he ushers in the last with this short Apology Contra morâ—m â—â—storiae liceat quaeso inserere c. Let me saith he I beseech you insert these following verses though otherwise against the Rule and Laws of History But what alass were eighteen or twenty verses compared with those many hundred six or seven hundred at the least which we finde in our Author whether to shew the universality of his reading in all kinde of Writers or his faculty in Translating which when he meets with hard Copies he knows how to spare I shall not determine at the present Certain I am that by the interlarding of his Prose with so many Verses he makes the Book look rather like a Church-Romance our late Romancers being much given to such kinde of Mixtures then a wellâ— built Ecclesiastical History And if it be a marter so inconvenient to put a new piece of cloth on an old garment the putting of so many old patches on a new piâ—â—e of cloth must be more unfashonable Besides that many of these old ends are so light and ludicrous so little pertinent to the business which he has in hand that they serve onely to make sport for Children ut pueris placeas Declamatio fias and for nothing else 5. This leads me to the next impertinency his raking into the Chanel of old Popish Legends writ in the daâ—ker times of Superstition but written with an honest zeal and a good intention as well to raise the Reader to the admiration of the person of whom they write as to the emulalation of his vertues But being mixt with some Monkâ—â—h dotages the most learned and ingenious men in the Church of Rome have now laid them by and it had been very well if our Author had done so to but that there must be something of entertainment for the gentle Reader and to inflame the reckoning which he pays not for But above all things recommend me to his Merry Tales and scraps of Trencherâ— jests frequently interlaced in all parts of the History which if abstracted from the rest and put into a Book by themselves might very well be serv'd up for a second course to the Banquet of Iosts a Supplement to the old Book entituled Wits Fits and Fancies or an Additional Century to the old Hundred Merry Tales so long since extant But standing as they do they neither do become the gravity of a Church-Historian nor are consistent with the nature of a sober Argument But as it seems our Author came with the same thoughts to the writing of this present History as Poets anciently addrest themselves to the writing of Comedies of which thus my Terence Poeta cum primum animum ad scribendum appulit Id sibi negâ—tii credidit solum dari Populo ut placerent quas â—ecisset fabulas That is to say Thus Poets when their minde they first apply In looser verse to frame a Comedy Think there is nothing more for them to do Then please the people whom they speak unto 6. In the last place proceed we to the manifold excursions about the Antiquity of Cambridge built on as weak Authoritie as the Monkish Legends and so impertinent to the matter which he hath in hand that the most Reverend Mat. Parker though a Cambridge Man in his Antiquitates Britanicae makes no business of it The more impertinent in regard that at the fag-end of his Book there follows a distinct History of that University to which all former passages might have been reduced But as it seems he was resolved to insert nothing in that History but what he had some probable ground for leaving the Legendary part thereof to the Church-Romance as mâ—st proper for it And certainly he is wondrous wise in his generation For fearing lest he might be asked for those Bulls and Chartularies which frequently he relates unto in the former Books he tells us in the History of Cambridge fol. 53. That they were burnt by some of the seditious Townsmen in the open Market place Anno 1380. or thereabouts So that for want of otâ—eâ— ancient evidence we must take his word which whether those of Cambridge will depend upon they can best resolve For my part I forbear all intermedling in a controversie so clearly stated and which hath lain so long asleep till now awakened by our Author to beget new quarrels Such passages in that History as come under any Animadversion have been reduced unto the other as occasion served which the Reader may be pleased to take notice of as they come before him 7. All these extravagancies and impertinencies which make up a fifth part of the whole Volumn being thus discharged it is to be presum'd that nothing should remain but a meer Church History as the Title promiseth But let us not be too presumptuous on no better grounds For on a Melius inquirendum into the whole course of the Book which we have before us we shall finde too little of the Church and too much of the State I mean too little of the Ecclesiastical and too much of the Civil History It might be reasonably expected that in a History of the Church of England we should have heard somewhat of the foundation and enlargement of Cathedral Churches if not of the more eminent Monasteries and Religious Houses and that we should have heard somewhat more of the succession of Bishops in their several and respective Sees their personal Endowments learned Writings and other Acts of Piety Magnificence and publick Interess especially when the times afforded any whose names in some of those respects deserv'd to be retain'd in everlasting remembrance it might have been expected also that we should have found more frequent mention of the calling of National and Provincial Synods with the result of their proceedings and the great influence which they had on the Civil State sparingly spoken of at the best and totally discontinued in a maner from the death of King Henry the fourth until the Convocation of the year 1552. of which no notice had been taken but that he had a minde to question the Authority of the Book of Articles which came out that year though publisht as the issue and product of it by the express Warrant and Command of King Edward the sixth No mention of that memorable Convocation in the fourth and fifth years of Philip and Mary in which the Clergy taking notice of an Act of Parliament then newly passed by which the Subjects of the Temporaliâ—y having Lands to the yearly value of five pounds and upwards were charged with finding Horse and Armour according to the propertion of their yearly Revenues and Possessions did by their sole Authority as a Convocation impose upon themselves and the rest of the Clergy of this Land the finding of a like number of Horses Armour and other Necessaries for the War according to their yearly income proportion for proportion and rate for rate as by that Statute had been laid on the
in them the Hierarchy of Bishops so coldly pleaded for as shews he had a minde to betray the cause whilst all things pass on smoothly for the Presbyterians whom he chiefly acts for And this is that which we must look for par my par tout as the Frenchmen say Nor deals he otherwise with the persons which are brought before him then he doth with the Causes which they bring No profest Puritan no cunning Non-conformist or open Separatist comes upon the Stage whom he follows not with Plaudites and some fair Commends when as the Fathers of the Church and the conformable Children of it are sent off commonly in silence and sometimes with censure The late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury so eminently deserving of the Church of England must be rak'd out of his Grave arraigned for many misdemeanors of which none could accuse him when he was alive all his infirmities and weaknesses mustered up together to make him hateful to the present and succeeding Ages when Mr. â—ovâ—'s Treasonable practices and seditious Speeches must needs for footh be buried in the same Earth with him The University of Oxford frequently quarrelled and exasperated upon â—light occasions the late Kings party branded by the odious Title of Malignants not better'd by some froth of pretended Wit in the Etymology The regular Clergy shamefully reproached by the Name of covetous Confoâ—mâ—sts Lib. 9. fol. 98. And those poor men who were ejected by the late long Parliament despitefully called Baals Priests uâ—savory salâ— not â—iâ— to be thrown upon the Dungâ— hill though he be doubtful of the proofs which were brought against them Lib. 11. fol. 207. So many of all sorts wronged and injur'd by him that should they all study their personal and particular Revenges he were not able to abide it And therefore we may jâ—stly say in the Poets Language Si de to◠〈…〉 Namin â— quisâ—ue Deorum 〈◊〉 in 〈…〉 unus erit Which may be Englisht in these words Should all wrong'd 〈◊〉 seek t' avenge their same 〈◊〉 were not enough to bear the shame 9. But nothing does more evidently discover his unfaithful dealing then his repoâ—t of the proceedings in the Isle of â—â—gh between his Majâ—sty and the long Parliament Divines of which he tells us Lib. 11. fol. 235. That his 〈…〉 aâ—â—nâ—wledged their great pains to inform his iudgement according to their perswasions and also took especial notice of thâ—ir civilities of the Application both in the beginning and body of their Reply and having cleer'd himself from some mis-understanding about the Writ of Partition which they speak of puts an end to the business The man who reads this passage cannot choose but think that his Majesty being vanquisht by the Arguments of the Prebyterians had given over the cause and therefore as convicted in his Conscience rendreth them thanks for the Instruction which he had receiv'd and the Civilities they used towards him in the way thereof But he that looks upon his Majesties last Paper will finde that he had Learnedly and Divinely refeâ—'d all their Arguments And having so done puts them in minde of three questions which are propos'd in his former Paper acknowledg'd by themselves to be of great importance in the present controversie without an Answer whereunto his Majesty declar'd that he would put an end to that conference It not being probable as he told them that they should work much upon his Iudgement whilâ—â— they are â—â—arful to declare their own nor possible to reliâ—ve his conscience but by a free dâ—â—laring of theirs But they not able or not daring for fear of displeasing their great Masters to return an Answer to those Questions his Majesty remain'd sole Master of the field a most absolute Conqueror For though the first blow commonly does begin the Quarrel it is the last blow always that gets the Victory But Regium est cum benefeceris male audire It hath been commonly the fortune of the greatest Princes when they deserve best to be worst reported 10. Nor deals he better with the Church then he does with the King concealing such things as might make for her justification and advocating for such things as disturb her order In the last Book we finde him speaking of some heats which were rais'd in the Church about placing the Communion-Table Altar-wise and great fault found for the want of Moderation in those Men who had the managing of that business But he conceals his Majesties Determination in the Case of St. Gregories Novem. 3. 1633. by which all Bishops and other Ordinaries were incouraged to proceed therein and consequently those of inferior rank to defend their actings The Chappel of Emmanuel Colledge in Cambridge is built North and South contrary to the usage of the Primitive times and the Church of England with which King Iames being made acquainted he answered as our Author tells us That it was no maâ—ter how the Chappel stood so the heart stood right Which Tale being told by him and believed by others populum qui sibi credit habet Ovid. in Ep. Hypsiphil as he is like enough to finde many Believers farewel to all external Reverence in the Service of God What need we trouble our selves or others with standing kneeling bowing in the acts of Worship it is no matter in what posture the Body be so the Heart be right What need we put our selves or others to the charge of Surplices and Hoods of Gowns and Cassacks in the officiating of Gods Service It is no matter in what habit the Body be so the heart be right There is another Chappel in Cambridge which was never consecrated whether a Stable or a Dormitory is all one to me At which when some found themselves grieved our Author tells them That others of as great Learning and Religion himself especially for one dare defend that the continued Series of Divine Duties publickly practiced for more then thirty years without the least check or controul of those in authority in a place set apart to that purpose doth sufficiently consecrate the same Stables and Barns by this Argument shall in some tract of time become as sacred as our Churches and if the Brethren think it not enough for their ease to be pent up in so narrow a Room t is but repairing to the next Grove or Coppise and that in a like tract of time shall become as holy as Solomons Temple or any consecrated place whatsoever it be Churches may well be spared pull'd down and their Materials sold for the use of the Saints a Tub by this our Authors Logick will be as useful as the Pulpit unto Edification And that we may perceive that nothing is more precious with him then an irregular unconsecrated and unfurnished Chappel Melvins infamous Libel against the Furniture of the Altars in the Chappels Royal for which he was censur'd in the Star-Chamber must be brought in by head shoulders out of time and place for fear least such an excellent piece of
except it be in his own dreams to confirm these Articles or that the Parliament of the 13 of the Queen being that he speaks of appointed any Committee for Religion to examine the Oxthodoxy of those Articles and make report unto the House All that was done was this and on this occasion Some Ministers of the Church too stiffly wedded to their old Mumpsimus of the Masse and some as furiously prosecuting their new Sumpsimus of Inconformity it was thought fit that between these contending parties the Doctrine of the Church should be kept inviolate And thereupon it was Enacted That every person under the degree of a Bishop which did or should pretend to be a Priest or Minister of Gods holy word and Sacraments in the Church of England should before Christmas then next following in the presence of his Diocesan Bishop testifie his assent and subscribe to the said Articles of the year 1562. Secondly that after such subscribing before the Bishop he should on some Sunday in the forenoon in the Church or Chappel where he served in time of Divine Service read openly the said Articles on pain of being deprived of all his Ecclesiastical promotions as if he were then naturally dead Thirdly that if any Ecclesiastical person should maintain any Doctrine contrary to any of the said Articles and being convented by his Bishop c. should persist therein it should be just cause to deprive such person of his Ecclesiastical promotions Fourthly that all persons to be admitted to any Benefice with Cure should likewise subscribe to the said Articles and publickly read the same in the open Church within two moneths after their induction with declaration of their unfaigned assent to the same on the pain aforesaid in all which there was nâ—â—thing done to confirm these Articles but only a pious care expressed for reformation of such disorders as were like to rise amongst the Ministers of the Church by requiring their subscription and assent unto them under such temporal punishments which at that time the Canons of the Church had not laid upon them So that our Author very well might have spared this Flourish that the Obligatoriness of these Articles as to temporal punishments beares not date nine years before from their composition in Convocation but henceforward from their confirmation in Parliament And here I must crave leave to fetch in another passage relating to the Acts of this Convocation fol. 102. in which he telleth us that till the year 1572. The Bishops had been more sparing in pâ—â—ssing and others more daring in denying subscription because the Canons made in the Convocation Anno 1563. were not for nine years after confirmed by Act of Parliament c. In which onâ— Authoâ— shews much zeal and but little knoâ—ledge theâ—e being no Canons madâ— in the Convoâ—ation of 1562. 1563. in our Authors reckoning noâ— any thing at all done in it more then the setling of the Articles and passing a bill for the granting of a Subsidie to the Queen as by the Records thereof may be easily seen But rather then the Parliament shall not have the power of confirming Canons our Author will finde our some Canons for them to confirm which never had a being or existence but in his brains only From the Articles our Author proceeds unto the Hoâ—ilies approved in those Articles and of them he tels us Fol. 75. That if they did little good they did little harm With scoâ—â— and insolence enough Those Homilies were so composed as to instruct the people in all positive Doctrines necessary for Christian men to know with reference both to Faith and Manneâ—s and being penned in a plain style as our Author hath it were â—â—tter for the edification of the common people then either the strong lines of some or the flashes of 〈◊〉 wiâ— in others in these latter times And well it had been for the peace and happiness of this Church if they had been more constantly read and nor discredited by those men who studied to advance their own inventions above those grave and solid pieces composed by the joynt counsels and co-operations of many godly learned and religious peâ—sons But it is well howsoever that by reading these so much viâ—ified Homilies the Ministeâ—â— though they did little good did but little harm it being to be feared that the precommant humor of Sermonizing hath on the contrary done much harm and but little good But our Author hath not yet done with this Convocation for so it followeth Fol. 76. The English Bishops conceiving themselves impowered by their Canons began to shew their authority in urging the Clergy of their Diâ—â—eâ—s to subscribe to the Liturgie Ceremonies and Discipline of the Church and such as refused the same were braaded with the odious name of Puritans Our Author having given the Parliament a power of confirming no Canons as before was shewed he brings the Bisâ—ops acting by as weak Authority in the years 1563. 1564. theâ—e being at that time no Canons for them to pâ—oceed upon for requiring thâ—ir Clergy to subscribe to the Liturgie Ceremonies and Discipline of the Church And therefore if they did any such thing it was not aâ— tâ—ey were impowered by their Canons but as they were inâ—â—bâ—â—d by that Authoâ—ity whiâ—h was inherent naturally in their Epiâ—copal Office But whereas he tells us in the following words thâ—t the name of Puritan in that notion began this year viz. 15â—4 I fear he hath anticipated the time a little Genebrard a right good Chronologer placing it ortos in Angâ—â—â— Puritanâ—s about two years after Anno 1566. And so far I am of our Authors minde that the grief had not been great if the name had ended that year upon condition thâ—t the occasion for which it was given them had then ended also But when he tells us that the name of Puritans was given to the opposers of the Hierarâ—â—y and Church-Serviceâ— and signifâ—eth a Non-conformist as often as I meet such Opposers and such Non-conâ—oâ—mists in the coâ—â—e of this Hiâ—â—ory I have warrant good enough to call them by the name of Puritans If any did abuse the nâ—mâ—s as â—â—â—â—leth us afterwards lib. x. fol. 100. to asperse the most Orthodox in Doctrine and religious in Conversation they weâ—e the moâ—e to blame let them answer for it But if those Orthodox and religious persons were Orthodox only in his sense and under the colour of Religion did secretly 〈◊〉 with those who oppos'd the Hierarchy and the eâ—â—â—blisht Orders of the Church it might be a disgrace but no wâ—ong unto them to be called Puritans And if it 〈◊〉 extended further to denote such men also as mainâ—â—â—ned any of the private Opinions and Doctrines of 〈◊〉 against the tendries of the Church I see no reason why our Author should complain of it so much as he does in the place afoâ—esaid The practices of some men are many times Doctrines to others and the Calvinia 〈◊〉 being built upon Calvins practices and those
Bishop of Chichester as finally the two first Chapters about the Tiâ—hing of the Iews were learnedly reviewed by Mr. Nettles a Countâ—ey 〈◊〉 but excellently well skilled in Talmudical Learning In which encounters the Historian was so gall'd by Tillesly so gagg'd by Montague and stung by Nettles that he never came off in any of his undertakings with such losse of credit In the Preface to his History he had charged the Clergy with ignorance and lazinesse upbraided them with having nothing to keep up their credit but beard habit and title and that their Studies reache no further then the Breviary the Postils and the Polyanthea But now he found by these encounters that some of the ignorant and lazie Clergy were of as retired studies as himself and could not only match but overmatch him too in his own Philoâ—ogiâ— But the Governours of the Church went a shorter way and not expecting till the Book was answered by particular men resolv'd to seek for reparation of the wrong from the Author himself upon an Information to be brought against him in the High Commission Fearing the issue of the business and understanding what displeasures were conceived against him by the King and the Church he made his personal appearance in the open Court at Lambeth on the eight and twentieth day of Ianuary Annâ— 1618. where in the presence of George L. Archbishop of Canterbury Iohn L. B. of London Lancelot L. B. of Winchester Iohn L. B. of Rochester Sir Iohn Benet Sir William Bird Sir George Newman Doctors of the Laws and Thâ—mas Mothershed Notary and Register of that Couâ—t he tendred his submission and acknowledgement all of his own hand-writing in these following words My goâ— Lords I most humbly acknowledge my error whicâ— haâ—e committed in publishing the History of Tithes and especially in that I have at all by shewing any interpretation of Holy Scriptures by medling with Councels Faâ—hers or Câ—nons or by whatsoever occurs in it offered any occasion of argument against any right of Maintenance â—ure divino of the Ministers of the Gospel beseeching your Lordships to receive this ingenuous and humble acknowledgement together with the unfeigned protestation of my grief for that through it I have so incurred both his Majesties and your Lordships displeasure conceived against me in behalf of the Church of England IOHN SELDEN Which his submission and acknowledgement being received and made into an Act of Court was entred into the publick Registers thereof by this Title following viz. Officium Dominorum contra Joh. Seldeâ—â— de inter Templo London Armigerum So far our Author should have gone had he plaid the part of a good Historian but that he does his work by halfs in all Church-concernments Fol. 72. James Montague Bishop of Winchester a potent Courtier took exceptions that his Bishoprick in the marshalling of them was wronged in method as put after any whose Bishop is a Privy Counsellour The Bishop was too wise a man to take this as our Author hates it for a sufficient ground of the proceeding against Dr. Mocket who had then newly translated into the Latin tongue the Liturgy of the Church of England the 39. Articles the Book of the Ordination of Bishops Priests and Deacons and many Doctrinal points extracted out of the Book of Homilies All which with Bishop Iewels Apology Mr. Noels Catechism and a new Book of his own entitâ—led Politiâ— Ecclesiae Anglicanae he had caused to be Printed and bound up together A Book which might have been of great honour to the Church of England amongst forain Nations and of no lesse use and esteem at home had there not been somewhat else in it which deserved the fire then this imaginary Quarrel For by the Act of Parliament 31 H. 8. 6. 10. the precedency of the Bishops is thus Marshalled that is to say the Archbishop of Canterbury the Archbishop of York the Bishop of London the Bishop of Durham the Bishop of Winchester the rest according to the order of their Consecrations yet so that if any of them were Secretary to the King he should take place of all those other Bishops to whom otherwise by the Order of his Consecration he had been to give it If the Doctor did mistake himself in this particular as indeed he did the fault might easily have been mended as not deserving to be expiated by so sharp a punishment The following reason touching his derogating from the Kings power in Ecclesiastical matters and adding it to the Metropolitan whose servant and Chaplain he was hath more reason in it if it had but as much truth as reason and so hath that touching the Propositions by him gathered out of the Homilies which were rather framed according to his own judgement then squared by the Rules of the Church But that which I conceive to have been the true cause why the Book was burned was that in publishing the twentieth Article concerning the Authority of the Church he totally left out the first clause of it viz. Habet Ecclesia Ritus sive Ceremonias statuendi jus in Controversus â—ides Authoritatem By means whereof the Article was apparently falsified the Churches Authority disâ—vowed and consequently a wide gap opened to dispute her power in all her Canons and Determinations of what sort soever And possible enough it is that some just offence might be taken at him for making the Fasting dayes appointed in the Liturgy of the Church of England to be commanded and observed ob Politiâ— is solum rationes for Politick Considerations only as insinuated pag. 308. whereas those Fasting-dayes were appointed in the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth Anno 1549. with reference only to the primitive Institution of those several Fasts when no such Politick considerations were so much as thought of But whatsoever was the true cause or whether there were more then one as perhaps there was certain I am it could not be for derogating any thing from the Kings Power and enlarging that of the Archbishop in confirming the election of Bishops as our Author tels us For though the Doctor doth affirm of the Metropolitans of the Church of England pag. 308. Vt Electiones Episcoporum suae Provinciae confirment that it belongs to them to confirm the Electioâ—s of the Bishops of their several Provinces and for that purpose cites the Canon of the Councel of Nice which our Author speaks of yet afterwards he declares expresly that no such confirmation is or can be made by the Metropolitans without the Kings assent preceding Cujus 〈◊〉 electi comprobantur comprobati confirmantur confirmati consecrantur pag. 313. which very fully clears the Doctor from being a better Chaplain then he was a Subject as our Author makes him Fol. 77. At this time began the troubles in the Law-Countries about matters of Religion heightned between two opposite parties Remonstrants and Contra-Râ—monstrants their Controversies being chiefly 〈◊〉 to five points c Not at this time viz. 1618. which our
Author speaks of but some years before They were now come unto their height and had divided the whole body of the united Belgick Provinces into two great Factions that of the Remonstrants whom in reproach they call their Minions being headed by Iohn Olden Barnevelt a principal Counseller of State and of great Authority in his Countrey the other of the Calvinists or Contra-Remonstrants being managed by Maurice Prince of Orange the chief Commander of the Forces of the States united both by Sea and Land But the troubles and divisions were now come to their full growth they began many years before occasioned by a Remonstrance exhibited to the States of Holland by the followers of Dr. Iames Harmin who liked better the Melanchthonian way then that of Calvin Anno 1610. and that Remonstrance counterballanced by a Contra-Remonstranâ—â— made by â—uch Divines who were better pleased with Calvins Doctrine in the deep Speculations of Predestination Grace Freewil c. then with that of Melanchthon Hence grew the names of Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants occurring frequently in the Writings on both sides till the Remonstrants were condemned in the Synod of Dort and either forced to yield the Cause or quit their Countrey Each party in the mean time had the opportunity to disperse their Doctrines in which the Remonstrants gained exceedingly upon their Adversaries especially after they had been admitted to a publick Confeâ—ence at the Hague Anno 1611. in which they were conceived to have had much the better of the day and so continued in encrease of their power and credit till the Quarrels and Animosities between the Prince and Barnevelt put a full period to the businesse by the death of the one and the Authority of the other Fol. 82. Hereby the equal Reader may judge how candidly Mr. Montague in his Appeal dealeth with our Divines charging them that the Discipline of the Church of England is in this Synod held unlawfull And again the Synod of Dort in some points condemneth upon the by even the Discipline of the Church of England Assâ—redly Mr. Montague deals very candidly with our Divines professing that he doth reverence them for their places worth and learning though not obliged as he conceived to all or any of the Conclusions of the Synod at Dort And he might very well declare as indeed he doth that the Discipline of the Church of England in that and other Dutch Synods was held unlawfull and by them condemned upon the by For whereas in the Confession of the Belgick Churches ratified and confirmed in the Synod of Dort it is declared and maintained that all Ministers are by the word of God of equall power it must needs follow thereupon that the Superiority of Bishops over other Ministers is against Gods word Quantum verò attinet Divini verbi Ministros ubicunque locorum sint eandem illi Potestatem Authoritatem habent ut qui omnes sint Christi unici illius Episcopi universalis unicique Capitis Ecclesiae Ministri These are the words of that Confewon as it stands ratified and recorded in the Acts of the Synod of Dort as before was said In which and by which if the Discipline of the Church of England be not made unlawful in terminis terminantibus as they use to say I am sure it is condemned upon the by which is as much as Mr. Montague had affirmed of it And howsoever Dr. Charleton then Bishop of Landaffe as well to vindicate his own dignity as the honour of the Church of England tendred his Protestation of that Synod in behalf of Episcopacy yet was it made to signifie nothing nor so much as honored with an Answer our Author noting at the end of this protestation Britannorum interpellationi responsum ne gru qâ—â—dem viz. to this interpellation of the British Divines nothing at all was answered There might be some wrong done to our Divines by the rest of that Synod but no wrong done by Mr. Montague neither to our Divines nor unto that Synod Fol. 89. Now whilest in common discourse some made this Iudge others that Sergeant Lord Chancellor King James made Dr. Williams lately and still Dean of Westminstet and soon after Bishop of Lincoln In this and the rest which followes touching the advancement of Dr. Williams to the place and dignity of Lord Keeper there are three things to be observed And first it is to be observed that though he was then Dean of Westminster when the custody of the Great Seal was committed to him yet was he not then and still Dean of that Church that is to say not Dean thereof at such time as our Author writ this part of the History For fol. 80. speaking of Dr. Hals return from the Synod of Dort Anno 1618. he addes that he continued in health till this day thirty three years after which fals into the year 1651. And certainly at that time Dr. Williams then Archbishop of York was not Dean of Westminster that place having been bestowed by his Majesty upon Dr. Steward Clerk of the Closet An. 1645. being full six years before the time which our Author speaks of Secondly whereas our Author tells us that the place was proper not for the plain but guarded Gown I would â—ain know how it should be more proper for the guarded Gown then it was for the plain There was a time when the Chancellors as our Author telleth us elsewhere were always Bishops and from that time till the fall of Cardinal Wolsey that Office continued for the most part in the hands of the Prelates at what time that great Office was discharged with such a general contentment that people found more expedition in their Suits and more ease to their Purses then of later times By which it seems that men who are never bred to know the true grounds and reasons of the Common Law might and could mitigate the Rigour of it in such difficult cases as were brought before them the Chancery not having in those days such a mixture of Law as now it hath not being so tyed up to such intricate Rules as now it is But thirdly whereas our Author in advocating for the Common Lawyers prescribeth for them a Succession of six Descentâ—s he hath therein confuâ—ed himself and â—aved me the trouble of an Animadveâ—sion by ◠〈◊〉 Note in which netelleâ—â— us that Sir Ch. Hatton was not bred a Lawyer If so then neither was the Title 〈◊〉 strong nor the Pâ—oscriptions so well grounded as ouâ— Author makes iâ— the intâ—â—position of Sir Christopher Hatton between Sir Tho. Bromley and Sir Iohn Puckering 〈◊〉 it to three descents and but thirty years which is too short a time 〈◊〉 a Prescription to be built upon Fol. 93. He had 14 years been Archbishop of Spalato c. Conscience in shew and covetousness indeed caused his coming hither â— This is a very hard sâ—ying a censure which enâ—â—enches too much upon the Pâ—iviledges of Almighty God who alone knows the
England France and Ireland and proclaimed that day to be crowned consecrated and anointed unto whom he demanded whether they would obey and serve or not By whom it was again with a loud cry answered God save the King and ever live his Majesty The same we have in substance but in sewer words in the Coâ—onation of King Iames where it is said that The King was shewed to the people and that they were required to make acknowledgement of theâ—â— allâ—giance to his Majesty by the Archbishop which they did by acclamations Assuredly the difference is exceeding vaâ—t betwixt obeying and consenting betwixt the peoples acknowledging their allegiance and promising to obey and serve theiâ— lawful Soveraign and giving their consent to his Coronation as if it could not be peâ—formed without such consent Nor had the late Archbishop been repâ—oacht so generally by the common people and that reproach publisht in several Pamphleâ—s for altering the Kings Oath at his Coronation to the infringing of the Libeâ—â—ies and diminution of the Rights of the English Subjecâ—s had he done them such a notable pieâ—e of service as freeing them from all promises to obey and â—erve and making the Kings Coronation to depend on their consent For Bishop Laud being one of that Committee which was appointed by the King to review the form and oâ—der of the Coronation to the end it might be fitted to some Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England which had not been observ'd befoâ—e must bear the greatest blame in this alteration if any such alteration had been made as our Author speaks of because he was the principal man whom the King reâ—â—ed on in that business But our Author tels us in his Preface that this last Book with divers of the rest were written by him when the Monarchy was turn'd into a State and I dare believe him He had not elâ—e so punctually conform'd his language to the new State-doctrine by which the mâ—king and conâ—equently the unmaking of Kings is wholly veâ—ted in â—he people according to that Maxim of Buchannan â—opulo jus est imperium cui velit deferat then which â—here is not a more pestilent and seditious passage â—n his whole Book De jure Regni apud Scotos though â—here be nothing else but Treason and Sedition â—n it Fol. 123. Then as many Earls and Barons as could â—onveniently stand about the Throne did lay their hands â—n the Crown on his Majesties head protesting to spend their blouds to maintain it to him and his lawful Heâ—rs A promise faithfully performed by many of them some losing their lives for him in the open field others exhausting their Estates in defence of his many more venturing their whole fortunes by adhering to him to a conâ—â—scation a Catalogue of which laâ—t we may finde subscribed to a Letter sent from the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled in Oxford to those at Westminster Anno 1643. And by that Catalogue we may also see what and who they were who so ignobly brake faith with him all those whose names we finde not in that sâ—bscription or presently superadded to it being to be reckoned amongst those who in stead of spending their bloud to maintain the Crown to him and to his lawful successors concurred with them either in opere or in 〈◊〉 who despoiled him of it And to say truth they were rewarded as they had deserved the first thing which was done by the House of Commons after the King by their means had been brought to the fatal Block being to tuâ—ne them out of power to dissolve their House and annul their priviledges reducing them to the same condition with the reâ—t of the Subjects Fol. 127. And it had not been amiss if such who would be accounted his friends and admirers had followed him in the footsteps of his Moderation content with the enjoying without the enjoyning their private practises and opinions 〈◊〉 others This comes in as an inference only on a formeâ— passage in which it is said of Bishop Andrews that in Whâ—â— place soever he came he never pressed any other Ceremonieâ— upon them then such as he found to be used there before 〈◊〉 coming though otherwise condemned by some â—omany superstitious Ceremonies and superâ—luous Ornaments in his private Chappel How true this is I am not able to affiâ—m lesse able if it should be true to commend it in him It is not certainly the office of a carefull Bishop only to leave things as he found them but to reduce them if amiss to those Rules and Canons from which by the forwardness of some to innovate and the connivence of others at the innovations they had been suffered to decline And for the inference it self it is intended chiefly for the late Arch-bishop of Canterbury against whom he had a fling before in the fourth Book of this History not noted there because reserved to another place of which more hereafter Condemned here for his want of moderation in enjoyning his private practises and opinions on other men But 〈◊〉 our Author had done well to have spared the man who hath already reckoned for all his errors both with God and the world And secondly it had been betteâ— if he had told us what those private practises and opinions were which the Archbishop with such want of moderation did enjoyne on others For it is possible enough that the opinions which he speaks of might be the publick Doctrines of the Church of England maintained by him in opposition to those private opinions which the Calvinian pâ—rty had intended to obtrude upon her A thing complained of by Spalato who well observed that many of the opinions both of Luther and Calvin were received amongst us as part of the Doctrine and Confession of the Church of England which â—therwise he acknowleâ—ged to be capable of an Oxthoâ—x sense Praeter Anglicanam Confessionem â—uam mihi ut modestam praedicabant multa 〈◊〉 Lutheri Calvini dogmata obtinuisse â—he there objects And it is possible enough â—â—at the practises which he speaks of were not private either but a reviver of those ancient and publick â—ages which the Canons of the Church enjoyned â—nd by the remisness of the late Government had been â—iscontinued He that reads the Gag and the Appello â—aesarem of Bishop Montague cannot but see that those â—â—inions which our Author condemned for private were â—he true Doctrine of this Church professed and held forth â—n the Book of Articles the Homilies and the Common-Prayer-Book But for a justification of the Praâ—â—ises the private practises he speaks of I shall direct â—im to an Author of more credit with him Which â—â—thor first tels us of the Bishops generally That being of late years either careless or indulgent they had not required within their Dioceses that strict obedience to Ecclesiastical Constitutions which the Law expected upon which the Liturgy began totally to be laid aside and in conformity the uniform practise of â—he Church He
own Thirdly though it be true enough that some Persons of Honour had been denied such higher Titles as they had desired fol. 163. Yet was it not the denying of such Titles unto Men of Honour which wrote these terrible effects but the denying of an Honorary Title to a Man of no Honour If Colonel Alexander Lesley an obscure fellow but made rich by the spoils and plunder of Germany had been made a Baron when he first desired it the rest of the Male-contents in Scotland might have had an heart though they had no head But the King not willing to dishonor so high a Title by conferring it on so low a person denyed the favour which put the man into such a heat that presently he joyned himself to the faction there drove on the Plot and finally undertook the command oâ— their Armieâ— Rewaâ—ded foâ— which notable service with the Title of Earl of Levin by the King himâ—elâ— he could not so digest the injury of the first refusal but that he afterwards headed their Rebellions upon all occasions Fol. 163. Generally they excused the King in their writings as innocent therein but charged Archbishop Laâ—d as the principal and Dr. Cousins for the instrumental compiler thereof This is no more then we had reason to expect fâ—om a former passage lib. 4. fol. 193. where our Author telleth us that the Scottish Bishops withdrew themselves from their obedience to the See of York in the time when George Nevil was Archbishop And then he adds Hence forwards no Archbishop of York medled more with Church matters in Scotland and happy had it been if no Archbishop of Canterbury had since interessed himself therein His stomach is so full of choler against this pooâ— Prelate that he must needs bring up some of it above an hundred years before he was born Hence is it that he rakes together all reports which make against him and sets them down in rank and file in the course of this History If Archbishop Abbot be suspended from his Jurisdiction the blame thereof was laid on Archbishop Laud as if not content to succeed he endeavoured to suâ—plant him fol. 128. The King sets out a Declaration about lawful sports the reviving and enlarging of which must be put upon his accompt also some strong pâ—eâ—â—mptions being urged for the proof thereof fol. 147. The 〈◊〉 of the Church to her antient Rules and publick Doctrines must be nothing else but the enjoyning of his own private practices and opinions upon other men fol. 127. And if a Liturgy be compos'd for the use of Church of Scotland who but he must be charged to be the Compiler of it But what proofs have we for all this Only the 〈◊〉 or his Enemies or our Authors own 〈…〉 or some common fame And if it once be 〈…〉 shall pass for truth and as a truth 〈…〉 Authors History though the greatest falsehood Tam facilis in mendaciis fides ut quicquid famae liceat fingere illi esset libenter audire in my Authors language But for the last he brings some pâ—oof he would have us think so at the least that is to say the words of one Bayly a Scot whom it concern'd to make him as odious as he could the better to comply with a Pamphlet called The Intentions of the Army in which it was declared that the Scots entred England with a purpose to remove the Archbishop from the King and execute their vengeance on him What hand Dr. Cousins had in assisting of the work I am not able to say But sure I am that there was nothing done in it by the Bishops of England but with the counsel and co-operation of their Brethren in the Church of Scotland viz. the Archbishop of St. Andrews the Archbishop of Glasco the Bishop of Murray Ross Brechin and Dunblane as appears by the Book entituled Hidden Works of Darkness c. fol. 150 153 154 c. And this our Author must needs know but that he hath a minde to quarrel the Archbishop upon every turn as appears plainly 1. By his Narrative of the Design in King Iames his time from the first undertaking of it by the Archbishop of St. Andrews and the Bishop of Galloway then being whose Book corrected by that King with some additions expunctions and accommodations was sent back to Scotland 2. By that unsatisfiedness which he seems to have when the project was resum'd by King Charles whether the Book by him sent into Scotland were the same which had passed the hands of King Iames or not which he expresseth in these words viz. In the Reign of King Charles the project was resumed but whether the same Book or no God knoweth fol. 160. If so if God only knoweth whether it were the same or no how dares he tell us that it was not and if it was the same as it may be for ought he knoweth with what conscience can he charge the making of it upon Bishop Laud. Besides as afterwards he telleth us fol. 163. the Church of Scotland claimed not only to be Independent and free as any Church in Christendom a Sister not a Daughter of England And consequently the Prelates of that Church had more reason to decline the receiving of a Liturgy impos'd on them or commended to them by the Primate of England for fear of acknowledging any subordination to him then to receive the same Liturgy here by Law establisht which they might very safely borrow from their Sister Church without any such danger But howsoever it was the blame must fall on him who did least deserve it Fol. 167. Thus none seeing now foul weather in Scotland could expect it fair Sun-shine in England In this I am as little of our Authors opinion as in most things else The Sun in England might have shined with a brighter beam if the clouds which had been gathered together and threatned such foul weather in Scotland had been disperst and scattered by the Thunder of our English Ordinance The opportunity was well given and well taken also had it not been unhappily lost in the prosecution The Scots were then weak unprovided of all necessaries not above three thousand compleat Arms to be found amongst them The English on the other side making a formidable appearance gallantly Horst compleaâ—ly arm'd and intermingled with the choicest of the Nobility and Gentry in all the Nation And had the Scots been once broken and their Countrey wasted which had been the easiest thing in the world for the English Army they had been utterly disabled from creating trouble to their King disturbances in their own Châ—rch and destruction to England So true is that of the wise Histoâ—ian Conatus subditorâ—m irritos imperia â—â—â—per promovere the Insurrections of the people when they are supprest do always make the King stronger and the Subjects weaker Fol. 167. The Sermon ended We chose Dr. Stewart Den of Chichester Prolocutor and the next day of sitting We met at Westminster in the
termes about Religion and consequently could not tell in what â—orme to bury him that if the Dr. had died a profest Papist he would have buried him himself but being as it was he could not see how any of the Prebendaries could â—ither with safty or with credit performe that office But the Artifice and design being soon discovered took so little effect that Dr. Newel one of the Senior Prebendaâ—ies performed the Obsequies the rest of the whole Chapter attending the body to the grave with all due solâ—mnitie Fol 228. He was so great an honourer of the English 〈◊〉 that of his own cost he caused the same to be translated into Spanish and fairly printed to confute their false concept of our Church c. If this be true it makes not onely to his honour but also to the honour of the English Liturgy translated into more languages then any Liturgy in the world whatsoever it be translated into Latine by Alexand. Alesius a learned Scot in King Edwards time as afterward by Dr. Walter Haddon in the reign of Queen Elizabeth and his translation mended by Dr. Mocket in the time of King Iames translated into French by the command of that King for the Isles of Guernsey and Iersey into Spanish at the charge of this Bishop as our Author telleth us and finally into Greek by one Mr. â—etly by whom it was dedicated and presented to the late Arch Bishop of Canterbury the greatest Patron and Advancer of the English Liturgy But 2. I have some reason to doubt that the Liturgy was not translated at the charges of Bishop VVilliams That it was done by his procurement I shall easily grant but whosoever made the Bill of Charges the Church paid the â—eckoning the Dominican Fryer who translated it being â—ewarded with a Benefice and a good Prebend as Cab p. 7â— â—he Bishop himself did signifie by letter to the Duke of â—uckingham And as for the printing of the book I cannot â—hink that it was at his charges neither but at the charâ—es of the Printer it not being usual to give the Printers â—oney and the copy too And 3. Taking it for grantâ—d that the Liturgy was translated and printed at this â—ishops charges yet does not this prove him to be so â—reat an honourer of it as our Authour makes him for â—â—d he been indeed a true honourer of the English Liturgy 〈◊〉 would have been a more diligent attendant on it then 〈◊〉 shewed himself never repairing to the Church at Westminster whereof he was Dean from the 18. oâ— â—â—bruary 1635. when the businesse of the great â—ew was judged against him till his Commitment to the Tower in Iuly 1637. Nor ever going to the Chappell of the Tower where he was a Prisoner to attend the Divine Service of the Church or receive the Sacrament from Iuly 1637. when he was committed to November 1640 when he was enlarged A very strong Argument that he was no such Honourer of the English Liturgie as is here pretended A Liturgy most highly esteemed in all places wheresoever it came and never so much vilified despis'd condemn'd as amongst our selves and those amongst our selves who did so vilifie and despise it by none more countenanced then by him who is here said to be so great an Honourer of it But for this Blow our Author hath his Buckler ready telling us that Ibid Not out of Sympathy to Non-conformists but Antipathy to Arch-bishop Laud he was favourable to some select Persons of that Opinion An Action somewhat like to that of the Earl of Kildare who being accused before Henry the Eighth for burning the Cathedrall Church of Cassiles in Ireland profess'd ingeniously That he would never have burnt the Church if some body had not told him that the Bishop was in it Hare to that Bishop and Arch-Bishop of Irâ—land incited that mad Earle to burn his Cathedrall Church and hate to Bishop Laud the Primate and Metropolitan of all England stird up this Bishop to raise a more unquenchable Combuâ—â—ion in the Church of England So that we may affirm of him as Tertullian in another case of the Primitive Christians Viz. Tanti non est bonum quanti est odium Christianorum But are we sure that hee was favourable to the Non-Conformists out of an antipathy to Bishop Laud only I believe not so His antipathy to the King did at strongly biass him that way as any thing else For which I have the Testimony of the Author of the History of King Charls publisht 1656. who telleth us of him That being malevolently inclin'd about the loss of the great Seale he thought he could not gratifie beloved Revenge better then to endeavour the supplanting of his Soveraign To which end finding him declining in the Affectionâ— of his People he made his Apostrophe and Applications to them fomenting popular discourses tending to the Kings dishonour C. And being once set upon that Pin flectere si nequeo superos Achâ—ronta movebâ— as we know who said it is no mâ—rvell if he shewd himself favourable to the Nâ—n Conformists as being Enemies to Kings anâ— a Kingly Government and therefore likeliest to provide Fuell for a publick Fire and yet besides these two there was a third impressive which might move aâ— strongly on his Nature as either of them Our Author fâ—rmerly told us of him that he was A bâ—ck Friend to the Canons because he had no hand in the making of them And for the same reason also I conceive that he might shew himself a back Friend to the Church a Patron to the Non Conformists of purpose to subvert those Counsells and ruinate those Designs for uniformity which had been resolved and agreed on without his Advice Consilii omnis cujus ipse non Author esset inimicus as we know who said In order whereunto he had no sooner heard that there was a purpose in some great Bishops of the Court to regulate the standing of the Communion Table according to the Pattern of the Mother Cathedrall and the royall Chappels but he presently set himselfe against it dispercing Copies of a Letter pretended to be writâ—en â—y him to the Vicar of Grantham on that occasion and publishing his Book called the Holy Table â—ull of quotations but more in number then in weight Anâ— this he did out or a meer Spirit of Contradiction directly contrary to his own practice in all places where he had to do that is to say not only in the Collegiate Church at VVestminster whereof he was Dean and in the Cathedrall Church of Lincoln whereof he was Bishop but in his own private Chappell at Bugden also where there was no body to act any thing in it but himself alone And so I take my leave of this great Prelate whom I both reverence for hiâ— Place and honour for his Parts as much as any And yet I cannot choose but say that I find more reason to condemn then there is to commend him so that we
off so clearly with those evaâ—â—ns which he had put upon the Articles in charge against him or with those touches on the by which are given to the Defendant in the Doctors Answer supposing that the Paper exemplified in the Pamphlet never before publisht as the Authour tels us contain the substance and effect of that which he delivered to the King for his justification as indeed it doth not For the truth is that this Paper was digested by D. Prideaux as soon as he returned to Oxon coppied out and disperst abroad by some of his own party and perswasions to keep up the credit of the cause And though at first it carried the same Title which the Pamphlet gives it viz. The Answer of D. Prideaux to the Information given in against him by D. Heylin yet afterwards upon a melius inquirendum he was otherwise perswaded of it and commonly imputed it to one of Trinity Colledge whom he conceived to have no good affections to him And here I might conclude this point touching the traducing and disturbing of D. Prideaux did I not finde that by the unseasonable publishing of that Antiquated and forgotten Paper the Respondent had not been disturbed and traduced in a far courser manner then he was the Doctor had those passions and infirmities which are incident to other men of lesse ability and having twice before exposed the Respondent to some disadvantages in the point of same and reputation he was the more easily inclined to pursue his blow and render him obnoxious as much as possibly he could to the publike censure The story whereof I shall lay down upon this occasion and hope that I may safely do it without the imputation of affecting the fresh credit of coping with the deceased or purposing any wrong at all unto the reverend name and living fame of that Learned man Proximas egomâ—t sum mihiâ— as the Proverb hath it my own credit is more dear to me then another mans And where I may defend my self with truth and honesty I have no reason to betray both my name and fame by a guilty silence Know then that on tht 24. day of April Anno 1627. I answered in the Divinity Schools at Oxon upon these two Questions viz. An Ecclesia unquam fâ—erit invisibilis And 2. An Ecclesia possit errare Both which I determined in the Negative And in the stating of the first I fell upon a different way from that of D. Prideaux in his Lecture de visibilitate Ecclesiae and other Tractates of and about that time in which the visibility of the Protestant Church and consequently of the renowned Church of England was no otherwise proved then by looking for it into the scattered conventicles of the Berengarians in Italy the Waldenses in France the Wicklifists in England the Hâ—ssites in Bohemia which manner of proceeding not being liked by the Respondent as that which utterly discontinued that succession in the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy which the Church of England claimeth from the very Apostles he rather chose to look for a continual visible Church in Asia Aethiopia Greece Italy yea and Rome it self as also in all the Western Provinces then subject to the power of the Popes thereof And for the proof whereof he shewed First That the Church of England received no succession of doctrine or government from any of the scattered Conventicles before remembred Secondly That the Wicklifsists together which the rest before remembred held many Heterodoxes in Religion as different from the established doctrine of the Church of England as any point which was maintained at that time in the Church of Rome And thirdly That the Learned Writers of that Church Bellarmine himself amongst them have stood up as cordially and stoutly in maintenance of some fundamental Points of the Christian Faith against the Socinians Anabaptists Anti-Trinitarians and other Hereticks of these last ages as any of the Divines and other learned men of the Protestant Churches Which point I closed with these words viz. Vtinam quod ipse de Calvino â—ic semper errasset nobilissimus Cardinalis and this so much displeased the Doctor that as soon as the Respondent had ended his determination he fell most heavily upon him calling him by the odious names of Papicola Bellarminianus Pontificius and I wot not what and bitterly complaining to the younger part of his Audients to whom he made the greatest part of his addresses of the unprofitable pains he had took amongst them if Bellarmine whom he laboured to decry for so many years should now be honoured with the Title of Nobilissimus The like he also did tantaene animis caelestibus irae at another time when the Respondent changed his Copy and acted the part of the Prior Opponent loding the poor young man with so many reproaches that he was branded for a Papist before he understood what Popery was And because this report should not get footing in the Court before him in his first Sermon preached before the King which was in November next following on the words Ioh 4. viz Our Fathers worshiped on this mountain he so declared himself against some errours and corruptions in the Church of Rome that he shewed him to be far enough from any inclinations to the Romish Religion as afterwards in the Year 1638. when that clamour was revived again he gave such satisfaction in his third and fourth Sermon upon the Parable of the Tares that some of the Court who before had been otherwise perswaded of him did not stick to say That he had done more towards the subversion of Popery in those two Sermons then D. Pâ—ideaux had done in all the Sermons which he had ever preached in his life But to proceed the Respondent leaving Oxon within few years after the heat of these reproaches began to cool 〈◊〉 he had reason to conceive that the Doctors 〈◊〉 might in so long a tract of time as from 1627. to 16 〈…〉 cooled also but it happened otherwise For the 〈…〉 being to answer for his degree of Doctor in the 〈…〉 insisted then on the Authority of the Church 〈…〉 he had done on the infallibilâ—ty and visibility of it His Questions these viz. An Eccleâ—ia habeat authoritatem in determinandis â—idei controversâ—â—s 2. Interpretandi Scripturas 3. Discernendi ritus ceremonias All which he held in the Affirmative according to the plain and positive doctrine of the Church of England in the 20. Article which runs thus interminis viz habet Ecclesiae ritas sive ceremonias statuendiâ—us in â—idei controversâ—â—s authoritatem c. but the Doctor was as little pleased with these Questions and the Respondent stating of them as he was with the former And therefore to create to the Respondent the greater odium he openly declared that the Respondent had falsified the publike Doctrine of the Church and charged the Article with that sentence viz. Habet Ecclesia ritus sive Ceremonias c. which
Katheriâ—e Parr the Widow of King Henry the eighth and wife unto Sir Thomas Seimor the Lord here mentioned is generally charactered for a Lady of so meek a nature as not to contribute any thing towards his destruction Had the Dutchesse of Somerset been lesse impetious then she was or possest but of one half of that aequanimity which carryed Queen Katherine off in all times of her troubles this Lord might have lived happily in the armes of his Lady and gone in peace unto the grave We finde the like match to have been made between another Katherine the Widow of another Henry and Owen Tudor a private Gentleman of Wales prosperous and comfortable to them both though Owen was inferior to Sir Thomas Seimor both in Birth and Quality and Katherine of Valois Daughter to Charles the sixth of France far more superiour in her bloud to Queen Katherine Parr The like may be said also of the marriage of Adeliza Daughter of Geofry Earl of Lâ—vain and Duke of Brabant and Widow to King Henry the first marryed to William de Albeney a noble Gentleman to whom she brought the Castle and Honour of Arundel conâ—erred upon her by the King her former Husband continuing in the possession of their posterity though in severall Families to this very day derived by the Heirs general from this House of Albeney to that of the Fitz-â—lans and from them to the Howards the now Earls thereof Many more examples of which kinde foâ—tunate and succesful to each party might be easily â—ound were it worth the while Fol. 421. This barren Convocation is entituled the Parent of those Articles of Religion forty two in number which are printed with this Preface Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi c. Our Author here is guilty of a greater crime then that of Scandalum Magnatum making King Edward the sixth of pious memory no better then an impious and leud Impostor For if the Convocation of this year were barren as he saith it was it could neither be the Parent of those Articles nor of the short Catechisme which was Printed with them countenanced by the Kings Letters Patents preâ—ixt before it For First the Title to the Articles runneth thus at large viz. Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi Anno 1552 inter Episcopos alios eruditos viros convenerat ad tollendam opinionum dissensionem consensum verae Religionis firmandum Regia Authoritate in lucem editi Which title none durst have adventured to set before them had they not really been the products of that Convocation Secondly the King had no reason to have any such jealousie at that time of the major part of the Clergy but that he might trust them with a power to meddle with matters of Religion which is the only Argument our Author bringeth against those Articles This Convocation being holden in the sixth year of his Reign when most of the Episcopal Sees and Parochial Churches were filled with men agâ—eeâ—ble to his desiâ—es and generally conformâ—ble to the form of worship theâ— by Law established Thiâ—dly the Church of England for the first five years of Queen Elizabeth retained these Articles and no otheâ— as the publick tendries of the Church in poinâ—s of Doctrine which ceâ—tainly she had not done had they been reâ—ommended to her by a lesse Authoâ—ity then a Convocation Fourthly and lasâ—ly we have the testimony of our Author against himself who telling us of the Catechisme above mentioned that it was of the sanâ—e extraction with the Book of Articles addes afteâ—wards that being first composed by a single person it was perusâ—d and allowed by the Bishops and other learned men understand it the Convocation and by Royall Authority commended to all Subjecâ— and câ—mmanâ—ed to all School-masters to teach it their Scholars So that this Catechism being allowed by the Bishops and other learned men in the Convocation and the Articles being said to be of the same extraction it must needs follow thereupon that these Articles had no other Parent then this Convocation The truth is that the Records of Convocation during this Kings whole Reign and the first years of Queen Mary are very imperfect and defective most of them lost and amongst others those of this present year and yet one might conclude as strongly that my Mother died childless because my Christning is not to be found in the Parish Register as that the Convocation of this year was barren because the Acts and Articles of it are not entred in the Journal Book The Eighth Book OR The Reign of Queen MARY WE next proceed unto the short but troublesome Reign of Queen Mary in which the first thing 〈◊〉 occurs is â—ol 1. But the Commons of England who for many yeâ—â—s together had conn'd Loyalty by-heart out of the Staâ—â—â—e of the succession were so perfect in their Lesson that they would not be put out of it by this new started design In which I am to note these things first that he makes the Loyalty of the Commons of England not to depend upon the primogeniture of their Princes but on the Statute of Succession and then the object of that Loyalty must not be the King but the Act of Parliament by which they were directed to the knowledge of the next successor and then it must needs be in the power of Parliaments to dispose of the Kingdom as they pleas'd the Peoples Loyalty being tyed to such dispositions Secondly that the Statutes of Succession had been so many and so contrary to one another that the common people could not readily tell which to trust to and for the last it related to the Kings last Will and Testament so lately made and known unto so few of the Commons that they had neither opportunity to see it nor time to con the same by heart Nor thirdly were the Commons so perfect in this lesson of Loyalty or had so fixt it in their hearts but that they were willing to forget it within little time and take out such new lessons of disobedience and disloyalty as Wiat and his Partizans did preach unto them And finally they had not so well conn'd this lesson of Loyalty in our Authors own judgement but that some strong pretender might have taught them a new Art of Oblivion it being no improbable thing as himself confesseth to have heard of a King Henry the ninth if Henry Fitz-Roy the Duke of Somerset and Richmond had liv'd so long as to the death of King Edward the sixth Fol. 11. Afterwards Philpot was troubled by Gardiner for his words spoken in the Convocation In vain did he plead the priviledge of the place commonly reputed a part of Parliament I cannot finde that the Convocation at this time nor many years before this time was commonly reputed as a part of the Parliament That antiently it had been so I shall easily grant there being a clause in every letter of Summons by which the Bishops were required to attend in
false But I must needs say that there was small ingenâ—ity in acknowledging a mistake in that wherein they 〈◊〉 not been mistaken or by endeavouring to avoid a reputed Rock to run themselves on a certain Rock even the Rock of scandal For that the English Bishops had their vote in Parliament as a third 〈◊〉 and not in the capacity of temporal Barons will evidently appear by these reasons following For first the Clegy in all other Christian Kingdoms of theâ—e Noâ—thwest pâ—rts make the third Estate that is to say in the German Empire as appears by Thuanus the Historian lib. 2. In France as is affirmed by Paulus Aemilius lib. 9. in Spain as testifieth Bodinus in his De Bepub lib. 3. Foâ— which consult also the General History of Spain as in point of practice lib. 9 10 11 14. In Hâ—ngâ—ry as witnesseth Bonfinius Dec. 2. l. 1. In 〈…〉 by Thuanus also lib. 56. In Denmarkâ— as 〈◊〉 telleth us in Historia 〈…〉 observing antiently the same form and order of Government as was us'd by the Danes The like we finde in Camden for the Realm of Scotland in which antiently the Lords Spiritual viz. Bishops Abbots Priors made the third Estate And certainly it were very strange if the Bishops and other Prelates in the Realm of England being a great and powerful body should move in a lower Sphere in England then they doe elsewhere But secondly not to stand only upon probable inferences we finde first in the History of Titus Livius touching the Reign and Acts of King Henry the fifth that when his Funerals were ended the three Estates of the Realm of England did assemble together and declared his Son King Henry the sixth being an Infant of eight moneths old to be their Soveraign Lord as his Heir and Successor And if the Lords Spiritual did not then make the third Estate I would know who did Secondly the Petition tendred to Richard Duke of Glocester to accept the Crown occurring in the Parliament Rolls runs in the name of the three Estates of the Realm that is to say The Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons thereof Thirdly in the first Parliament of the said Richard lately Crowned King it is said expresly that at the request and by the consent of the three Estates of this Realm that is to say the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of this Land assembled in this present Parliament and by Authority of the same it be pronounced decreed and declared That our said Soveraign Lord the King was and is the very and undoubted King of this Realm of England c. Fourthly it is acknowledged so in the Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 3. where the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in that Parliament assembled being said expresly and in terminis to represent the three Estates of this Realm of England did recognize the Queens Majesty to be their true lawful and undoubted Soveraign Liege Lady and Queen Adde unto these the Testimony of Sir Edward Cooke though a private person who in his Book of the Jurisdiction of Courts published by order of the long Parliament chap. 1. doth expresly say That the Parliament consists of the Head and Body that the Head is the King that the Body are the three Eâ—tates viz. the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons In which words we have not only the opinion and tesâ—imony of that learned Lawyer but the Authority oâ— the long Parliament also though against it self Thoâ—e aged Bishops had been but little studied in their own concernments and betray'd their Rights if any of them did acknowledge any such mistake in châ—llenging to themselves the name and priviledges of the third 〈◊〉 Fol. 196. The Convocation now not sittingâ— and matters of Religion being brought under the cognizance of the Parliament their Wisdoms adjudged it not only convenient but necessary that some prime Clergy men might be consulted with It seems then that the setting up oâ— the new Assembly consisting of certain Lords and Gentlemen and two or more Divineâ— out of every County must be ascrib'd to the not sitting of the Convocation Whereas if that had been the reaâ—on the Convocation should have been first waâ—ned to reassemble with liberty and safe conducts given them to attend that service and freedom to debate such matters as conduced to the Peace of the Church If on those terms they had not met the substituting of the new Assembly might have had some ground though being call'd and nominated as they were by the Hoâ—se of Commons nothing they did could binde the Clergy further then as they were compellable by the power of the sword But the truth is the Convocation was not held fit to be trusted in the present Designs there being no hope that they would 〈…〉 change of the Goverâ—â—ent or to the abrogating of the Liturgy of the Church of England in all which the Divines of their own nomination were presum'd to serve them And so accordingly they did advancing their Presbyteries in the place of Episcopacy their Directory in the room of the Common Prayer Book their Confession to the quality of the Book of Articles all of them so short liv'd of so little continuance that none of them past over their Probationers year Finally having seâ—v'd the turn amus'd the world with doing nothing they made their Exit with far fewer Plaudites then they expected at their entrance In the Recital of whose names our Author craves pardon for omitting the greatest part of them as unknown to him whereas he might have found them all in the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons by which they were called and impowered to be an Assembly Of which pardon he afterwards presumes in case he hath not marshalled them in their Seniority because saith he Fol. 198. It â—avours something of a Prelatical Spirit to be offended about Precedency I â—ee our Author is no Changeling Primus ad extremum similis sibi the very same at last as he was at the first Certainly if it â—avour of a Prelatical Spirit to contend about Precedencies that Spirit by some Pythagorean Metempsychosis hath passed into the bodies of the Presbyterians whose pride had swell'd them in conceit above Kings and Princes Nothing more positive then that of Travers one of our Authors shining Lights for so he cals him Lib. 9. fol. 218. in his Book of Discipline Huic Discipline omnes Principes submittere Fasces suos necesse est as his words there are Nothing more proud and arrogant then that of the Presbyterians in Queen Elizabeths time who used frequently to say That King and Queens must lay down their Scepters and lick up the very dust of the Churrches feet that is their own And this I trow doth not savour so much of a Prelatical as a Papal Spirit Diogenes the Cynick affecting a vain-glorious poverty came into Plato's Chamber and trampled the Bed and other furniture thereof under his feet using these words Calco Platonis fastum
if all the Issue of King Iames the sixth were utterly extinguisheâ— coâ—ld not serve the turn For first the Lady Katherine Stuart Daughter to Iames the second from whom and not immediately from Iames the first he must fetch his pedigree was first Marryed to Robert Lord Boide Earl of Arran from whom being forcibly taken by her brother King Iames the third and marryed in her said Husbands life time Sir Iames Hamilton the especial favorite of that Kiâ—g she carryed with her for her Dower the Earldom of Arran The Children born of this Adulterous bed could pretend no Title to that Crown if all the Issue of Iames the first second and third should have chanc'd to fail And yet there was another flaw as great as this For Iames the Grand childe of this Iames having first marryed a Wife of one of the Noble Houses of Scotland and afterwards considering that Cardinall Betâ—n Arch-Bishop of St. Andâ—ews was the only man who managed the affairs of that Kingdome put her away and married a Neece or Kinswoman of the Cardinals his first Wife still living by whom he was the Father of Iohn the first Marquesse of Hamilton whose Grandchilde Iames by vertue of this goodly Pedigree pretended to the Crown of Scotland Fol. 149. M. Rogers in his Preface to the 39. Articles saith That since the suppression of Pâ—ritâ—ns by the Arch-Bishops Parker Grindal and Whitgift none will seems to be such That Archbishop Grindal was a suppressor of the Puritan Faction is strange to me and so I think it is to any who are verst in the actions of those times it being the generall opinion of our Historians that he fell into the Queens displeasure for being a chief Patron and promoter of it Certain it is that he wrote a large Letter to the Queen in defence of their prophesyings then which there could be nothing more dangerous to Church and State Nor does M. Rogers in his Preface to the 39. Articles tell us that he had any hand in the suppression of the Puritans it being affirmed by him on the contrary that they continued multiplying their number and growing strong even head-strong in bâ—ldnesse and schism till the dying day of this most Reverend Archbishop Fol. 151. But wâ—y to a forreign Title and not at as easie a rate to English as in Ireland he had tâ— all Sees there Our Authour makes a Quaery Why the Bishop appointed by the Pope to govern his party here in England should rather take his Title from Chalcedon in Greece then from any one of the Episcopal Sees in this Kingdom as well as they do in that of Ireland In answer whereunto though he gives us a very satisfactory reason yet I shall adde something thereunto which perhaps may not be unworthy of the Readers knowledge And him I would have know that at such time as Prince â—â—arles was in Spain and the Dispensation passed in the Court of Rome it was concluded in the Conclave that some Bishops should be sent into England by the Name of the Bishops of Salisbury Glocester Chester Durham sic de caeteris the better to manage and improve their encreasing hopes Intelligence whereof being given unto the Iesuites here in England who feared nothing more then such a thing one of them who formerly had free accesse to the Lord Keeper Williams acquaints him with this mighty secret assuring him that he did it for no other reason but because he knew what a great exasperation it would give the King and consequently how much it must incense him against the Catholicks Away with this Intelligence goes the Lord Keeper to the King who took fire thereat as well as he and though it was somewhat late at night commanded him to go to the Spanish Embassadour and to require him to send unto the King his Master to take some course that those proceedings might be stopt in the Court of Rome or otherwise that the Trâ—aty of the Match should advance no further The Lord Keeper findes the Embassadour ready to send away his packets who upon hearing of the News commanded his Carrier to stay till he had represented the whole businesse in a Letter to the King his Master On the receiving of which Letter the King imparts the whole businesse to the Popes Nuncio in his Court who presently sends hiâ— dispatches to the Pope acquainting him with the great inconveniences and unavoidable dangers of this new designe which being stopt by this devise and the Treaty of the Match ending in a Rupture not long after the same Jesuite came again to the Lord Keepers Lodging and in a fair and facetious manner thanked him most humbly for the good office he had done for that Society for brâ—aking the bearing off which blow all the friends they bad in Rome could finde no Buckler which Story as I heard from his Lordships own mouth with no small contentment so seemed he to be very well pleased with the handsomenesse of the trick which was put upon him Fol. 162. The German war made by Gustavus a pretension and but a pretension for liberty to the oppressed Princes Which Proposition as it stands is both true and false with reference to the beginning progresse and successe of his war For when he first undertook the conduct of it on the sollicitation of the Kings of England France and Denmark and many of the afflicted and disinherited Princes he cannot be supposed to entertain any other thoughts then to restore the Princes and free Cities to their former Rights for doing whereof his Army was defraid by the joynt charges and expence of the Confederates In order whereunto he caused the Inhabitants of all the Towns and Provinces which he had forced from the Emperours Forces before the overthrow of Tilly at the valley of Lipsick to take an Oath to be true unto the Liberty and Empire of Germany And hitherto his intents were reall not pretentionall only But after that great victory and the reducing of all Franconia and the lower Palatinate under his absolute command though he continued his pretensions yet he changed his purpose swearing the people of all degrees and ranks which submitted to him to be true from thenceforth to the King and Crown of Sweden This as it first discovered his ambition of the first designe which brought him over so was it noted that his affairs never prospered after receiving first a check from Wallenstein at the Siege of Noremberg and not long after his deaths wound and the battel of Lutzen Fol. 174. And now they revive the Sabbatarian controversie which was begun five years since Bradburn on the Sabbath day and directed to the King In this Discourse about the Sabbatarian Quarrels our Authour hath mistook himself in several particulars The businesse first is not rightly limn'd the coming out of Bradburns Book being plac'd by him in the year 1628. whereas it was not publisht until five years after But being publisht at that time and directed to the
Lindsey Lord High Constable â— Our Author borrows this Error as he does some others from the former History and makes it worse by an addition of his own For first The Earl of Lindsey was not made High Constable upon this occasion nor did he act there in that capacityâ—â— He had been made High Constable to decide the difference between the Lord Rey and David Ramsey which being an extraordinary case was likely to be tried by battle But in this case there was no need of any such Officer the Triall being to be made by proofs and Evidences the verdict to be given by the Lords of Parliament and sentence to be pronounced by the Lord High Steward all â— things being to be carried and transacted in due form of Law Secondly The Court being broken up which was before the passing of the Bill of Attainder in the end of April the Office of Lord High Steward expired also with it And therefore when our Authour speaks of a Request which was made unto the King in Parliament that the Earl of Pembroke should be made Lord High Steward in the place of the Earl of Arundel then absent fol. 430. he either speaks of a Request which was never made or else mistakes the Lord Steward of the Kings houshold which place might possibly be desired for the Earl of Pembroke not long before turn'd out of the Office of Lord Chamberlain for the Lord High Steward of the Kingdome And now we are fallen on his mistakes touching these great Officers I shall adde another It being said in our Authours unfigured Sheets that the King having signed the Bill of Attainder sent Sir Dudly Carlton Secretary of State to acquaint him what he had finished An errour too grosse and palpable for our Authour to be guilty of considering his Acquaintances in the Court and relations to it which may perswade me to beleeve that these unfigured Sheets patcht in I know not how between fol. 408. and 409. should be none of his But whether they be his or not certain I am that there was no Secretary at this time but Sir Henry Vane Windebank being then in France and his place not filled with the Lord Falkland till the Christmas after Sir Dudly Carlton Lord Imbercourt and Vicount Dorchester was indeed Secretary for a while but he died upon Ashwednesday in the year 1631. which was more then nine years before the sending of this message and I perswade my self the King did not raise him from the grave as Samuel was once raised at the instance of Saul to go on that unpleasing errand Sir Dudly Carlton whom he means being Brothers son unto the former was at that time one â—f the Clerks of the Councel but never attained unto the place and honour of a principall Secretary Our Authour having brought the businesse of the Earl of Strafford toward a Conclusion diverts upon the Authour of the Observations on the former History to whom he had been so much beholden for many of the most materiall and judicious Notes in the former part of his Book and he chargeth thus Fol. 406. I conceive it convenient in more particular to clear two mistakes of our Authours concerning the Articles of Irâ—land and the death of the Earl of Strafford reflecting upon the late most Reverend Prelate the Archbishop of Armagh Primate of all Ireland whilest he was liuing and worse pursued since his decease somewhat too sharp also upon D. Bernard What Fee or Salary our Authour hath for this undertaking I am noâ— able to determine but if he be not well paid by them I am sure he hath been well paid by another who in his Answer to D. Bernards Book entituled The â—udgement of the late Primate of Ireland Ac. hath fully justified the Observator against all the exceptions which either our Authour or D. Bernard or the Lord Primate himself have made against him in these two points Which being extrinsecall as to the matter of this History shall not be repeated the Reader being desired if he want any further satisfaction to look for it there All I shall here observe is this that our Authour grounds himself in his whole Discourse of that businesse upon somewhat which he had in writing under the hand of the said Lord Primate and more which he hath took verbatim out of the said Book of D. Bernards who being both parties to the Suit ought not to be admitted for Witnesses in their own behalf And yet our Authour having driven the matter to as good a conclusion as he could from such faulty Premises conceives an hope that by the â—ight of those Testimonies he will be of more moderation notwithstanding he hath there shewn much disaffection to the Primate in endeavouring to his utmost to evade divers of those particulars either in giving the worst sense of them or turning them to other ends But as I can sufficiently clear the Observator from bearing any disaffection to the Lord Primates person and the equal Reader may defend him from the imputation of giving the worst sense of any thing which he found in the Pamphlet called The Observator observed or turning it to other ends then was there intended so am I no more satisfied by this tedious nothing touching the Articles of Ireland or the death of the Earl of Strafford as they reflect upon the Archbishop of Armagh then I was before As little am I satisfied with the following passage in the last Folio of the unfigured Sheets viz. That D. Iuxon Bishop of London resigned his Office of Treasurer of England into the hands of five Commissioners more sufficient then he could be Our Authour might have spared these last words of disparagement and diminution and yet have left his Proposition full and perfect But taking them as they come before me I must first tell him that the Lord Bishop of London resigned not his Office of Treasurer into the hands of any Commissioners but only into the hands of the King who not knowing at the present how to dispose of it for his best advantage appointed some Commissioners under the great Seal of England to discharge the same And next I would have him tell me what great sufficiency he found in those Commissioners which was not to be found in the Bishop of London how many of his debts they paid what improvement they made of his Revenue what stock of money they put him into toward the maintaining of the Warre which not long after followed In all which particulars the Bishop of London had very faithfully performed his part though not as to the Warre of England to the great honour of the King and content of the Subject But to look back upon some passages in the businesâ—e of the Earl of Strafford which are not toucht at by the Observator or his alteridâ—m the first we meet with is a very pretty devise of the Bishop of Lincoln to cheat the poor Gentleman of his head by getting a return of the
against their King had in the Court two Lords High Stewards and two Grooms of the Stool successively one after another And at their taking up of Arms they had a Master of the Horse a Captain of the Guard a Keeper of the privy Purse seven Grooms of eight in his Majesties Bed-Chamber and an equal number at the least of Gentlemen Ushers Quarter-Waiters Cup-Bearers Carvers Sewers and other Officers attending daily at the Table I speak not here of those which had places in the Stables or below the Stairs or of the Servants of those Lords and Gentlemen which either lived about the Court or had Offices in it All which together made up so considerable a number that the Court might well be called an Academy of the Scots Nation in which so many of all sorts had their Breeding Maintenance and Preferment Abroad they had a Lieutenant of the Tower a Fortress of the most consequence in all the Kingdom and a Master-â—unner of the Navy an Office of as great a trust as the other and more of those Monopolies Suits and Patents which were conceiv'd to be most grievous to the Subject then all the English of the Court. In the Church they had two Deanries divers Prebendaries and so many Excclesiastical Benefices as equalled all the Revenue of the Kirk of Scotland All which they lost like Aesops Dog catching after a shadow For what else were those empty hopes of ingrossing to themselves all the Bishops Lands and participating equally with both Houses in the Government of this Kingdom which drew them into England the second time but an airy shadow And yet by catching at that shadow they lost all those Advantages which before they had both in Court and Countrey and that not onely for the present but in all probability for the times to come The Presbyterians laid their Heads and Hands together to embroil the Realm out of a confidence that having alienated the greatest part of the Tribes from the House of David they might advance the golden Calves fo their Presbyteries in Dan and Bethel and all other places whatsoever within this Land And for the maintenance thereof they had devoured in conceit all Chapter Lands and parcelled them amongst themselves into Augmentations But no sooner had they driven this Bargain but a Vote passed for selling those Lands towards the payment of the Debts of the Commonwealth Nor have they lived to see their dear Presbytery setled or their Lay-Elders entertained in any one Parish of the Kingdom for the advancement whereof the Scots were first incouraged to begin at home and afterwards to pursue their work by invading England Others there were who labored for nothng more then the raising of a New Commonwealth out of the Ruins of the old Monarchy which Plot had been a carrying on from the first coming of this King to the Crown till they had gotten him into their hands these being like the Husbandmen in Saint Matthews Gospel who said among themselves this is the Heir come let us kill him and let us seize on his Inheritance Matth. 21. 38. A Commonwealth which they had so modelled in their Brains that neither Sir Thomas Moors Vtopia nor the Lord Verulams new Atlantis nor Plato's Platform nor any of the old Idaeas were equal to it the Honors and Offices whereof they had distributed amongst themselves and their own Dependents And in pursuance of this project they had no sooner brought the King to the end they aimed at but they pass an Act for so they called it prohibiting the Proclaiming of any Person to be King of England c. That done they passed another for the abolishing the Kingly Office in England c. dated the 17 of March One thousand six hundred forty eight A third for declaring and a constituting the People of England to be a Commonwealth and Free State dated May 19. 1649 which last they solemnly proclaimed by their Heralds and Serjeants in the most frequented parts of London and made themselves a new Great Seal with the Arms and Impress of their new Commonwealth ingraven on it And yet these men that had the purse of all the Kingdom at command and Armies raised for defence of their Authority within the space of six years were turned out of all And this was done so easily and with so little noise that the loss of that exorbitant Power did not cost so much as a broken Head or a Bloody Nose in purchasing whereof they had wasted so many Millions of Treasure and more then an Hundred thousand Lives So that all reckonings being cast up it will appear that all were losers by the Bargain as it happens commonly to such men as love to traffick in the buying and selling of prohibited Commodities and thereby make themselves obnoxious to all such forfeitures as the severity of the Laws and the King Displeasure shall impose upon them How he was carried by those Commissioners to Holdenbyâ—House â—House and from thence by a party of Horse to the Head-Quarters of the Army our Author hath inform'd us in the course of this History But being there he tells us that he was permitted to give a meeting to his Children Fol. 995. And accordingly they met at Maidstone where they dined together Well boul'd Vincent as our Authour knows who says in another place He gives us the Copy of a Letter in the very same fol. from the King to the Duke of York dated at Casam Iuly 4. 1647. in which he declares his hope that the Duke might be permitted with his Brother and Sister to come to some place betwixt that and London where he might see them adding withal that rather then hâ— might not see them he would be content they should come to some convenient place to dine and go back at night So then the place for this joyful meeting must be some convenient Town or other betwixt Casam and London But Casam is a Village of Berkshire distant about thirty Miles from London Westward and Maidstone one of the chief Townâ— of Kent is distant about thirty Miles from London towards the East so that London may be truly said to be in the middle betwixt Maidstone and Casam but Maidstone by no means to be in any position betwixt Casam and London Perhaps our Author in this place mistakes Maidstone for Madenhith from Reading ten and from London two and twenty miles distant and then he may do well to mend it in his second Edition And then he may correct also another passage about Judge Ienkins whom fol. 836. he makes to be taken Prisoner in the City of Hereford and fol. 976. at Castle in Wales So strangely does he forget himself that one might think this History had several Authors and was not written nor digested by any one man Fol. 96â— Nay did not Heraclius the Greek Emperor call for aid of theâ— Râ—ke-hell rabble of Scythians to assist him against the Saracens â— I believe he did not For as I remember not to
a Presbyter or Minister of the Gospel but before two or three Witnesses but if they be convicted then to rebuke them before all that others also may fear 1 Tim. 5. 19 20. And on the other side he invests him with the like Authority upon those of the Laâ—ty of what age or sex soever they were old men to be handled gently not openly to be rebuked but entreated as Fathers 1 Tim. 5. 1. the like fair usage to be had towards the Elder Women also v. 2. The younger men and Women to be dealt withall more freely but as Brethren and Sisters v. 1 2. A more ample jurisdiction then this as the Bishops of England did neither exercise nor challenge so for all this they had Authority in holy Scripture those points of jurisdiction not being given to Timothy and Titus only but to all Bishops in their persons as generally is agreed by the ancient Writers So then Episcopall Iurisdiction fell not by this concession though somewhat more might fall by it then his Majesty meant That the Dignity of Archbishops was to fall by it is confest on all sides and that the King made the like concession for the abolishing of Deans and Chapters though not here mentioned by our Authour is acknowledged also And thereupon it must needs follow which I marvell the Learned Lawyers then about the King did not apprehend that the Episcopal Function was to die with the Bishops which were then alive no new ones to be made or consecrated after those concessions For by the Laws of this Land after the death of any Bishop his Majesty is to send out his Writ of Congâ— d'Eslier to the Dean and Chapter of that place to elect another Which election being made signified under the Chapters Seal and confirmed by the Royall assent the King is to send out his mandat to the Arch-Bishop of the Province to proceed to Consecration or Confirmation as the case may vary And thereupon it must needs be that when the Church comes unto such a condition that there is no Dean and Chapter to elect and no Arch-Bishop to consecrate and confirm the person elected there can be legally and regularly no succession of Bishops I speak not this with reference to unavoidable Necessities when a Church is not in a capacity of acting according to the ancient Canons an establisht Laws but of the failing of Episâ—opall Succession according to the Laws of this Land if those concessions had once passed into Acts of Parliament Fol. 1099. The Head-Quarters were at Windsor where the Army conclude the large Remonstrance commended by the Generals Latter and brought up to the Parliament by half a dozen Officers But by the heads of that Remonstrance as they stand collected in our Authour it will appear that he is mistaken in the place though not in the Pamphlet That terrible Remonstrance terrible in the consequents and effect thereof came not from Windsor but S. Albans as appears by the printed Title of it viz. A Remonstrance of his Excellency Thomas Lord Fairfax Lord Generall of the Parliaments Forces and of the General Councel of Officers held at S. Albans the 16. of November 1648. Presented to the Commons assembled in Parliament the 20. instant and tendred to the consideration of the whole Kingdom Which Remonstrance was no sooner shewed unto his Majesty then being in the Isle of Wighâ— but presently he saw what he was to trust unto and did accordingly prepare himself with all Christian confidence For that he had those apprehensions both of his own near approaching dangers and of their designes appeareth by the â—ad farewell which he took of the Lords at Newport when they came to take their leaves of him at the end of this Treaty whom he thus bespake viz. My Lords You are come to take your leave of me and I beleeve we shall scarce ever see each other again but Gods will be done I thank God I have made my peace with him and shall without fear undergoe what he shall be pleased to suffer men to do unto me My Lords you cannot but know that in my fall and ruâ—ne you see your own and that also near to you I pray God 〈◊〉 you better Friends then I have found I am fully informâ—d of the whole carriage of the Plot against me and mine and nothing so much afflicts me as the sense and sâ—elâ—â—g I have of the sufferings of my Subjects and the miseries that hâ—ng over my three Kingdoms drawn upon them by those whâ— upon pretences of good violently pursue thâ—ir own Interests and ends And so accordingly it proved the honour oâ— the peers and the prosperity of the people suffâ—ring a very great if not a totall Ecclipse for want of that light wherewith he shined upon them both in the time of his glories But before the day of this sad parting the Treaty going forwards in the Isle of Wight his Majesties Concessions were esteemed so fair and favourable to the publike Interesse that it was voted by a 〈◊〉 or party in the House of Commons that they were 〈…〉 of the Kingdom 12â— Voting in the affirmative and 84. only in the Negative Which Voteâ— gave sâ—ch offâ—nce to those who had composed this Remonstrance that within two daies after viz. Wednesday the 6. of Dâ—cemâ—â—r But first I would fain know why those imprisoned Members are said to be all of the old stâ—mp considering 〈…〉 those who were kept under custody in the Queens 〈…〉 and the Court of Wards there was not one man who eâ—ther had not served in the War against the King or otherwise declare his disaffection to the authoâ—ized Liturgy and Government of the Church of England as appears by the Catalogue of their names in 〈…〉 Nâ—m 36. 37. And sâ—condly I would fain know why he restrains the number to 40 or 50 when the imprisoned and secluded Members were three times as many The imprisoning or secluding of so small a number would not serve the turn Non gaudet tenuisanguine tanta sitis as the Poet hath it For first the Officers of the Army no sooner understood how the Votes had passed for the Kings concessions but they sent a Paper to the Commons requiring that the Members impeached in the Year 1647. and Major General Brown who they say invited in the Scots might be secured and brought to justice and that the 90 odd Members who refused to vote against the late Scottish Engagement and all those that voted the recalling the Votes of Non-addresses and voted â—or the Treaty and concurred in yesterdaies Votes c. may be suspended the House And such a general purge as this must either work upon more then 40 or 50. or elâ—eit had done nothing in order to the end intended Secondly â—t appears by these words of the protestation of the imprisoned Members bearing date the 12. of Deâ—ember that they were then above an hundred in number vâ—z We the Knights Citizens â—nd Burgesses of the Commonâ—â—◠〈◊〉 of Parliament