they are in their falshoods and dissimulations And again by this taste you shal see the brutish vilanyes of our bastard countrimen and vnderstand what iust cause there is to detest both the traitors and their treasons c. To all which I answere that a railing tongue vntied is a wilde beast without a bridle and to ruun after him with a cudgell though at certain turnings many blowes and bastinadoes may be giuen him as in parte there hath bin I suppose to this man by conuincing his falshoods raylings and calnmniations yet is it a wearisom exercise euen to the giuer himself and therefore I will let him runn vntil wearied by his own furye he become more calme and enter into som more temperate cogitations if not of truth and charity yet of christiaÌ„ honor and honestie and with this I end our third incounter HASTINGES VVACH-VVORDE THE FOVRTH INCOVNTER ABOVT BISHOP GARDENER AND Cardinall Allen by name and of their vnvvortâ—ie and slanderous vsage by this vvachvvoord-geuer THough against all Catholique people that come in his way the toÌ„gue of this knight be very lauish approbrious which neither proceedeth of chiualry nor yet of nobility yet two principal persons aboue others he seeketh chiefly to disgrace and wound in his discours which are D. Gardener Bishop of winchester and high Chauncellor of England in Queen Maries dayes and Doctor Allen late Cardenall of Rome Two such eminent subiects for Ecclesiasticall men as setting a side the onlie difference of religion which made theÌ„ vngrateful to the present state our land hath not had lightly â—heir equales in many ages before Both of them of high wits exquiâ—ite learning and singuler good natures both of rare vertues the one â— chief Counseller to two great princes of our realme the father and â—aughter and the other fit to be Counsellor to any prince liuing and was of councel to the highest consistorie in Christendom Bishop Gardener was caried through great varietie of prosperous and aduerse â—ortune and euer shewed himself superiour to them both except once â—nly in his youth prosperitie when he went a litle astray by feare â—ut sore repented it soon after Cardinal Allen that neuer was in properitie at home but trayned vp for the most parte of his dayes in baâ—ishment and in the disgrace and frowning countenance of his counâ—rie for religions sake bare the same with incredible constancy and â—lacritie and towards the end of his life was highly aduanced to hoâ—or for his vertue by forain potentates as the world knoweth B. Gardener was a maister and common tutor to English yong nobility â—n his dayes and his hows a famous schoole of great mennes children â—n England C. Allen was a publique father to all sortes of that ageâ—nd to all degrees that left their country for religion and he procured â—hem both howses and schooles in forain nations The Bishop was â—beral and had much to giue of his owne while he was suffered to â—ossesse it the Cardinall though meaner in temporal wealth yet muâ—ificent of mynd and so much respected and credited by others that were richer then himself that he gaue more perhaps in his dayes then the other was able of his own according to that of the Apostle quaâ— egentes multos autem locupletantes as poore and yet inriching many others And to be short a peerlesse payre of prelates they were whylâ— they liued and full vnworthie to be thus bayted by the wyld tonguâ— of this slanderous backbyter but let vs hear in particular what heâ— sayth of them Of Bishop Gardener you haue heard before his encomion or commendation where he saied Gardener that most prowd and bloody monster left no corner of his witt vnsought to shorten her Maiesties dayes and preuent heâ— by the bloody slaughter of her sacred person from being our Queen And afterward agayn making his inuectiue against the Catholiques that foâ— conscience refuse to go to Church he sayth thus The recusants of our age cannot professe nor make greater shew of loyalty and loue to our dread Souereign neither can serue her outwardly with greater apparence of faithfulnes nor can protest more deeply by woords and othes their true and good meaning to her then did Gardener Bonner and Tonstal to her noble father and brother which they did confirm by printed bookes For Gardener did writâ— his booke de vera obedientia and Bonner added his epistle to it And Tonstâ— published a flat treatise against the Pope But when these two noble Princes werâ— called to their last and euerlasting home and kingdom in heauen and Queen Marie possessed the gouernment of this kingdom vpon earth then Gardener did tear oâ— his glorious visour and shewed himself in his right colours and shape for he anâ— his complices neuer rested till they had brought in the Spainard and had matcheâ— him in mariage with the Queen by which they betrayed God her and the wholâ— realm This bloody intention by this linck thus strengthened then cometh Gardener ouâ— publiquely in pulpit with this sentence hora est iam nos de somno surgere peruerting the sacred scripture most prophanely and blasphemously to his blâ—ody purpose c. this far goeth the accusation And first here you see there is nothing but blood and bloodines when he talketh of Bishop Gardener wherof I could greatly marueyl if this poor man followed either ryme or reason in any discourse that he maketh for verely I beleeue that if a maÌ„ should aske any good natured Protestant that liued in Queen Maries tyme and hath both wit to iudge and indifferency to speake the truth without passion he wil confesse that no one great man in that gouernment was further of from blood and bloodines or from crueltie and reuenge then Bishop Gardener who was known to be a most â—eÌ„der-harted and myld man in that behalf in so much that it was some tymes and by some great personages obiected to him for no smale fault to be euerfull oâ— â—â—â—â—â—â—on in the office and charge that he then bare yea to him especially it â—as imputed that none of the greatest and most knowen Protestanâ—s in Queen Maries raigne and some of their names I haue menâ—â—oned before were euer called to accompt or put to trooble for â—ligion which also was noted in diuers criminal great causes and â—amely that of the lady Smith burned for killing her husband the â—rd Sturton executed about Harguile and the Duke of Norâ—umberland beheaded for publique rebellion All which three to â—aue others it is knowen that Bishop Gardener laboured earnestly â—r to saue their lyues and this only vpon compassion and he passed â— far in this behalf as he wauted not some rebuke for the same espeâ—ally about the last to wit the Duke for whome he sued importunâ— notwithstanding he had byn extremely misused and iniured by â—he sayd Duke in K. Edwards tyme or at least permitted by him to be â—iured by others as namely to be depriued of
together for their gaines more then for deuotion which Bishop Gardener seeing and not able to resist he spake his minde plainly touching religion in a sermon before the yong king and councell vpon Saint Peters day which was but fiue moneths after king Edwards raign for which sermon he was sent to the tower the morning after and lay there prisoner all king Edwards time and came not out vntill Queen Marie at her first entrance into the tower of london wheÌ„ she was Queen deliuered him and other catholique prisoners together and how then doth our steel-brow-knight write that Bishop Gardener Hattered both father and sonne and neuer shewed himself in religion vntil both of them were called to their last home and Queen Marie entred the crown let some frend blush for him if he haue not shame to do it himself Againe it is as great an vntruth and as grosse ignorance besydes to say as this man doth that Bishop Gardener and his complices brought in the Spaniard and mached him in mariage with Queen Marie For that euery childe acquaynted with that state knoweth or may learne that Bishop Gardener was of the contrarie part or faction that fauored yong Edward Courtney the Earle of deuonshire and would haue had him to Marie the Queen whome Bishop Gardener had held for his spiritual childe in the tower all king Edwardes tyme. And now the matter was so far forward as the mariage was held for certayne but that the contrarie syde and especially the Lord Paget partly by the acquaintance and credit he had gotten with Charles the Emperor in Flanders during king Edwards tyme and partely for the ielosie he had perhappes of B. Gardeners great affection to the Duke of Northumberland his greatest enemie who in king Edwards reigne had indeuored vtterly to disgrace him they procured I say the said Emperors most earnest and effectual letters to the Queen about her mariage with the Prince of Spayne which they did so vrge to the sayd Queen and with so many argumentes against Courtney espetially that he was neither sound in body nor religion as they got her consent and subscription to the sayd letters of the Emperor And then there was no further dealing to the contrary for that Queen Mary bore such exceeding loue and reuerence to the Emperor Charles her Cosin as she would not fayl in her word geuen to him for all the world VVherby we may imagin what a mortification Bishop Gardener and all the rest of his side that fauored Courtney did receaue by this change of the Queens will and purpose and therby also perceyue the folly and temerite of this rashe accuser who layeth to there charge the bringing in the Spaniard which yet if they had donne or had byn cause of that greatest and most honorable mariage that for many ages hath byn in Christendom and of greatest consequence if issue had followed therof if this I saie bad byn so as it was not why did they betray therin both God the Queen and there countrie as this wise Censurer affirmeth what grownds what reason may there be aleaged of this triple treason God receiued by this mariage the strengthening of his true religon the Queen got the greatest noblest and richest husband that was extant in Europe our countrie got many a thowsaud of Spanish treasure without losse of any as heerafter shal be shewed And wherin then stood this great offence But let vs passe ouer these follies of our knight in matters of state for that perhaps his prayse and skyll is only in armes yet one point more must I examine wherin he condemneth B. Gardener and this is for his sermon made at S. Paules crosse vpoÌ„ the wordes of the Apostle to the Romanes hâ—ra est iam nos de somno surgere It is now high tyme for vs to ryse out of sleep the night hath gone before the day is come c. and the rest that followeth there All which sacred scripture this learned religious knight sayth very peremptorily that it was most prophanely and blasphemously peruerted by the said Bishop and that to bloody purposes which we shal now à litle discusse This famous sermon was preached as I sayd before at Paules crosse after the mariage was celebrated between the King and the Queen who both were present at this speech of the Bishop nowe also hygh Chancelor and there prsent in like maner both Cardinal Poole legate of the sea Apostolique as also the Embassadors of the Emperor french King and other Princes and a marueylous great learned and noble auditorie besydes as euer perhaps was at any sermon in England before or after The Chancelors discourse was how long they had runne astray and byn in darknes of diuision and stryfe among themselues since first king Henry lefte the old troden path of his ancestors kinges and Queenes of England in matters of religion and brake from the vnion of the church of Rome and of other catholique kingdomes round about him and that now it was time to arise out of this sleep and to looke about them And in this discours and sermon the Chancellor vttered two principal thinges among other that greatly moued the whole auditory The first was the hartie and humble accusation of himself for his â—all and consenting to King Henryes will in that booke de vera obedienâ—tia which he did vtter with so great vehemencie of spirit and abundance of teà res as he could not goe forward and was forced diuers tymes to make some pawses which in such an audience especially of strangers also he being the cheefest person of the realme after the prince we may imagin what a temporal shame and confusion it was vnto him and how greatly it would moue the hearers and lookers on to see him make such an accusation of himself willingly of his owne accord without compulsion and with such earnestnes as he did And that there was no fiction or dissimulation in this act of his the end declared for when he fell sick afterward and drew neer vnto his death he desired that the passion of our Sauiour might be redde vnto him and when they came to the denial of Saynt Peter and how after Christe had looked back vpon him he went out and wepte bitterly the Bishop cried out and bid them stay there and see whether his sweet Sauiour wold vouchsafe also to looke back vpon him and geue him some part of Saynt Peters teares for sayth he negaui cum Petro extui cum Petro sed nondum fleui amare cum Petro I haue denied Christe with Peter meaning that subscription to the supremacie of king Henrie I haue gone out with Peter meaning the participatioÌ„ of that schisme but yet I haue not wepte bitterly with Peter so bitterly as I should do and by often repetition of those woordes and asking God sorgeuenes with cryes and syghes he intertayned himself vntill great floodes of teares came downe vpon him and so gaue vp the
A TEMPERATE VVARD-VVORD TO THE TVRBVLENT AND SEDITIOVS VVach-word of Sir Francis Hastinges knight vvho indeuoreth to slaunder the vvhole Catholique cause all professors therof both at home and abrode Reduced into eight seueral encounters vvith a particuler speeche directed to the Lordes of her Maiesties most honorable Councel To vvhome the arbitriment of the vvhole is remitted By N. D. Psalm 71. vers 4. Iudicabit Dominus pauperes populi humiliabit calumniatorem God vvil iudge his poore and afflicted people and vvil make the stâ—nderer to stoop Imprinted vvith Licence ANNO M. D. XCIX THE PREFACE TO THE READER I Could much haue vvished that Sir Francis Hastinges vvho geueth himself for author of a certayne iniurious pamphlet published some monethes past agaynst Catholiques and intituled Avvache-vvord or vvhosoeuer made that byting libel for him vvith intention to dishonor him vvith the title as on the one syde he nameth himself knight and all men knovv the Hastinges to be of a verie honorable familie and one also to be knight of that name so on the other had he obserued some terme and stile of nobilitie or gentrie in his vvryting in vvhich case I had either vvholy spared this labour of ansvvering him at all leauing him only to the censure and rebuke of his equals for medling in so base an excercise as calumniation and rayling is in this his old yeares or at leastvvise should he haue receyued his check and refutation vvith that regard of vvorship and honor as othervvise had byn due to his rank place and person But fynding him so far forgetful of all knightly temperance in his tongue and of all ciuil cariage in the drift and current of his book as he holdeth no rule or limit of modestie at all but inraged rather as it seemeth vvith a furious veyne of inuectiue spirit spareth neither God nor man so far forth as they concerne the catholique cause or the cause them he must beare vvith me and lay it to his ovvne demerits if I be driuen to encounter vvith him in some more egar and sharp manner at certayne meetinges then either I allovv of by myne ovvne lyking or then the reuerend respect I carie to his house and familie and the particuler affection I feele tovvardes some of his ovvne name and linage vvould othervvise haue induced me VVho vvill not confesse but that lying forging and falâ—ifying ignorant vaunting odious scoffyng malitious calumniations seditious interpretations bloodie exaggerations Barbarous in sultations ouer them that already are in affliction and calamitie ought to be far from the nature pen and tongue of a knight or gentleman and yet these are the flovvers or rather furies of this skolding discourse as aftervvard you shall see by that vvhich is to be treated VVherin if the lyues honors states and liuinges of home-borne subiectes vvere only touched and brought in question as they be it vvere more tolerable though no vvay tolerable being don vniustly but the heat of this hastie knight resteth not here but rusheth further to the open assault of forayne monarches also their honors fame and reputation vvhich is lesse tolerable and consequently hath need of some more sharpe and forcible reiection The violence of the Puritan spirit is not vnknovven to the vvise of England vvherunto also France and Scotland vvil beare sufficient vvitnesse It hath byn kept dovvne many yeares by the valour and prudenee of the Protestant and the knovven professors therof haue byn held leane and hungrie by her Maiestie to no smale benefyt of publique peace and so may be stil vvhyle the Catholique partie hath also some poyse and svvay in the balance agaynst them If Sir Francis be one of them it may seeme perhaps expedient in his vvisdome that her Maiestie grovving novv fast in yeares thinges be brought to some trial by garboile in her dayes for that aftervvard more then one parte may chance to ioyne agaynst them vvherfore if they might novv oppresse the catholique partie by the hand of her Maiestie their ovvne vvould serue aftervvardes more easely to do the lyke agaynst her and hers and the vvay and meanes to effectuate them both may seeme perhappes no vvise to be more potent or speedie then to dryue many at home to desperation by feares and terrors of oppressions and by opprobrious iniuries and personnal slaunders to inforce forayne princes of the same religion to implacable yre and indignation And this is the proper course that Sir Francis taketh throughout his vvhole sedious vvach-vvord VVhich to couer the better he falleth to extreme flaterie of the other syde espetially of the state and of her Maiesties person in particuler vvhich are the fittest baytes to couer such hookes as angle after popular fauor for a further fetche To this man then I am to ansvver as the substance and tenour of his accusations fictions or calumniations shall leade me reducing all that I am to saie for better order and memorie to eight or nyne principal heades branches and argumentes vnder the name of encounters vvherin I dout not but the apparent truth of diuers poyntes vvil come to light vvhich hitherto haue layen hidden and obscure in the vnderstanding of many hoping that the discret reader vvill passe ouer these fevv lynes vvith a beneuolent or at least an indifferent eye reseruing the final iudgment of all to the Lordes of her Maiesties Councell vvhome I my self haue chosen for vmpires and arbitres of the vvhole controuersie and so I end this entrance and vvil passe to my first combat and incounter vvith Sir Francis Hastinges Your harty freend that vvisheth your best and greatest good N. D. THE PRINCIPAL PARTES OF THIS VVARD-VVORD THe preface to the reader about Sir Francis Hastinges manner of proceeding The first encounter about blessings or cursings receyued by change of catholique religion in England page 1. The second encounter concerning certayn absurd grovvndes of catholique religion faigned by the knight and the defence of Saynt Thomas of Canterbury page 11. The third encounter touching forged perils to haue byn procured to her Maiestie by Catholiques both before and since her raigne page 27. The fourth encounter about certain principal Englishmen iniured by name as Bishop Gardener Cardinal Allen c. also about father Persons and other Iesuites page 41. The fifth encouÌ„ter about Iesuites and father Persons in Particuler vvhether they seek the Queenes blood as S. Fra. affirmeth page 55. The sixth encounter of Catholique recusants novv in England and the fault of disloyalty falsly layd against them page 72. The seuenth encounter of for ayn princes slandered and first about the Bishop of Rome vvhether he be Antichriste or no. page 90. The eight encounter about the present king of Spayn and the Spanish nation iniured by Sir Francis page 102. A speech to the Lords of her Maiesties priuie Councell remitting the iudgement and arbitrement of the vvhole controuersie to their censures as also the iudgment and petition of the ansvverer for ending or composing of
religion in England had not byn changed we had had no breach with Rome nor consequently had the excommunication followed whereof so great noise hath byn made in the world abroad and so great trouble at home And what the vnion and frendshipp of the Bishop of Rome may importe euen as a temporall Prince the effects shewed of late in Fraunce where espetiallie by his indeuour and authoritie matters haue byn compounded that seemed verie hard and desperate before not only between that King and his owne subiectes but also between that crown and Spayn and the states of Flaunders which without such an arbiter and vmpyre would verie hardly haue euer byn accommodated Sixthly England had continued in her old ancient amitie and leagues moste honorable with Spayn and Burgâ—ndie and with their dependents and consequently had auoyded all these long and costly warres which by that breach we haue byn inforced to manteyne with losse of so many worthie men and expence of so great treasure as easelie maie be imagined and the quarell not yet ended Seuenthly so great and bloody warres and tumultes in Christian kingdomes round about vs had neuer happened as before in part hath byn declared and all the world doth impute the principal causes and motions therof vnto the diuersitie of religion in England And lastly most dolefull alterations in our own countrie had byn auoyded as the depriuation in one day of all the sacred order of Bishops in England with their perpetual imprisonment for that they would not subscribe to this infortunate change of religion wroong out in ParlameÌ„t as all men know by the oddes only of one or two voices of lay men The disgrace and abasing of so many noble houses with ouerthrow of others wherof let Norfolk Arundel Northumberland Oxford VVestmerland and Dacres giue testimonie For of the rest I will not make mention seing perhaps themselues would be loth I should all which had passed otherwise by probabilitie if religion had not byn altered The continual and intollerable affliction also of so many honorable and worshipfull Gentlemen had neuer happened for perseuering in their fathers fayth wherto our country was first conuerted from infidelitie without any other offence obiected or to be proued agaynste them but only refusing to accommodate themselues to this change The torturing hanging and quartering of aboue a hundreth Preestes for the same cause the moste of them good Gentlemen and youthes of rare witt learning and other partes which other Common wealthes would highly haue esteemed and so would ours too in tymes past and will agayne in tyme to come when these blastes shall once be ouerblown All these inconueniences and calamities had bin auoyded or the moste of them if change of Religion in England had not byn made so that the innumerable benedictions which this poore man would needs threap vpon vs by the change do come to be in effect these that follow First in Spiritual affayrs to haue no certaynty of Religion at all as hath bin proued no stay no foundation no rule but only euery mans own priuate iudgment and fansie wrangling and iangling without end and without iudge or meanes to make an end Nouelties without number and liberty of lyf without feare or force of Ecclesiasticall disciplyne to restrayn it And theÌ„ in temporall matters the blessings are such as haue bin discouered our Realme deuided and shiuered in a thowsand peeces our Princess olde without children or hope of any our Crown without Succession our olde frends and allyes made our enemies our new frends vncertayn our own flesh and countrymen most pitifully deuided within their own bowels and most miserably tossed and turmoyled both abroad and at home abroad and in other countries with Prisons Yrons Chaynes Gallyes and other Afflictions euen to Death it self for being Protestants Pirats Spies Practisers or other such imputations incident to enemyes At home afflicted with no less persecutions of our own Magistrates for being Catholiques or deemed to be such So as I would fayn know who are they in our litle Iland that feel these innumerable benifits and blessings by change of Religion which this gentleman talketh of seeing there are very few either of one Religion or other that taste not of the miseries wherof I haue spoken either in themselues their frends children seruants kinsefolks goodes honours or otherwise and most of all the Realm and Commonwealth it self It may be Sir Francis sitteth easier then other men hauing gotten som fat morsel to feed on by this change yet ought he to haue some sens and feeling also of other mens greefs or at least-wise so much wit as not to put himself to sing in publique when so many thowsands of other men do weep and complayn And so much of his blessings THE SECOND INCOVNTER ABOVT CERTAIN ABSVRD GROWNDS and principles forged by this Knight to be in Catholique Religion WE haue taken a scantling in the former incounter of this our knightes folly and flatterie now followeth a fuller view of his cogging and lying for these two vertues coÌ„monly go together qui adulator idem mendax sayth one the flatterer is a lyar in lyke manner For neither truth can stretch herself to flatter nor flattery can be manteyned without lying This man then after he hath flattered the state of England so grosly and fondly as you haue heard by telling them of the innumerable benedictions powred out vpon the whol Iland by the change of religion now he will needes take vpon him to set before our eyes the spiritual miseries and maledictions that Catholiques were in before this change to witt in Queen Maries dayes and in former raignes of ancient Catholique Princes by reason of certayne absurd and false principles which as he sayth were then receyued for truthes in matters of Religion But before he come to set down those principles he maketh for his preface acertain poetical description of the dark clowdy and mistie state of thinges in Queen Maries tyme in these woords It is not vnknown sayth he to many yet liuing nether can it be altogether â—idden from the yonger sorte that liued with them what a dark mistie clowd of ignorance which brought in popish idolatrie and all manner of superstition did ouershadow the whole Land c. and againe after In these dark and clowdy daies least the sun-shine of knowledge should dispearce the mists of ignorance and giue light to the dimm of sight c. Doth it not seeme that this graue gentleman describeth the lake of Auernus in Italy or some foggy marsh in England or some smoaky kitchin or wood-howse of his own without a window when he speaketh of our famous Country in former tymes Aboue a thowsand years the state of England and the Princes People Nobility and Learned men thereof had continued in that Egiptian or rather Cimmerian darknes which he describeth vnder clowds mists and shadows vntil his new Sun-shyne doctors came in to
parasite pratleth but vpon â—ome other cause giuen rather from England as himself after page 57. of his libel confesseth in these woords The king of Spain and Popes malice saith he to the Queen is not for that she is daughter to king Henry the eight and sister to Queen Marie but because she hath banished the Pope that Antechriste of Rome c. ergo the Q. began with the Pope and the Pope not with her But secondly let it be considered in what maner this banishment of the Pope was contriued that in this time of peace between Rome and England after the Queens entrance what was donn at home by vs against the Pope to stir him to this act of hostilitie First not only the whole body of religion was changed that had indured aboue a thowsand years and this contrarie to expectation and promes but diuers peculier statutes were made also against the Bishop of Rome by â—ame with the most spiteful and opprobrius woords termes that any malice of man could deuise all the whole Catholique body of England enforced to sweare against him and his authoritie by name or els to incur most greeuous and capital damages the like detestable othe was offered and repeated again and again to all such and as often as they were to take any degree of preferment within the land All the clergie was deposed and depriued of liuings libertie only for adhering to the Popes religioÌ„ the Bishops other principal prelates of our land committed to prisons holds and restraints for the same cause and there continued vnto their dying day for that they refused to subscribe to so violent a statute Then such as would leaue the realme or fle were inhibited those that staied at home were inforced to participate not only of these other but also eating new deuised Sacrament bâ—ead against their consciences condemned also and anathemazed by the lutheraÌ„s first founders of this new religioÌ„ The Pope euery where was cried out of reuiled made a matter of scorne infamy not only in all sermons pulpits and conuenticles but also in comedies plâ—ies and interludes by euery base and contemptible companion In the schooles of vniuersities most ridiculous propositions were set vp as paradoxes to be defended that the Pope forsooth was Antechriste the man of sinne talked of by S. Paule and other like toyes And that which moued perhaps more then all the rest was that these things were not only practised alowed of in England and Ireland subiect to her Maiestie but were begun to be introduced also by ouâ— meanes that is by the turbulent attempts and practises of protestants her Maiestie perhaps knowing litle therof in all the realmes and regions round about vs and namely in France Flanders and Scotland where the warres tumults rebellions deuisions sects heresies and other outrages came to be so many and excessiue great as the lawfulâ— and naturà ll princes of those contries seeing themselues so far indomaged and highly endaungered therby were inforced first of all to complain vnto the Pope as chief pastor and common father of all to vse such spirituall redresse as he might for his party in respect oâ— his ecclesiasticall souereigntie whilest they prepared also to defendâ— themselues and their troobled countries by force of armes Not malignitie then of the Pope and his adherents agaynst heâ— Maiesties crown and diadem wherunto willingly they had concurâ—â— and assisted moued this first breach and bickering as this malignanâ— barking-whelp would beat into mens eares but necessities of greatâ—â— violence inforced the same And if perhaps we in England after the change made in religion had taken that course which Protestants did in Germany to follow our new opinions without gawling of others none of these open hostilities had euer insued And let this stand foâ— the second notandum wherby is ouerthrown all this slanderous caâ—lumniation of the kinght The third note may be to consider with indifferency what this acâ— of the Popes excomunication is in it self or how far it may in reason and iustice without malice and calumniation be streched against thâ— Catholique subiects of England In it self it was an act of iurisdiction between two superiours thâ— one Ecclesiastical the other temporal wherin the subiects sentencâ— or consent was neuer asked nor admitted Secondly it was no new thing for that we see and read that thâ— like hath happened often and vpon many occasions between thâ— Bishops of Rome and diuers other great princes common-wealthes Emperours Kings and monarchs and sometymes also with kings of England and of late with the king of France as all the world knoweth And yet the subiect is neither afflicted nor accused for it nor â—nforced to change their old receaued beleef about the Popes authoâ—itie in such matters though in that particuler fact for reuerence of â—heir naturall Prince and dew respect in lyke manner to the other â—hey will not medle nor yet discuss the question whether the Pope â—ad iust reason or sufficient information whervpon to proceed but with dutifull loue and honour to the one and to the other they chuse â—ather to commend the matter to almightie God which is the only â—hing that resteth for a pious and dutiful subiect to perform in such â—ases when two superiours shall disagree vntill God by his goodnes â—hall determine the controuersy and bring all to some happie end as â—e hath donn of late in France where after the foresaied excomuniâ—ation by the see Apostolique the same king hath receyued exceeding great fauours and benefytes from the same sea and Bishop which almightie God graunt we may once see also in our countrie to the conâ—entment of all parties and therby all such hastie hoate-spurres as this â—s who still would kindle more fier and bring all to desperation may â—e reiected and put to silence And with this I might end the matter of her Maiesties perils were 〈◊〉 not that this playntiffe proceedeth on with a long rehersal of other â—ostile actions committed as he sayth by English Catholiques also â—gaynst her Maiestie As the rising of the two earles in the north â—orthumberland and VVestmerland the rebellion of diuers of the â—obilitie in Irland Doctor Sanders going thither Mayster Francis â—hrogmortons practises in England M. Charles Pagets going â—orth of the land the other two earles of Arundell Northumberâ—ands commitment and the like All which are ouer long to examine more in particuler and all put together do weigh so litle in the matter we haue in hand as by that which followeth shal appeare None of all these actions brake out to any hostilitie sauing only â—he two earles rysing and gathering their tenantes together in the â—orth where yet there followed neither battayle nor bloodshed and â—hey were no sooner almost together nor heard of at the courte â—ut they were seuered agayn and retyred into Scotland Flanders And this is all the actual rysing that hath byn among Catholiques within
ghost The second notable poynt which the Bishop vttered in this sermon was concerning king Henrie the eight his lord and mayster which moued the auditorie no lesse then the other And this was that the sayd king a litle before his death had dealt with him verie secretly and seriously to haue sent him to a certayne dyat in Germanie vnder pretence to treat other matters but in deed the cheef poynt should be to seeke out some honorable way and meanes as from himself and not from the king either by the Emperor legat popes Nuntio or other fit instrument to reconcyle him agayne to the church of Rome And this the Bishop affirmed to be most true vpon his oath and fidelitie to God and the world and to the memorie of the sayd king his master dead whome he shewed to loue so tenderly and dearly as he wepte most bitterly also in that place for that this holie motion had not taken the effect he desired attributing the let therof to Gods seuere iudgmentes and to the great difficulties which the sayd king found of making that recoÌ„ciliatioÌ„ with his honour and reputation which temporal honour he lamented much that it was more regarded by the king and some that counselled him then in so weightie a woork of eternall saluation ought to haue bin Thus then was the substance and these were the circumstances of that sermon Let vs now coÌ„sider whether the theam he tooke iam hora est nos de somno surgere were fit and to his purpose or no or whether it were prophanely blasphemously peruerted as this wise gentleman affirmeth who taketh vpon him to censure the matter First let it be considered that if euer any man of our realm might take vpon him to talk of a sleep or dream in matters of our coÌ„mon-wealth as a Counsellor and of his own knowledge Bishop Gardener might do it which had seen such alterations both of religion and temporalityes within our land such chopping and chaunging such pulling down and setting vp as he might fitly call the tyme a time of sleep or dream For as in a sleep things are represented to a man confusedly and out of hand they passe away and contrarie representations come in their place so had Bishop Gardener seen in the publique affaires of the realme no lesse alterations of comicall and tragical acts after he came to be a councellor For first he had seen his own king and maister king Henry the eight so earnest in the defence of the catholique faith of the sea of Rome in perticuler as he wrote a booke in defence therof though he were disswaded by some of his counsell to do it for reason of state And after that again being to send this very man Gardener then his secretarie to Rome for his Embassador about soliciting of the diuorce between himself and Queen Catherine he commanded him to tel the Pope and Colledge of Cardinales that whatsoeuer they determined in that matter he would accept it with all indifferencie and euer be a most obedient childe of the Romane churche And this commission he gaue him in the presence of Cardinal VVolsey and yet soone after he saw the same king so chaunged for the affection he bare to an other partie as he brake with the Pope and churche of Rome and pulled down the sayd Cardinal and put to death two of the men that he esteemed most for vertue and learning of all his realme or of any other forrain kingdome of Christendom and whom he had loued before exceedingly to wit Doctor Fisher Bishop of Rochester and Sir Thomas More Chancelor Again Gardener had seen the same king wax weary soone after of the party for whose loue he had first begun to make all those stirres and to put her to death openly and yet to continew his former breaches and to run from one difficulty to an other and from one inconuenience to an other neuer to stop the fountain from whence all this vnquietnes came He had seen him also passe from on wife to another to the number of six dismissing some and putting others to death according to the affection or disaffection which he bare to each of them for the time He had seen him make diuers and different actes of parlament in preiudice or preferment of his own children now for their legitimation and inheritance now for the contrarie as by the statutes themselues yet extant in print is euident to the world And from the liking or disliking of his said wiues he passed also to the liking or suspition of his own kinred subiects and familier frâ—nds of which he pulled downe so many as by the stories may be seen And Bishop Gardener was wont to say of him that knew him ful well that after he once left to loue that person which by Gods law and mannes he was bound to loue aboue all others to wit his first wife and Queen he neuer loued any person harâ—ely and constantly afterwards Moreouer he had seen the poore king so combered and troobled about matters of religion as was pitiful to behold For that on the one side the point of his spiritual Supremacy taken vp in his choleâ— against the Pope seemed to touch his honor so neare as he might not shew to yeeld any one iote therin and consequently he was fain to put to death all such Catholiques as denyed the same though otherwise he both loued and highly esteemed themâ— and on the other side his iudgement and conscience in matters of the Catholique truthe against the protestants and all new sectaries conuinced his conscience and vnderstanding as he cleerly vttered in the statute of six articles which iudgement also enforced him to burne as many of that fide â— were conuicted And finally being wearied towards his later end with these combats of conscience and honor iudgement and passion he conferreâ— with Bishop Gardener as you haue heard about the mayn remedy and only sure redresse of all which was his returning to the vnion of the Romane churche and the rest of Christendome And besides all this Bishop Gardener had seen the same afflicted king brought to such streights and doubts in his later howers of life about the weightiest affaires that he had in this world as he could not tell what to determine ordayne or establish for the securitie of his owne children espeâ—ially of his only sonne prince Edward thaâ— had but nyne yeares yet of age and for that cause was the fatherâ— hart more peâ—siue about him For first he was afeard to leaue any protector vnto him remembring the eueÌ„t of king Edward the fourâ—â— his children vnder their vncle protector the Duke of Glocester And secondly he was as greatly afeard and afflicted also to think least after his death the perilous waues and fluddes of heresies should enter vpon him by the very same gate that hymself had opened VVhetfore both these poyntes he forbad expresly and appoynted for execution therof sixteen
made vnfit to be eateÌ„ yet eateth the same he is coÌ„deÌ„ned for that he doth not according to his own iudgment and beleef And after all he concludeth his speach with this general proposition omne autem quod non est ex fide peccatum est all that is not according to a mannes beleef and conscience is sinne for so expound this sentence Origen Saint Ambros Saint Chrisostom and other fathers and not to signifie that all the woorkes of Infidels donne without faith should be sinne though Saint Augustin apply it also to that sense sometimes but the other sense is the literal and most true as appeareth manifestly by the whole discours of Saint Paule Of all which insueth that no man may do against his conscience though it were awry Not for that a wrong conscience excuseth in all cases for that is a different question but for that a wrong conscience byndeth euermore and some tymes excuseth also when it proceedeth of inuincible ignorance But howsoeuer it cometh by right or wrong information no man may go agaynst it without sin so long as he cannot perswade it to change and if this be so how much more are the recusant Catholiques of England bound to follow their consciences in the poynt they stand in for not going to churche being founded vpon so sure and euident growndes as any demonstration in the world can lay downe for proof of any manifest truth what so euer as for example first that the religion they professe is true and the only truth that among Christians is to be found and secondly that they being of that religion maie not dissemble or seem to professe any other by going to their seruice sermons or churches and hereby also appeareth how great impietie and folly it is for any man to inforce them thereunto as our barbarous knight would haue the English magistrate to do I saie it is impietie to inforce any Christian to do an acte agaynst his conscience and beleef for that it is to inforce him to his damnation as Saynt Paul before hath taught vs I saie also it is folly for that by drawing mens bodies to church by violence their myndes being repugnant nothing is gayned at all but more internal hatred and rancor rather enkindled and the infotcers are made pertakers of the others sinnes and damnation And further the Protestantes do greatly hereby discredit their owne doctrin which they were wont to teach that no man should be forced in matters of his conscience And more ouer they do shew hereby vnto the world that they seeke not the inward man but the vtter shew body with what great repugnaÌ„ce soeuer it be of the soule which is quyt contratie to all pietie and a most base manner of proceeding in respect of the Catholique vsage which albeit it punisheth such as do wilfully and obstinatly leaue the vniuersal ancieÌ„t faith of Christendome which once they haue receyued and sworne vnto yet as long as they are euill perswaded of the same they are not only not forced to Catholique churches or to hearing of masses participation of Sacramentes or to other lyke exercyses of contrarie religion but are barred also though they would come if they be supposed to come with repugnance or that there be any least suspition that they go fâ—ynedly or agaynst their willes for that their soule and mynde is sought in Catholique religion and not the body only And this maie be sufficient for repelling Sir Francis first charge against English recusantes concerning the present hurt he saieth they do in England by geuing others example to follow their consciences and not to dissemble And by giuing them example of good life of modest behaueor of patience in aduersitie of corage in Gods cause of contempe of earthly prosperitie of care of their saluatioÌ„ of feare of Gods iudgementes of fidelitie in following the direction of their consciences of magnanimitie in not yelding to betraye their owne cause and beleefe all which is conteyned in the most excellent and heroical act of the refusing to go to churches and seruice of a different Religion In which poynt of refusal also the Puritanes were wont to concurre with Catholiques for defence of their profession but it may be they haue thought it best now to alter that course for that as they haue no other grownd of their religion but their owne iudgment so it byndeth them no further then they list and that it standeth with their comoditie and it may be that in this poynt now they haue thought it best to follow those whome Christ sayth temporales sunt in tempore tentationis recedunt they are according as the tyme serueth do retyre in tyme of tryal or persecutioÌ„ I come then to the second charge which our knight geueth vpon our recusantes about the hurtes that he will needes haue men beleeue they would do if they could of which he writeth thus Touching the hurt they would do who doubteth but they would haue vp their masse agayne and bannish the syncere worship of God their whole Catholique gouernment and religion I am sure they long for And yet to pronounce these men to carye holow hartes to Queen Elizabeth is thought to be an vncharitable sentence Do you see how wyse a charge this is and how learnedly proued Yf a maÌ„ should reason thus agaynst him his brother the Earle that died not longe agone in Yorke you both are puritanes in religion as you are taken and consequently no man can dout but that you would haue vp your geneuian disciplinarie for me of gouernment whereby all the Bishops in England must be pulled downe and other Ecclesiastical dignities discomposed the Queenes Supremacie also must be taken away and other like pointes of the English churche ouerthrowen whereby a man may pronounce that you cary but holow hartes to the present state and to the Queen Elizabeth notwithstanding all your flatterie And this is an argument Sir Francis which logicians call ad hominem in which kinde I could vrge you yet further and make you scratche your head towching wishes and bearing hollow hartes towardes Queen Elizabeth and her gouernment if I would follow presumptions as you do against recusantes for that besides your religion if a man consider whence you descend and what pretences be or may be about succession it is not hard to ghesse what your wishes may be to haue Queen Elizabeth or some other person to sit in her place and yet to pronounce you to carry a hollow harte to Queen Elizabeth as you say in iest that it is thought to be an vncharitable sentence and I say it in earnest quia charitas non cogitat malum sayth Saint Paule charity iudgeth not the worst of things and so I wil not iudge what wishes you haue or may haue only I wil tel you that if you haue any in this later kinde they are more perilous and preiudicial to Queen
before he auowch it outwardly For if he iudge only by the external shew and outward honor of his estate he may as wel condemn of pride all other princes and great men in the world for admitting honor according to their degrees and among others our present Bishops of England may be called in question as they are by the puritanes for being termed lords and for the lord-lyk honor donn vnto them in outward demeanure To the Lords also of her Maiesties counsel may be obiected the like for causing men to kneel vnto them at the counsel table and such other like external honor admitted As for bloody monster it is a monstrous slander and a great monstruositie of inciuilitie in a gentlemans mouth so to speake for it is wel knowen that the Bishop of Rome that now is and many of his predecessors in our dayes and eyes haue vsed and do vse dayly great curtesies to infinite protestantes that passe through their states And as for blood I think verely that there hath bin more shed in onely London for religion in one year within these last twenty that haue passed then in all the whole twentie within all the townes citties and states of the Bishop of Rome and this is easie to be verefied VVell then Sir knight you rayl at randon and litle do you seem to think or consider what peril of Godes iustice may hang ouer you for the same You may remember it is written principi populi tui non maledices and agayne qui patri suo maledixerit morte moriatur The Bishop of Rome hath euer byn held for our spiritual prince and parent in England vntill with in these few yeares and so is he still holden by all Catholique kingdomes round about vs and in ours also by such as follow the old vniuersal fayth which if it be true then are you in danger of damnation by this your fury And you remember that Saynt Paule was so respectiue of this danger that hauing spoken a hastie worde agaynst Ananias calling him whyted walle for an open iniurie donn vnto him in publique iudgement agaynst the law yet when he vnderstood he was high priest notwithstanding S Paule wel knew thar his priesthood now was nothing worth the old law being abrogated by the death of Christe he did openly recall his word agayne and shewed to be sorowfull for hauing spoken it agaynst one that bore that tytle But Sir Francis hath no such feeling or remorse of conscience in him for that he is not gouerned by the same spirit of humilitie and pietie that Saynt Paule was wherunto notwithstanding I would gladly persuade him if I might and for that respect do mean to alleage vnto him the considerations insuing about the Bishop of Rome First himself in the 31. page of this his libel hath these wordes The Lord from heauen commandeth to all men vpon earth that euery soule should be subiect to the higher powers for there is no power but of God and euerie power is ordayned of God VVhich wordes if they be true then must the Popes power also be of God seing it hath byn an acknowledged power by all Christendome for so many yeares and ages not only for a lawful power but also for a holy and supreme spiritual power and then let men iudge in what cause Sir Francis standeth that not only resisteth but reuileth also this sacred power notwithstanding that the illation which Saynt Paule inferreth immediatly after the former wordes is this wherfore he that resisteth power resisteth Gods ordination those that resist Gods ordinatiō do purchase damnation vnto themselues More ouer that saying of Christ vnto the Apostles he that heareth you heareth me was not spoken only for them selues but for all their successors also that by succession should gouern the churche vnto the worlds end as all men wil cōfesse And cōseqētly the other parte also of the same sentence he that contemneth you contemneth me must needes in like manner belong vnto the same man And that the Bishops of Rome be successors in the Apostle Saint Peeters seat is no lesse manifest to all men of vnderstanding and learning And albeit Sir Francis will say presently that they follow not Saint Peeters steps and wil proue it at leisure yet if that were true the princes authority is not taken away hy his euil life or deportement for then should we haue few true princes in the world But aboue all others it pleased Christe himself to take away this obiection touching Popes and Ecclesiasticall princes when he sayd that vpon the chaire of Moyses should sit both Scribes and Pharisees and that we should notwithstanding obserue and do whatsoeuer they sayd but not according to their woorkes So as stil there remaineth the obligation to obey them though their liues and hehaueour were not correspondent but much more the obligation not to slander contemn and reuile them as our harebrain and headlong knight doth I say it is harebrain and headlong dealing to runne so furiously in so dāgerous a path as this is For besides that maledicus a railing tongued man is placed by Saint Paule among them that shall neuer attaine the kingdome of heauē it is much more grieuous sinne to vse this vice agaynst Magistrates that represent the power of almightie God and far yet greater agaynst spiritual magistrates that haue this authoritie in a far higher degree then temporal magistrates but most of all agaynst him that representeth immediately the person of Christe Iesus vpon earth which is the Bishop of Rome as presently more particulerly shalbe shewed Furthermore if all the holy and learned men of Christēdom haue not bin deceiued for so many ages together as they haue confessed this general doctrine of the Pope of Rome his prerogatiue without doubt or contradiction then is Sir Francis out of his way then is he in the open path of perdition then is he furious frantik and besides himself in rayling as he doth And that this only vniform consent of such and so many holy learned men gon before vs were a sufficient argument to make any man that were discreet and fearing God to enter into doubt at least of his doing in this behalf cannot in reason be denied and so without doubt would Sir Francis also do if his temporal life lay on the bargain as his eternal doth For let me aske Sir Francis if an herb should be presented to him to eat that all learned phisitians for a thowsand yeares together haue held for strong poyson and onely som one or two of later yeares haue begonne to teache the contrarie without actual experience whether it be so or no but only by discourse and new argumentes of their owne would he abstayne to eat it think you or no Or if an action should be offered him in England which by all old lawyers iudgment of former tymes hath byn taken for high treason ipso facto and losse of
the kinges hart we shall discouer both trecherous cogging and shameles forgerie in the hart and hand of this counterfayt knight Thus then I begin the declaration The conditions of that most famous and royal mariage between the two greatest Monarches of Christēdome king Philip and Queen Marie and the conuentions agreed vpon between both nations and between the princes themselues Queē Marie the Emperour Charles then resyding in Flanders and king Philip and eche of their Councels and Parlaments are yet extant and for the most part in print wherby it may be seen that all those poyntes that this sely fellow cometh in withall now after the market ended about the succession of our realme the priuie Councel of what nation they should be the condition of our nobilitie the Parlament the lawes of the realme the portes castles and garrisons the officers of the courte and household and other lyke circumstances were particulerly treated agreed vpon and prouyded for before hand by all partes Neither was there euer any complaynt that the king or his nation brake any one of them whyle they were among vs but added rather diuers benefytes and courtesies of their owne accord aboue that which they had promised and were bound vnto As for the expences and for the furniture of the mariage so much I meane as came from abrode as also for the two Spanish and English nauies that accompanied the king when he came into England were at his cost and charges vntill they arryued at Portesmouth and the whole trayne from thence to winchester where he met with the Queen and the mariage was celebrated at the charges of the same King of Spayne All the Spanish nobles and gentlemen that came with the king came so furnished with all necessaries and brought such store of money with them as within two or three monethes after their arryual all England was full of Spanish coyne The priuie councel of England was wholie and intirely as it was before neither was any Spaniard euer put into it the officers of the Queens household were altogether English the king for his owne affayres and his other kingdomes had a particuler Councel which interrupted not ours the nobilitie of our land was exceedingly honoured by him and many of them had particuler great pensions also yearly from him the captaynes and soldiers that he vsed of our nation as namely at the warre of Saynt Quintins he honoured highly and made them equall in all poyntes of seruice and honor with Spaniardes and payd them himself without further charges to England saue only geuing them their vpper cassockes with the crosse according to the custome The marchantes commonly he made free to enioy and vse all priuileges and preferments throughout all his kingdomes countries and prouinces and in England he had such care to yeeld our nation contentment as he gaue expresse order that if any English man and a Spaniard fell out the English should be fauored and the Spaniard punished which he caused to be executed with such rigor as it cost diuers Spaniardes their lyues when the English were much more in fault and I haue heard it spoken by some of the Councel at that tyme that Queen Marie was so afflicted diuers tymes with this partialitie of the kinges towardes the English agaynst his owne nation as it cost her many a bitter teare for verie compassion shame And so much the more was she moued therewith for that she saw many English partly vpon this indulgence of the kinges and partly for that being secretly heretiques they had auersion and hatred to the Spanish nation to abuse themselues intollerably in offering most inhumane and barbarous iniuries vnto them No Spaniard could walke by night nor scars by day alone but he should be eyther wounded or thrust between two or three swashbucklers that attended particulerly to those exercyses and so put in danger of his lyf Villanous wordes were ordinarie salutations to them in the streetes as also often tymes in churches but no remedy was to be had nor would any man beare Witnes lightly in behalf of the Spaniard agaynst the English though the iniurie were neuer so manifest If any thing were to be bought in the market the Spaniard must paie dooble for it and for that most Spaniardes drunk water they must buy it also dearly in many places if they would drink it and often could not haue it for mony and diuers wells were sayd to be poysoned of malice therby to destroy the Spaniardes Many deuises were vsed to draw Spaniardes into priuate houses and familiaritie was offered them to that end and if any entred to talke with the wyf daughter or seruant as they were thought propēse in that kynde then rushed forth the husbād father brother or master that lay in wayte with other catchpoles of thesame conspiracie to apprehend them and to threaten death or imprisonment except they redeemed themselues with good store of money And I haue heard from the mouth of a greate noble man a Spaniard that was in England at that tyme and now is a Vyceroy vnder the king that some English would send their wyues daughters of purpose into the fieldes where Spaniards walked to allure them to talke with them and therby to intrap them and get money from them I omit to name more violent meanes of taking purses and playne roberies and other lyke artes to get the Spaniards money from them by force which yet were many and some most barbarous and shamefull to our nation and the mention and memorie therof maketh vs blush when in other countries we are told of them as namely this that followeth which my self haue heard recounted from a nobleman himself that is yet alyue to wit the old Count de Fuensalida cheef steward at this day of the kinges houshold who being in England with the king made a great supper one night to diuers noble men of his nation and to some others and being at the table mery and fearing nothing as in a peaceable and ciuil commonwealth it seemed he had no cause there came rushing in some twentie or thirtie maskared good fellowes with their swordes drawen and commanded that no man should stirre vnder payne of death and so kept them all at the table and their seruantes shut vp into diuers houses of offices where they were found vntill the theeues had ransaked the whole house and packed vp the siluer plate that was in store and so departed And these are the heroical actes and honorable histories which these noblemen and other strangers do recount of the ciuilitie and courtesie of our countriemen towardes Spaniards in those dayes which being obiected vnto vs in all forayne nations where we trauayle the french also recounting as bad or worse donne to them to whome at that tyme we were open enemies it cannot but make modest Englishmen ashamed and their eares to burne in respect of the dishonour of our countrie as also to consider what
common-wealth many perils diuerted both for the present and the time to come many benefits and benedictions insew euery way if I be not deceiued which yet I leaue to the high and most holy inscrutable prouidence of almightie God to determine at his pleasure and to your Lordships wisdomes to consider with due maturitie And so most humbly I take my leaue This first of September 1598. Antigo. of flatterie Esa. 3. The present state of English blessings â—â—cles 22. Scotland Irelandâ— Flaundersâ— Fraunce England Spiritual effectes by change of religion Ioan. 17. Act. 4. Eph. 4. Gal. 3. 2. Thes. 5. 1. Cor. 4. About certayntie in religion A playne demonitiation agaynst Sir Francis VVhat effectes of vertue nevv religion hath vvrought Esa. 11. Sledan Math. 3. 8. 4. Luc. 3. Act. 2. 2. Corinth 7. 2. Rom. 8. Coll. 3. Math. 19. 17 1. Cor. 7. Luc. 11. 14. Temporal effectes by change of religion Strength felicitic by vnion Securitie Issue of her Maiestie Establishment of suecession Vnion vvith Rome see Apostolique Ancient leagues VVarres abroad Damages receaued at home Recusantes The soÌ„me of all that hath byn saide Senecâ— Deuised daâ—â—â—enes Learning in Q. Maries reigne Manifeste vntruthes Vntruth Vntruth Hovv reading of Scriptures vvas forbidden vvhie Comparason â— Cor. 3. Ad Marcellinum Vnderstanding of Scriptures a peculier gift Apoc. â— Luc. 24. Act. â— Ibidem Experience of hurtes come by permitting the reading of scriptures to the ignoraÌ„t Ioanâ— Burcher burned The first forged position Distinction of laytie cleargie Origen hom 7. in Herem Epiph. Episc. ad loan Episcopum Hierosol Hieron CoÌ„ in cap. 12. Hierem. Maxime Minime D. Thom. 2. 2. quaest 82. â—r 20. VVhat deuotion is vvhence it proceedeth Psal. 38. VVhy the best learned are not alvvayes most deuoutâ— 1. Cor. â— The Catholiques more authors of knowledge then Protestants The second faigned position Act. 20. About S. Thomas of Canterbury Theodor. lib. 4. c 6. lib. 5. c. 17. deinceps Zozom lib. 8 fere per totum Socrat. lib. 6. c. 16. Zozom lib. 8. c. 17. Niceph. l. 14 c. 43. Math. Paris Vide apud Lippoman Surium Mense Decemb Edoard in vita D. Thomâ— cap. 26. K. H. his voluntarie penance The third feigned position Impudent calumniation Heb. 13. Ephes. 6. Rom. 13. The fourth faigned position Shameles lyinge Many cauiles and falshoodes Rom. 13. Vide quest 26 27. addit 6. Tho. ad 3. p. caet tract 9. opustul de indulgentijs Ioan. 20. A fonde coÌ„clusion The malignitie of Sir Francis The estate of Lady Elizabeth in Q. Maries tyme. Causes of securitie to Lady Elizabeth in Q. Maries tyme. VVicked calumniatioÌ„s Leu. 4. â— Num. 35. 1. Reg. 19. 15. 16. 17. About Doctor Storie Doctor Stories zâ—le and complaynt A Counselour may speake freely About the Bul. of Pius Quintus A ridiculous proposition Three things considerable in this knights accusation Anno Domini 1570. regni 13. Incitation of Popes by the English Protestantes Contemptuous proceeding The excomunication agaynst the Queene Other hostile actions obiected Of the patience of Catholiques The patieÌ„ce of ProtestaÌ„tes Goodmans booke The reuels of forayne heretiques Northumb. VVestmerl Fr. Throg Char. Pag. Northumb. Arundel The Comparison betvveen Bishop Gardener Cardinall Allen. 2. Cor. 6. Of Bishop Gardener Rom. 13. Bishop Gardener his gentle nature The Dukes speaches to Bishop Gardener The Duke of North. religion Stovv â—n 1. Reg. Manâ—e A mysterious bracelet Of Bishop Gardeners fall Sto anno 1. â—d 6. About bringing in the Spaniard in Q. Maries dayes Rom. 13. The SermoÌ„ of Bishop Gardener at Pauls Crosse. Bishop Gardener his repeutance at his death K. Henrie the 8. inclination to reconcile himselfe The sleepe and dreame noted by B. Gardener in England Seem HeÌ„r 25. cap. 22. anÌ„ 28. cap. 7. 17. K. Henries perplexitie about religion The stirres in king Edvvardes dayes Of Cardinal Allen. VVhy Doct. Allen. D SaÌ„deâ—s and other lyke might vtten their myndes more playnly Hovv the Q is ouâ— mother and he Pope our father Sir Francis ridiculous Ioan. vâ—t About Iesuites in general and their coÌ„tradictors Act. 28. Iustin. apol 2. ad Anton. Pium. Tert. apol aduersus geÌ„tes Sap. 10. Psalm 79. 7. Luc. â— Isai. 8. Heb. 12. Causes of tribulations to Gods seruantes Ioan. 18. Act. 9. 2. Cor. 1. Dyuers sortes of contradictors of Iesuits 1. Cor. 1. 1. Timoth. 1â— 2. Cor. 11. 1. Ioan. 2. Philip. 1. 1. Timoth. 1. 2. Timoth. 4. Profession of Iesuites 1. Ioan. â— Chrysost. Tom. 5. hom 2. de vit monach Basil. serm de institut monachi Nazianz. â—rat 1. in Iulian. Apostat Iesuits doctrine Eccles. 1. Dan. 12. The name lisfe and coÌ„uersation of Iesuits Iustin. apol 2. ad Imp. Anton. Tert. apol Top liffe the preestqueller Ihon Chattel in France an 1594. offred to kil the king Ioanes Ghineardus martyred Cic. lib. 2. off D. Tho. 2. sent dist 44. art 2. de Regim principum cap. 6 Caet in D. Thom. 2. secundae q. 64. art 3. Sot de iust lib. 5. q. 1. art 4. Diuers enemies of Iesuites Tertul. Apolog cap. 8. Cap. 2. Apostatical Iesuites Ioan. 3. Deut. 32. Iustinus Apolog prima Part. 6. Constant cap. 1. Exam. admitt cap. 4. Iesuites labors and indeuours for the publique Tertul. Apol. â—â—p 42. Obiections against lesuites ansvvered Ambition 1. Cor. 1â— VVhether Iesuites be seditions trooblers of common vvalthes Act. 24. Luc. 23. A holy kynde of seditioÌ„ Luc. 12. S. Bonauent stim diuini â—â—noris Eccles. 41. VVhether Iesuites do seeke the deathes of princes Ioan. 12. The fact of Iohn Chattel in france the 27. of DeceÌ„b. 1594. An other deuyse against Iesuites in Holland Refutal of the fable VVhether Iesuites seeke her maiest blood 1. Cor. 2. Defence of F. persons in particuler An euident demonstration 1. Reg. 2â— 2. Timot. 2. About good lyf Math. 7. Iacob 2. The first charge agaynst Catholiques An erroneconscience also byndeth Rom. 2. Idolothita Roman 14. Aug. lib. 4. contra Iuda cap. 3. An erroneous conscience doth euer excuse Roman 1â— Protestantes discredit Matti 13. Marc. 14. Luc. 8. About the hurtes that recusantes vvould do Argumentum ad hominem 1. Cor. 14. No subiectes to be vrged vpon invvard desyres The third charge against recusantes Sir Francis Hastinges conscience Notorious rayling and calumniatioÌ„ agaynst recusaut Catholiques A bare English hart vvhat it is An absurd position of Sir Francis Gen. 12. 19. 3. Reg. 12. 4. Reg. 3. Hier. 38. 39. 40. c. Ruff. lib. 1. cap. 18. Zozom lib. 3. cap. 12. Socrat. lib. 3. cap. 4. Psal. 44. Math. 17. Luc. 12. 1. Cor. 2. Domestical examples 1. Pet. 2. About obedience to teÌ„poral Princes Acts. â— False taanslation 1. Pet. 2. Hebrae 13. Spiritual go uernours Acts. 20. Most absurd doctrine Mat. 15. 1. Pet. 2. Hovv recusantes do obey and hovv they may not A speech to catholique recusantes 1. Pet. 2. Math. 22. Marc. 12. Rom. 13. Temporal Magistrate 1. Pet. 2. Rom. 13. Note this point Ioan. 8. Rom. 13. 1. Pet. 2. Spiritual magistrate Ioan. 6. Luc. 12. Ioan. 13. Math. 23. Luc. 10. Heb. 13. Temporal and spiritual iurisdiction Occham to the Emperour Opprobtiousspeaches VVhether the Popes of Rome be Antichrisâ—â—â— Antich one man Antichrist declared by the levves Antichrist vvhen Antichrist a Ievv Antichrist in Hierusalem Antichrists doctrine Antichrists miracles Antichrists tyme of raigne Henoch Helias Day of iugdment Hovv there are many Antichristes 1. Loan 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 venit 2. Thessal 2. Hovv Rome is Babylon About the Popes external honor The peril of Sir Francis rayling Exod. 22. Leuit. 20. Act. 23. Rom. 13. Hovv povver is to be respected Luc. 10. Math. 23. Harebrayne and hed longe dealings of Sir Francis 1. Cor. 5. 6. A demonstration agaynst Sir Francis madnes Luther Caluin Diuers reasons for the Bishop of of Râ—ome his preheminence Plato in polit Arist. lib. 3. polit cap. 5. Agust lib. 11. ciuit Dei cap. 15. 1. Cor. 10. Cant. 4. Saynt Peter cheefe of the church vnder Christ Ioan. 3. August in hunc locum Luc. 24. Marc. 16. Act. 1. Act. 2. Act. 3. Act. 5. Act. 10. Ibidem Act. 9. Chrysost. Ibidem Gal. 1. Chrysost. homil 87. in Ioan. CommissioÌ„ of Saynt Peter Math. 16. Ioan. 21. Ambrose in cap. vltimâ—Ì„ Luc. August in Ioan. 21. Chrisost in Ioan 21. Epiphanâ— in ancor Hovv Saint Peters charge is imparted also to others Saint Peters successors Popes of Rome 1 Pet. 5. The Particuler obligation of English tovvardes the Bishop of Rome Raging agaynst the Spanish nation VVhy Spaniards are maligned Speeches of English vvhen they vvere poteÌ„t Of the spanish nation 1. Mach. 8. Rare Spaniards Particular obligations of Spaniards The defence of the King of Spayne in particuler The condition of the mariage vvith the Spanish King King Philips vsage to made the English The vsage of English tovvards Span. in Q. Mariestyme The Count of freÌ„tsalida robbed pretily in England First frutes of nevv ghospellers A discourse of Sir Francis of King Philip secret meaning The letter out of Spayn discredited L. Courtenay The Carevves A malitious forgerie agaynst King Phil. Faigned effects of an imagined vsurpation About taxes paied to the King of Spayne The tribuâ— of Alcaualla A shamles tale The improbabilitie of the calumniation Duchesse of Feria King Phil. sought not Queen 〈◊〉 destruction About lopus the PhysitiaÌ„ In the 6. Encounter The conclusioâ— Effectes of yuel tongues A supplication to the Councel for moderatioÌ„ Reasons for moderation Qualities of the princes to be dealt vvithall Pope Clement viij K. Phillip The Catholiques of England their cheef desyre The furie of puritaâ—ical spirits Cyprian â—p 93. The effects of dying for religion in England Math. 21. Eccles. â— Iustin. lib. 3. Cicero off lib. 2. Luc. 11. The dangers after her Maisties death The example of Aug. and other kings Kings of England In the 6. incounter The example of King Henrie the eight and the King of France In the 3. incounter An important coÌ„sideration A ioyful state The first proposition of Protestantes in the vvorld