case so favour'd as that none did oppose it where the interest of no third Person was treated off and a Party being in question to whom France ought so much as also Charles his right to that kingdome declarable by the ablution of the condemned as sent from God to this purpose what was the reason why according to Giles many of those that were cited did not appeare if it were not either that they would not depose against their consciences or els were loth to offend the King by deposing the truth the which being well foreseene by the Commissioners they failed not to adde this clause in their letters to proceed notwithstanding the contumacy of such as being cited would not appeare Finally if her innocency had beene totally clear'd by this absolution it was impossible that any forraine penne much lesse those of France should have defamed her but rather her pretended sanctity being granted her revelations missionem predictions apparitions of Spirits and blessed Soules her Canonization was not to have beene pretermitted which for all this was neither procured nor thought upon by any one for say that all these patchings were taken for things as cleare as day her change of habite her profession of Armes against Christians and Catholique Christians Her cruelty her thirst after bloud her having served in an Inne her fictions hipocrisie and dishonesty though not true were of too scandalous suspition to suffer her to pretend to bee a Saint Notwithstanding let her not want the praise shee did deserve Shee was a brave and a valiant Amazone the restorer of that Kingdome and if shee did not drive the English from thence as shee her selfe had vaunted shee was if not the onely the chiefe or at least one of the chiefe causes why the English lost France They had resolved upon Henries coronation hoping for the like good effects as upon the same occasion had ensued to his Comp●…itor not observing that if this were the essentiall reason of his advancements they were notwithstanding deceived for there was a certaine place appointed for the coronation and circumstances not to bee pretermitted nor were they omitted by Charles in what the condition of times would suffer him that Rheimes was the place appointed for this ceremony that the oyle brought by a dove from Saint Remigi●… as they write was to bee used in the annointing of the King and that the inclination of the people was to intervene which Henry wanted So as if hee had beene crown'd in Rheimes and annointed with the reputed heavenly oyle his fortune was not thought to change since it did not proceed from those extrinsicall actions but from humane affections after divine providence which is the onely cause of our good or bad fortune and which being inscrutable is not discovered by any events neither doth it declare unto us whether wee bee worthy of love or hatred favours and disfavours from Heaven are by us interpreted a like beneficiall to us for if wee repute favours a signe of Gods grace wee account his disfavours likewise as markes of his love since hee correcteth and chastneth those that hee loves then since wee are certaine of nothing more then of our no●… deserving of good and of our meriting of evill wee ought not to grow proud in prosperity nor to bee cast downe by adversity but to receive scourges with hope and good fortune with feare since wee know not what may thereby happen unto us the which wee see in Charles for being freed from his forraigne enemies the enmitie of his sonne threw him into an abysse of so many jealousies and suspitions as they brought him to die a death which no Prince ever did so as it rests in doubt whether his favours were divine graces or rather meanes to bring him to a miserable end but however it was Henry went from Roan towards Paris in November followed by a great many Princes and Lords English French and Gascons the chiefe of the English were the two Cardinalls of Winchester and Yorke the Dukes of Bedford Yorke and Norfolke the Earles of Warwicke Salisbury Oxford Huntington Ormond Mortaigne and Suffolke Of French the Duke of Burgony Lewis de Luxenburg Cardinall and Chancellour of the Kingdome the Bishops of Beauvois and Noyon first Peeres of France the Bishop of Paris and others after him Of Gascons Count Longuerville Count de March Count Vademont of Lorraine and many others He was received and met with
great pompe no expences spared for the solemnization He was crowned in the Church of Nostre-Dame on the seventeenth day of October the Cardinall of Winchester setting the Crowne upon his head whereat the Bishop of Paris was much distasted thinking that office had belonged to him to whom the Church and Diocesse did belong hee returned with a Crowne on his head and a Scepter in his hand another Crowne and Scepter being borne before him in signification of the Kingdome of England Chesnes sets downe the particularities which I omit as not requisite to our story The businesse of War did not in this meane while lye idle but was pursued by both factions with alternate Fortune some good successe this side had and some of no great consequence Francis Suria●…es called L' Aragonesa suprised Montargis getting that by some little money which those who had attempted it before him could not get by force Hee with 2000. Crownes corrupted a woman belonging to Mounsieur de Villiers Captaine of the Towne by whose meanes he made himselfe master thereof and though not long after the towne was re-taken by Messieurs de Graville and de Vitry yet not being able after a siege of five or six weekes to take the Castle they went their wayes leaving the towne to ' its former possessors who refortifying it held it till with it they lost all that they held thereabouts Mounsieur de Bousac Admirall of France being come to Beauvois with intention to make some impression in Normandy was crost therein by the Earle of Arundell who lying in ambush with 2300. men neare to the Castle and having sent a choice troope of Horse even to the Palisadoes to</