to robbe and spoile without correction and reproofe 6 Item that although the King flatteringly and with great dissimulation made proclamation throughout the Realme that the Lords aforenamed were not attached for any crime of treason but onely for extortions and oppressions done within the Realme yet hee laid to them in the Parliament rebellion with manifest treason 7 Item hee hath compelled divers of the said Lords servants by menace to make great fines and extreme payments to their utter undoing and notwithstanding his pardon to them granted he made them fine a new 8 Item where divers were appointed to commune of the estate of the Realme and the Common-wealth of the same the King caused all the roules and records to bee kept from them contrary to his promise made in Parliament to his open dishonour 9 Item hee uncharitably commanded that no man upon paine of losse of life and goods should once intreat him for the returne of Henry now Duke of Lancaster 10 Item where the Realme is houlden of God and not of the Pope or any other Prince the said King Richard after hee had obtained divers acts of Parliament for his owne peculiar profit and pleasure then hee procured Bulles and extreame censures from Rome to compell all men streightly to keepe the same contrary to the honour and ancient priviledges of this Realme 11 Item although the Duke of Lancaster had done his devoire against Thomas Duke of Norfolke in proofe of his quarrell yet the said King without reason or ground banished him the Realme for tenne yeares contrary to all equity 12 Item before the Dukes departure hee under his broad Seale licensed him to make Atturneyes to prosecute and defend his causes the said King after his departure would suffer none Atturney to appeare for him but did with his at his pleasure 13 Item the said King put out divers Sheriffes lawfully elected and put in their roomes divers others of his owne minions subverting the law contrary to his oath and honour 14 Item hee borrowed great summes of money and bound himselfe under his Letters patents for the repayment of the same and yet not one penny paid 15 Item he taxed men at the will of him and his unhappy Counsaile and the same Treasure spent in folly not paying poore men for their vittaile and viand 16 Item he said that the lawes of the Realme were in his head and sometimes in his breast by reason of which phantasticall opinion hee destroyed Noble men and impoverished the poore Commons 17 Item the Parliament setting and enacting divers notable Statutes for the profit and advancement of the Common wealth he by his privy friends and solicitours caused to bee enacted that no act then enacted should bee more prejudiciall to him then it was to his Predecessours thorow which proviso he did often as hee list and not as the law meant 18 Item for to serve his purpose he would suffer the Sheriffes of the Shires to remaine above one yeare or two in their office 19 Item at the summons of Parliament when the Knights and Burgesses should bee elected and the election had fully proceeded hee put out divers persons elected and put in others in their places to serve his will and appetite 20 Item hee had privy espials in every Shire to heare who had of him any communication and if hee communed of his lascivious living and outragious doing hee straightwayes was apprehended and made a grievous fine 21 Item the Spiritualty alledged against him that hee at his going into Ireland exacted many notable summes of money beside Plate and Iewels without law or custome contrary to his oath taken at his coronation 22 Item when divers Lords and Iustices were sworne to say the truth of divers things to them committed in charge both for the honour of the Realme and profit of the King the said King so menaced them with sore threatnings that no man would or durst say the right 23 Item that without the assent of the Nobility he carried the Iewels and Plate and Treasure over the Sea into Ireland to the great impoâ—verishing of the Realme and all the good Records of the Common-wealth against his extortions hee caused privily to bee embeasoled and carried away 24 Item in all leagues and letters to bee concluded and sent to the Sea of Rome and other Regions his writing was so subtill and darke that no other Prince durst once believe him not yet his owne Subjects 25 Item hee most tyrannously and unprincely said that the lives and goods of all his Subjects were in the Princes hands and at his disposition 26 Item that hee contrary to the great Charter of England caused divers lusty men to appeale divers old men upon matters determinable at the Common law in the Court Marciall because that in that Court is no triall but onely by battaile whereby the said aged persons fearing the sequell of the matter submitted themselves to his mercy whom hee fined and ransomed unreasonably at his pleasure 27 Item he craftily devised cercaine privy oathes contrary to Law and caused divers of his subjects first to be sworne to observe the same and after bound them in bands for surer keeping the same to the great undoing of many honest men 28 Item where the Chancellor according to law would in no wise grant a prohibition to a certaine person the King granted it unto the same person under his privie Seale with great threatnings if it should be disobeyed 29 Item he banished the Bishop of Canterbury without cause or judgement and kept him in the Parliament Chamber with men of armes 30 Item the Bishops goods hee granted to his successor upon condition that hee should maintaine all his statutes made at Shrewsbury Anno 21. and the statutes made Anno. 22. at Coventree 31 Item upon the accusation of the Archbishop the King craftily perswaded the said Bishop to make no answer for he would be his warrant and advised him not to come to the Parliament and so without answer hee was condemned and exiled and his goods seazed Foure other Articles were laid which particularly did concerne the said Archbishop by whose doing chiefly the King was utterly undone Then was demanded of the Nobility and Commons of the Realme what they judged both of the truth and desert of these Articles who all agreed that the crimes were notorious and that King Richard was worthy for the same to be deposed from his princely dignity The noble men gave their voyces part corrupted by favour part awed by feare and the Commons are commonly like a flocke of Cranes as one doth fly all will follow Hereupon Commissioners were appointed by both the Houses who pronounced sentence of deposition against King Richard in manner and forme as followeth In the name of God Amen Wee Iohn Bishop of S. Asses I. Abbot of Glastenbury Thomas Earle of Gloucester Thomas Lord Bekley Thomas Erpinghaime Thomas Gray Knights William Therning Iustice Commissioners for the matters hereafter specified by the Lords spirituall and temporall of the Realme of England and
THE HISTORIES OF THE LIVES AND RAIGNES OF HENRY THE THIRD AND HENRY THE FOURTH Kings of England Written by Knights Sr. ROBERT COTTON And Sr. IOHN HAYVVARD London printed for William Sheares and are to be sold at his Shop in Bedford-Street in Coveâ—-garden neere the new Exchange at the signe of the Bible An 1642. A SHORT VIEW OF THE LONG RAIGN OF KING HENRY the third WEaried with the lingring calamities of Civill Armes and affrighted at the sudden faâ—l of a licentious Soveraigne all men stood at gaze expecting the event of their long desires Peace and issue of their new hopes Benefit For in every shift of Princes there are few either so meane or modest that please not themselves with some probable object of preferment To satisfie all a child ascendeth the throne mild and gracious but easie of nature whose Innocency and naturall goodnesse led him safe along the various dangers of his Fathers Raigne Happy was hee in his Vnkle the Earle of Pembrooke the guide of his infancy and no lesse then for thirty yeares after whil'st De Burgo that fast servant of his Fathers against the French both in Normandy and England with By god Earle of Norfolke and others of like gravity and experience did mannage the affaires Few and no other were the distempers then in State but such as are incident to all the Commons greedy of liberty and the Nobiliâ—y of Rule and but one violent storme raised by some old and constant followers of his Father Fulco de Brent de Fortibus and others men that could onely thrive by the Warres misliking those dayes of sloath for so they termed that calme of King Henries Government and the rather because the Iustice of quiet times urged from them to the lawfull owners such Lands and Castles as the fury of Warre had unjustly given them for finding in the uprightnesse of the King that power of protection should not bee made a wrong doer they fell out into that rebellion that with it ended their lives and competitours professing that those their swords that had set the Crowne upon their Soveraignes head when neither Majesty nor Law could should now secure those small pittances to their Maisters when Majesty or Law would not Dangerous are too great benefits of Subjects to their Princes when it maketh the mind onely capable of merit nothing of duty No other disquiet did the State after this feele but such as is incident in all the malice to Authority Good and great men may secure themselves from guilt but not from envy for the greatest in trust of publike affaires are still shot at by the aspiring of those that deeme themselves lesse in imployment then they are in merit These vapours did ever and easily vanish so long as the helme was guided by temperate Spirits and the King tied his Actions to the rule of good Councell and not to young passionate or single advise Thirty yeares now passed and all the old guides of his youth now dead but De Burgo a man in whom nothing of worth was wanting but moderation whose length of dayes giving him the advantage of sole power his owne Ambition and age gave him desire and Art to keepe out others which wrought him into the fatall envy of most and that encreased in the Title of Earle and great Offices the King then gave him Time by this had wrought as in it selfe so in the hearts of the people a Revolution the afflictions of their Fathers forgotten and the surfeit of long peace perchance having let in some abuses from hence the Commons to whom dayes present seeme ever worst commend the foregone ages they never remembred and condemne the present though they knew neither the disease thereof nor the remedy To these idle and usuall humours fell in some of the yong and noble Spirits warme and over-weaning who being as truly ignorant as the rest first by sullying the wisedome of the present and greatest Rulers making each casuall mishap their errours seeme to decipher every blemish in Government and then by holding certaine imaginary and fantastick formes of Common-wealths flatter their owne beleefe and ability that they can mold any State to these generall rules which in particular application will prove idle and grosse absurdities Next confirmed in their owne worth by Sommery and Spencer they take it a fit time to worke themselves into action and imploymâ—nt a thing they had long desired and now though unwilling to seeme so doe sue for and doubtlesse the furthest of their aime was yet to become quiet instruments in serving the State if they had beene then held fit and worthy But the King taught by the new Earle That Consilia senum hastas juvenum esse and that such wits for so they would bee stiled were Nâ—vandis quà m gerendis rebus aptiores fitter in being factious to disorder then to settle affaires either denied or delayed their desires for wise Princes will ever choose their Instruments Par negotiis and not supra Creatures out of meere election that are onely theirs otherwise without friends or power Amongst this unequall medly there were of the Nobility Richard Earle of Pembrooke Glocester and Hartford darlings of the multitude some for the merit of their Fathers whose memories they held sacred as Pillars of publike liberty and opposers of encroaching Monarchy at Runâ—meed the Armies met And of the Gentry Pitz-Geffeory Bardolph Grisley Maunsell and Fitz-Iohn Spirits of as much Acrimony and Arrogant spleene as the places from whence they were elected Campe Court or Countrey could afford any These by force would effect what the other did affect by cunning but all impatient to see their ends thus frustrate and that so long as the King followed the direction of the Earle of Kent they had small hope of their desires they made often meetings and as one saith of them Clam nocturnis colloquis aut flexum in vesperum die In the end Sommery and Spencer two that were farre in opinion with the rest Gentlemen by Forraine education and imployment more qualified then usually men of these times and that set upon their owne deserts the best places when the Streame should turne which one of them Spencer did unworthily obtaine for he died in actuall Rebellion Iustâ—ciarius Angliae against his master advised that the best meanes to remove that great and good obstacle the Earle of Kent out of the way of their advancement was by sifting into his actions and siding with his opposite Peter Bishop of Winchester an ill man but gracious with the King making still their ends that the worthiest being driven out by the worst they shall either bee able to mate him with his owne vice which will bee ever more visible as hee is more potent and so remove him at pleasure or else give over the King to such Ministers to their bad desires as loosing him the hearts of his people might smooth them away to
his name since the Conquest so was hee the first that setled the Law and State deserving the Stile of Englands Iustinian and freed this Kingdome from the wardship of the Peeres shewing himselfe in all his Actions after capable to Command not the Realme onely but the whole World Thus doe the wrongs of our Enemies more then our owne discretions make us sometimes both wise and forâ—unate FINIS THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF HENRY THE FOURTH King of England Written by Sr. IOHN HAYVVARD Knight and Doctor of Law London Printed for William Sheares and are to bee sold at his Shop in Bedford-â—treet in Covengarden neere the new Exchange at the signe of the Bible An. 1642. Illustrissimo Honoratissimo ROBERTO Comiti Essexiae Ewe Comiti Marescallo Angliae Vicecomiti Herefordiae Bourchier Baroni Ferrariis de Chartâ—ey Domino Bourchier Loven Regiae Majestatis Hippocomo Machinarum bellicarum praefecto Academie Cantabrigiensis Cancellarâ—o Oâ—dinis Georgianii Equiti aâ—â—â—ato Serenissimae Domino Reginae à sanctioribus Consiliis Domino meo plurimum obseâ—vando A 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Optimo Noblissimo inquit Euripides ex qua sententia tu primus ac solus fere occurrebas illustrissime comes cujus nomen si Henrici nostri fronti radiaret ipse laetior tutior in vulgus prodiret Magnus siquidâ—mes presenti juditio futuri temporis expectation in quo veluti recuperasse nunc oculos caeca prius fortuna videri potest Dum cumulare honoribus eum gisti qui omnibus virtutibus est insignitus Hunc igitur si laeta fronte eâ—cipere digneris sub nominis tui umbra tanquam sub Ajacis clipio Teucer ille Homericus tutissime latebit Deus opt max. celsitud nem tuam nobis reique publicae diu servet incolumen quo nos viz tam fide quà m armis potenti tua dextra defensi ultique diutina cum securitate tum gloria perfruamur Honori tuo deditissimus I. HAYVVARD A. P. To the Reader AMong all sorts of humane Writers there is none that have done more profit or deserved greater praise then they who have committed to faithfull records of Histories either the Government of mighty States or the lives and acts of famous men for by describing the order and passages of these two and what events hath followed what counsailes they have set forth unto us not onely precepts but lively patternes both for private directions and for affaires of State whereby in short time young-men may be instructed and old men more fully furnished with experience then the longest age of man can afford And therefore Cicero reporteth that L. Lucullus when hee went from Rome to make warre against Mithridates was altogether unskilfull in Military services yet in the time of his Navigation hee so exercised himselfe what with conference and what with reading of Histories that when hee came into Asia by the judgement and confession of that great King hee was preferred before all the Commanders that were before him Hereupon when Alexander Severus did deliberate of any weighty matter hee would especially take advise of men skilfull in Histories and not without good cause for if as Afranius saith experience hath begot wisedome and memory as a Mother hath brought it forth who are to bee better accompted then they whose memory is as it were a rich store house of the experiences not of one age or Countrey but of all times and of all Nations And therefore it is no great marvaile that Zenobia who after the death of her Husband Odonatus tooke upon her the State not onely insulted upon the Romaines but held the Arabians the Sarizens the Armenians and other fierce and intractible people in such obedience that although shee were both a woman and a Barbarian yet they never stirred against her for shee had perfectly read the Romaine History in Greeke and also had her selfe abridged the Alexandrian and all the Orientall Histories whereby shee attained the highest pitch both of wisedom and authority for examples are of greater force to stirre unto vertue then bare precepts insomuch as Cicero said that nothing could bee taught well without example Therefore the Lacedemonians as Plutarch writeth did use upon festivall dayes to present unto their Sonnes certaine dâ—unken slaves whom they caâ—led 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that by view of the vice they might learne to avoid it and Hismenias the Thâ—bane would shew to his Schollers musitians of all sorts good and bad instructing them to follow the one and not the other And this is that which the Apology telleth of a certaine Countrey-woman who being hard favoured and fearing least shee should bring forth children like her selfe got many faire and beautifull pictures which shee did dayly and stedfastly behold the meaning whereof is that by setting before us the acts and lives of excellent men it is the readiest way to fashion our qualities according to the same Hereupon Cicero doth rightly call History the witnesse of times the light of truth the life of memory and the messenger of antiquity Hereby wee are armed against all the rage and rashnesse of Fortune and hereby wee may seeme in regard of the knowledge of things to have travelled in all Countries to have lived in all ages and to have beene conversant in all affaires Neither is that the least benefit of History that it preserveth eternally both the glory of good men and shame of evill Some Philosophers doe deny that glory is to bee desired for vertue say they is a reward unto it selfe and must not bee respected for the vaine and titular blastes of glory yet in writing these things they affect that especially which they especially deprave And indeed there is no man hath so horny hart-strings as Persius speaketh who is not tickled with some pleasure of praise againe there is no man of so flinty a forehead who is not touched with some feare of infamy and shame Doe wee thinke that the valiant souldier thinketh no toile too tough but boldly adventureth the hazard of all happes because hee is weary of his life death commeth by nature to all men alike onely with difference of memory with posterity And I would thinke that Cities at the first were builded Lawes made and many things invented for the use of men chiefly for desire of glory which humour except the old Governours of Common-wealths had thought necessary they would never have fostered it as they did with Garlandes Statutes Trophies and Triumphes in which notwithstanding it is but temporary and short but in Histories of worth it is onely perpetuall This Cicero perceiving hee dealt with Lucejus to commit his actions to the monuments of his writings and Plinie the younger did wiâ—h that hee might bee mentioned in the Histories of Cornelius Tacitus because hee did foresee that they should never decay But these are such as are not led away with a lust either to slatter or to deface whereby the credite of History
is quite overthrowne Yet the endeavour to curry favour is more easily disliked as bearing with it an open note of servility and therefore Alexander when hee heard Aristobulus read many things that hee had written of him farre above truth as hee was sailing the floud Hidaspis he threw the booke into the River and said that hee was almost moved to send Aristobulus after for his servile dealing but envious carping carrieth a counterfeit shew of liberty and thereby findeth the better acceptance And since I am entred into this point it may seeme not impertinent to write of the stile of a History what beginning what continuance and what meane is bee used in all matter what things are to bee suppressed what lightly touched and what to bee treated at large how credite may bee wonne and suspition avoided what is to bee observed in the order of times and description of places and other such circumstances of weight whâ—t liberty a writer may use in framing speeches and in declaring the causes counsailes and events of things done how farre hee must bend himselfe to profit and when and how hee may play upon pleasure but this were too large a field to enter into therefore least I should runne into the fault of the Mindians who made their gates wider then their towne I will heere close up onely wishing that all our English Histories were drawne out of the drosse of rude and barbarous English that by pleasure in reading them the profit in knowing them might more easily bee attained THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF KING HENRY the fourth THe Noble and victorious Prince King Edward the third had his fortunate gift of a long and prosperous raigne over this Realme of England much strengthened and adorned by natures supply of seven goodly Sonnes Edward his eldest Sonne Prince of Wales commonly called the Black Prince William of Hatfield Lyonel Duke of Clarence Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaâ—â—er Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Gloucester and William of Windsore These Sonnes during the life of their renowned Father were such ornaments and such stayes to his estate as it seemed no greater could bee annexed thereunto For neither armies nor strong holds are so great defences to a Prince as the multitude of children Fortes may decay and forces decrease and both decline and fall away either by variety of fortune or inconstancy of mens desires but a mans owne bloud cleaveth close unto him not so much in the blisses of prosperity which are equally imparted to others as in the Crosses of calamity which touch none so neere as those that are neerest by nature But in succeeding times they became in their off-spring the seminary of division and discord to the utter ruine of their families and great wast and weakening of the whole Realme for they that have equall dignity of birth and bloud can hardly stoope to termes of soveraignty but upon every offer of occasion will aspire to endure rather no equall then any superiour and for the most part the hatred of those that are neerest in kind is most dispitefull and deadly if it once breake forth The feare of this humour caused Romulus to imbrew the foundations oâ— the City and Empire of Rome with the bloud of his brother Remus According to which example the Tyrants of Turkie those butchers of Sathan doe commonly at this day begin their raigne with the death and slaughter of all their brethren Prince Edward the thunderbolt of Warre in his time dyed during the life of his faâ—her And although hee was cut off in the middle course and principall strength of his age yet in respect of honour and fame hee lived with the longest having in all parts fulfilled the measure of true Nobility Hee left behind him a young Sonne called Richard who after the death of King Edward was crowned King in his stead and afterward dyed childlesse William of Hatfield King Edwards second Sonne dyed also without issue leaving no other memory of his name but the mention onely Lionel Duke of Clarence the third Sonne of King Edward was a man of comely personage of speech and pace stately in other qualities of a middle temperature neither to bee admitted nor contemned as rather void of ill parts then furnished with good Hee had issue Philip his onely Daughter who was joyned in marriage to Edmund Mortimer Earle of March Who in the Parliament holden in the eight yeare of the raigne of King Richard was in the right of his Wife declared Heire apparant to the Crowne in case the King should die without Children but not many yeares after hee dyed leaving issue by the said Philip Roger Mortimer Earle of March This Roger was slaine in the rude and tumultuous Warres of Ireland and had issue Edmund Anne and Elinor Edmund and Elinor died without issue Anne was married to Richard Earle of Cambridge Sonne to Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke the fift Sonne of King Edward Of these two came Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke who by the right devolved to â—im from his Mother made open â—laime to the Crowne of England â—which was then possessed by the faâ—ily of Lancaster first by Law in the â—arliament holden the thirtieth yeare â—f the Raigne of King Henry the sixt where either by right or by favour â—is cause had such furtherance that afâ—er King Henry should die the Crown â—as entailed to him and to the Heires 〈◊〉 his bloud for ever But the Duke â—â—patient to linger in hope chose raâ—â—er to endure any danger then such 〈◊〉 Whereupon hee entred into 〈◊〉 soone after against King Henry 〈◊〉 the field But being carried further 〈◊〉 courage then by force hee could 〈◊〉 through hee was slaine at the battaile of Wakefield and left his title to Edward his eldest Sonne who with invincible persistance did prosecute the enterprise and after great variety of fortune at the last atchieved it Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third was a man of high and hardy Spirit but his fortune was many times not answerable either to his force or to his forecast Hee had two Sonnes Henry Earle of Derby of whom I suppose chiefly to treat and Iohn Earle of Somerset This Iohn was Father to Iohn Duke of Somerset who had issue Margaret Countesse of Richmond mother to the Noble Prince Henry the seventh Henry Plantagenâ—t Earle of Derby was likewise by his Mother Blanch extracted from the bloud of Kings being discended from Edmund the second Sonne of King Henry the third by which line the Dutchy oâ— Lancaster did accreve unto his house Hee was a man of meane stature well proportioned and formally compact of good strength and agility of body skilfull in armes and of a ready dispatch joyntly shewing himselfe both earnest and advised in all his actions Hee was quick and present in conceit forward in attempt couragious in execution and most times fortunate in event There was no
man within the Realme that was enobled with that title But as they grew in honour so did they in hate for many Noble-men did infinitely stomack their undeserved advancements and with these the favour of the People generally went but the Kings intemperate affection was peremptory and violent not regarding envy untill hee could not resist it The yeare next following Robert Veerâ— the new Marquesse was created Duke of Ireland This yeare the Knights and Burgesses of Parliament put up many complaints against the Earle of Suffolke upon which they desired his answers and triall namely how hee had abused the King in taking of him to farme all the profits and revenues of the Crowne how wantonly hee wasted the treasure of the land in riotous liberality and unnecessary charges how deepe hee had dived into the Kings debt how carelesse and corrupt hee was in his office how greatly hee had both deceived and discredited the King in certaine dealings and accounts particularly expressed with divers other imputations touching dishonour and dishonesty both in private action and in office This Earle was a Merchants Sonne in London and growing mighty on the sudden hee could not governe himselfe in the change but prosperity layed open the secret faults of his mind which were suppressed and cloaked before and serving a weake Ruler in great place with an ill mind hee made open sale of his Princes honour Yet the King was willing either secretly to dissemble or openly to remit these offences and so passed them over with a short audience as his manner was in matters of greatest weight and without examination shewing himselfe neither grieved at the faults nor well pleased with the complaint Afterwards a Subsidy was required but answer was made that this needed not since the Kings wants might bee furnished with the debts which were owing him from his Chancelour neither was it to any purpose so long as the money should bee ordered by such persons as before it had beene and that that time was like Then were the matters against the Lord Chancellour againe set on foote and the King perswaded that it was neither honorable nor safe to beare him out that to private men it was sufficient if themselves abstaine from wrong but a Prince must provide that none doe wrong under him for by maintaining or wincking at the vices of his Officers hee maketh them his owne and shall surely bee charged therewith when first occasion doth serve against him At the last upon instant importunity of both Houses the King did consent that a commission should goe forth to certaine Noble-men giving them authority to heare and determine all matters which were objected against the Lord Chancellour and then was a Subsidie granted with exception that the money should bee expended by the Lords to the benefit and behalfe of the Realme The King did further demand that the Heires of Charles Bloyes who made claime to the Dutchy of Britaine should bee sold to the French-men for thirty thousand markes and the money granted to the Duke of Ireland for recovery of those possessions which the King had given him in Ireland this was likewise assented unto upon condition that before Easter the next ensuing the Duke should depart into Ireland and there remaine at so high a price did they value the riddance of him out of the Realme The charge of the Subsidie money was committed to Richard Earle of Arundell Commissioners for the Earle of Suffolke were appointed Thomas Duke of Glocester the Kings Vncle and the said Earle of Arundell but during the time of their proceeding the King kept all off in places farre distant either to manifest thereby the discent of his mind or to avoid the griefe which his neerenesse would encrease And now was the Chancellour left unto himselfe to answere to those demeanours wherein hee made the Kings blind favour his priviledge and protection supposing never to see the same either altered or over-ruled In the end being convict of many crimes and abuses hee was deposed from his office his goods were confiscated to the Kings Exchequer and himselfe was adjudged worthy of death Yet was execution submitted to the Kings pleasure and under sureties hee was permitted to goe at large At the same time Iohn Foorde Bishop of Duresme another of the Kings dainties was removed also from being Lord Treasurer of England hee was a man of little depth either in learning or wisedome but one that had the Art of seeming in making the best shew of whatsoever hee spake or did and rising from meane estate to so high a pitch of honour hee exercised the more excessively his riot avarice and ambition not able to moderate the lusts and desires which former want had kindled When this businesse was blowne over the King returned againe to London and did presently receive the Earle of Suffolke with the Duke of Ireland and the Archbishop of Yorke to greater grace and familiarity then at any time before These Triumvirs did not cease to stirre up the Kings stomack against those Noblemen whose speciall excellency had made matter of â—ame and regard partly for the disgraces which they had received partly upon malicious emulation to see the other so favoured and themselves so odious and that their private choller and ambition might beare some shew of publike respect they suggested unto the King that hee was but halfe yea not halfe a King in his owne Realme but rather the shadow and picture of a King for if wee respect said they matters of state you beare the sword but they sway it you have the shew but they the authority of a Prince using your name as a colour and countenance to their proceeding and your person as a cipher to make them great and bee your selfe nothing Looke to the duty of your Subjects and it is at their devotion so that you can neither command nor demand any thing but with such exceptions and limitations as they please to impose come now to your private actions your liberality the greatest vertue in a Prince is restrained your expences measured and your affections confined to frowne and favour as they doe prescribe What Ward is so much under government of his Gardian Wherein will they next or can they more abridge you Except they should take from you the place as they have done the power of a Prince and in this wee thinke they may justly bee feared having so great might joyned with so great aspiring minds For power is never safe when it doth exceed and ambition is like the Crocodile which groweth so long as hee liveth or like the Ivie which fastning on the foote of the tallest Tower by small yet continuall rising at length will climbe above the top it is already growne from a sparke to a flame from a twig to a tree and high time it is that the increase were stayed oftentimes such over-ruling of Princes have proceeded to their overthrowing and such cutting them short hath turned to cutting
Bishop of Salisburies servants named Romane meeting in Fleet-street with a Bakers man bearing horse-broad tooke a loafe out of his basket and by rude demand of the one and rough deniall of the other chollar so kindled betwixt them that Romane brake the Bakers head Hereupon the Neighbours came forth and would have arrested the Bishops lusty yeoman but hee escaped and fled to this Bishops house The Constable followed peaceably and demanded a quiet delivery of the Offendour but the Bishops men shut the gates against him that no man could come neere Then much people flocked together threatning to breake open the gates and fire the house unlesse Romane were brought forth unto them What said they are the Bishops men priviledged or is his house a Sanctuary or will hee protect those whom hee ought to punish if wee may bee shuffled off in this sort not onely our streets but our stops and our houses shall never bee free from violence and wrong This wee will not endure wee cannot it standeth not us in hand Herewith they approached the gates and beganne to use violence but the Major and Sheriffes of the City upon advertisement of this tumult came amongst them crying out that it was not courage but out-rage which they shewed whereby they would procure both danger to themselves and displeasure against the whole City that although wrong had beene received yet they were not in the men nor this the meanes to redresse the same So partly by their perswasions partly by their presence and authority they repressed the riot and sent every man away with streight charge to keepe the peace Here was yet no great harme done and the quarrell might have beene quieted without more adoe had not the Bishops stirred therein and kindled the coales of unkindnesse a fresh For the Londoners at that time were not onely suspected secretly but openly noted to bee favourers and followers of Wickliffes opinions for which cause they were much maliced of the Bishops and many of their actions interpreted to proceed from another mind and tend to a worse end then was outwardly borne in countenance and shew and some matters of chance were taken as done of purpose Therefore the Bishop of Salisbury called Iohn Waltham who was also Treasourer of England made a grievous complaint of this attempt to Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Yorke and Lord Chancellour affirming that if upon every light pretence the Citizens might bee suffered in this sort to insult upon the Bishops without punishment without reproofe and blame they would bring into a hazard not onely the dignity and state but the liberty also of the whole Church did they not lately take upon them the punishment of adulteries and other crimes appertaining to Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction maliciously alleaging that the Bishops and their Officers either being infamous for those vices themselves did winck at the same in others or else by covetous commutation did rather set them to sale then carefully represse them Did they not rudely and unreverently breake open the doores upon the Archbishop of Canterbury and interrupt his proceedings against Iohn Astone an open follower of Wickliffe and doe wee thinke that this is the last indignity that they will offer no surely nor yet the least and if this boldnesse bee not beaten downe our authority will fall into open contempt and scorne and bee made a common foote ball for every base Citizen to spurne at Hereupon they went together to the King and so incensed his displeasure against the Londoners being prepared thereto by former provocations that hee was in the mind to make spoile of the City and utterly to destroy it But being perswaded to some more moderation in revenge first hee caused the Major and Sheriffes and many of the chiefe Citizens to bee apprehended and committed to divers severall Prisons then hee ceazed all the liberties of the City into his hands and ordained that no Major should any more bee elected but that the King should at his pleasure appoint a Warden and Governour over the City This office was first committed to Sir Edward Darlington who for his gentlenesse towards the Citizens was shortly after removed and Sir Bauldwike Radington placed in his roome Also the King was induced or rather seduced by the Archbishop of Yorke Lord Chancellour to remove the Tearmes and Courts to wit the Chancery the Exchequer the Kings bench the hamper and the Common pleas from London to bee kept at Yorke where the same continued from Mid-sommer in the yeare 1393. untill Christmasse next following to the great hinderance and decay of the City of London At the last the King upon earnest intreaty of the Duke of Lancaster and the Duke of Glocester called the Londoners before him at Windsore where having first terrified them with the presence and shew of a great number of armed men hee caused all the priviledges of the City both old and new to bee brought forth whereof hee restored some and restrained the rest yet the Londoners were not fully restored to favour neither recovered they at that time either the person or dignity of their Major Shortly after the King went to London at whose comming the Citizens changed all their griefe into gladnesse as the common sort is without measure in both entertaining him with such joyfull triumphes and rich presents as if it had beene the day of his coronation They supposed with these great curtesies and costs to have satisfied his displeasure but they found themselves farre deceived for they were not fully restored to their liberties againe untill they had made fine to pay unto the King tenne thousand pounds Thus did the Londoners manifest in themselves a strange diversity of disposition both licentiously to commit offence and patiently to endure punishment having rashnesse and rage so tempered with obedience that they were easily punished who could not possibly be ruled Yet for this cause so soone as first occasion did serve against the King they shewed themselves either his earnest enemies or faint friends King Richard in the nineteenth yeare of his raigne passed the Seas to Calis the French King also came downe to Ard betweene which two Townes a place was appointed and tents erected for both the Kings to meet After large expences on both sides and great honour done by the one King to the other a surcease of armes was concluded betweene them for thirty years and King Richard tooke to wife Lady Isabel the French Kings Daughter being not above seven or eight yeares old The Duke of Glocester was so offended both with this friendship and affinity that hee lost all manner of patience exclaiming that it was more meet to bee in armes then in amity with the Frenchmen who being inferiour to the English in courage did alwayes over-reach them in craft and being too weake for Warre did many times prevaile by peace that now they had got into their hands many Townes and Holds appertaining to the Crowne of England they were willing to conclude