once taught the men of Succâ—th with Briars and Thorns And there never was such an opportunity since the Reformation for a plentiful Harvest of Converts as this would be like to prove And who can bear the thoughts of this who has any compassion for the Souls of Men any Zeal for the Church of England or any concern to pâ—eserve and propagate the true Faith and Worship of Chriâ—t to posterity All this is upon a supposition of the late King's return which I declare to you I am not afraid of though it is fit to mind those men who are so fond of it what they may reasonably expect if he should return which possibly may abate their zeal in this cause and thâ—t may prevent the mischiefs of an attempt for without a hopeful Conspiracy in England the French King is toâ— wary to make such an Attempt But if they have any love to their Countrey any pity left in them for the lives and fortunes of English Protestants I beseech thâ—m to consider what the Calamities and Desolations of Civil War will be for that it must end in if there be an Invasion from abroad strengthned with a powerful Conspiracy at home King William as I said before will not Desert or Abdicate for I never heard of a Prince who had ventured so much to rescue a Kingdom out of so great a danger that would so easily expose it again to the same or a greater danger And surely the late King does not expect he should for he knows him too well So that if they look for such another Revolution to turn King William out as brought him in they will in aâ—l probability be mistaken There are too many Persons of Honour and Fortune engaged in this Cause who know the late King too well to take his Word and were it possible to wheedle men of Fortune and Sense the genius and spirit of the Nation is against them And that which could maâ—e the late Revolution will probably be able to prevent this It must then come to Blows if an attempt be made and the fortune of one Battel may not decide it and those who are too young to remember the desolations which the late Civil Wars in England made let them look into Ireland and see to what a heap of rubbish a flourishing and fruitâ—ul Countrey is reduced by being the scene of a Three Yeâ—rs War It is made a popuâ—ar pretence to raise discontents and to make people disaffected to the present Government that the Taxes for maintaining this War are grown so intoâ—erable and there is no prospect of an end of them Now I must confess that the Taxes fall very heavy upon some and am sorry that the present posture of our Affairs does require it and that there can be no easier ways found to supply the plain and pressing necessities of the State â—ut â—e ought to consider that still aâ—l this is infiniteâ—y easier than Popery and French Slavery if we regard only our Estates The Annual exactions of the Church of Rome besides all the cheating ways their Priests had to get Money while Popery was the Religion of England used to be complained of as a National Grievance and a heavier Tax upon the Subject than all the King's Revenues And if those who complain of our Taxes were but one month in France to sâ—e the Poverty and Misery which the French Government has brought upon them they would come home very well contented to pay Taxes and to fight against the French too We are Free Subjects not Slaves we are taxed by our own Representatives who tax themselves as well as us and this not by the Arbitrary Will of the Prince We pay for our own Defence and Prâ—servation as all peopâ—e ought to do and while we do not pay near so much as our Religion and Lives and Liberties are worth and have left wherewithal to maintain our selves we have no such greâ—t reason to complain But how heavy soever Taxes are are they like a Civil War Like the dread and terrors of an Enemies Army or of our own Are they like having our Houses filled with Soldiers or which is worse burnt or plundered Are they like losing our Friends our Fathers Husbands or Children by whose kindness or labours we subsisted In a word Are they like the Spoyls of Harvest or the Desolation of a whole Countrey And can we be contented to see England again the Seat of War It is certain in our present circumstances it cannot be made so unless we our selves please France has too many Enemies to think of Conquering England without factions at home and were it not for them we need not fear its united Force and I hope considering men of what Perswasion soever they be will not think it worth the while to ruin their Countrey by a Civil War to purchase a French Slavery and Popery two very dear things could we purchase them never so cheap What I have said hitherto only concerns England but it becomes us to look a little abroad and consider what a fatal Influence a French Conquest of England will have upon the Affairs of all Europe That it is not mere Justice and Honour that makes the French King espouse the Cause of the late King James his Encroachments and Usurpations on his Neighbours will witness He has no scruples of Conscience about the Rights of other Princes all he can get is his own But England was formerly a Friend and Confederate at least not an Enemy and now the Power of England which the French have never had reason to despise is in the hands of a King who owes the French King a good turn and will not I hope dye in his debt This checks his ambitious designs gives life and spirit to the Confederacy threatens to make him restore what he has taken and what he keeps by meer force and violence and to reduce him within his Ancient Bounds and to the Ancient Constiâ—ution of the French Government and he knows while King William possesses the English Throne and keeps up the Confederacy he must not expect to get much more and may be in constant danger of losing what he has gotten This makes the French King so concerned to restore the late King James to the Throne of England to get rid of a Formidable Enemy and to strengthen himself with the Alliance of a Powerful Friend for England will probably turn the scales on which side soever it happens to be And there is no doubt but the Arms of England must be devoted to the service of France if a French Power should place the late King in his Throne again and let any English Protestant who can think coolly of things consider what a malignant aspect this would hâ—ve upon the Liberties of Europe and on the whole Protestant Interest The Arms or the Money of France has hitherto been an equal Match at least for all the Confederates while he has found other employment for the Impâ—rial and
English Forces but thanks be to God the King of England and the English Forceâ— are now at leisure to attend his Motions those Forces which beat him at the Boyn at Athlone at Agrins at Lymerick in a word which beat him out of Ireland and have now got a habit of beating the French And it is no wonder that he is not fond of such company in Flandâ—rs but endeavours to find some new work for them at home And if he can but send them home again and embroil us in a Civil War that is one great point gained but if he proves successful in his Attempt he makes England his own and will turn their Arms upon the Confederates and what can then stand in his way What should hinder him from being the sole and absolute Monarch of the West And then it is easie to read the Fate of Protestants Thus Sir I have freely told you what I apprehend will be the necessary and unavoidable effects of a French Conquest I pretend not to prophesie nor to demonstration in such cases but what I have said has all the appearances of probabiâ—ity all the degrees of moral certainty thâ—t any thing of this nature can have and that is the only Rule in these matters by which wise men are to judge and act And this has prepared a plain and easie Answer to your Second Question What English Subjects are bound in Conscience to do in case the late King should land in England with French Forces to demand his Crown Now there are two sorts of persons concerned in this question 1. Those who have not sworn Allegiance to King William and Queen Mary but account the late King James as much their King as he was when he sat upon the Throne and that their obligations to him are the same now that ever they were 2. Those who have sworn Allegiance to King William and Queen Mary And there are two parts of this Question 1. Whether they are bound in conscience to assist the late King if he return 2. Whether it be lawful for them to oppose him and fight against him As for the first part of this Question and as far as it concerns the Non-swearers I shall ask them two or three Questions and leave them to answer them themselves 1. The first question is Whether they can think themselves bound in conscience upon any pretence whatever to fight for Popery against the Protestant Faith and Worship that is as they must confess if they are Protestants to fight for Heresie and Idolatry against the true Faith and Worship of Christ or to fight for Antichrist and against Christ Can any consideration make this lawful If nothing can as I will venture to take it for granted that nothing can then whatever duty they may fancy they still owe to their Abdicated Prince it cannot be their Duty to fight for him when they cannot fight for him without fighting against Christ and his Religion though they must not fight against their Prince for Christ because Christ in such cases requires his Disciples to suffer not to fight for him yet it does not follow that they must fight for their Prince against Christ to bring a Persecution upon his faithful Disciples and to contribute what they can to extirpate the Name and the Religion of Protestanâ—s out of Europe Do they think themselves bound in Conscience to fight for their Prince against the Laws and Libeâ—ties of their Countrey as well as against the Faith and Worship of Christ Let the Rights of Princes be nevâ—r so Sacred have the rest of mankind no Rights but only Princes Is there no such thing as Justice due to our selves nor to our Fellow-Subjects Have the Free born Subjects of England no Natural no Legal Rights And is there any Law of God or man to fight for our Prince against the Laws and Liberties of our Countrey which are the measuâ—es and boundaries of that Duty which we owe to Princes that is to fight for our Prince against the rule of our duty and obedience to Princes when our Prince and the Laws and Liberties of our Countrey are on contrary sides tho we should grant them according to their own Principles that we must not fight against our Prince for our Laws and Liberties yet no more must we fight for our Prince against oâ—r â—aws and Liberties It is abundantly eâ—ough to be Passive in such cases but a Nation which fights against its own Laws and Liberties is Feâ—o de se guiâ—ty of the worst kind of Self-Murder Can any â—nglish-man whatever opiniâ—n he has of the late Kingâ—s Right think himself bound in consciâ—nce to maintain his Right by giving up his Countrey to France To make him King and all his Subjects French Slaves For can any Prince have more Right to be King of England than the Kingdom of England has to be England Is it not an unaccountable tenderness and scrupulosity of Conscience to be so concerned for any one Prince's Right as to sacrifice the Rights and Liberties of all the Princes in Europe to his To set him upon the Throne to drive all other Princes from theirs We are Citizens of the World as well as Subjects of England and have our Obligations to Mankind and to other Princes as well as to our own and though our obligation to no one other Prince is so great as to our own yet the publâ—ck good of mankind or of a great part of the world is a more sacred obligation than the particular Interest of our own Prince or Countrey much less then can the Right of any particular Prince be it what it will stand in competition with the Rights and Liberties of our own Countrey and of all Europe besides It is to no more purpose to dispute with men who do not feel the Force of this Argument at the first hearing than to reason with blind men about Colours they have no sense left nothing but a stupid and slavish Loyalty all things tho never so sacred must give place to this the care of Religion the love of their Countrey their Justice and Charity to all mankind must vail to their senseless mistake of the true meaning of this word Loyalty by which they will needs understand an â—bsolute Obedience without Limitation or Reseâ—ve when most certainly it signifies no more than Obedience according to Law 2. I would ask them What they would think themselves bound to do in such cases were the late King upon the Throne again Unless they have chang'd their minds and then they are not so steady to Principles as they pretend to be we may very reasonably guess what they would do by what they did while he was upon the Throne It is certain they so much dislik'd his open designs of Popery and Arbitrary Power that they opposed him as far as they durâ—t and would not Fight for him to keep him on the Throne nay by their Examples and Counsels they had so influenced the Army that
they would not Fight for him neither and so possess'd the Country that the Nobility and Gentry took Arms and declared for the Prince of Orange which they thought they might very well do when the Bishops would not declare against him This was then thought consistent enough with the High-Tory-Loyalty and yet if they were not then bound to Fight for him to keep him on his Throne I am at a great loss to know how it comes to be their duty now to Fight for him to restore him to it He was certainly their King then and yet they would not Fight for him no not to defend his Person Crown and Dignity And tho they call him their King still it is certain he is not King of England whatever right they may think he has to be so and therefore to fight for him now is not to fight for the King but to fight to make him King again But to let that pass suppose him to be their King since they will have him so How do they come to be more obliged to fight for him now he is out of the Throne than they were to fight for him while he was in it If they think it their duty to fight for their King against the Religion the Laws and the Liberties of their Countrey it was their duty to have fought for him then if they do not think this it cannot be their duty to fight for him now But they did not expect what followed they desired to have their Laws and Liberties secured but not that he should lose his Crown I believe very few did then expect what followed no more than they do now consider what will follow But since he would leave his Crown Who could help it For no body took it from him 3. Let me then ask them another question Whether they would think themselves bound in Conscience to fight for him did they verily believe that if he recovered his Throne he would as zealously promote Popery and Arbitrary Power as he did before If they say they would not they have been at their non putaram once already a second oversight in the same kind would be worse than the first If they say they would I give them over as profess'd Enemies to the true Religion and the Liberties of Mankind This I hope may satisfie the non-swearers if they will coolly and seriously consider it that they are not bound in Conscience to fight for the late King nay that they are as much bound in Conscience not to fight for him as they are bound not to fight against the Protestant Religion and Civil Liâ—erties not only of England but of all Europe 2. As for those who have Sworn Allegiance to King William and Queen Mary besides all the former considerations they are under the obligations of an Oath not to fight against their present Majesties whose Sworn Subjects and Leigemen they are â—or let them expound Faith and True Allegiance to as low a sense as possibly they can the least that they ever could make of it s to live quietly and peaceably under their Government not to attempt any thing against their Persons or Crowns not to hold any Correspondence with nor to give any Assistance to their Enemies and therefore to countenance a French Invasion or to assist the late King in recovering the Throne which Their Majesties so well fill and which they have Sworn not to dispossess them of must be downright Perjury If they be sure that their Oaths to the late King still oblige them that indeed would make void the obligation of this Second Oath but then they must be guilty of Perjury in taking it and by the breaking of it will declare to all the world that they deliberately and wilfully Perjured themselves when they took it and let them remember this when they take Arms against Their Majesties and let them expect that recompence which they deserve Those who took this only as a Temporary Oath which obliged them no longer than till the late King should return into England again to demand his Crown are guilty of Perjury if they keep it no longer than till they have a promising opportunity to break it For this is to mock God and to deceive the Government by their Oaths For no man can think that the meaning of the Oath was no more but this I do Promise and Swear to bear Faith and true Allegiance to King William and Queen Mary till I have Power and Opportunity by the return of King James with a French Army to join his Forces and to Assist him to recover his Throne Those who will take and keep Oaths at this rate we must leave to God But nothing is more plain and certain than that the New Oath of Allegiance obliges all who have taken it under the guilt of Perjury at least not to fight for the late King against King William and Queen Mary And here I may very fairly conclude without entring into a longer dispute about the lawfulness of fighting against a Foreign Army though the late King were at the Head of it for were those who scruple this satisfied that they ought not to fight for him their present Majesties have Friends enow who are very well satisfied to fight against him especially bringing along with him the greatest Enemies both to the Protestant Religion and to the Civil Liberties not only of the English Nation but of all the Kingdoms and States of Europe France it self not excepted However this Letter is large enough already and if I find you desire farther satisfaction in this matter especially about the late King James's Declaration which is lately come to my hands you may expect a speedy account of it in a Second Letter from Sir Yours FINIS Apol. for the new Seperat