at Aâ—twerpe Anno 1576. at Paris Anno 1586. at Coleine Ann. 1616. but no such place was there to be found the Divines of Lovaine had taken a course with them and suppressed these testimonies but by good hap I met with them in the Basil Edition Anno 1569. Object Those whom you have named in your Catalogue were originally Catholikes and not Protestants Wickliâ—fe and Husse were Catholike Priests and Luther was an Augustine Frier you cannot name such as were Protestants originally they came forth of our Church Answer Whence I pray you sprang Christs Apostles were they not taken out of the Iewish Church at that time much corrupted S. Paul speaking of himselfe and the service of his God saith Whom I doe serve from my progenitors meaning Abraham Isaac and Iacob the first Fathers of the faithfull for as for S. Pauls immediate predecessors it is likely that they relished of the leven of the Pharisees It can be no more prejudice to our Church that Luther Wickliffe aâ—d Husse were originally Papists than to S. Paul that he was originally a Pharisee or to S. Austine that he was orinally a Manichee or to our Ancestors at the first conversion of our land that they were originally heathen or to all true Converts that they were originally unregenerate For as Tertullian saith Fiunt non nascuntur Christiani We are not borne Christians but we become Christians Neither is it true that wee can name none of our Church that were not originally Papists For Farellus and the Waldensian Ministers for more than 400. yeares were not originally Papists though Waldo himselfe was Besides the Fathers for 600 yeares and the Monkes in Britaine at Augustines comming were not originally Papists In the Greeke Church from 700. to 700 afterwards many thousands held as wee doe in all fundamentals who never were originally Papists nor millions of others in the Easterne Churches and namely in the Greeke Church there have bene from 700. to 700. afterwards many thousands which held as we doe in all fundamentals and never were originally Papists Lastly the like argument might be urged against all that embraced Reformation in Iosias dayes that they originally were involved in the common errors and Idolatry of the Iewish Church Likewise that Zachary and Elizabeth and Simeon and Anna and the Apostles were originally deduced from that Church which held many errors concerning the temporall kingdome of the Messias and divorces for other causes than adultery c. Which errors Christ and his Apostles reproved In England and most parts of the world the first Christians were originally Paynims and Idolaters what prejudice is that to Christianity or advantage to Heathenisme Object Your Churches professors mentioned in your Catalogue wanted lawfull succession Answer There is a two-fold succession the one lineall and locall the other doctrinall this of doctrine is the life and soule of the other Irenaeus describeth those which have true succession from the Apostles To bee such as with the succession of the Episcopall office have received the câ—rtâ—ine grace of tâ—uth and this kind of succession hee calleâ—h the principâ—ll succession Gregory Nazianzen having said that Atâ—anasius succeeded Saint Marke in godlinesse addeth That this succession in godlinesse is properly to be accounted succâ—ssion for he that holdeth the same doctrine is also pâ—rtaker of the same throne but he that is against the doctrine must be reputed an adversary even while hâ—e sitteth in the throâ—e but the former hath the thing it selfe and the truth so that according to Irenaeus and Nazianzâ—n succession in doctrinâ— suâ—ficeth yea Nazianzen as we have heard makes it all one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so that he which holds the same truth of doctrinâ— may bee said to sit in the same Chaire of succession Besides wee are able to shew succession also in place for â—ive hundred yeares in most parts of Christendome and since that in the Greeke Church untill this day and in the Latine Church from the time of Waldo in France Bohemia and other places And for the Church of England the lineall succession of her Bishops is showne particularly by Mr. Francis Mason de ministerio Anglicano Mr. Goodwin in his Catalogue of the Bishops of England and Mr. Isaacson in his Chronologicall Table of the succession of the Bishops of England PA. Name in the space of a thousand yeares next before Luther three knowne and confessed Protestant Bishops succeeding each to other and if you had such expresse their agreement with you in the maine points controverted betweene us PRO. This demand was eagerly pressed upon me by a Romish Priest but the Stone which he hurled at mee not comming forth of Davids sling recoiles upon himselfe like the stone that Achilles flung at a dead skull which â—ebounded backe and strucke out the slingers eyeâ— Redijt lapis ultor ab osse Actorisque suifrontem oculâ—squè petit For I would in like manner demand of him to name three knowne and confessed Popish Bishops succeeding each other who maintained the worship of Images before the second Councell of Nice or that beleeved Transubstantiation before the Roman Councell under Pope Nicholasâ— or that avowed the dry and halfe Communion before the Councell at Constance under Martin the fift or that held the effect of the Sacraments to depend upon the Priests intention before the Councell at Florence or defined the Pope to be above a Generall Councell before the Councell of Lateran under Leo the tenth or that determined the twelve new Articles of Pius the fourth his Creed to be all de Fide and necessary to salvation before the Councell of Trent Besides there is no necessitie of naming three Bishops succeeding each other and opposing Poperie It sufficeth to name such as opposed it tho they sate not successively in the same Chaire for all Romish errors and superstitions rushed not in at once into the Church but by degrees now such as held the fundamentals with us and opposed any one error or more when they were first espied to creepe into the Church they were Protestants though they went not then under that name Now according to this account of Protestants wee can produce many more than three Bishops succeeding each other who in their times made head against Romish usurpations and superstitions for instance sake S. Austine and with him two hundred and seventeene Bishops of Africa and their successors for a hundred yeares together if their owne Records be true opposed the Popes supremacie in point of Appeales To speake nothing of the innumerable Bishops in the Easterne Churches and the Habassines and Muscovites and elsewhere succeeding each the other for many hundred yeares differing in no fundamentall point from Protestants and keeping no quarter at all with the Pope or See of Rome when Austine the Monke was sent into England by Gregory the Great the most ancient British and Irish Bishops withstood the Popes authority and ordinances stifly adhering to the Churches
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for us Now though Christs Body is not according to his materiall substance wholly and intirely under the outward elements yet the Bread may bee truly termed Christs Body because of a Relative and Sacramentall union and donation of the thing signified together with the Signes worthily received PA. What reason have you to interpret these words figuratively this is my body that is this bread is a signe of my body and not plainely and literally as they sound PRO. Figurative speeches are oftentimes plaine speeches now there be no other Figures or Tropes in the Lords Supper but such as are and alwaies were usuall in Sacraments and familiarly knowne to the Church Now Sacraments must bee expounded Sacramentally and accordingly the words alledged must not bee taken literally but figuratively Christ taking bread and breaking bread said of the same This is my body now this cannot bee properly taken therefore for the right expounding of these words we are necessarily to have recourse to a figurative interpretation and the reason hereof is that common Maxime Disparatum de disparato non propriè praedicatur that is nothing can bee properly and literally affirmed joyntly of another thing which is of a different nature By this rule bread and Christs body cannot bee properly affirmed one of another bread being of a different nature from flesh can no more possibly be called the flâ—sh or body of Christ literally than lead can be called wood and this makes us interpret the words figuratively and wee have in Scripture most manifest places which proove these woâ—ds This is my body to be figuratively taken and understood because in Scripture whensoever the signe as the Bread being called Christ's body hath the name appellation of the thing signified the speech is alwayes tropicall and figurative And this agreâ—th with S. Austiâ—s Rule Sacraments bee signes which often doe take the names of those things which they doe signifie and represent therefore doe they carry the names of the things themselves thus is the signe of the Passeover the Lambe called the Passeover Math. 26.17 Exod. 12.11 27. the Rocke the signe of Christ in his passion is called Christ and the Rocke was Christ 1. Cor. 10 4. Circmmcision the signe of the Covenant called the Covenant and Bapâ—isme the signe of Christs buriall called Christs buriall for so saith S. Augustine that as Baptisme is called Christs buriall so is the Sacrament of the Body of Christ callâ—d his Body Now this shew or semblance of words concludes not that Christ or the Lambe were really the Rocke the Passeover but that these things are meant figuratively it being usuall in Scripture specially in such Sacramentally speeches as this is we are now about to give the name of the thing to that which it betokeneth and so to call Circumcision the Covenant because it is a signe thâ—t betokneth the Covenant and so of the rest Besides the other part of the Sâ—crament to wit This Cup is the New Testament in my blood Luke 22.20 is figurativâ— and not to be literally taken for you your selves sâ—y that Calix or the Cup is there taken for that which is iâ— the cup so that your sâ—lves admit a trope in the institution of this Sacrament PAP If these figurative speâ—ches were true yet I cannot see what argument you can draw from hence or how you can hence prove any thing against our Tenet saith our â—nglish Baron for it is a rule in Divinitie that Theologia Symbolica non est aâ—gumentativa that figurative speeches affoord no certaine proofe in matters of Faith PRO. The zeâ—lous Reverend and learned L. Bishop of Durâ—sme Doctor Morton tells your Baron and his Suggester that upon the no-pâ—oper sense of the words This is my body it must follow that there is no Transubstantiation in your Romish Masse no Corporall presence no râ—all Sacrifice no proper eating no lawfull divine adoration therof and as for the rule that Symbolicall arguments mâ—ke no necessary Conclusions the said learned and reveâ—end Father saith That this makes not against us touching the fiâ—urative woâ—ds of Christ This is my body the position maketh onely against them who extract either a liteâ—all sense out of a parabolicall and figurative speech as Origen did when having râ—ad that scriptureâ— Thâ—re bee some that castrate thâ—msâ—lves for the kingdome of God whâ—ch was but a pâ—rabolicall speech hee did really and thereforâ— fâ—â—lishly castrate himselfe or else when men tâ—râ—e the words of Scripture properly and literally spoken intâ—â— figurative meaningâ— as when Pope Innoâ—ent thâ— third tâ— pâ—oove that his Papall authoritie was above thâ— Impâ—riall aâ—lâ—dged that Scripture Gen. 1. God made two great lights the Sun and the Moone as if the Imperiall like the Moone had borrowed its authoritie from the Papall as from the Sun or as Pope Boniface 8 from those words Luk. 22. Behold here are two swords argued that both the temporall and spirituall sword are in the Pope as he is Vicar of Christ. Now such kinde of Symbolicall reasoning is indeed of no force â—ut by that position was it never forbid whensoever in Scripture the name of the thing signified is attributed to the symbol or signe that then the Symbolicall and Sacramental speech should be judged tropicall But this kind of exposition was alwayes approved of Christ and by his Church so here Christ taking bread and breaking bread which was the symbol and signe of Christs body and saying of the same Bread This is my body the sense cannot possibly bee literall but alâ—ogether figuâ—ative as hath bin shewne by divers â—xamples in Scripture to wit the signe of the passing over called the Passeover the Rock but a signe of Christ called Christ In each onâ— of these the Symbols being a Signe and Figuâ—e the speech must infallibly bee Figurative And therefore Bread being a Figure of Christs Body is called Christs body Figuratively And thus farre our learned Bishop of Duresme Of Images and Prayer to Saints The Church of Rome holds that Images are to bee had and retained and that due honour worship and veneration is to bee given to them The Church of England holds that the Romish doctrine of Adoration of Images and Reliques and also of Invocation of Saints is grounded upon no warraâ—tie of Scripture but rather repâ—gnant to the word of God And so indeed we finde that the Lord in his Morall law hath condemned in gâ—nerall all Imaâ—eâ— and Idols devised by man for worshâ—p and adoration And this Precept being a part of his Morall law it binds us in the state of the new Testament as it did the Israelites of old for in all the Apostles doctrine wee doe not finde that ever this prâ—câ—pt was abâ—ogated so that it bindes Israelites Christians and all PA. If all worship of Images be forbidden Exod. 20. ver 4 5. then all making of them is forbidden for the same precept which saith thou shalt not bow downe
By whose Councel and procurement the Peeres whom she had corrupted shut up her sonne Constantine the Emperour in the palace where he was borne and there they put out his eyes so that he died of hearts griefe Thus they put out the eyes of him that saw and set up Images that have Eyes and see not and all this was done saith the story that her sonne being deposed she might 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rule alone But this decâ—ee of the Nicen Synod repealed by that at Frankford was not halfe so bad as that which followed when Aquinas set up Schoole and taught That the Crucifixe anâ— Image of Christ must be adored with the same honour that himsâ—lfe is to wit with Latria or divine Honour whereas those Nice Fathers haply stood but for veneration or outward reverence of Images in passing by them or sâ—anding before them as friends use to salute or embrace one another Howsoever the Nicen dâ—â—râ—e was râ—jâ—cted as repuâ—nant to the doctrine of Gâ—ds Church by the Pâ—incâ—s and bishâ—ps of England fiâ—â— about the yeere 792. And by Charles thâ— Great afteâ—wâ—rd aâ—d by the bâ—shâ—ps of Italie France and Germany which by his appointment were gathered together in the Frankford Counceâ— in the yeare 794. Rogâ—r Hovedeâ— saith â—harlâ—s the French King sent a Synodâ—ll iâ—to Britaine directed unto him from Constantinople in the which booke many things out alas inconvenient anâ—â—epugnant to right faith were found especially it was conâ—â—â—med a most by the unanimous consent of all the Eastern Doctors â—o lâ—sse than three hundred or more that Images ought to â—e worshipped which thing the Church of God doth altogether dâ—test againsâ— which Synodall bâ—oke Albinus wrote an Epistle mâ—rveilouslie conâ—irmed by authoritie of divine Scripture and caâ—ried the same to the French King together with the fore sâ—â—d booke in the name of our Bishops and Princes Hâ—nâ—marus Bishop of Rhemes living at the same time sâ—ith In the time of the Emperor Charles by the command of the See Apostolike there was a generall Councell called by the Emperour wherein according to the pathway of Scripture and tradition of ancestors the Greekes false Synod was destroyedâ— and whollâ— abâ—ogatâ—d touching the repealing whereof theâ—e was a just Volumne sent from the Emperour to Rome which my selfe have read in the Pallace when I was a yoâ—g man saith Hinâ—marus â—he same also iâ— testified by others namely Ado Rhâ—gâ—o and Cassander a moderat Pontifician and King Charles speaking of this Synod sayth that beâ—â—g destitute of Scripture prooâ—e they betooke themselves to Apocâ—â—yphall and ridiculous toyes PA. This Booke is forged under the name of Carolus Magnus PRO. Indeed we were not at the making thereof yet thus much we can witnesse that your Champion Eckius saith Charles wrote foure books touching Images and Austine Steuchus the Popes Library-keeper presseth some things out of those Caroline bookes making as hee thinks for his masters advantage Cassander saith That in his time there was a copy of those Caroline books in the Vaticane Librarie and in divers places of France and that Hincmarus Bishop of Rhemes mentions those foure Caroline bookes Besides they were lately to be seene in the Palatines Library at Heidelberg but are now conveyed to Rome where yet for all Charlemaignes greatnâ—sse thâ—y hâ—â—e sued out a Prohibition against him And his bookâ— are forbidden in the Romane Index first published by Pius the fourths command enlarged by Sixtus Quintus and râ—viewed and published by Clement the eight Howsoever you see and Baronius confesâ—eth that the most learned anâ—â—amous of these times speake against this Nicen decree PAP The Councel of Frankford and Paris under Lewis the first and other learned men mistooke the dâ—finition of thâ— Nicen Councel and therein erredâ— yet noâ— iâ— a mâ—tter of doctrine but a matter of fact say Genebâ—ard and Bellarmine PRO. There be of their owne side as learned as they whiâ—h mislike this excuse to wit Suarez and Vasques so thaâ— it seemes they are not agreed of their verdict nor who shall speake for them PA. Bellarmine saith That the Pope confirmed the Frankford Câ—uncell in one part and cancâ—lled it in another to wit in that poynt touching adoration of Images whereunto the Popes Legates never consented PRO. This bâ—wrayes the Popes partiall dâ—aling to make the Councâ—l onely to serve his owne turne But what if it waâ—ted â—is approbation the thiâ—d Canon of the Chalcedâ—n Councâ—l that gave the See of Constantinople the precedence bâ—fâ—re other Patriarkes as the nâ—xt after the Bishop of Rome was opposed by Pope Leo's Lâ—gatâ—s and yet the Canon was decreed and passâ—d and the Councell is held for Generall howsoever the Pâ—pes Legates contradicted it For they were to bee ruled by the maior part of the Councels votes neither doe wee find that anciently the Pope had a negative or casting voice in Councels And therefore the Chalcedon Councel notwithstanding the Popes opposition professeth Haec omnes dicimus This is all our vote and tota Synodus the whole Councel hath confirmed this Canon for the honour of the See of Constantinople and accordingly the whole Councel wrote to Pope Leo. PA. Could the later Councel at Frankford repeale the former at Nice PRO. Very well for as Saint Austine saith Even full and plenarie Councels themselves may be amended by the later Neither doth he meane it in matter of fact but in point of doctrine for Austine there speakes of Reâ—aptization and â—mâ—ndari is as much as è mendis purgari to be rectified wherein it erred and not onely to be Explaned PA. Would Charles who loved Pope Adrian so dearely write against him so sharply or the See of Rome which by the hands of Leo the third crowned Charles Emperour of the West endure that Charles should condemne Images PRO. Charles might love the See of Rome and yet expresse his judgement in the point of Images neither doe we doubt but that Charles and Pipin would have condemned the Popes proceedings therein more expressely but they could not meddle with the poynt of state without quarrelling the Pope in a matter of the Church so that as Saint Austine saith of the old Romans That they bare downe many desires for the excessive desire they had of one thing to wit Soveraignty and Dominion so the bishops of Rome desirous to keepe their new purchases of Lumbardie and Ravenna which Charles and Pipin had procured them thought it not fit to contend with their new and potent favorites For so it was when the Emperour Leo the third desirous to abolish Image worship which then was creeping in had caused them to be defaced and thereupon did punish some who withstood it Gregorie the second excommuuicated him Forbidding the Italians to pay him tribute or to obey him upon this sentence and exhibition of the Pope a great part of Italie rebelled against their Emperour
say it was not onely apparant enough in the Greeke and Easterne Churches and in such as had made an open separation from the Romish corruptions such as were in these Westerne parts the Wâ—ldenses Wickleâ—iâ—ts and Hussites but it was also within the community of the Romish Church it selfe even there as in a large field grew much good corne among tares and weeds there as in a great bâ—rne heape or garner was preserved much pure graine mixed with store of chaffe Object I except against that you have said Master Brereley cals it a Ridle To say your Church was under the Papacie as wheat is under the chaffe and yet the Papacie was not the true Church Answer It is no Enigma or Ridle it being all one in effect as to say the Christian Church at our Saviours comming and after consisting of Ioseph and Mary Simeon and Anna the Shepherds and the Sages Christs disciples and others was in and under the Iewish Church consisting of Scribes and Pharisees who with their false glosses and vaine traditions had corrupted the Law of God was not sanum membrum a sound part of Gods Church but as our Saviour saith Like sheepe without a Shepheard Mark 6.34 Object You say your Church was under the papacie but the papacie was not the true Church by the like reason you may say that the hidden Church of God is preserved among the Turkes can there be a Church without an outward ministerie Answer It followeth not and the reason of the difference is because amongst the Turkes there is not that meanes of salvation inasmuch as they have not given their names to Christ but the true Church of God may bee preserved withiâ— the Romish Church in as much as they have the Scriptures though in a strange tongue as also Baptismeâ— and lawfull ordination and the like helpes which God in all ages used that his Elect might begathered out of the midst of Babylon And whereas you urge an outward and publike ministery this maketh nothing against the Church of England which for substance hath the same descent of outward ordination with the Roman Church neither can any man shew a more certaine pedegree from his great Grand father than our Bishops and Pastors can fâ—om suâ—h Bishops as your Church accounts canonâ—call in the time of King Henry the eight and upward such â—aâ—re evidence can wee produce for an outward and publâ—ke miâ—istery in the Church of England and such ordination wee hold very necessary and yet in case it cannot be had Gods children by their private reading and meditation of that which they have formerly learned may supply the defect of a publike ministery even as some Christians at this day being slâ—ves in Turky or Barbarie may be saved wiâ—hout externall ministery but this is in case of extremity for us we never wanted a standing ministery Neither did the Waldenses Wicklivâ—sts and Hussites for so I call them for distinction sake ever want an outward and lawfull ministery amongst them for the administration of the word and Sacramentsâ— Object You say your Professors communicated with the Roman Church but did not partake in her errours as you call them did they not joyne with them in the Massâ— and the Letanies of the Saints and the like Answer The thing wee say is this that howsoever they outwardly communicaâ—ed with Rome yet divers of them misliked in their heart their grosser erroâ—s they groaned under the Babylonish yoake and desired reformation besides many of them were ignorant of the depth and mysterie of poperie Object If your Protestant Church were in bâ—ing at and before Luthers appearing then did such as were members thereof either make profession thereof or not if they did tell us their names and where they did so if they did not then were they but dissemblers in Religion according to that of Saint Paul Rom. 10.10 and our Saviour Math. 10.33 Answer I will but take what your Rhemists grant and reâ—oâ—t your owne argument they say That the Catholike Church in their time was in England although it had no publike government nor open free exercise of holy function whence I argue thus if their Roman Church had any being at that time in England then their Priests and Iesuits either made publike profession of their faith or not if they made open profession why then did they goe in Lay-mens habits and lurke in corners if they made not open profâ—ssion then were they but dissemblers Besides I have already given you in a Catalogue of our professors who within the time mentioned witnessed that truth which wee maintaine by their writings confessiâ—ns and Martyrdom Now for us wee have rejected nothing but popery wee have willingly departed from the Communion of their errors and additions to the faith but from the Communion of the Church wee never departed In a word there were some who openly and constantly withstood the errours and corâ—uptions of their time and sealed with their bloud that truthâ— which they with us professed others dissented from the same errours but did not with the like courage oppâ—se themselves such as would sâ—y to their friends in private Thus I would say in the Schooles and openly Sed maneat inter nos diversum sentio but keepe my Councel I thinke the contrary PA. Was not the Masse publickly used in all Churches at Lâ—thers aâ—pearinâ— was Protestancie then so much as in being saith Master Bâ—eâ—ely PRO. If by a Protestant Church saith learned Doctor Field we meâ—ne a Church beleeving and teaching in all poinâ—s as Protestants doe and beleeving and teaching nothing but that they doe the Latine or West Church wherein the Pope â—yranâ—ized before Luthers time was and continuâ—d a true Protestant Church for it taught as we doe it condemned the superstition wee have removed it groaned under the yoke of tyranny which wee have cast off howsoever there were many in the midâ—t of her that brought in and maintained superstition and advanced the Popes Supremacie But if by a Protestant Church they understand a Church that not onely dislikes and complaines of Papal usurpation but also abandonâ—th it and not onely teacheth all necessary and saving truth but suffâ—reth none within her jurisdiction to teach otherwise wee confesse that no part of the Westerne Church was in this sort a Pâ—otestant Church till a Reformation was begun of evils formerly dislikâ—d Now whereas it is objâ—ctâ—d that the Masse wherein they say many chiefe poinâ—s oâ— their Râ—ligion are comprehended was publickely uâ—ed at Luthers appearing It is answered by Doctor Field that thâ— usiâ—g oâ— the Masse as the publicke Liturgie is no good proofe inasmuch as manifold abuses in pâ—actice besides and contrary to thâ— word of the Canon and the inâ—enâ—â—â—â— of them that first compoâ—ed the sameâ— have creâ—t into iâ— as also sundry Apocryphall thiâ—gs have slipt into the publicke Service of the Church these things will bâ—tter appeare by â—articular instances Concerning private
by the Romists such as indeede could not in truth with any possibilitie fall into the imagination or fancie of any man much lesse bee doctrinally or dogmatically delivered Besides many of the books and writings of Wickliffe and Husse are extant wherein are found no such doctrines as Papists have charged them with but rather the contrary So that we hope there is no indifferent person will regard their slanders for even at this day when things are in present view and action they calumniate the persons and falsifie the doctrine of our professours as grossely as ever Pagans traduced the Primitive Christians for instance sake they give it out that we hold that God regardeth not our good works whereas we beleeve that Good works are necessary to salvation and Works are said to be necessary for us unto salvation to wit not as a cause of our salvation but as a meane or way without which wee come not unto it as a Consequent following Iustification wherewith Regeneration is unseparably joyned In like sort they gave out that Beza recanted his Religion before his death whereas he lived to confute this shamelesse lye and with his owne hand wrote a tract which he called Beza Redivivus Beza Revived Thus also of late have they dealt with that Reverend zealous and learned Prelate Doctor King late Bishop of London giving it out in their idle Pamphlets that hee was reconciled to the Church of Rome which is unanswerably proved to bee a grosse lye for towards his death hee received the holy Sacrament at the hands of his Chapleine Doctor Cluet Arch-deacon of Middle-sex he received it together with his wife children and family whom he had invited to accompany him to that Feast whereof hee protested in the presence and hearing of divers personages of good note that his soule had greatly longed to eate that last Supper and to performe that last Christian duty before he left them and having received the Sacrament he gave thanks to God in all their hearing that he had lived to finish that blessed worke for so himselfe did call it And then drawing neerer to his end â—e expresly caused his Chapleine then his Ghostly Father to reade the Confession and absolution according to the ordinarie forme of Common prayer appointed in our Liâ—urgie Did this worthy Prelate now dye a Papist who to his last breath communicated with the Church of Eâ—gland Besides whereas Preston the Priest was given out to be the man that reconciled the Bishop to the See of Rome Preston as appeareth by his Examination and Answer taken before divers honourable Commissioners protested before God and upon his conscience as he should answer at the dreadfull day of Iudgement that the said Bishop of London did never confesse himselfe unto him nor ever received Sacramentall absolution at his hands nor was ever by him reconciled to the Church of Rome neither did renounce before him the Religion professed and established in the Church of England Yea he added farther that as he hoped to be saved by Christ Iesus he to his knowledge was never in company where the said Doctor King late Lord Bishop of London was neither did he ever receive letter from him nor did write letter unto him neither did he ever to his knowledge see the said Bishop in any place whatsoever nor could have knowne him from another man Object You have singled out some testimonies of Fathers Schoole-men and others and alleadged them on your owne behalfe as if they had thereby beene of your Religion whereas they be our witnesses and speake more fully for us than for your side Answer According to the Rule in law Testem queâ— quis inducit pro se teâ—etur recipere contra se you have produced them for your owne ends and now in reason you cannot disallow them when they are alleadged by us so that you must give us leave to examine your men upon crosse Interrogatories Besides one may be a materiall witnesse who speaks home to two or three Interrogatories although he cannot depose to all the rest It is no part of our meaning to take the scantling of our ancestors Religion from some single testimonies wherein they either agree with or dissent from us but fâ—om the maine body of the substantiall points of doctrine which are controverted betwixt us at this day Neither make wee any such simple collection Such a man held such a point with us therefore he was a Protestant no more then we allow them to frame the like Such a man in such or such a particular agreed with the nâ—w Church of Rome therefore he was a Papist For it followeth no more than this an Aethiopian or Tauny-moore is white in part namely in his teeth therefore he is white all over But our care hath beene that since In the mouth of two or three witnesses every word is established Deut. 19.15 and thaâ— as Hieâ—ome saith One single witnesse were it Cato himsâ—lfe is not so much to bee credited to joyne together the severall testimonieâ— oâ— such worthies as lived in the same age presuming that what some of note delivered and the same not opposed by their contemporaries that that is to bee supposed to have beene the doctrine commonly received in those countries and at that time Vpon these and the like considerations the Reader may bee pleased to rest satisfied with such passages as have beene produced on our behalfe though not so thronged and full in every age inasmuch as divers of our Ancestors have not left unto us sufficient evidence whereby it might appeare what they held in divers particulars Besides that there bee divers testimonies suppressed so as we can hardly come by them as namely in Faber Stapulensis his Preface to the Evangelists there is a notable place touching the Scriptures Suficiencie the words are these The Scripture sufficeth and is the onely Rule of eternall life whatsoever agâ—eeth not to it is not so necessary as superfluous The Primitive Church knew no other Rule but the Gospel no other Scope but Christ no other Worship than was due to the Individuall Trinity I would to God the forme of beleeving were fetched from the Primitive Church Thus saith Stapulâ—nsis Now this whole passagâ— is appointed by the Expurgatory Index of Spaine to be lâ—fâ— ouâ— in their later editions and yet by good hap I met with this passage in an edition aâ— Basâ—lâ— as also in anothâ—r at Colen An. 1541. In like sort I â—â—nd alleadged out of Luâ—ovicus Vives his Commentaries upon Saint Augustine dâ— Civitate Dei these passages following touching the Canon of the Scripture and the practised Adoration of Images in his time namely the same Vives saith that The storie of Susanna of Bel and the Dragon are not Canonicall Scripture he saith also that Saints are esteemed and worshipped by many as were the Gods among the Gentiles These places I carefully sought for in the severall editions of S. Austin
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Hall of the honour of the marryed Cleargie Lond. 1620. of the old Religion 1628. his Epistlesâ— Londâ— 1614. Beâ—n de Girard Seigneur du Haillan del Histoire de France Par. 1576. Elias Hassenmullerus Hist. Iesuitici ordinis Francof 1605. Haymo in Isaiam Colon. 1531. Homiliae Colon. 1540. in omnes Pauli Epistol 1534. Hosychius in Levitic Basil. 1527. Caesarius Heisterbachiens mirac histor memorabil lib. 12. Colon. 1591. Ranulph Higden his Poly-chronicon Lond. 1495. Hiâ—ronymi Opera tom 9â— Basil. 1537. Hilarij Pictav Opera Basil. 1550. Hildebert Cenomanens epistol in tom 12. Bibliothec. Patr. Colon. 1618. The Prophesie of Saint Hildegard the Nunne Lond. 1615. Hinâ—mari Rhemens opuscula Par. 1615. L' Histoire de France enrichie Par. 1581. Historia de Restitut Mart. Buceri Pauli Fagij Argentinae 1560. Rob. Holcot in lib. Sapientiae Basil. 1586. Ralph Holinshead Hist. of England Lond. 1587. The Booke of Homilies Lond. 1574. Horae Beatae Mariae ad Sarisburiens Ecclesiae Ritum Paris 1529. 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Church as if Saint Peter whose successour he pretends to be had hâ—ld the Apostolike chayre as it weâ—e in Fee for him and his Successours for ever and the other eleven had held theiâ—s for terme of life onely And now to looke homâ—waâ—ds to our Britaine in this Age we find our auâ—cestors besides their common enemies the Scots Picts and Saxons troubled with another more secret but as dangerous to wiâ— the Pelagian heresie wherewith Pelagius a Romane Monke borne in Little Britaine with his Disciple Celestius beganne to infect these Northerne parts But after they and their heresies were condemned in the Councels of Carthage and Mela Pope Celestine sent Palladius into Scotland as also our neighbours the French bishops at the request of the Catholique English sâ—nt Germanus bishop of Aâ—xerre and Lupus bishop of Troys in Champeigne into England to beat downe Pelagianisme which they happily suppressed Now also there was a Provinciall Councel held in Britaine for the reforming of Religion and repairing of the ruin'd Churches which the Pagan marriage of Vortiger had decayed to the great griâ—fe of the people A plaine token that their zeale continued evâ—n unto those dayâ—s for so it was whiles Vortiger a British Prince marryed with the fayre but Infidel Rowena Hengists daughter this Saxon match had almost undone both Church and State whilest as Bede complaines Priest's were slaine standing at the Altar and bishops with thâ—ir flocks weâ—e murdered till at length they assembled a Councel to repayre those decayes which this marriage had made Now to close up this Age the Reader may observe that we have surveyed the first foure Generall Councels which Gregorie the Great proâ—essed that he â—mbraced as the foure Gospels and indeed they were called agâ—inst those foure Arch-heretickes that pestered the Câ—urch the first was hâ—ld at Nice against Arrius a Priâ—st of Alâ—xandria who held that Christ was neither God nor eternall but an excellent creature created before all creatures The second at Constantinople against Macedonius who held that Christ was not of the same essence not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consubstantiall and of the same substance with the Father but onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 like to him and that the Holy Ghost was not God but Gods Minister and a creature not eternall The third at Ephâ—suâ— against Nestorius who held that Christ had two severall persons but not two wills and that the Virgin Mary was not to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the mother of God but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Mother of Christ. The fourth at Chalcedon where Dioscorus and Eutyches were condemned This Eutyches confuting Nestorius fell into other heresies and confounded the two natures of Christ making him after his union to have but the divine nature onely Besides the Reader may farther observe that upon the survey of these first foure Generall Councells so much esteemed by S. Gregory it is found that they confined the bishop of Rome to his bounds with other Patriarkes and they equalled other Patriarchall Seas to the Romane so that hereby is discovered the vanity of Campian's flourish saying Generall Councells are all ours the first and the last and the middle For we imbrace such Generall Councells as were held in those golden Ages within the first sixe hundâ—ed yeares or thereabouts The middle ranke beginning at the second Nicene unto the Councell of Florence held in the Ages of the mingled and confused Church they are neither wholly theirs nor ours The two last the one at Lateran the other at Trâ—nt these being held by the drosse of the Church are theirs AN APPENDIX to the fiâ—th CENTVRIE Of the Fathers Authoritie PAPIST YOu have produced the Fathers for these five or sixe hundred yeares as if they had beene of your Faith whereas you dissent from thâ—m and refuse their tryall but wee honour them and appeale to the joynt coâ—sent of Anâ—iquity PROTESTANT Where wee seâ—me to vary from them it is eithâ—r in things humane arbitrarie and indifferent or in matters not fully discussed by the ancient or in poynts which were not delivered by joynt consent of the ancient or in things which are reproved by plaine demonstration of holy Scripture and wherein the Fathers permit liberty of dissenting and the Papists themsâ—lves usually take it Neither would Saint Austine the faiâ—est flower of Antiquity have his Reader follow him farther than hee followeth the Truth not denying but that as in his maners so in his writings many things might justly be taxed Neither doe we refuse the triall of the Fathers truely alleadged and rightly understood witnesse the challenge made by Bishop Iewell and seconded by Doctor Whitaker and Doctor Featly yea Doctor Whitaker as Scultetus observeth was confident That the Fathers although in some matters they be variable and partly theirs partly ours yet in the materiall poynts they be wholly ours and theirs in matters of lesser moment and some few Tenets Likewise that great light of Oxford Doctor Reinolds in his Conference with Master Hart solemnely protested that in his opinion not one of all the Fathers was a Papist for saith he The very being and essence of a Papist consists in the opinion of the Popes supremacie but the Popes supremacie was not allowed by any of the Fathers as he there proveth against Hart not one then of all the Fathers was a Papist PA. May wee not ground our Faith upon the Fathers Testimonies PRO. Wee reverence the ancient Fathers but still with reservation of the respect wee owe to that Ancient of dayes Daniel 7.6 their father and ours who taught young Elihu Iob. 32.6 to reprove his Ancients even holy Iob amongst them Iob 33.12 him alone doe we acknowledge for the father of our Faith on whom wee may safely ground in things that are to bee believed For every Article of Christian Faith must bee grounded on divine revelation but all opinions of the Fathers are not divine revelations neither doe the Fathers challenge to themselves infallibility of judgement Sâ—int Austine saith This reverence and honour have I learnt to give to those Bookes of Scripture onely which are called Canonicall that I most firmely believe none of their Authors could any whit erre in writing But others I so reade that with how great sanctity and learning soever they doe excell I therefore thinke not any thing to be true because they sâ— thought it but because they were able to perswade me either by those Canonicall Authours or by some probâ—ble reason that it did not swerve from truth Neither doe our Adversaries yield infâ—llibilâ—ty of judgement tâ— the Fathers Baronius saith The Church doth not alwayes and in all things follow the Fathers interpretation of Scripture Bellarmine saith Their writings are no rules of Faith neither have they authority to binde Canus tells us That the ancient Fathers sometime erre and against the ordinary course of nature bring forth
answere God forbid it should be so God forbid it should bee so you have judged well once said the Roode and to change that againe is not good Now this Oracle made for Saint Dunstan and against the Priests who said this was but a subtile tricke of the Monks in placing behind the wall a man of their owne who through â— Tâ—unke uttered those words in the mouth of the Roode the matter therefore came againe to sâ—anning the Prelats and the States met at Cleve in Wiltshire where after hot and sharpe Disputation on either side a heavie mischance fell out for whether through the weakenesse of the Foundation or the overpresse of weight or both The upper Lâ—ft where the Councell sate fell downe and many of the People were hurt and some slaine outright But Dunstan the Monkes Prolocutor remained unhurt For the Post whereon his Chaire stood remained safe By this fall fell the cause of the Secular Priests and they of Dunstans side thought these rotten joysts foundation enough whreon to build their Prohibition of Marriage But Henrie Archdeacon of Huntington interprets this casualtie more probably To be a signe from God that by their Treason and murder of their King who was slaine the yeare after they should fall from Gods favour and be crushed by other Nations as in the event it prooved And thus did Dunstan by his fayned Miracles seduce King Edgar to drive out the Secular Priests whâ—re yet Dunstan haply thought not to thrust married men out of the Clergie but to thrust married Clergie men out of Cathedrall Churches because they â—equired a daily attendance as the Learned bishop Doctor Hall hath observed Howsoever it fell out it is worth the observing that the Clergy pleaded Praescription for themselves for so their owne Monke of Malmesbury hath recorded their plea they alleadged saith he That it was a great shâ—me that these upstart Monks should thrust oâ—t the ancient possessors of those places that this was neither pleasing to God who gave them that long continued habitation nor yet to any good man who might justly feare the same hard mâ—asure which was offered to them Mathew of Westminster speaking of Pope Gregorie the seaventh saith that He râ—moved married Priests from their function a new example and as many thought inconsiderately prejudicialâ— against the judgement of the holy Fathers And Henrie of Huntington saith Archbishop Anselme held a Synod at London wherein hee forbad wives to the Priests of England before not forbidden Was not this now an Innovation Besides we find that in King Edmunds reigne a West Saxon Prince before the dayes of Edgar or Dunâ—tan bishop Osulphus with Athelme and Vlricke Laicks thrust out the Monks of Evesham and placed Canons married Priests in their roome And afteâ—wards when not onely the meaner sort but the Nobles and great ones â—ided even then also Alferus a Mercian Duke favouring the cause of married Priests cast out the Monks and restored againe the ancient revenewes to the Clerks and it seemes they were the ancient owners and others but incommers inasmuch as divers Cathedrall Churches originally were founded in married Cleargy-men and afterwards translated from them to Monks as appeares by that which the Monks of Worcester wrote under their Oswald Archbishop of Yorke Per me fundatus Fuit ex Clericis Monachatus That is By me were Monks first founded out of Cleâ—ks So that the Monks were not the first possessors but came in by such as Dunstan who wrought with that good King Edgar by dreames visions and miracles mostly tending to Monkery as namely that When the Devill in the likenesse of a faire woman tempted Dunstan to lâ—st he caught him by the nose with an hot paire of tongs and made him roare out for mercie that Eastwardâ— That Dunstans harpe hanging upon the wall played by 〈◊〉 selfe the tune of the Anthem Gaudent in coelis animae Sanctorum By the meanes of this Dunstan and his Cousins Athelwold and Oswald King Edgar was set on worke for the building of religious houses wherein he surpasâ—ed Charles the Great for whereas he built as many as there be letters in the Alphabet or A. B. C. King Edgar as appâ—ares by the Chartâ—r of the foundation of Worcester Church he built almost as many as there be Sundayes in the yeare I have made saith he 47 Monasteries and I intend if God grant life to make them up fiftie which seemes to be the number that Dunstan set him for his penance THE ELEVENTH CENTVRIE From the yeare of Grace 1000. to 1100. PAPIST YOu said of the last Age that Satan was let loose was he bound in this PROTESTANT Hee that brake loose in the former tyrannâ—zed in this for now those two great Enemies of the Church the Pope and the Turke the one in the East and the other in the West began to rise to their greatnesse about the yâ—are 1075 lived Pope Hildebrand who forbad marriage and deposed Kings from their lâ—wfull thrones so that for his doctrine the Churches did ring of him for an Antichrist In their Sermons saith Aventine boâ—n about the yeare 1466 they declared him to be Antichâ—ist that under the title of Christ he playd the part of Antichrist That he sits in Babylon in the Temple of God and is advanced above all that is called God as if he were God he glorifieth that he cannot erre This fine man denyes those Priests which have lawfull wives to be Priests at all in the meane time he admits to the Altar Whoremongers Adulterers Incestuous persons and afterwards Everard Bishop of Saltzburg in Germanie in an assembly at Regenspurge spake thus of the Pope Hildebrand under colour of Religion layd the foundation of Antichrist's kingdome thus doth that child of perdition whom they use to call Antichrist in whose forehead is written the name of blasphemie Revel 13.2 I am God I cannot erre he sits in the Temple of God and beareth rule far and neere Now began the Croisier staffe to beate downe Crownes and Scepters when Hildebrand deposed the Emperour Henry the fourth and yet this fact of his was opposed and condemned by divers worthy Councels Bishops and Historians both in France and Germany and the like Papall Vsurpations Appeales and Investitures were also resisted in England Hubert your Legate saith William the Conquerour in his letter to Gregory the seventh came unto me warning me from your Holinesse that I should doe fealty to you and your successors as for fealty I neither would doe it to you neither will I because I neither promised it my selfe nor doe I find that my predecessors have done that to your predecessors When Anselme an Italian was chosen Archbishop of Canterbury he craved leave of king William the second to goe to Rome to receive his Pall of Pope Vrban wherewith the King greatly offended answered That no Archbishop nor bishop in
were so powerfull that they brought an hundred thousand fighting men into the field and were then very likely to have utterly overthrowne Simon Montfort Generall of the Papall armie had not the unexpected death of the King of Arragon intercepted by ambush quite discouraged and dissolued the Albigenses army Besides if the Waldenses had not had any visible assemblies what needed such councels consultations conferences disputations inquisitions and examinations bans and excommunications against them They set up the order of Dominican and Franciscan Friers to preach against them they leavied forces of Pilgrimes Cruciferi or crossed souldiers to fight against them they published their Croysadoes promised their pardon of sinnes and remission of pennance enjoyned to as many as would take up the badge of the crosse and weare it on their coate-armour and goe against the Waldenses as against Sarracens and Infidels Now sure had the Waldenses beene but some few dispersed and meane persons they needed no such stirre to suppresse them But we finde that they used all possible meanes for to quell them Pope Inncent the third about the yeere 1180 called a a solemne Councell at Lateran against them Caelestine the third in the yeare 1197 confirmed the order of the Cruciferi or crossed souldiers and they were to warre against them The Monke of Auxerre in France saith That the Pope sent his Bulls farre and neere and granted them pardon of sinnes and absolution of pennance to such as should serve in his warres against the Waldenses About this time was the holyhouse of Inquisition set up by Pope Innocent the third and the mastership thereof committed first to Frier Reiner and Guido and afterwards to Saint Dominicke and his order Eymericus hath given certaine directions to the Inquisitors and Commissioners and Francis Pegna hath glossed upon them and there were lately to be seene the severall consultations of the Bishops and Lawyers of France in what sort they were to proceed against the Waldenses And the Monk of Newborrow tels us that when the Waldenses came into England under the name of Catharist's or Publicans there was strict charge given under paine of excommunication that none should receive harbour or keepe them within their houses liberties or territories nor to have any commerce or manner of dealing with them and if any of that sect dyed in that state that upon no termes they should have any prayer or Christian buriall but they saved them a labour of buriall for Caesarius saith that at the taking of La-vail there were foure hundred of them burnt and the rest hanged and the like execution done in divers other places and namely at Vaurcastle where after they had strangled the Governour Aimerius they stoned to death the Lady Girard the Popes Legats not sparing as Thuanus saith any Sexe at all Now all this they patiently endured so that as Altissidore saith the beholders were astonied to see them goe so cherefully to their death and withall to exhort one another to abide the fierie tryall PAP There might be great numbers of the Waldenses and them of the meaner sort PROT. That is not so for Du Haillan saith that many Noble and worthy men tooke part with them even to the hazzarding of their lives and estates namely the Earles of Tholouse of Cominges of Bigorre of Carmain of Foix as also the King of Arragon for Remond had marryed Ioane once Queene of Sicilie sister to Iohn King of England by whom he had a sonne called also Remond after the decease of Ioane he married Elenor sister of Peter King of Arragon so that he was strong in affinity and confederacy besides that he had as one saith as many citties and castles and townes as the yeere hath dayes By the way we may observe that considering the neere alliance which was betweene the Earle of Tholouse and his brother in law the King of England as also the Earles lands lying so neere to Guienne then in the possession of the Englâ—sh hence I say we may observe that this made the way more easie to communicate the doctrine and profession of the Waldenses unto their neighbouâ—s of the English Nation PAP You tell us of great troupes of the Waldenses and yet they had but bad successe PROT. We must not measure the lawfulnesse of warre by the issue nor judge the cause by the event The eleven Tribes of Israel were appointed by God himselfe to goe and fight against the Benjamites the Israelites were moe in number than the Benjamites and had the better cause and yet the Israelites were twice overcome by the Benjamites so King Lewis of France fighting against the Turke his army was scattered and himselfe dyed of the Plague â—esides you have little reason to stand on the successe of this warre It is true indeed that their chiefe Cittties Tholouse and Avignion were taken and the King of Arragon was slaine in the Waldensian warre but so also was Simon Montfort Generall of the Popes army he was slaine like Abimelech Iudges 9 with a stone cast out of a sling or engine and the same supposed to be â—lung or darted by a woman And as for King Lewis he dyed at the siege of Avignion and as Mathâ—w Paris saith sustained great losses by a terrible plague strong and venemous flyes and great waters devouring and drowning his army so that there were two and twenty thousand French slaine and drowned during that seige Lastly the Waldenses had no such ill successe for though themselves were persecuted yet their doctrine was thereby communicated to others and spread abroad throughout the world PAP You make as if the Pope had dealt ill with the Albingenses but they dealt ill with him for the Earle of Tholouse or some of his subjects killed the Popes Legat Frier Peter de Casteaneuff and this was it that stirred up the Pope PROT. This was but a colour of the warre and an untruth when the Popes Legat charged the Earle with this fact his answere was that he was no way culpable of the Fryers death that there were many witnesses of the death of the sayd Monke slaine at S. Giles by a certaine Gentleman whom the said Monke pursued who presently retired himself to his friends at Beâ—caire that this murther was very displeasing to him and therefore he had done what lay in his power to apprehend him and to chastise him but that he escaped his hands that had it beene true which they layd to his charge and that he had beene guilty of the fact yet the ordinary courses of justice were to be taken against him and not to have wracked their anger upon his subjects that were innocent in this case In the end he was forced to confesse that he was guilty of the murder onely because it was committed within his territories so that he was glad to doe pennance and that in a strange sort for the Legat
top of wisedome and learning Neither did some young Students onely follow him but even the chiefe of the Vniversity Master Robert Rigge Vice-chancellour and the two Proctors tooke part with him as also Nicholas Herford Iohn Ashton of Mâ—rton-Colledge Iohn Ashwarby of Oriel-Colledge Pastour of St. Maries Church these being preachers and Bachelours of Divinity ioyned with him and were questioned on that behalfe Thomas Walsingham specially notes that when the Archbishop of Canterbury had sent Wickliffes condemnation to Robert Rigge Chancellour of the Vniversity of Oxford to be divulged hee appointed them to preach that day whom hee knew to be most zealous followers of Wickliffe and among others hee ordained one Philip Repington a Chanon of Leycester to preach on Corpus Christi day who concluded his Sermon with these words for speculative doctrine saith hee such as the point of the Sacrament of the Altar is I will set a barre on my lips while God hath otherwise instructed or illuminated the hearts of the Cleargy And afterwards when Bulles came thicke from Rome from the two Gregories the eleventh and twelfth against Wickliffe and his doctrine the whole Vniversity gave a testimony in favour of him under their seale in their Congregation house in these words among others God forbid that our Prelats should have condemned a man of suâ—h honesty for an Heretique but there is nothing that may more amply testifie the spreading of his Doctrine than an Act of Parliament in the dayes of King Richard the second where it is related that there were divers preaching dayly not onely in Churches and Church-yards but also in Markets Faires and other open places where a great congregation of people is divers Sermons contayning heresies and notorious errours for so they pleased to stile it in those dayes PAP Was Wickliffes doctrine followed after his death PROT. That which Wickliffe taught was neither borne with him nor died with him indeed if either the strength or policy of man could have made it away it had not continued as it doth to this day for in the yeere 1378. Pope Gregory the eleventh directed his Bull to the Vniversity of Oxford against the doctrine and Articles of that learned man even Rome it selfe ringing of his opinions in that Vniversity and Walsingam sayth that the Pope taxed the Heads of the Vniversity for the sleight care they tooke in the suppressing of Wickliffes doctrine and the same Walsingham complaines that those of the Vniversity were long time in suspence whether they should receive the Popes Bull with honour or rejeâ—t it with reproach Afterwards Gregory the twelfth directed another Bull to Oxford against Wickliffe Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Canterbury held a Councell at Oxford and procured a visitation and sharpe Inquisition against the Heads of Colledges Halls and others suspected of Wicklevisme or Lollardy and this Constitution is to be seene in Linwood Now this was but a Provinciall Constitution in comes the Councell of Constance and condemnes Wickliffe causing his bones to be taken up and burned forty yeares after his death and buriall and this mandate of the Popes was executed by Richard Flemming Bishop of Lincolne as Linwood testifieth who lived at the time when this was done to wit in the yeere 1428. and thus was the canonicall censure passed upon Wickliffe and his adherents now the secular power joyned with them for in the dayes of King Henry the fourth and fifth there was made the Statute de Haeretico comburendo whereby the Wicklevists and Lollards were adjudged to be burned After this King Edward the fourth sent mandatory letters to the Governours in Oxford to make search for Wickliffes bookes and to burne them and accordingly the Masters and Doctours did Here is now both his bones and his bookes burnt they thought belike to make sure worke and never to heare more of the man againe but so it was that out of his ashes as it were there arose another Phoenix and generation of Wicklevists which renued his memory doctrine belike then there were many that followed his Doctrine or else why made they so much adoe what needed so many Statutes Letters and Proclamations so many Bulles Councels and Constitutions Indeede there were many in Oxford and else-where and them of good note who imbraced Wickliffes opinions after his decease as namely Lawrence Redman master of Arts David Sawtree a Divine William Iones Thomas Brightwell William Haulam a Civilian Raphe Greenhurst Fellow of New-colledge as also one Walter Bruite a Layman mentioned by one William Wideford a great Papist this Wideford writing against Wickliffe mentions a booke of his owne sent to the Bishop of Hereford in confutation of the booke of Walter Bruite In a word Wickliffes doctrine was not contained within England onely but it gave light to other countries also insomuch as one Peter Paine who was Wickliffes Scholler and was sent with other Legats to the Councell at Basil went into Bohemia whither he carried with him some of Wickliffes bookes some part where of Iohn Hussâ— translated into his mothers tongue as Cochleus saith who also reports how one of the Bishops wrote to him out of England that he had two Volumes of Wickliffes which were almost as large as Saint Austins workes PAP What taught Wickliffe taught he as you doe PROT. Hee taught the same in substance that we doe as may appeare by a Treatise of Wickliffes Conformity with the now Church of England both in doctrine and discipline Besides we may take a taste of his Tenets out of his Treatise against the orders of Friers wherein he saith as followeth First Friars seyen that their Religion founden on sinfull men is more perfit than that Religion or order which Christ himselfe made Friars pursuen true Priests and letten them to preach the Gospell They pursuen Priests for they reproven their sins as God bids both to burne them and the Gospell of â—hrist written in English to most learning of our nation Friars send out Ideots full of covetise to preach not the Gospell but Chronicles fables and leasings to please the people and to rob them Friars by letters of Fraternity deceiven the people in Faith robben them of temporall goods and maken the people to trust more in dead parchment sealed with leasings and in vaine prayers of Hypocrites than in the helpe of God Friars perverten the right faith of the Sacrament of the Auter and bringen a new heresie they say it is an Accident withouten subjeâ—t which heresie came never into the Church till the foule feende Satanas was unbounden after a thousand yeeres Friars being made Bishops robben men by extortion as in punishing of sinne for money and suffren men to lie in sin getten of Antichrist false exemption Friars teachen Lords and namely Ladies that if they dyen in Francis habit they shall never come in hell for the vertue thereof Men sayen
natione Anglusâ— S Bedâ— quoâ—dam auditor cujus Alcuini minisâ—erio ipse Imperator omnibus libeâ—alium artiam disciplinis initiarâ— satagebatâ—â—laâ—uit an 770. Trithem de script eccles c Adelbâ—râ—â—s Clemenâ— Sampsonâ—â—t complures alij â— Bâ—niâ—acâ—o dissenserunt quod reâ—iqutâ—rum venerationem staâ—aarum a lorationem purgatorâ—um praelicaâ—et Sacerdotum conjugium abâ—â—garet â—ist Mâ—gdebâ—rg Centur. 8. c. 8. p. 534. Cent. 8. c. 10. p. 776. Catalog Test ver lib. 8. veâ—er Epist. Hibernicorum Sylloge Epist. 15. ep 17. d Alberâ—us Gallus ejuâ—dem sectae Sacerdotes atque Episcopi Dâ— Bâ—nifacio adversari vehementissimè câ—â—perunt Aventin Annal. Boior lib. 3. pag. 218. Iacob Frisius in Biblioth Philosophicâ— ad ann 790. Bâ—laeus centuâ— 14 cap. 32 33. f Beda vulgò â—actaâ—a miracula scribit Canus Loc. Theolog. li. 11. c. 6. i Godwins Catologue of the Bishops of England k In tanta â—amiliarâ—tate apud eum habitus Impâ—ratoris Magister deliciosus â—aerit appellatuâ— Trithâ—m Ibid. l Rursusque aliud Calvini opus â—miserunt sub nomini Alcuini Sixt. Senens in Praefat. suae Biblioth nu 3. m D. Iames of the Fathers Coâ—ruption part 4. pag. 50. n Homiliae Doctor jussu Caroli M. Alcuin de Trinitate Lugd. 1525. o Bellar. de script â—ccles in Chronolog p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Damascen de Orthodox fide lib 1 cap. 1. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. ibid. lib. 4. cap. 18. r Quem librum â— Hiâ—ronâ— atque Isidorus inter Apocryphas id est dubias Scripturas deputatum esse absque dubitatione testantur Alcuin advers Elipant lib. 1. pa. 941. Edit Paris 1617. s Corporiâ— sanguinis Dominici mystâ—rium quod quotidiè in Saâ—ramenâ—o à fidelibus sumitur Libâ—i Carolini de Imaginib li. 4. cap. 14. c Quâ—â—â—rgò â—aniâ— carnâ—m conâ—iâ—mat viâ—um 〈◊〉 sanguâ—â—â—m operatur in caâ—ne hiâ— ad â—orpas Chrisâ—i 〈◊〉 ilâ—ud reâ—ertur ad â—aâ—guinâ—m Id. Ibâ—d d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 h Concil gener tom 3. pag. 599. edit Râ—mae ann 1012. i Vndè Bed◠〈◊〉 omnino prohibentur sâ—eri ad â—unâ— vâ—â—elicet sinâ—m ut aâ—orentur colantur Beda tesâ—e Ioanâ—e Geâ—sâ—â— pâ—râ— 2. compen Theolog de primo praecepto k Nil si non â—abentur dâ—â—ogantâ—â—iâ— si hâ—bentur prâ—erogant â—ùm tamen aâ—dicatâ—e quandam inâ—autaâ— levitatâ— afferant a lâ—â—atâ—e verò â—ulpaâ— inurant 〈◊〉 M. lib. â— advers Sâ—nod 〈…〉 Câ—ssandâ—om Consâ—lâ—â—arâ—â—â— 2â— de cultu Sanct. l Concil Constant 〈…〉 mag habitum est 〈◊〉 754. Bin. Conc. to 3. pag. 2â—â— m Qui imaginâ—m â—â—â—uâ—â—uerit parare aut adâ—â—are aut in Ecclâ—siâ— aut in pâ—ivatâ— domo conâ—iâ—â—uere si Episcopus fuerit depenâ—tâ—r decretum extat in 〈◊〉 Conc. 2. â—pud Bin. Act 6. pâ—g 377. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Zonar hâ—st to 3 p. 88 Basil. 155â— o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. Ibid. p 105. p 〈◊〉 Niâ—â—n 2. hâ—bit est an 787. Bâ—n in not in iâ— Câ—nâ—il q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Annal. cap 188. pag 389. Câ—udeliâ—er Insanabilitèr oculos ejâ—s evâ—llunt ita ut hunc morâ— subsequens conâ—istim extâ—â—gueret consiâ—io 〈…〉 Paul Dâ—acon hist. lib. 23. pag. 747. r Câ—ux Christi latâ—iâ— adoranda est Aquin Sum. Theolog. paâ—t 3 quest 25. aâ—â— 4. s Bishop Bilson of Sâ—bjection 4 pâ—rt pag. 387. t u 〈…〉 Synoâ—us in Francia convocâ—nte 〈…〉 traditionemque maâ—oâ—um ipâ—â— Graeâ—o 〈…〉 non in dicum voliâ—â—â—â— quo◠〈…〉 Missum Hinc 〈…〉 x 〈…〉 quam septiâ—am Graec◠〈…〉 Ado Vâ—en in Châ—on aeâ—â—t 6. pag. 181. Regi 〈…〉 21. de Culâ—â— Sanct. y Ad Apocryphas quasdam 〈…〉 〈◊〉 M. lib. 3. cap. 30. z Prot. Apol. tr 2. sect 7. pag. 364. a Carolus Mâ—quatuor libros scripsit contrà vâ—lentes toâ—lere imâ—gines Eckij Enchiâ—â—d cap 16. b Aug. Steuchâ—s de donat Constantinâ— pag 226. c Caâ—oli ipsâ—s titulo quatuor lâ—bâ—i consâ—ripti suâ—re quorum Hincmarus Episcopus meminit et â—o uâ— exâ—mplum hodiâ—que in â—iblietheâ—â—â— Vaticâ—nâ— et nonnullis Gâ—llic lociâ— extat Câ—ssâ—nd Consult Aâ—t 21. de cultu Sanctor d Indâ—x liber prohib authâ—ritate Pij 4. primùm â—ditus postâ—a veâ—o a Sixto quinto aucâ—â—s 〈…〉 Hâ—n 〈◊〉 1611. p. 83 lit â— Inâ—ertorum 〈…〉 e f 〈…〉 sit ergò tertia responsio Concil Fraâ—cos deâ—inivisse potiùs verit 〈…〉 Synodo conâ—enâ—isse Suarez tom 1. disp 54. sect 3. pag. â—01 802. Mâ—â—unt 1604. 〈…〉 Tho disp 107. quaâ—st 25. Art 3. Ingolstadâ— 1610. Ab eodem Adâ—iano 〈◊〉 quâ—ntum aâ— alte 〈…〉 Beâ—l de Concil lib. 1 ca 7. § Quaâ—tuÌ„ â—on 〈◊〉 Legâ—ti Râ—maâ—â— Id. de Imâ—g â—â—p 1◠§ Si. h Coâ—tradictio nostra his gestiâ— inhaereat Concil Chalced. tom 2. Concil general per Bin. actione 16 p 137. i 〈◊〉 â—mnes dicimus 〈◊〉 omâ—ibâ—s placent Ibid. pâ—g 137. k 〈◊〉 tota Synodus appâ—obavit Ibid. l 〈◊〉 Synodi ad â—eonem post 〈◊〉 Chalâ—ed aâ—t 16. pa. 1â—â—â— m 〈…〉 August de 〈…〉 Donaâ—ist l 2 c p 3. to 7. n Num credibile est Carolum in ipsum Adrianum tam acritèr scripâ—isseâ— cùm â—um taÌ„toperè coluerit Bel. de Imag. c. 14. §. num o Câ—eteras cupiditates hujus unius ingenti â—upiditate presserunt August de Civit. Dei lib. 5. câ—p 1â— p Leonem 3. Imperat. Constantinopolit imperio simul communione sidelium prâ—vâ—t Platina in Greg. 3. q Ne â—i aut tributum dâ—rent aut aliâ—â—atione obediâ—ent Sigon de regno Italiae lib. 3. r Gâ—egoriusâ— Romam cum totâ— Italià ab illius Leonis imperie recedere faciens Paul Dâ—acon hist. lib. 21. p. 665. s 〈◊〉 â—ucque Commenâ—â—â—i â— in proâ—â—b tâ—buuntur Bede â—oâ— Hieroâ—â—â—â— Bell. de scrip ecles sect 4. t Nulluâ— invocare â—d est in ◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Beda in cap. â— Pâ—â—verb to 4. u x Index Expaâ—g 〈◊〉 Qâ—â—â—g Mâ—d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1584 y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nâ—sâ—â—â— cont 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4 tom â— edit 〈…〉 z Ejuâ—mors nostra vita ejus damnatio nostra justificatio Beda in Psal. 87. tom 8. a Per justitiam factorum nullus salvabitur sed per solam justitiam fidei Id. in Psal. 77. b Iustruit videlicet ut nemo vel libertatem arbitrij vel merita sua sufficere sibi ad beatitudinem credat sed solâ gratià Deâ— se salvari posse intelligat Id in Psal. 31. c In suturo benè remuneretur hoc non ex merito sed ex gratiâ— solâ Id. in Psal. 23. d Vt miserearis secundâ—m mesericordiâ—m â—uam id est te condignam non secundùm iroâ—â— me condignam Id. in Psal. 24. e Sordidare me potui sed emundare nequeo â—isi tu Domine Iesu sancti sanguinis tui aspersione mundum me facias Alcuin in Psal. 50. f Ad me unum cùm respicio nihil alâ—ud in me nisi peccatum invenio tota