receperunt simili modo Henricum Regem Angliae in Dominum Regem Hiberniae sui devenerunt ei Heredibus suis Fidelitatem contra omnes Iuraverunt Matthew Paris likewise in his History speaking of King Hen. II. being in Ireland saith Archiepiscopi Episcopi ipsum in Regem Dominum receperunt ei Fidelitatem Homagium Iuraverunt Iohn Brampton Abbot of Iornaâ—… in his Historia Iornalensi pag. 1070. speaking of Hen. II. hath these words Recepit ab unoquoque Archiepiscopo Episcopo Hiberniae Literas cum Sigillis suis in modum Chartae pendentibus Regnum Hiberniae sibi Haeredibus suis Confirmantes Testimonium perhibentes ipsos in Hibernia eum Heredes suos sibi in Reges Dominos in perpetuum Constituisse All the Archbishops Bishops and Abbots of Ireland came to the King of England and Received him for King and Lord of Ireland swearing Fealty to him and his Heirs for ever The Kings also and Princes of Ireland did in like manner Receive Henry King of England for Lord of Ireland and became his Men and did him Homage and swore Fealty to him and his Heirs against all Men. And he received Letters from them with their Seals pendent in manner of Charters confirming the Kingdom of Ireland to him and his Heirs and Testifying that they in Ireland had Ordain'd him and his Heirs to be their King and Lord of Ireland for ever After which he return'd into England in April following vizt April 1173. I come now to Enquire into our Second Particular proposed Viz. Whether Ireland might be properly said to be Conquer'd by King Henry the Second or by any other Prince in any succeeding Rebellion And here we are to understand by Conquest an Acquisition of a Kingdom by Force of Arms to which Force likewise has been Opposed if we are to understand Conquest in any other sense I see not of what Use it can be made against Irelands being a Free Country I know Conquestus signifies a Peaceable Acquisition as well as an Hostile Subjugating of an Enemy Vid. Spelman's Glos. And in this sense William the First is call'd the Conquerour and many of our Kings have used the Epocha post Conquestum And so likewise Henry the Second stiled himself Conquestor Dominus Hiberniae but that His Conquest was no violent Subjugation of this Kingdom is manifest from what foregoes For here we have an Intire and Voluntary Submission of all the Ecclesiastical and Civil States of Ireland to King Henry II. without the least Hostile Stroke on any side We hear not in any of the Chronicles of any Violence on either Part all was Transacted with the greatest Quiet Tranquility and Freedom imaginable I doubt not but the Barbarous People of the Island at that time were struck with Fear and Terror of King Hen. Il's Powerful Force which he brought with him but still their Easie and Voluntary Submissions Exempts them from the Consequents of an Hostile Conquest whatever they are where there is no Opposition such a Conquest can take no place I have before taken Notice of Henry the Il's using the Stile of Conquestor Hiberniae I presume no Argument can be drawn from hence for Ireland's being a Conquer'd Country for we find that many of the Kings of England have used the Aera of post Conquestum Edward the Third was the first that used it in England and we frequently meet with Henricus post Conquestum Quartus c. as taking the Norman Invasion of William the First for a Conquest But I believe the People of England would take it very ill to be thought a Conquer'd Nation in the sense that some impose it on Ireland And yet we find the same Reason in one Case as in t'other if the Argument from the King's Stile of Conquestor prevail Nay England may be said much more properly to be Conquer'd by William the First than Ireland by Henry the Second For we all know with what Violence and Opposition from Harrold K. William obtain'd the Kingdom after a Bloody Battel nigh Hastings Whereas Henry the Second receiv'd not the least Opposition in Ireland all came in Peaceably and had large Concessions made them of the like Laws and Liberties with the People of England which they gladly Accepted as we shall see hereafter But I am fully satisfy'd that neither King William the First in his Acquisition of England or Henry II. in his Acquest of Ireland obtain'd the least Title to what some would give to Conquerours Tho' for my own part were they Conquerours in a sense never so strict I should enlarge their Prerogative very little or nothing thereby as shall appear more fully in the Sequel of this Discourse Another Argument for Henry the Second's Hostile Conquest of Ireland is taken from the Opposition which the Natives of Ireland gave to the first Adventurers Fitz-Stephens Fitzgerald and Earl Strongbow and the Battles they sought in assisting Mac-Morogb Prince of Leinster in the Recovery of his Principality 'T is certain there were some Conflicts between them and the Irish in which the Latter were constantly beaten but certainly the Conquests obtain'd by those Adventurers who came over only by the King's License and Permission and not at all by his particular Command as is manifest from the words of the Letters Patents of License recited by Giraldus Cambrensis Hib. Expug pag. 760. Edit Francof 1603. Angl. Norm Hiber Camd. can never be call'd the Conquest of Henry the Second especially considering that Henry the Second himself does not appear to have any Design of Coming into Ireland or Obtaining the Dominion thereof when he gave to his Subjects of England this License of Assisting Mac-Morrogh But I conceive rather the contrary appears by the Stipulations between Mac-Morrogh and the Adventurers and especially between him and Strongbow who was to succeed him in his Principality From what foregoes I presume it Appears that Ireland cannot properly be said so to be Conquer'd by Henry the Second as to give the Parliament of England any Jurisdiction over us it will much more easily Appear that the English Victories in any succeeding Rebellions in that Kingdom give no Pretence to a Conquest If every Suppression of a Rebellion may be call'd a Conquest I know not what Country will be excepted The Rebellions in England have been frequent in the Contests between the Houses of York and Lancaster one side or other must needs be Rebellious I am sure the Commotions in King Charles the First 's time are stiled so by most Historians This Pretence therefore of Conquest from Rebellions has so little Colour in it that I shall not insist longer on it I know Conquest is an hateful word to English Ears and we have lately seen a Book undergo a seuere Censure for offering to broach the Doctrine of Conquest in the Free Kingdom of England But to take off all Pretence from this Title by Conquest
Clergy As we find at large in Chron. Gervasii Doroborn p. 1387. Edit Lond. an 1652. The Laws of King John called The Great Charter of King John granted in the 17th Year of his Reign upon the Agreement made between him and his Barons at Running-Mead between Staines and Windsor was but a Confirmation of the Laws of Edward the Confessor and Henry the First as Mat. Paris relates it Anno Regis Johannis 17. venientes ad Regem magnates petierunt quasdam Libertates Leges Regis Edwardi cum aliis libertatibus sibi Regno Angliae Ecclesiae Anglicanae concessis confirmari prout in Charta Regis Hen I. ascriptae continentur The same Historian gives us also at large both Charta Libertatum and Charta de Foresta which are not extant in the Rolls of those times nor to be found in any till the 28th of Edward I. and that but by inspeximus The Laws of Henry III. contain'd in Magna Charta and Charta de Forresta both which are called Magnae Chartae Libertatis Angliae and were establish'd about the 9th Year of Henry III. are for the most part but declaratory of the common municipal Laws of England and that too no new declaration thereof for King Iohn in the 17th year of his Reign had granted the like before which was also call'd Magna Charta And by the English Statute 25 Ed. 1. c. 1. it is Enacted That the Great Charter and the Charter of the Forrest be taken as the Common Law of England By what foregoes I conceive it is very clear That all the Charters and Grants of Liberties from Edward the Confessor's time down to the 9th of Henry the Third were but Confirmations one of another and all of them Declarations and Confirmations of the Common Law of England And by the several Establishments which we have formerly mention'd of the Laws of England to be of force in Ireland First in the 13th of Henry II. Secondly in the 12th of King Iohn Thirdly in the 12th of Henry III. All those Laws and Customs of England which by those several Charters were Declared and Confirmed to be the Laws of England were establish'd to be of force in Ireland And thus Ireland came to be govern'd by one and the same Common Law with England and those Laws continue as part of the municipal and fundamental Laws of both Kingdoms to this day It now remains that we enquire How the Statute Laws and Acts of Parliament made in England since the 9th of Henry the Third came to be of force in Ireland And whether all or any of them and which are in force here and when and how they came to be so And the first Precedent that occurs in our Books of Acts of Parliament in Ireland particularly mentioning and confirming special Acts of Parliament in England is found in a Marginal Note of Sir Richard Bolton's formerly Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer in Ireland affixed in his Edition of the Irish Statutes to Stat. 10 Hen. 7. Cap. 22. to this purport That in 13 Edw. II. by Parliament in this Realm of Ireland the Statutes of Merton made the 20th of Hen. II. and the Statutes of Marlbridge made the 52 of Henry the Third The Statute of Westminster the First made the 3d of Edward the First The Statute of Gloucester made the 6th of Edward the First And the Statute of Westminster the Second made the 13th of Edward the First were all confirm'd in this Kingdom and all other Statutes which were of force in England were referr'd to be Examin'd in the next Parliament and so many as were then Allow'd and Publish'd to stand likewise for Laws in this Kingdom And in the 10th of Henry the Fourth it was Enacted in this Kingdom of Ireland That the Statutes made in England should not be of force in this Kingdom unless they were Allow'd and Publish'd in this Kingdom by Parliament And the like Statute was made again in the 29th of Henry the Sixth These Statutes are not to be found in the Rolls nor any Parliament Roll of that time but he Sir Richard Bolton had seen the same Exemplisy'd under the Great Seal and the Exemplification remaineth in the Treasury of the City of Waterford Thus far the Note If we consider the frequent Troubles and Distractions in Ireland we shall not wonder that these and many other Rolls and Records have been lost in this Kingdom For from the third year of Edward the Second which was Anno 1310. through the whole Reigns of Edward III. Richard II. Henry IV. and Henry V. and so to the Seventh year of Henry the Sixth Anno 1428. which is about 118 years there are not any Parliament Rolls to be found yet certain it is that divers Parliaments were held in Ireland in those times The same may be said from Henry the Second's coming into Ireland Anno 1172. to the third year of Edward the Second Anno 1310. about 138 years Perhaps it may be said That if here were such Statutes of Ireland as the said Acts of the 10th of Henry the Fourth and the 29th of Henry the Sixth As they shew that the Parliaments of Ireland did think that English Acts of Parliament could not bind Ireland yet they shew likewise that even in those days the Parliaments of England did claim this Superiority or else to what purpose were the said Acts made unless in denial of that Claim All which I hope may be readily granted without any prejudice to the Right of the Irish Parliaments There is nothing so common as to have one Man claim another Mans Right And if bare Pretence will give a Title no Man is secure And it will be yet worse if when another so Pretends and I insist on my Right my Just Claim shall be turn'd to my Prejudice and to the Disparagement of my Title We know very well that many of the Judges of our Four Courts have been from time to time sent us out of England and some of them may easily be supposed to come over hither Prepossess'd with an Opinion of our Parliaments being subordinate to that of England Or at least some of them may be Scrupulous and desirous of full Security in this Point and on their Account and for their Satisfaction such Acts as aforesaid may be devised and Enacted in Ireland But then God forbid that these Acts should afterwards be laid hold of to a clear other intent than what they were framed for and instead of Declaring and Securing our Rights should give an Handle of Contest by shewing that our Rights have been question'd of Antient Time In conclusion of all If this Superiority of the Parliament of England have been Doubted a great while ago so it has been as great a while ago Strenuously Opposed and Absolutely Denied by the Parliaments of Ireland And by the way I shall take Notice That from whencesoever this Antient Pretence of Ireland's
THE CASE OF IRELAND's Being BOUND by Acts of Parliament IN ENGLAND Stated BY William Molyneux of Dublin Esq Dublin Printed by Ioseph Ray and are to be Sold at his Shop in Skinner-Row M DC XC VIII TO THE KING SIR THE Expedition Your MAJESTY Undertook into England to Rescue these Nations from Arbitrary Power and those Unjust Invasions that were made on our Religion Laws Rights and Liberties was an Action in it Self so Great and of such Immense Benefit to our Distressed Countries that 't is Impossible to give it a Representation so Glorious as it Deserves Of all Your Majesty's Kingdoms none was more Sensible of the Happy Effects thereof than Your Kingdom of Ireland which from the Depth of Misery and Despair is Raised by your Majesty to a Prosperous and Flourishing Condition And we presume most humbly to Implore the Continuance of Your Majesty's Graces to us by Protecting and Defending those Rights and Liberties which we have Enjoy'd under the Crown of England for above Five Hundred Years and which some of late do Endeavour to Violate Your most Excellent Majesty is the Common Indulgent Father of all your Countries and have an Equal Regard to the Birth-Rights of all Your Children and will not permit the Eldest because the Strongest to Encroach on the Possessions of the Younger Especially considering with what Duty Loyalty and Filial Obedience we have ever behav'd our selves to Your Majesty Insomuch that I take leave to Assert That Your Majesty has not in all Your Dominions a People more United and Steady to Your Interests than the Protestants of Ireland Which has manifestly Appear'd in all our Actions and Parliamentary Proceedings since Your Majesty's Happy Accession to the Throne To Relieve the Distress'd has ever been the Peculiar Character of Your Majesty's Glorious Family The United Provinces have found this in Your Famous Ancestors And all Europe has been Sensible of this in Your Royal Person To this End more particularly You came into these Kingdoms as Your Majesty has been pleas'd to Declare And as You have Establish'd the Rights and Liberties of England on a Foundation that we hope can never be shaken So we doubt not but Your Sacred Majesty will have a Tender Care of Your Poor Subjects of Ireland who are Equally Your Subjects as the rest of Your People Pardon I most Humbly beseech Your Majesty my Presumption in Appealing to You on this Occasion Nothing but the Dignity and Weight of the Subject can Excuse my Boldness herein But if That be Consider'd it Deserves the Regard of the Greatest Prince 'T is no less than the Rights and Liberties of one of His Kingdoms on which their Religion their Property their All Depends and which they have Enjoyed for Five Hundred Years past This I think I have clearly shewn in the following Leaves I am sure if my Management thereof were suitable to the Iustice of our Cause our Friends of England can no longer Doubt it At Your Majesty's Feet therefore I throw it and with it the Unworthy Author thereof May it please Your Majesty Your Majesty's Most Dutiful Loyal and Obedient Subject and Servant William Molyneux PREFACE TO THE READER I Have nothing to Offer in this Preface more than to let the Reader know how Unconcern'd I am in any of those Particular Inducements which might seem at this Iuncture to have Occasion'd the following Discourse I have not any Concern in Wooll or the Wooll-Trade I am no wise Interested in the Forfeitures or Grants I am not at all Solicitous whether the Bishop or Society of Derry Recover the Land they Contest about So that I think I am as Free from any Personal Prejudice in this Cause as 't is possible to Expect any Man should be that has an Estate and Property in this Kingdom and who is a Member of Parliament there in I hope therefore 't is a Publick Principle that has mov'd me to this Undertaking I am sure I am not Conscious to my Self of any other Intention I have heard it has been said That perhaps I might run some Hazard in Attempting this Argument But I am not at all Apprehensive of any such Danger We are in a Miserable Condition indeed if we may not be Allow'd to Complain when we think we are Hurt and to give our Reasons with all Modesty and Submission But were it otherwise it would not in the least Affect or Discourage me in an Attempt where I think my Cause Good and my Country Concern'd and where I am fully perswaded the True Interest of England is as Deeply Engaged as the Protestant Interest of Ireland The Great and Just Council of England freely Allowâ—… all Addresses of this sort Tâ—… Receive and Hear Grievances is a great part of their Business and to Redress them is their Chief Glory But this is no to be done till they are laid before them and fairly Stated for their Consideration This I have endeavour'd 〈◊〉 the following Paper What Sâ—…cess it may have I am not veâ—… solicitous about I have Done what I thought was my Duty and Commit the Event to GOD Almighty and the Wise Council of England Dublin Febr. 8. 7 1698. W. MOLYNEUX The CASE OF IRELAND's Being Bound by Acts of Parliament IN ENGLAND STATED I HAVE ever been se fully perswaded of the strict Justice of the Parliament of England that I could never think that any of Their Proceedings which might seem to have the least Tendency to Hardship on their Neighbours could arise from any thing but want of Due Information and a right State of the Business under their Consideration The want of which in Matters wherein another People are chiefly Concern'd is no Defect in the Parliament of England but is highly Blameable in the Persons whose Affair is Transacting and who permit that Illustrious Body of Senators to be Mis-inform'd without giving them that Light that might Rectifie them I could never Imagine that those Great Assertors of their Own Liberties and Rights could ever think of making the least Breach in the Rights and Liberties of their Neighbours unless they thought that they had Right so to do and this they might well surmise if their Neighbours quietly see their Inclosures Invaded without Expostulating the Matter at least and shewing Reasons why they may think that Hardships are put upon them therein The Consideration hereof has Excited me to undertake this Disquisition which I do with all Imaginable Diffidence of my own Performance and with the most profound Respect and Deference to that August Senate The present Juncture of Affairs when the Business of Ireland is under the Consideration of both Houses of the English Parliament seems to require this from some Person and seeing all Others silent I venture to Expose my own Weakness rather than be wanting at this time to my Country I might say indeed to Mankind for 't is the Cause of the whole Race of Adam that I Argue Liberty seems the Inherent Right of all
by Advice of all his Faithful Counsellors in England to gratify the Irish says Pryn for their eminent Loyalty to his Father and Him he granted them out of his Special Grace that they and their Heirs for ever should enjoy the Liberties granted by his Father and Himself to the Realm of England which he Reduced into Writing and sent Seal'd thither under the Seal of the Popes Legat and W. Earl Marshal his Governour because he had then no Seal of his own This as I conceive Refers to the foremention'd Magna Charta Hiberniae The Record as Recited by Mr. Pryn here follows Rex Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Comitibus Baronibus Militibus Libere Tenentibus omnibus Fidelibus suis per Hiberniam Constitutis Salutem Fidelitatem vestram in Domino Commendantes quam Domino Patri nostro semper Exhibuistis nobis estis diebus nostris Exhibituri Volumus quod in signum Fidelitatis vestrae tam praeclarae tam Insignis Libertatibus Regno nostro Angliae a Patre nostro nobis Concessis de gratia nostra Dono in Regno nostro Hiberniae guadeatis vos vestri Haeredes in perpetuum Quas Distincte in Scriptum Reductas de Communi Consilio omnium Fidelium nostrorum vobis Mittimus Signatas Sigillis Domini nostri G. Apostolicae Sedis Legati Fidelis nostri Com. W. Maresc Rectoris nostri Regni nostri quia Sigillum nondum habuimus easdem processu temporis de Majori Consilio proprio Sigillo Signaturi Teste apud Glouc. 6 Februar Here we have a free Grant of all the Liberties of England to the People of Ireland But we know the Liberties of Englishmen are Founded on that Universal Law of Nature that ought to prevail throughout the whole World of being Govern'd only by such Laws to which they give their own Consent by their Representatives in Parliament And here before I proceed farther I shall take Notice That in the late Raised Controversie Whether the House of Commons were an Essential part of Parliament before the 49th year of Henry the Third The Learned Mr. Petyt Keeper of the Records in the Tower in his Book on that Subject pag. 71. Deduces his 9th Argument From the Comparison of the Antient Generale Concilium or Parliament of Ireland instanced An. 38 Hen. III. with the Parliament in England wherein the Citizens and Burgesses were which was Eleven years before the pretended beginning of the Commons in England For thus we find it in that Author As great a Right and Privilege surely was and ought to be allow'd to the English Subjects as to the Irish before the 49th of Hen. III. And if that be admitted and that their the Irish Commune Concilium or Parliament had its Platform from ours the English as I think will not be Deny'd by any that have consider'd the History and Records touching that Land Ireland we shall find the ensuing Records Ann. 38 Hen. III. clearly evince that the Citizens and Burgesses were then a part of their the Irish Great Council or Parliament That King being in partibus Transmarinis and the Queen being left Regent she sends Writs or a Letter in the Kings Name directed Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Prioribus Comitibus Baronibus Militibus Liberis Hominibus Civibus Burgensibus Terrae suae Hiberniae telling them that Mittimus Fratrem Nicholaum de Sancto Neoto Fratrem Hospitii Sancti Iohannis Ierusalem in Anglia ad partes Hiberniae ad exponendum vobis together with I. Fitz-Geoffery the Kings Justice the State of his Land of Vascony endanger'd by the Hostile Invasion of the King of Castile qui nullo Iure sed potentia sua Confisus Terram nostram Vasconiae per ipsius Fortitudinem a manibus nostris Auferre a Dominio Regni Angliae segregare Proponit And therefore universitatem Vestram Quanta possumus Affectione Rogantes quatenus noâ—… jura nostra totaliter indefensâ—… non deserentes nobis in tanto periculo quantumcunque poteritis dâ—… Gente Pecunia subveniatis which would turn to their Everlasting Honour concluding His nostris Augustiis taliter Compâ—…tientes quod nos Heraedes nostri vobis Haeredibus vestris sumus non immerito Obligati Teste Regina R. Comite Cornubiae apud Windesor 17 die Februar Per Reginam Thus far Mr. Petyt Here we have a Letter from the Queen Regent to the Parliament in Ireland in an humble manner beseeching them for an Aid of Men and Money against the King of Castiles Hostile Invasion of Gascony from whence we may perceive that in those days no more than at present Men and Money could not be Rais'd but by Consent of Parliament I have been the more particular in Transcribing this Passage out of Mr. Petyt to shew that we have as Antient and Express an Authority for our present Constitution of Parliaments in Ireland as can be shewn in England And I believe it will not be thought Adviseable in these latter Days to break in upon Old Settled Constitutions No one knows how fatal the Consequents of that may be To return therefore where we Digress'd Henry the Third about the Twelfth year of his Reign did specially Impower Richard de Burgh then Iustice of Ireland at a certain day and place to summon all the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons Knights Freeholders and Sheriffs of each County and before them to cause to be Read the Charter of his Father King Iohn whereunto his Seal was Appendant whereby he had granted unto them the Laws and Customs of England and unto which they swore Obedience And that he should cause the same Laws to be observed and Proclaimed in the several Counties of Ireland that so none presume to do contrary to the Kings Command The Record I have taken out of Mr. a Pryn in these words Rex Dilecto Fideli suo Richardo de Burgo Justie ' suo Hibern Salutem Mandamus vobis firmiter praecipientes quatenus certo die Loco faciatis venire coram vobis Archiepiscopos Episcopos Abbates Priores Comites Barones Milites libere Tenentes Ballivos singulorum Comitatum coram eis Publice legi faciatis Chartam Domini J. Regis Patris nostri cui Sigillum suum appensum est quam fieri fecit jurari a Magnatibus Hibern de Legibus Consuetudinis Angliae Observandis in Hibernia Et praecipiatis eis ex parte nostra quod Leges illas Consuctudines in Charta praedicta contentas de caetero firmiter teneant observent hoc idem per singulos Commitatus Hiberniae clamari faciatis teneri prohibentes firmiter ex parte nostra super foris facturam nostram nequis contra hoc Mandatum nostrum venire praesumat c. Teste Me ipso Apud Westm ' 8 die Maii An. Reg. nostri 12. By what foregoes I presume it plainly appears that by three several Establishments
shall be Taken or Levy'd by Us or Our Heirs in Our Realm without the Good Will and Assent of Archbishops Bishops Earls Barons Knights Burgesses and other Freemen of the Land The like Liberties are specially Confirm'd to the Clergy the 14th of Edward the 3d. And were these Statutes and all other Statutes and Acts of the Parliament of England Ratified Confirmed and Adjudged by several Parliaments of Ireland to be of Force within this Realm And shall the People of Ireland receive no Benefit by those Acts Are those Statutes of Force in England only And can they add no Immunity or Priviledge to the Kingdom of Ireland when they are received there Can the King and Parliament make Acts in England to Bind his Subjects of Ireland without their Consent And can he make no Acts in Ireland with their Consent whereby they may receive any Priviledge or Immunity This were to make the Parliaments of Ireland wholly Illusory and of no Effect If this be Reasonable Doctrine To what end was Poyning's Law in Ireland that makes all the Statutes of England before that in Force in this Kingdom This might as well have been done and again undone when they please by a single Act of the English Parliament But let us not make thus light of Constitutions of Kingdoms 't is Dangerous to those who do it 't is Grievous to those that suffer it Moreover Had the King or his Council of England in the 10th year of Hen. VII in the least dreamt of this Doctrine to what end was all that strict Provision made by Poyning's Act Irish Stat. cap. 4. That no Act of Parliament should pass in Ireland before it was first Certified by the Chief Governour and Privy Council here under the Broad Seal of this Kingdom to the King and his Privy Council in England and received their Approbation and by them be remitted hither under the Broad Seal of England here to be pass'd into a Law The design of this Act seems to be the Prevention of any thing passing in the Parliament of Ireland Surreptitiously to the Prejudice of the King or the English Interest of Ireland But this was a needless Caution if the King and Parliament of England had Power at any time to revoke or annul any such Proceedings Upon this Act of Poynings many and various Acts have pass'd in Ireland relating to the Explanation Suspension or farther Corroboration thereof in divers Parliaments both in Henry the Eighth's Phil. Mary's and Q. Eliz. Reigns for which see the Irish Statutes All which shew that this Doctrine was hardly so much as Surmised in those Days however we come to have it raised in these Latter Times Fourthly 'T is against several Charters of Liberties Granted unto the Kingdom of Ireland This likewise is clearly made out by what foregoes I shall only add in this place That in the Patent-Roll of the 17 Rich. 2. m. 34. de Confirmatione There is a Confirmation of several Liberties and Immunities granted unto the Kingdom and People of Ireland by Edw. III. The Patent is somewhat long but so much as concerns this Particular I shall render verbatim as I have it Transcribed from the Roll by Sir William Doâ—…vile Attorny General in Ireland during the whole Reign of King Charles II. Rex omnibus c. Salutem Inspeximus Literas Patentes Domini Edwardi nuper Regis Angliae Avi nostri fact in haec verba Edwardus Dei Gra. Rex Angliae Franciae Dominus Hiberniae Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Prioribus Ministris nostris tam Majoribus quam Minoribus quibuscunque aliis de Terra nostra Hiberniae fidelibus nostris ad quos Praesentes Literae pervenerint Salutem Quia c. Nos haec quae sequuntur Ordinanda Duximus firmiter observanda c. Imprimis vizt Volumus Praecipimus quod Sancta Hibernicana Ecclesia suas Libertates Liberas Consuetudines illesas habeat eis Libere gaudeat Utatur Item volumus praecipimus quod nostra ipsius Terrae Negotia presertim Majora Ardua in Consiliis per Peritos Consiliaros nostros ac Praelatos Magnates quosdam de Discretioribus Probioribus Hominibus de partibus vicinis ubi ipsa Concilia teneri Contigerit propter hoc evocandos in Parliamentis vero per ipsos Conciliaros nostros ac Praelatos Proceres aliosque de terra predicta prout Mos Exegit secundum Iusticiam Legem Consuetudinem Rationem tractentur deducantur fideliter timore favore odio aut praetio post positis discutiantur ac etiam terminentur c. In Cujus Rei Testimonium has Literas nostras fieri fecimus Patentes Teste meipso Apud Westminst 25 die Octob. Anno Regni nostris Angliae 31 Regni vero Franciae 18. Nos autem Ordinationes Voluntates Praecepta Praedicta ac omnia alia singula in Litteris praedictis Contenta Rata Habentes Grata Ea pro nobis Haeredibus nostris quantum in nobis est Acceptamus Approbamus Ratificamus Confirmamus prout Literae praedictae rationabiliter testanter In Cujus c. Test. Reg. apud Westminst 26 die Iunii Fifthly It is inconsistent with the Royalties and Praeeminence of a Separate and Distinct Kingdom That we are thus a Distinct Kingdom has been clearly made out before 'T is plain the Nobility of Ireland are an Order of Peers clearly Distinct from the Peerage of England the Priviledges of the one extend not into the other Kingdom a Lord of Ireland may be Arrested by his Body in England and so may a Lord of England in Ireland whilst their Persons remain Sacred in their respective Kingdoms A Voyage Royal may be made into Ireland as the Year-Book 11 Hen. 4. 17. fol. 7. and Lord Cook tells us and King Iohn in the 12th year of his Reign of England made a Voyage Royal into Ireland and all his Tenants in Chief which did not attend him in that Voyage did pay him Escuage at the Rate of Two Marks for every Knights Fee which was imposed super Praelatis Baronibus pro Passagio Regis in Hibernia as appears by the Pipe-Roll Scutag 12 Iohannis Regis in Scaccario Angl. Which shews that we are a Compleat Kingdom within our selves and not little better than a Province as some are so Extravagant as to Assert none of the Properties of a Roman Province agreeing in the least with our Constitution 'T is Resolved in Sir Richard Pembrough's Cafe in the 44th of Edw. III. That Sir Richard might lawfully refuse the King to serve him as his Deputy in Ireland and that the King could not Compel him thereto for that were to Banish him into another Kingdom which is against Magna Charta Chap. 29. Nay even tho Sir Richard had great Tenures from the King pro servitio Impenso Impendendo for that was said must be understood within the Realm of England Cooks 2d Inst.
Crown of England with a Design to make them Easie to England and to keep them in the Allegiance of the King of England How Consistent it may be with True Policy to do that which the People of Ireland may think is an Invasion of their Rights and Liberties I do most humbly submit to the Parliament of England to Consider They are Men of Great Wisdom Honour and Iustice and know how to prevent all future Inconveniencies We have heard Great Out-cries and deservedly on Breaking the Edict of Nantes and other Stipulations How far the Breaking our Constitution which has been of Five Hundred years standing exceeds that I leave the World to judge It may perhaps be urg'd That 't is convenient for the State of England that the Supream Council thereof should make their Jurisdiction as Large as they can But with Submission I conceive that if this Assumed Power be not Iust it cannot be convenient for the State What Cicero says in his Offices Nihil est Utile nisi idem sit Honestum is most certainly true Nor do I think that 't is any wise necessary to the Good of England to Assert this High Jurisdiction over Ireland For since the Statutes of this Kingdom are made with such Caution and in such Form as is prescribed by Poyning's Act 10 H. 7. and by the 3d and 4th of Phil. and Mar. and whilest Ireland is in English hands I do not see how 't is possible for the Parliament of Ireland to do any thing that can be in the least prejudicial to England But on the other hand If England assume a Iurisdiction over Ireland whereby they think their Rights and Liberties are taken away That their Parliaments are rendred meerly nugatory and that their Lives and Fortunes Depend on the Will of a Legislature wherein they are not Parties there may be ill Consequences of this Advancing the Power of the Parliament of England by breaking the Rights of another may in time have ill Effects The Rights of Parliament should be preserved Sacred and Inviolable wherever they are found This kind of Government once so Universal all over Europe is now almost Vanished from amongst the Nations thereof Our Kings Dominions are the only Supporters of this noble Gothick Constitution save only what little remains may be found thereof in Poland We should not therefore make so light of that sort of Legislature and as it were Abolish it in One Kingdom of the Three wherein it appears but rather Cherish and Encourage it wherever we meet it FINIS Introduction and Occasion of this Disquisition * Bishop of Derry in the House of Lords and Prohibiting Exportation of our Woollen Manufacture in the House of Commons Subject of this Enquiry Britain's first Expedition into Ireland * Giraldus Cambr. Hib. Expug Lib. I. C. 1 Hen. II. comes into Ireland Irish submit to him Ireland whether ever Conquer'd * Mr. Selden will not allow that ever H. 2. used this Stile Tit. Hon. Par. 2. G. 5. Sect. 26. Suppressing Rebellions whether a Conquest * Bishop of Salisbury's Pastoral Letter What Title is obtain'd by Conquest No Title gain'd by an Unjust Conquest What Title by a Just Conquest None over the Assisters in the Conquest None over the Non-Opposers Just Conquerour intitled to the Lives of the Opposers Just Conquerour how far impower'd over the Posterity of the Opposers How far over their Estates Practise of Conquerors otherwise Concessions granted by a Conquerour whether Obligatory What Concessions have been made from the Crown of England to the Kingdom of Ireland By Henry II. Irish Modus Tenendi Parliamentum a Tit. Hon. Par. 2. C. 5. Sect. 26. Edit Lond. An. 1672 b Against Cook 's 4th Instit C. 76. Parliaments very early in Ireland a Against the 4th Inst. c. 76. p. 249. a Togograph Hibern l 3. c. 18 Hib. Expug l. 11. c. 33 34. b Hoveden Annal parspost p. 302. Brampton Chr. Col. 1071. Knighton de Even Angl. l. c. c. 10 col 2394 2395. Pol. Virg. Hist. Angl. l. 13. Radul de Diceto Walsingbam c. Original Compact for Ireland King Iohn made King of Ireland By this Ireland made an Absolute separate Kingdom a Seldens Tit. Hon. Par. 1. C. 8 Sect. 5. Usher Archbibishop of Armagh of the Religion of the Antient Irish Cap. 11. b Act. Concil Constant. Ses. 28. MS. in Bib. Reg. not in the Printed Acts. Ireland in what sense Annex'd to England King Iohn comes a second time into Ireland The People submit to him Concessâ—… from Hen. III. a Pryn against the 4th Inst. c. 76. p. 250. Pa. 1 H. III. m. 13. intus Record out of Mr. Petyt of the Antiquity of Parliaments in Ireland Rot. 38 H. III in 4. Hibernta Farther Concessions from Hen. III b Against Cook 's 4th Instit p. 252. Claus. 12 H. III in 8 de Legibus Consuetudinibus Observandis in Hibern Recapitula tion a Fourth Instit b Against the 4th Instit. c Placita Parliamentaria English Laws Established in Ireland Law of Parliament Common Law Statute Law Statute-Law of England from the Norman Conquest to Hen. III. Law of Edward the Confessor a Selden 〈◊〉 speciâ—… ad eadmerum pag 17â—… Of Wil. Conq. b Leges W. 1. Cap. 63. apud Selden in notâ—…â—…d eadmerum p. 192. Of Hen. I. c Vid. Selden ut supra Of Hen II. Of K. John d Mat. Paris ad an 1215. pag. 253. c. Of Hen. III. a Cook 's Pref. to the 2d Inst. Engl. Statutes since the 9th Hen. III. introduced in Ireland Statutes of Merton Marlebr Westm. Gloucest Vid. Lib. Rubr. Scaccar Dubl a Annals of Ireland at the End of Camden's Britan. Edit 1637. page 196 197 c. b Ibid. p. 160. Pryn against the 4th Instit. Chap 76. All English Statutes before the 10th of Hen. VII in force in Ireland a Cook 's 4th Instit. Cap. 76. P. 351. b Vid. Irish Stat. English Statutes Declaratory of the Common Law in force in Ireland English Acts introductive of a New Law not of force in Ireland a Irish Stat. 13 C. 2. c. 2. 13 C. 2. c. 3. 14 15 C. 2. c. 1. 14 15 C. 2. c. 19. 17 18 C. 2. c. 3. 17. 18 C. 2. c. 11. English Stat. 12 C. 2. c. 12. 12 C. 2. c. 3. 12 C. 2. c. 14 12 C. 2. c. 24. 12 C. 2. c. 33. 16 17 C. 2. c. 5. * For we had two several Acts transmitted to us at different times to this very purpose One we rejected in the Lord Sydâ—…eys Government t'other we pass'd under the Lord Capell Objections Answer'd Objection from the Stat. of Rape Object English Statutes comprehending Ireland by general Words Act against Appeals to Rome Acts of First Fruits and Faculties a Title in the English Statutes is No Imposition shall be paid to the Bishop of Rome High-Commission-Court By the same Reason Scotland may be bound English Statutes naming Ireland Or dinatio pre Statu Hiberniae Staple-Act Merchants of Waterford's Case Members from Ireland in the Parliament of England Modern Acts of the Parliament of England naming Ireland Acts in favour of Adventurers in 1641. Acts in Cromwels time Cattle Act. Tobacco Act. Navigation Act. Note Exporting Wooll from Ireland is made penal by the Irish. Stat. 13 Hen. 8. c. 2. 28 Hen. 8. c. 17. But both these Statutes are obsolete The like may we observe of the 11 Eliz. c. 10. 13 El. c. 4. English Acts Binding Ireland since King William's Reign Act for the Protestant Irish Clergy Act against Commerce with France Act for Security of the Protestants of Ireland Act appointing New Oaths The Opinions of the Lawyers thereon Lord Chief Justice Cook 's Opinion Discuss'd a 20 H. 6. 8. Pilkington ' s Case 32 H. 6. 25. 20 Eliz. Dyer 360. Flowd Com. 360. Opinions of other Judges in Favour of Ireland Pilkiâ—…s Case a This Statute we may reckon amongst the number of those that are lost during the long Intervals of our Irish Acts noted before page 65. to be aboue 118 Years Merchants of Waterfords Case Prior of Lanthonys Case a Rot. Parl. An. 8. H. 6. in ult Argument from Acts of Succession and Recognition pass'd in Ireland Ireland's State Ecclesiastical Independent Argument from a Record in Reyley a 14 Ed. 2. Par. 2. Memb 21 Int. Objection drawn from a Writ of Error Declaration in the Irish Act of Faculties Farther Reasons offered in behalf of Ireland England's Title to Ireland by Purchase Object Ireland prejudicial to England's Trade therefore to be Bound Object Ireland a Colony Against the Rights of Mankind Consent only gives Law force Against the Common Law of England Against the Statute Law both of England and Ireland a See before pag. 65. b Pultons Col. Eng. Stats Edit 1670. pag. 63. c ibid. page 75. d ibid. page 113. e 10 H. 7. c. 22 a 28 H 8. c. 4. 28 H. 8. c. 20. 3 4 Ph. M. c. 4. 11 Eliz. Ses. 2. c. 1. 11 Eliz. Ses. 3. c. 8. Against several Concessions made to Ireland Inconsistent with the Royalties of a Kingdom Against the Kings Prerogative Against the Practice of former Ages Against the Resolution of Judges Destroys Property Greates Confusion Inconvenient to England to Assume this Power