to his late Majesty and his lawfull Successor whom God of his mercy contâ—nâ—e long and happiâ—y aâ—d gâ—oriously sitting on his Fathers Throne and his Posterity to the Worlds end I confess that Peace was rejected and most perfidiously scandalously and fatally too rejected but I will ever say nevertheless it was rejected by a disobedient Army by some in that ungodly Clergy men and a few other contrivers of mischief who by their numbers proceedings hypocrisie force craft c. and by their breach of their own Oath of Association and by their faithfulness to their own acknowledged supreme Governours of the Confederacy the Council and general Assembly and by making themselves by such arts the prevailing party amongst the Irish Catholicks at that very nick of time when the Peace of 46. was proclamed in Dublin Kilkenny not only may be said to have had in many things a perfect resemblance unto the Janizaries of England and their Adherents there in the Parliament and Council and amongst the Clergy and Laity in general but even to have had the same proportion to the Confederate Catholicks in general which those English Mamalukes and their partakers had to the loyal Protestants and mournful at that time Nation of England To demonstrate which I shall give more evident proofs if it shall and when it shall be necessary as now it is not in answer to this Gentleman 's present Design or Book than he shall be able to give satisfactory answers And shall at this time content my self with telling the Reader that if the then Donogh Lord Viscount of Muskry now Earl of Clancarthy Edmond Lord Viscount Montgarrett Walter Bagnell Esquire Sir Robert Talbott Baronet Thomas Tyrell Esquire Richard Beallings Esquire Gerott Fennel Esquire Sir Lucas Dillon Knight Jeoffry Brown Esquire Sir Pierce Crosby Knight Sir Richard Blake and other Members of the supreme Council and Commissioners who concluded that Peace and published it at Kilkenny and in pursuance thereof received there the Lord Lieutenant with all due respects and demonstrations of hearty joy and loyalty their imprisonments soon after both there at Wexford and other places and their other sufferings then by and under their lately before fellow-Confederates and the power or authority by which they were so imprisoned and under which they so much suffered the illegal violent forcible usurpation of it even I say against the Laws of the Confederacy and Oath of Association and without any consent or even advice or requisition but plainly against the known will and inclinations of the generality of the Confederates when the Lord Nuncio and two or three more by the countenance and terrour of armed Legions beeking them made a new supreme Council and himself President of it and joyned Council and Congregation together and immediately after hurried on two Armies in an evil hour to besiege the Lord Lieutenant at Dublin and harass'd the Country in their march und being disappointed by the justice of God towards them and favour of Heaven to the Loyal Party and to the generalâ—â—y even of the Confederatss returned in great displeasure and rage and through despair convoked an Assembly which otherwise he was never like to do but of such men where they could possibly as were known to be most averse from all thoughts of Peace and being sate overawed them and took away all freedom from them however they were composed and even forced them by threats of Excommunications and power of that Army near the Town whereof they were sure for such designes to reject the Peace even after the Commissioners who concluded it were cleared upon too manifest evidence to have proceeded according to their instructions to a tittle and by a full Authority given them by the precedent General and free Assembly of the Nation I say that if all these proceedings be considered and particularly the force that lay then upon all the Provinces and Quarters and People that should otherwise have freedom of Election to Assemblies and Suffrages in them and that would in case of such due freedom unquestionably vote for a perfect submission to that Peace the resemblance and proportion above given will appear manifestly to all indifferent men that have but even a very ordinary knowledge of the Irish Nation and affairs since 41. and of the difference of interests among that People these 500. years past since the first English Conquest under Henry 2. and consequently it will appear that our Person of Quality will find himself obliged either to maintain a truth in this very false assertion which yet I believe he will not dare The Protestants and Nation of England were guilty of the sacrilegious breach with Charles the 1. which through so many wiles brought him at last to the Scaffold Or to confess that the Irish Catholicks or Nation of Ireland cannot be said to be guilty even of that one persidious breach of the Articles of 46. much less guilty of having often if not always broke the Conditions either of that or any other And yet I alwayes grant him what I know to be true and am right sorry to know that even some thousands have been guilty of that horrible breach in 46. Nay grant moreover all my Conscience or knowledge or which is the same thing to me all that the truth it self will permit me to grant him that some few Persons of Quality and some Regiments and some Towns too of the Irish Catholicks have often if not alwayes broke the Conditions either of the first or last Peace or of both but withall say that some Persons of Quality and some Regiments of England and Scotland both and some Towns too broke their Allegiance and Faith and often too if not alwayes in a farr more pernicious and horrible nature with his late and present Majesty And that my Answerer will not therefore charge their Crimes on the Protestants or Nation of England or on the universality generality or greater part of them which yet such an indefinite expression had he used it must do 135. But however this be or any thing else I have said in relation to that Peace of 46 it can neither make nor marr his Objections or my Answers on the subject of the last Peace or that of 48. which is that only where on our contest is and must be Neither can any thing said here be drawn to a consequence that I would recall or decline what I have confessed in my Letter of the Judgements of God most justly pursuing the Irish Nation in general for the breach of publick Faith so notorious and scandalous in that of 46. albeit the Nation in general be not guilty of it We know the very Army of God hath been defeated for the Judges Chap. 7. V 4. aâ—d 5. sin even of one man alone as we find in the case of Achan at Ai and whole Nations and great Kingdoms and flourishing Empires most exemplarly punished and by conquest and slavery and subjection to a forein power
Duke of Ormond whereat in the next place this Gentleman has a fling though he Pag. 6. confess but either forgetfully or wilfully I said no more in my Letter for that in particular than I said in general for my Countrymens having a right to the Peace made in 1648. I am content his Grace takes his measure of it by his knowledge of my endeavours that all my Countrymen should observe that Peace with the greatest Punctuality Religion and Sincerity imaginable And so the Gentleman hath his belief herein confirmed by my consent But in as much as he seems to take it ill that in my Letter I gave him no more ground than he will understand I have to vent his passion against my affection I profess to him now and to all the World that my affection hath been as great as good as constant as passionate as truly loyal and as religiously Christian in all respects to his Grace since ever I had the first honour of his acquaintance as my Letter expressed it to be unalterable That I have given since that time and before that time invincible arguments thereof and those too known to thousands Friends and Foes amongst whom I could number some peradventure of this Person of Quality's Friends heretofore Ludlow and Jones and Corbet sometimes Commissioners in Ireland under the Usurpers besides others of greatest rank in England in the dayes of Anarchy under the young Protector Cromwell and the Committee of Safety And I could call even Spaniards and as far as Madrid and the greatest Ministers of State to the Catholick King to witness And yet have given such invincible arguments hereof as the Duke of Ormond himself will I doubt not if occasion require acknowledge to have been such and own both them and me as such 16. The next Battery is rais'd against that part of my Letter which this Gentleman calls my Petition and immediately a loose shot is made to shew that I am struck with the jealousies and fears of my Countrymen limiting the Duke of Ormond's Pag. 6. assistance to the present Conjuncture Certainly no indifferent Person will think this to be precipitation or distrust in me when he understands that the Bill of Settlement was then transmitted hither to his Majesty and that an Act of Parliament once past concludes all Interests 17. Here I shall beg this favour of the Reader that he may not judge it essential for his Satisfaction that I should pursue every flash of wit that like sparkles in a new kindled Char-coal fire breaks from this Gentleman And that he deferr giving this of Articling first and breaking of Articles Pag. 7. any great applause untill he shall have understood in the due place how those Articles were made and how they were broken 18. Now laying aside as to the punctual formality of the Order that division of Justice into Distributive Pag. 7. and Commutative and the branches that spring from it I shall endeavour to seâ—eâ—t faithfully the substance of the Gentleman's discourse and reply as truth shall enable me 19. He will not allow of what I say of the Catholicks putting themselves freely into his Graces hands He will have the word freely restrain'd here without any reason Pag. 7. to his own meaning and only to signifie gratis against all the Rules of Divinity Philosophy Oratory History Grammar against the nature or imposed signification of the word in it self against the acception of men even of the vulgar against that which the Antecedents and Consequents and middle and all parts of my Letter duely ponder'd can make it import and no less against my intention abundantly and rationally expressed not by this word alone but in the whole contexture of that innocent Piece of mine For all understanding men know that the word freely cannot of it self or without some restriction or limitation by the matter treated of or by other adjuncts be more if not rather much less restrained to signifie either merit or equivalency or other answerable thing by pact than to express a meer spontaneous inclination and election at least without force imposed on the party so determining And the whole discourse argument and final scope of that Letter shew evidently that my intention there by the word freely was no other than to express a strong inclination or desire and a freedom of will and voluntary action of the Roman Catholick Confederates for as much as related to them in concluding that Peace Or at most to express that freedom which is not lessen'd by external force coaction or violence For could it have been rationally imagined that I who in every other line do mention the Articles of Peace should be so foolishly impudent as to averr that the King granted nothing What is more frequent than if you delay to perform your promise given upon pact to allege that I did freely put my self into your hands 20. But to do this Person of Quality right I must confess he doth not absolutely averr the word freely in that instance of mine to sign fie grâ—tis but with reservation sayes If in this instaâ—ce it signifies ought meritoriously it signifies Pag. 7. the same as gratis And upon this improbable ridiculous impertinent supposition he must spend a whole Page disputing against his own imaginary signification a Chimera a meer nothing as being â—nconceivable by any else but himself Which is the cause I will now begin to make use of his own so frequent manner of arguing Our Person of Quality either understood the word freely was not in that instance determined to merit or he understood it was If that wherefore so many arguments to overthrow a sense he knew my Letter did not bear If this does not he betray his want of judgement and knowledge 21. Yet in the next Page he must prosecute an errour by adding to it an imposture That sayes he which his Majesty Pag. 8. calls forced compelled and necessitated P. W. calls freely putting themselves into his Graces hands Is it possible that so much ignorance that I may speak modesty should drop from the Pen of a Person of Quality I grant his Majesty in his gracious Declaration of the 30th of Novem. 1660. Page 3. has these words We well remember the Cessation of the Peace which our Royal Father of blessed memory had been forced during the late troubles to make with his Irish Subjects of that our Kingdom and by which he was compelled to give them a full pardon for what they had before done amiss upon their return to their duty and their promise to give his Majesty a vigorus assistance And soon after in the same Page these other words We could not forget the Peace which Our selves was after necessitated to make with our said Subjects in the time when they who wickedly usurp'd the Authority had erected that odious Court for the taking away the life of Our dear Father c. And I further grant all the advantages he can
other Causes of them Which is the reason I give out of that little and accurate Piece the following Passages and even in the Authors words which relate to our present purpose THey therefore he means the English Nation and the The Brief Narrative Pag. 6 7 8 9 10 11. whole World may be pleas'd to know that we to wit the Irish are so farr from justifying any horrid actions perpetrated at that time when but a few of any quality raised a Rebellion in the North as we have and still make it our request that those Crimes and all Massacres and Murthers then or after committed whoever shall be found guilty of them be punished Yet we may not omit although no Motive whatsoever could justifie their Undertakings to represent that before they fâ—ll from their Obedience to the Government Sir William Parsons one of the Lords Justices that supplyed the Deputies place at a publick Entertainment before many witnesses did positivâ—ly declare that within a twelve-month no Catholick should be seen in Ireland Many hands were sought and thousands were found to subscribe a Petition tending to the introducing of a severe Persecution against Catholicks who were the farr greater number of the Inhabitants of Ireland And that the menace of an Invasion of a Scotish Army of which men at that time did frequently discourse bred frightful apprehensions So as these and other grounds of suspition being improved by such among them whose particular Interests could be most favoured and better advanced in unquiet times laid the foundation of that Rebellion But even these men and at that time when the Lords Justices did not appear to be prepared for resistance by their Râ—monstrance humbly begg'd their Grievances might be redressed by the advice of the two Houses of Parliament then met at Dublin But the Lords Justices who by their words and actions not only expressed their unwillingness to stop the farther growth of these Distempers but meant to increase them and were often heard to wish that the number were greater of such as became Criminal by proroguing the Parliament made them desperate However the Nation by their Representatives in the two dayes which were only allowed them to sit husbanded their time so as to leave to posterity a monument of their aversion to such attempts by declaring that those men had traeiterously and rebelliously taken Armes and offering to employ their Lives and Fortunes in reducing them to their Obedience if they might be permitted then to sit But this was denied them and by a strange change from the antient form of Government a Parliament then sitting was prorogued whereas our Ancestors upon a farr less occasion than quieting of so high Distempers were usually called upon to assist the King with their Advice To this may be added that the Marquess of Ormond proposed at the Council-Board the raising of five thousand men in the space of three weeks if he might be authoriz'd so to do with which strength he undertook to dissipate those then weak beginnings of the ensuing mischiefs and to prevent their farther growth but was refused it So as thus farr we may observe who they were that widened the wound instead of stanching the blood This foundation being thus laid that which at first was but a spark and might be easily quenched began to flame And freedom of Rapine having suddenly drawn numbers together the unreprest Conspiratours became a formidable Arme and besieged Tredah passing the River of Boyne which was â—â—e Rubicon of the Pale and had in all former Rbeellions been maintained with their blood by those antient English Colonies planted there Now it was that the times began to favour the design of the Lords Justices and their Party in the Council which was as forward as they to foment the Distractions For the Ulster Army lying in the bowels of the Country the Forces being not yet come out of England and the Natives themselves both unarm'd and distrusted by the State they were forced at first by their regular contribution to prevent the desolation which would have followed their refusal to supply them Hereupon such Contributors began to be looked upon and characted as men fallen from the Government And a Party that was sent from Dublin having killed at Santry but three miles distant from thence some innocent Husbandmen among whom there was two Protestants and carried their heads as in triumph to the City the neighbour Inhabitants alarm'd thereat had recourse to such Weapons as first came to hand and gathered in a Body Whereupon the Lords Justices set forth a Proclamation in nature of a safe Conduct by which these so in Armes and Mr. King of Clontarffe by special name had five dayes respite to come in and present their Grievances But before three nights of the time prefixed were expired Mr. King 's house was pillaged and burnt by direction of the Lords Justices Not long after supplyes being arrived out of England and the siege of Tredah raised and consequently the force removed which necessitated the Inhabitants to comply with the Ulster Army the Nobility and Gentry of the Pale prevailed with Sir John Read his Majesties sworn Servant a Stranger to the Country un eâ—gaged and an eye witness of their proceedings then upon his journey to England to take the pains to present their Remonstrance to the late King of ever blessed memory and to beg pardon for what they were thus compelled to act But he poor Gentleman coming to Dublin was apprehended and not concealing the Message intrusted with him was put to the Rack The most part of the questions which were then asked him in that torment being no other than such as might lead him to accuse the King and Queen to be Authors and Fomenters of that Rebellion Moreover the two Houses of Parliament in England for the better induciâ—g the Rebells to repent of their wicked Attempts commended to the Lords Justices according to the power granted them in that behalf to bestow his Majesties gracious pardon to all such as within a convenient time c. should return to their Obedience The Lords Justices notwithstanding such Order and his Majesties gracious pleasure signified to that effect by their Proclamation dated in November 1641. limited such his Majesties and the Parliaments of England their favourable and general Intentions to the Inhabitants of a few Counties provided alwayes they were no Free-holders and afforded them no longer time than ten dayes after the Proclamation to receive benefit thereby But notwithstanding these restrictions the Lord of Dansany Sir John Nettervill Patrick Barnewall of Kiibrue and many others who had notice of his Majesties gracious Inclination towards the Nation and the Parliament of Englands Order in favour of them submitted to the Lord Marquess of Ormond then Licutenant General of his Majesties Army who recommended them to the Lords Justices intimating that the good usage to be extended to them would have an influence on many others and be a great motive to
did shrink and would have been guided in their retreat at any rate Therefore the Army ran away 66. I was astonish'd to find that this Gentleman because I writ that when England Scotland and the Protestants of Ireland wholly deserted the Royal Cause the Irish Pag. 33. Catholicks fought against the Regicides in defence of his Majesties Rights should break out into so immoderate passion against me And asking of some Friends whence they conceived this should proceed I was told by one of them better versed in the propriety of English words than I am that the words to desert in English are alwayes taken in a bad sense and among Souldiers signifie commonly not only a desisting from action but a joyning with the Enemy which I protest was not nor in truth could be my meaning I say in relation to those Protestant Royalists that having past unblemish'd through all tryals and being over-pow'red and seeing no way under Heaven left them to maintain the most just Cause which they endeavoured through all extremities to assert deseruerunt causam gave it over and laid down Armes And this and no other being the sense I intended that assertion should carry I believe this Gentleman himself will say the Irish Catholicks were the last in the three Dominions that laid down Armes and gave over to fight for the Royal Cause And it may be that he himself is a witness beyond all exception in the case since perhaps he might have assisted to take in Limerick and Galway after which sieges there was no further exercises of that kind given to Cromwell and his Associates any where in favour of his Majesties interests And this truth this Irish Papist dares speak in the sight of Heaven how bitter soever Pag. 33. this Person of Quality is pleased to be against him both in his expressions and silence And yet further can tell both him and others that since he is loath to call me Rebel as he sayes I am no less him though if the arguments to prove me a Rebel and those may be alleged for his having been such were put in equal ballance his side would perhaps Pag. 33. overweigh not only a thousand but even ten thousand to one 67. Now setting apart as I always do the Protestant Royalists of England and Scotland and those of Ireland who know and will aver that they were dismiss'd where the Irish Catholicks prosecuted the War against the Regicides under the Lord Lieutenant and the Marquess of Clanrickard Lord Deputy of Ireland I will proceed to give the Reader a more faithfull Narrative of the actions of those times As for the Irish Papists their being Regicides themselves at least so far as conspiring to murther his Majesty in effigie at Pag. 34. Waterford c. These are but flourishes that may amuse the ignorant but will not satisfie the judicious Reader 68. King Charles the First of happy memory having been forced during the late troubles in the year 43. to make a Cessation of Armes with his Irish Subjects the Covenanting Party of the Scots in Ulstor and some of the English both in Ulster and Connaght that adhered to them paying no Obedience to his Majesties Authority by which it was concluded continued their Acts of Hostility and found employment both for the Armes of the Irish Catholicks in them parts and those whom the Lord Lieutenant authorized to joyn to suppress them while the Party in Munster for some time submitted to his Majesties Commands in accepting the Cessation and in that space of time sent over Forces to his assistance following therein the Lord Lieutenants directions and examples who shipp'd from Dublin upon that occasion the greatest part of his Army under his command in Leinster 69. It is certain that both English and Irish were engaged by duty to transport their Armes into England for his Majesties assistance but to say that the Irish were engaged by Pag. 35. Articles to do the same is a meer fiction and the more notable that at this time the clamour the Kings Enemies in England had raised against Popery and his Majesties countenancing of it was so great as particular persons of that profession could scarce find admittance to serve in his Majesties Army At length those English Protestants in Munster in the Month of June 1644. upon pretence of Plots and Machinations against them by the Irish Catholicks Pag. 35. whereof to this day no proof was produced nor in that time any colour alleged without informing the chief Governour of the Kingdom or giving him the least intimation of their resolutions deserted the Royal Cause and thence after untill the year 48. fought under the banner of his Majesties Enemies and were enlisted in their pay 70. I cannot blame this Gentleman that he seeks good company for those whom he meant to patronize and would Pag. 36 34 35. rank them with those under the Lord Lieutenants immediate Command in Dublin who near upon four years after having seen two Armies of the Confederates under the Command of the Nuncio near the City fearing a second attempt having had their quarters entirely destroyed obeyed his Majesties command in giving up Dublin and the rest of the Garrisons to the Parliament To make the parity reach home the party in Munster should have attended the commands of a lawful power and although they have obeyed necessity and laid down their Armes yet it had been their duty as Subjects and Souldiers to have behaved themselves as did the generous Officers at Dublin who neither sued for nor accepted employment under the Enemy And I may well say that this their defection was fatal to his Majesties interest in Ireland for had they kept themselves in a condition to joyn with the rest of the English Protestants in the Peace which was concluded in the year 46. the confusion which was introduced by the breach of it had been prevented and Owen ô Neill had wanted strength to countenance that rupture 71. In the Year 48. the Lord of Inchiquin having been advertized out of France of the resolution taken again to engage the Lord Lieutenant in the service of Ireland and the supreme Council of the Confederates having received the same advertizement both readily condescended to a Cessation of Armes in order to the Peace which was to follow And the Lord of Inchiquin who with wonderful dexterity managed that affair maugre the opposition of some of the Officers prevail'd with the Army under his Command to declare for the King And it cannot be denied that they proved very useful in the Cause as well in the prosecution Pag. 34. as after in assisting to take in Drogheda Dundalk and other Garrisons kept by the Enemy after the conclusion of the Peace But the defeat at Rathmynes and the landing of Cromwell made them think of bettering their fortunes by siding with the more successful Party And their Fellows having already betrayed the Garrisons intrusted to them to Cromwell
Majesty and binding even before God and Man in order to such as have not forfeited them whereon I said enough before and that therefore it is impertinent for any material difference or to this Gentleman's purpose whether I reject or admit his Charge here being it cannot be denied that the delusion whereof the Gibeonites made use imposed a farr greater and even an intrinsick force compulsion or necessity on Joshua or such as deprived of essential freedom and all kind of consent as to these Gibeonites or to any had been within the Lot appointed in the Law for his People which yet I have shewed the force compulsion or necessity imposed on his Majesty by whomsoever to conclude any of those Cessations or Peaces with the Irish cannot be said to have imposed So it is no less manifest this Gentleman imposes on his Majesty that which he shall never prove or that his Majesty should have said that the Irish Papists forced compelled necessitated him into Cessations and Peaces Whereas indeed if we make any true construction of his Majesties words in his Declaration whence only this Gentleman must pretend his ground for an assertion so false it must be obvious even to the most common understanding that his Majesty sayes that force compulsion necessity for concluding a Peace with the Irish were imposed upon him by those that erected that odious Court for taking away the life of his dear Father as I have before demonstrated by giving and granting at large his Majesties very words 2. The Gibeon tes were strangers but the Irish Papists were at least ought to have been Subjects All true but nothing Pag. 91. to his purpose Articles made by a King with his Subjects in Armes bind even by the Law of Nations even before they are confirmed in Parliament else what could the Barons plead before a Parliament sate if Magna Charta did not bind the King that gave it What so many other agreements in the world as I have before said Or how should Kings or their Rebellious Subjects when a Parliament can not be held without them ever come to an attonement And surely this very Gentleman would plead for his life and his estate too since he can now to possess other mens the Letters from Breda even before the Act of Indempnity was passed and when he was in Armes against the King as I suppose he was sometimes had he yielded in some extremity upon Articles of War wherein he had conditioned for life liberty and estate for himself and his party he would plead these Articles if he saw any danger of his or their estates and even plead them before such Articles were confirmed by a Parliament nay plead them I say even in case his own estate and all those belonging to his party had been formerly sold or bestowed by the King on Adventurers in Parliament And yet both he and his party would be in that case by the Laws and Conditions of his and their Birth Subjects Whether he or they be so by inclination or longer at least than the loaves will hold I know not certainly though I hope better of them all than this Person of Quality seems to do of me or my Countrymen 3. The Gibeonites never broke those conditions granted to Pag. 91. them though by those conditions they were in effect Slaves but the Irish Papists broke yea often if not alwayes theirs though after an unparalleld Rebellion they were in effect made Lords of all the Land even the bloody Stage upon which they had acted their guilt Lest this Gentleman should have intended it as material to say that the Gibeonites were in effect Slaves I must tell the Reader these Gibeonites enjoyed peaceably without fear or danger when their Articles had been once published and debated not their lives only nor their liberty alone but life and liberty and houses and goods and lands and Cities and all they did pretend either of religious or civil right And that their slavery was no other than to provide Water and Wood for the Sacrifices and publick House of the God of Heaven And therefore any man will think they had a great deal of reason never to break those conditions granted And albeit I think there was as little reason for any Irish Catholick to break the conditions given them especially in that Peace of 48. and that I know nevertheless some if not many have yet I do and will constantly till I be convinced with other arguments than this answerer gives which I believe I shall never be always deny the universality generality or indefiniteness of this proposition The Irish Papists broke yea often if not always theirs in that sense at least he must have had or intended to import if he would speak to any purpose that is in relation to the Peace of 48. in which meaning as I have before sufficiently declared by relating this Gentleman's proofs and otherwise the falsity of this assertion so I now again briefly averr that neither the universality or generality nor greater part nor ruling power nor the formal or virtual representatives of the Irish Papists broke as much as once that Peace so far were they from brcaking often if not alwayes the conditions of it And if none of all these did though confessedly some of the Irish did or the lesser or even a great or considerable part of them if he will have it so did what is that to the Universality or Generality at least which that indefinite charge of his imports or what indeed to any other Irish Catholick to conclude them but the very individuals that did so He might as well and as truly have said that the Protestants of England or English Nation were against the King and for Cromwel or the Rump Parliament when both or either did most cruelly Tyranize For not only some of those Protestants or of that Nation but even so great and considerable a party were so nay which is more both the representing and ruling power which the Protestants or Nation of England were known at that time to own or at least which in effect and even with all formalities represented and ruled them whether by force and coaction or not it matters not here without any contradiction were so Whence it is that I may advance a little further yet and may tell this Gentleman that can be no refuge for him if he should say that he can maintain peradventure some appearance of Truth in some part at least of this proposition that the Irish Papists broke yea often if not alwayes theirs or which is the thing I mean that he can maintain that latitude universality generality or indefiniteness in relation at least to some one breach and some one Peace viz. that of 46. For I can averr confidently that all his arguments to prove this will by a manifest sequel of reason prove that the Protestants or Nation of England broke all their ties of Duty and Allegiance and Faith