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A22559 The discouerie and confutation of a tragical fiction deuysed and played by Edward Squyer yeoman soldiar, hanged at Tyburne the 23. of Nouemb. 1598. Wherein the argument and fable is, that he should be sent from Spaine by William Walpole Iesuit, to poyson the Queen and Earle of Essex, but the meaning and moralization therof was, to make odious the Iesuites, and by them all Catholiques. ... VVritten for the only loue and zeale of truth against forgerie, by M.A. preest, that knew and dealt with Squyer in Spayne. Aray, Martin.; Walpole, Richard, 1564-1607, attributed name. 1599 (1599) STC 9; ESTC S114414 19,365 32

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he was sayd to deale with Peter Panne in Doway that Peter Panne had neuer to deale with him in his lyfe nor had any doing with the Iesuites and that he was an heretiqoe and had neuer receyued penny of money of Iesuites nor by their meanes as was forged in his pretended confessions And many other most euident falshoodes are declared in diuers bookes written about this matter and approued by the asseuerations of publique magistrates in diuers townes and prouinces since that tyme. So as the impudence of this heretical deuise is made notorious to all the world And yet now least England should be behinde France and Holland and other places in deuysing some notable practise of Iesuites wherby not only to auert mēnes hartes from them but euen to rayse the hayre of mens heades against them there hath byn brought in of late the tragical comedie of one Edward Squyer soldiar sent from Spayne as is pretended by one William Walpole a Iesuit to poyson the Queen and Earle of Essex with poyson in a dooble blader deliuered him by the sayd William and diuers imbrasinges at his departure as also sondry exhortations sayd to be made out of holy scriptures to the sayd poysoner by William Walpole for prosecuting of his purpose All which circumstances we shall examin afterwardes to discouer therby the fashood of this fiction For albeit I meane not in this place to take vpon me to auerre that all the whole narration touching Squyer is faygned or that Squyer was innocent in all poyntes that he was accused of or hanged for notwithstanding his denyals at his death yet dout I not but to shew most euidently that all and euery thing that concerneth the Iesuites and William Walpole by name condemned in this action by a wrong name for his true name is Richard is a meer fable malitious deuise of Squyer or those that set him a worke to make Spayne odious and to slander the Iesuites Well it may be that Squyer after his returne from Spayne whence he escaped by flight and not by mission as shalbe proued hauing gone abrode with my L. of Essex to sea and that in his owne shippe vnder pretence to discouer great matters of Spayne not fynding such comeditie or preferment afterwardes as he looked for might begin to cast out some wordes of discontentmēt and say for his better credit not fore seeing the danger that might insew therof that in Spayne he might haue byn imployed by principal men in great matters and in this speech it may be also that father Walpole being a Iesuit and the man that was best knowen vnto him and had done most for him for relief of his miseries after father Persons departure from Seuil he might I say perhaps make mention of his name though he knew it not aright as hath byn sayd and that therin being taken at the aduantage and pressed to go forward partly by fayre promisses partly by torture as at the barre he affirmed that he had byn fyue houres vpon the torture he might happen standing thus between feares of condemnation if he drew back and hopes of pardon if he accused others to begin to frame the tale that in his confession is set downe And when he would haue denyed it agayne as he did at his arraynment it would not be taken or admitted It may be also that Munday and Stanley or other some such compaignions for I know or remember them not coming after him out of Spayne into England and desirous to get creditt might as the fashion of such folke is being poore and beggarly begin vpon emulation to appeach and call Squyer in question as was obiected in the arraynement that they did and as it fell out diuers yeares past between Doctor Parry and Mayster Neuil that called himself Lord Latimer The storie of which two frendes and compaignions for that it seemeth not much vnlyke to this both in the matter it self and in some particular circumstances I shall heare repeate with great breuitie William Parry after he had serued the state of England some six or seauen yeares by spierie in Italie and other places as himself confessed he waxed weary and to repayre his credit againe on the catholique syde he went to confession in Lions to a Scottish Iesuit named father Critton and then hearing that the Lord Paget was comen out of England to Paris for his conscience and that Doctor Allen afterward Cardinal and father Persons were come also to Paris to see him he came thither in the yeare 84. and vsed all meanes possible both by himself and his frendes in that place to enter into credit with the sayd Doctor and father and when he saw that in no case they would deale with him in matter of secresie or moment though otherwise they vsed hun courteously and were glad of his conuersion to be a catholique he was greatly offended therat and one euening being led by a certayne frend and countriman of his to the bishop of Rimini Nuntius at that tyme for Pope Gregorie the thirteenth in France he deliuered him a letter written by himself in Italian to the Pope wherin he shewed first and confessed that he had done great hurtes to the catholique cause and churche by his former seruices of the state of England and that now he was to go thither to make recompence for the same and to do great seruices in fauour of the sea Apostolique desiring his Holines approbation and benediction without specifying any particularitie what he meant to do as by the said letter of his yet heer in Rome to be seen is manifest And to this letter did Cardinal Como answere and his answere was deliuered by Parry himself to the Queen and the same produced against him afterward at his araygnment but to go forward The Doctor hauing donn this act with the Nuntius he got himself away secretly from Paris towards England without taking his leaue either of Doctor Allen or father Persons and passing by Roan towards Diep in Normandy he tolde on maister Wattes a Priest there that his dissignement was in England to raise a faction against the Iesuites from which maister Wattes dissuaded him but he passed on and as soon as he came to Diep before he would imbarque he wrote a letter to the Lord Burleigh for a passeporte and order to speak with the Queen at his first ariual in England for that he had great matters to vtter and so the order came and he by secret wayes was brought to her Maiestie and had long talke with her and told her among other pointes that he was sent by Iesuites and their frendes to kil her And to confirme this the more he shewed her also the answere of Cardinal Como when it came as I haue sayd and well knowing that it was no treason when himself vttered the same he inlarged himself in many particulers about the manner and order how it should be donne as her maiestie can remember hoping therby
to get great credit which yet afterward turned to his destruction There was sent ouer vnto Roan at the same time or very soon after the forsayd maister Neuil to exercise the same office of spiarie which maister Parry had donne before in Italy and waxing also wearie of his occupation for that rewardes came out of England but slowly he made great meanes in like manner to speak with father Persons who by chaunce lay for a time in that towne but secretly and in the end obteining the same and proposing his miserie and affliction of minde he receiued the same answere and counsel that Doctor Parry had donn before to wit that the best way of remedie was to leaue that trade of life to returne to a vertuous peaceable Catholique course to haue patience if for a time he were not trusted by Catholiques being knowen to haue bin imployd against them and that as his credit had bin crazed by woorkes so must his reputation be restored by deeds also and by time Wherto maister Neuil answered that he could not liue without credit and rather then he would liue so or see men crow ouer him he would aduenture far and so they parted and maister Neuil returned into England and there meeting with Doctor Parry who was now growen discontented again for missing of diuers suites but especially the hedship of Saint Catherins which he pretended as I haue bin informed they two fel into new discourses about that which in my opinion neither of them euer ment indeed I meane the murdering of her Maiestie but the one preuenting the other in accusation it was the Doctors euil luck to be hanged who yet tooke himself for the more conning man And the lyke hath happened to this our Squyer that stood not a litle vpon his owne wit in Spayne and hoped perhaps to inioy the labours therof in England but dealing doubly and dissembling with God and man as Parry did was taken as it seemeth in the same net of his owne deuyses as by the sequel of this narration shal more appeare And I haue taken vpon me the rather to wryte this breef discouerie of his false and treacherous dealing against Iesuites for that I knew him and conuersed with him in Spayne and with his fellow maister Rolles also both before and after their apprehension by the Inquisition and knew the spetial obligation they had to these kynde of men whome Squyer now hath slandered so lewdly as many others do that receyue help benefytes by them And I haue heard afterward being in Rome by sundry letters from Spayne of the manner of their departure from thence by stealth which was such as doth euidently ouerthrow all this whole fiction of poyson geuen by father Walpole And albeit I dout not but that when the storie of this tragical fable shal come to Seuil they will send many authentical proofes from thence of the malitious falshood of so fond an inuention yet could I not omit in this meane whyle to preuent their further diligence with so much as I my self knew and am able to say therof as also two other reuerend preestes besydes that came with me to Rome from Spayne and knew both the sayd men and matter to wit father William Med. and father Iohn Wor. who were with me in Seuil and haue dealt with the parties We all three together can and do testifie and protest vpon our consciences that in our iudgementes it is a meer fiction for so much as concerneth F. Walpole and his setting Squyer a worke to kill the Queen Earle of Essex or geuing him poyson for that end and other lyke pointes mentioned in Squyers most ridiculous arraynement And this testification of ours wilbe sufficient I doubt not to satisfie the iudgemētes of all sober catholique men as we beseech them that it may and as for others also if they be vnpassionate and will admit reason or truthe for their satisfaction I referre them to the argumentes and demonstrations sett downe in this discouerie Wherin first of all I will lay forth the true historie of Squyer and Rolles his compaignion their being in Spayne and then of their departure or flight from thence and lastly by the same declare most euidently the sottish forgerie of this faygned calumniation In the yeare 96. when Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins made their vnfortunate voyage to the west Indies there was sent from Seuil a noble yong Gentleman named Don Petro Tellio that had byn prisoner before with our Lord Admiral of England speaketh great good of him euerie where for his honorable treatie and he was sent with six or seauen light litle gallions called Sabras in spanish to wafte home certayne millions of gold that were remayning in Porto ricco in the great gallion of Don Sançho Pardo retyred thither vpon tempest out of the Indian fleet a litle before This Don Petro drawing neer to Porto-ricco fell vpon a litle shippe or pinnace of Sir Francis company wherin among others were taken the foresayd two English men M. Rolles gentleman as he sayd and Edward Squyer a soldiar who being brought prisoners to Seuil found there by their good happe F. Persons who presently according to his custome for all English in that case began to deale with Don Petro for their libertie and obtayned the same after some dayes without ransome or any other lett or molestation in the world And hauing done this he procured also some temporal helpe for them and for their apparayling to returne home into England and this he did though he knew them to be Protestantes in religion vpon diuers conferences had with them both before and after their deliuerie by don Petro. In one of which conferences I do well remember and cannot forget how Squyer was so hote and earnest in defending of his religion within the English College of Seuil and that in the hearing of diuers English schollers as he sayd and stood to it that he knew for certayne that he had the holie ghost within him for the true vnderstanding of scriptures wherat the sayd schollers laughed hartely and so did F. Persons also Wherefore both Rolles and he being redy now for their departure towardes England they tooke their iourney together downe by water to the porte of saint Lucars some fourtie myles from Seuil in the company of one Captayne North. And staying there some dayes whether it were by indiscreet behaueour of their owne or that some of their company accused them as they suspected they were taken in that place by the inquisition and brought back prisoners to Seuil where F. Persons yet remayning he procured for them all kynde of curteous dealing at the Inquisitors hādes and at his departure from thence which was in May after he left the matter much recommended to the foresayd F. Richard Walpole Iesuit and prefect of the studies in the English College as also vnto me and others of our nation there remayning that we should help and
and absurd circumstances But aboue all other that F. Walpole should imploy diuers men at once about this foule acte and lyke a right Macheuillian or impious atheist send in Stanley and Munday after Squyer to discouer him to the Councel for that himself had perswaded him to this attempt which were scarse credible to some of Toplife himself or any other as bloody and conscienceles as he and if Stanley and Munday were of Squyer and Rolles their first company taken with them by sea they neuer spoke then with F. Walpole but were gone from Seuil before Squyer Rolles came in trouble or knew also the sayd father But for the scriptures mentioned vnum est necessarium one thing is necessarie and quid prodest homini si vniuersum mundum lucretur animae verò suae detrimentum patiatur What profiteth it a man if he gayne the whole world and leese his owne soule It is very lykly that F. Walpole vsed sometymes those woordes of Christ among others to Squyer For I well remember that they were often in his mouth to such as Squyer was of our nation who dealing about matters of religion concerning his soule and eternal saluation would often alleage humane and worldly respectes for impedimentes as his wyfe and children in England how he should lyue if he became a catholique that all his frendes at home would forsake him that he durst not shew his face any more among them that his enemies would laugh at him triumph ouer him lay him in prison and the lyke for moderating of which wordly respects in so great a cause as is religion it is probable that F. Walpole vsed diuers tymes the former speeches of scripture to him Which Squyer remembring in England when he was to make his tale applyed them as spoken to the other effect of poysoning wherwith as euery man seeth they haue no coherence at all If F. Walpole had byn disposed to haue treated vpon any such theme he was not so simple or vnlearned but that he could haue alleaged other places and examples of scripture far more fit and effectual to such a purpose seing that the question in general is handled largely by many learned men to and fro how it may be lawfull or vnlawful in certayne cases for particular men to offer violence to princes by priuate authoritie Where yet no man maketh it either so necessarie to saluation or so safe or meritorious as Squyers fiction conteyneth And if vpon those groundes or other F. Walpole would haue byn so idle or euil disposed as to enter into the cogitation or treatie of any such enterpryse from which in my conscience I hold him most free yet would he neuer haue made choise of Squyer whome he thought still inwardly to be a Protestant and so he dyed notwithstanding some tymes he would make shew in Spayne of his conuersion F. Walpole knew him also to be a poor hungrie soldiar desirous to liue and to get something in the world which was far from him that should enterpryse such a matter who must be content to aduenture both lyfe all that therof dependeth which no man will do but either of pure zeale in religion or of hope of gayne and preferment As for zeale it is knowne Squyer had none to the catholique religion as hath byn noted but rather the contrarie And as for gayne and preferment F. Walpole had none to geue him nor did Squyer say that he was promissed any from any other partie What then should moue him to take so dangerous and difficult an enterpryse vpon him or the other to trust him therein Of lyke improbabilitie is it or rather much more that the same father should remit Squyer for his directions in these affayres to Doctor Bagshaw prisoner in Wisbich castle and to no more as was read out of Squyers confession at his arraygnment which euery man that knoweth the persons will see euidently to be most absurdly faigned for that F. Walpole neuer had any frendship familiaritie or acquayntance with Doctor Bagshaw the Doctor hauing lefte the Roman College before the other came to studie there nor euer had they letter or message between them in their lyues nor had the direction of Doctor Bagshaw that was prisoner so far of from London where this attempt was to be made byn any way fit for this effect seing it was not a matter to be treated by letters and some other causes also are well knowen to diuers men why the sayd Doctors concurrence in matters of such moment with F. Walpole can no wayes be thought probable Wherefore this fiction hath no shew or shadow of probabilitie at all And truly it seemeth to wyse men in these partes here that if it had byn thought expedient for the present tyme in England that some such tragedie as this should be moued about killing her Maiestie for holding catholiques in hatred and suspition and for better continuing of our breache with Spayne for it is obserued that still within certayne distances of tyme this affayre of killing the Queen hath byn renewed and more men executed or called in question therabout then for all other Princes in Christendome besydes and if for the same or other lyke considerations it were iudged also expedient that some Iesuite must enter in lyke manner into some part of the pageant for that lightly none goeth without them in these dayes yet might the matter more fitly haue byn layed vpon some other of that order as F. Creswel F. Holt or F. Persons who for their yeares and experience should haue had more authoritie to perswade such an action then vpon F. Walpole who being their punee and attending only to matters of study is very vnprobably brought into this treatie But as for F. Persons it is well knowen that he hath had many occasions to imploy much more fitter and resolute men in such affaires then Squyer if he had lysted or byn of that iudgement or humor For he hath caused many English to be deliuered out of diuers portes and prisons in Spayne and to returne home free And at one tyme almost a hundreth out of the porte and gallies of S. Marie in Andaluzia and this last yeare aboue thirtie out of the porte and gallies of Naples which were taken in the ship of Paulo Gundelo the Ragusean and I saw them my self in chaynes at the oare and were only deliuered by the earnest sute and credit of the sayd father And all these being obliged to him both by the benefyt of their libertie and the loue of religion for that all or many are commonly wont to returne well affected to the catholique fayth by that they haue seen and heard in forayne nations and in so good a schoole as tribulation is wont to be of these men I say he might haue made choise of far fitter instruments then Edward Squyer in so many yeares to haue effectuated such an enterpryse if he had lyked therof which yet hitherto hath neuer byn found And
perhaps no persons so fit as preestes themselues who go directlie into England to dy if they were so persuaded of the matter as Squyers tale doth presuppose to wit that it is a worke of so high perfection merit and godlinesse yea of necessitie to their saluation as in his arraygnement is set downe Other meanes also more effectuall would haue byn thought vpon for the accomplishing of the work if euer any such had byn intended then is the poysonning of the Queens sadle pomel or the chayre of my Lord of Essex wherin it seemeth that both his lordship hath sitten and her Maiestie ridden since that tyme and yet neither of them God be thanked hath miscaried And truly hauing conferred with the learnedest phisitions and Simplicistes of this cittie about the probabilitie of this poyson they do all laugh at the deuyse and say that it is a meer fiction that any such poyson can be found in this world or made by art that being layd in such places in such māner as this is descrybed can hurt the sitter or ryder in the supposed chaire or sadle which they proue by these reasons that do ensew of their arte First for that all poyson must needes worke his effect by one of these foure meanes and wayes to wit by being receyued into our bodies or by one of the senses of seeing smelling or touching As for the first meane which is the principal and most ordinary it is here excluded in our case for that this poyson was not ment to be receaued within the body of her Maiestie or of the Earle As for the second all phisitians do agree that no poyson hath euer byn recorded to hurt by sight but only that of the basiliske according to the opinion of some olde wryters wherof yet it is doubted by later authors whether that infection came by the sight or no but all do agree howsoeuer this was that no humane art can reach to imitate this secret of nature And those that handle of this matter as Cardan in his subtilities Matheolus vpon Dioscorides and some others do adde diuers conditions and necessarie circumstances besydes the poyson it self to worke this effect by sight as for example the spirit and heate of the lyue serpent the feare of the partie that be holdeth her and other lyke and that no dead or cold poyson made by any art can infect this way all do agree As neither by the sense of smelling except it should be very strong and much vsed so as it might infect the very ayer that entereth into vs and then say they would it be discouered also by the vngratefulnes of the very sent it self There remayneth then the fourth way only which is by touching wherin the most learned also do agree that they haue only the saying of Gallen who affirmeth that the spitle of a mad dogge being touched entereth of it self into the flesh and infecteth yet is there no certayne experience either of this or of any other poyson that killeth in such sort by only touching but if it be true yet confesse they all that this touching must be vpon the bare flesh and that with tyme and continuance and calefaction it must enter and not otherwise but if there be any thing interiected between the poyson and the flesh it self as it is probable in our case where her Maiesties gloue or sleeue vpon the pomel of her sadle and my Lord of Essex his apparayle vpon his chayre must needes haue place then do all agree that by al probabilitie it could do no hurt at all though poyson had byn put there For say these men if by poysoning only stooles chayres sadles or apparayle that toucheth not the flesh or by sight only princes may be poysoned who should be safe And why would men aduenture to attempt any other wayes that are more dangerous to the attempter yet do they still except the infectiō of the plague which may be imparted by a cloth or vestment infected which phisitians hold to be a secret only of nature not imitable by any arte of man as is not also the wonderful secret force of the fish named Torpedo in latin for that being in the fishers nette before they touch him they feel torporem to wit a numnes in their handes by his being there which effect no arte possible can euer arryue to worke or imitate Agayne they say that if any such poyson could be made to worke such strange effectes so far of as here is faigned it had bin impossible for Squyer himself to haue caried it so many myles and to haue put it forth from his dooble bladder into his red botle stopped with corke as he sayd he did when he went to sea with my lord of Essex without poysoning him self also and the lyke difficultie would haue byn for him that made and sold the poyson Wherefore these learned men say that all this of the effect of this poyson vpon the pomel of her Maiesties sadle and the Earles chaire is a very ridiculous thing And greatly did they laugh when they heard tell how the Queens Atturney with weeping teares did congratulate her Maiesties so dangerous escape applying those wordes of the psalme to her Maiestie that were of Christ and his power Super aspidem Basiliscum ambulabis Thou shalt walk vpon the snake and basilisk without hurt And M. Soliciter and others geuing vnto her Maiestie the priuilege of Saynt Paule that shooke of the venemous vyper from his hand without danger and that this vvas a miracle if euer their vvere a miracle All which was attributed here either to grosse ignorance or deep flatterie in these orators seing that no danger at all was neer vnto her Maiestie in any reason though any such touching of the sadle pomel with Squyers bladder had bin true And they do think that the inchantment which he vsed in crying God saue the Queen when he touched the pomel with the sayd bladder was a sufficient preseruatiue agaynst the force of this kinde of poyson especially considering the great probabilitie that this act also of his touching the sadle pomel with his bladders and lethers was fained in like manner For so it seemeth that the poore caitife began to make his tale with this at the beginning vpon the reasons before put downe thinking that either it would not haue bin so daungerous vnto him but that either he might haue gon back again whē he would or at leastwise haue distinguished the matter confessing onely so much agaynst Spayn and Iesuites as might serue for the tyme and present turne and deny the rest that touched himself and so we see he did when he came to his arraygnement pleading not guiltie with many solemne othes and protestations argumentes and reasons to shew that he attempted nothing after his coming into England though he were content to let the rest stand which he had sayd of F. Walpole and of Spayne And in this he stood stifly all the tyme of