and brought down we must conclude that France will be at liberty to choose for the subject of its Triumphs Spain Italy or England at its own pleasure As for Spain two things being viewed and consider'd the first its natural depopulations the second the want of fortifi'd places in the heart and Bowels of the Kingdom it is most certain that there is nothing but its scarcity of Provisions and victuals in the very centre of it that can save it from an Universal Invasion from France But let the scarcity of Victuals be what it will that can be no obstruction but that his Most Christian Majesty notwithstanding those natural defects entring by the passages of Fontaraby with an Armyonly of thirty or forty thousand men and by the passages of Catalogne with the same number by the means of these two Armies would in two Campagnes be able to make himself master of Navarr Arragon Catalogne and the Kingdom of Valencia and after that having well fortisf'd his Frontiers may be in a condition to constrain the King of Spain to become his Tributary for the Kingdom of Castile and after that to grant him what part he shall desire of his Territories in Italy and the West Indies which is an affair not altogether unworthy the serious reflection of England As to Italy there are four things to be consider'd First the importance of those Posts which his Most Christian Majesty has already got possession of in three different parts of the Country by means whereof he has a free entry into Italy which way soever he pleases The second is the natural division of Italy into several little states which are for the most part very inconsiderable will be ready to joyn with the French Monarch if they are not already his creatures Thirdly that Italy formerly the most generous Nation in the world by the fatal vicissititude of things is now become the most soft and effeminate The fourth is that his Most Christian Majesty is master of the Italian Sea Whosoever then considers all these things will be easily convinc'd that if Lewis the 14th assail Italy with all his forces that nation will not be in a condition to make any more resistance against him than it did against Charles the Eighth and that if Lewis gets a footing once within it it will not be so easie to drive him out as it was Charles the Eighth For both the Genius's Politicks and forces you have to deal withall are far different as also the Conjunctures of former opportunities from those at present Moreover we are to consider that upon an irruption of his Most Christian Majesties forces into the most delightful part of Christendom Italy can have nothing to rely upon but the strength of her own native forces for any succour she can expect I see none in a case to afford it her but the Turk Germany and Spain being supposed to be brought so low as not to be in a condition for any such effort Nor do I think that the Swisses dare undertake any such enterprize or if they should that their strength would prove any thing considerable From all which reasons I determinately conclude that if France attaque Italy which 't is very probable he will do after he has attaqu'd and subdu'd the Empire and Spain Italy will be entirely lost and the Court of Rome it self will be glad to draw her self out of the broiles by conferring the same honours granting the same priviledges to Lewis the 14th as she did formerly to Charlemaigne and several of his successours that being one of the principal Articles which she must make use of to satisfie the vast ambition and soaring designs of this Monarch These great things being thus brought to pass there will nothing remain to his Most Christian Majesty but to subdue all his neighbours and to bring the Switzers and the English under his Yoak For the first I have said it and will say it again I cannot tell how the Cantons and Confederate Swisses can be in a condition to defend themselves against all the efforts and assaults of his Most Christian Majesty they who have not one fortifi'd place in all their Territories and who are also often divided in respect of their Religion and when they shall be assail'd on all sides from Italy France Burgundy and Germany Against which attempts should they prove successful they would be more worthy of honour than their Ancestors ever were for all their victories formerly obtain'd against the ancient Dukes of Austria and Burgundy As for Engl. I know that Nation is warlike even to the height of valour I know that Nation abounds with persons of great gravity judgment and capacity to penetrate into the deepest mysteries of State Politicks I know moreover that the natural Situation of Engl. being a kind of fortification and bulwark that it seems invincible against all the attempts and designs of her enemies and that joyning all these circumstances to what she is able further to do considering the natural antipathy which every true English man naturally preserves in his breast against the French Nation we may from thence conclude that his most Christian Majesty will find it a very difficult task to bring that famous Island under his subjection and that though he should make a conquest of it yet it will be a labour as difficult to keep it But on the other side it would be to make a wrong judgment of the Politicks of the French Ministry to imagine that if they undertake either the destruction or the Conquest of England they would make use of their won forces without some plausible pretence to deprive so great a King their Allie of his Dominions France is too cunning and diligent in her Politick Managements not to make use of more refin'd methods of craft and Intrigue And it is a certain and real argument that the French Politicks are already at work for the ruin and destruction of England if by a Heroick and universal arming of the whole Nation the English do not put themselves into a posture both by Sea and Land to stop the progress of his Most Christian Majesty and the unwary proceedings of those among them who joyn and close with the French Monarch to the utter ruin of their Native Country I say there is a necessity to take notice of this piece of Truth and to dive into the Bottom of two things the natural designs of the Court of England and secondly the condition wherein his Most Christian Majesty will be after a compleated Conquest of the Spanish Netherlands by means of such formal Succours as he shall send into England to bring about the designs of the prevailing party to triumph at length over the unwary cunning of the one and the weakness of the rest As for the real designs of the interested Courtriers at this conjuncture we may conclude them to be such undoubtedly and the same with those that engag'd the English at the beginning
EVROPE A SLAVE UNLESS England Break Her CHAINS Discovering the Grand Designs of the French-Popish Party in ENGLAND for several Years past LONDON Printed for W. D. and are to be sold in London and Westminster 1681. EUROPE a Slave Unless ENGLAND Break her CHAINS WHat His most Christian Majesty has lately enterprized upon Valenciennes Cambray and St. Omers the best Fortified places of the Spanish Netherlands and the only remaining Bulwarks of those Poor Provinces toward France together with the Progress of his Armes upon the Frontiers of Germany the Confines of Spain in Sicilie and in America gives all the rest of Europe occasion to be solidly apprehensive of its danger which if it were perhaps it might have been more advantagious for this great Monarch not to have done so much In truth by the rapid Conquests which this Victorious Prince has obtain'd in so short a time of three such important Places he has apparently demonstrated to all Europe the extent of his great and vast designs and the weakness and low Condition of Spain as palpably discovers that there is all the reason in the World to believe that if England would but awake out of that Lethargie wherein it hath layen for so many years and put her helping hand to the work she might be a great means to prevent the misfortunes and Calamities to which all those Estates and Countries that border upon France are now exposed I was the more apt to flatter my self with a hope of this nature for that although I am not altogether ignorant how much the French Court has won upon the Court of England yet I was of Opinion that the English being so invincibly jealous for the preservation of their liberty finding that his most Christian 〈◊〉 had made such an important Conquest while the Parliament was sitting would by the Mediation of that Noble Assembly have made their humble addresses and earnest representations to their Monarch and not have left till they had besought him to consent what his own honour and the safety of his people required But by fatal Experience we see that as to that which all Europe calls a Parliament if the same Anticipations and Connivances continue there with that fatality which we have hitherto observed that to our great sorrow we shall be constrain'd to believe what the Emissaries of France publickly themselves declare that two thirds of that Assembly are Caball'd and manag'd by the Golden Lewis's of France in such a manner that from the same part from whence all Europe hope to behold the Sun of their restauration rise if there be not a sudden change which all good men expect for all this from the English Generosity there they see a formidable power advance it self in Combination with France for the utter destruction of Christendom I know there are some that pretend to great insight who being either endu'd or surpriz'd with the Opinions and Maxims which the French Emissaries every where insinuate are of opinion that for the Imperialists there might be something done so considerable in the Course of this Gampaigne which if it should happen prosperously to succeed it would follow then that some folid remedy might be apply'd to cure the mischiefs and apprehensions of all the rest of Europe This is that which is discoursed in all the Courts and Countries of the North. But not to distaste these men of Contemplation I must beg leave to be of a contrary judgment and to hold that all their hopes are ill grounded and that for several reasons We must confess there is no improbability but that the Impeperial Army might force a way into France which would certainly prove a notable home thrust but then on the other side we must consider that the Army which is design'd for such an Expedition must endure all the hardships of a Twenty Leagues March through Countries burnt and wasted so that such an Army would be very much incommoded for want of all sorts of necessary Provisions both for Horse and man Now in regard the Imperialists being once pass'd beyond Mayence Coblents and Treves have no Magazines all the Countrey beyond the Line of Treves to the very Confines of France except some part of Luxemburgh being under the absolute Power of the Enemy this being so how is it for us to imagin that the Imperialists should do any things considerable being to March either through a Country burnt and wasted or through that part of Luxemburgh which is at present a meer Desart more especially considering that the German Armies are those of all Europe that carry along with them the most numerous luggage and pesterment of women and unprofitable mouths Secondly though it were true that the Imperialists surmounting all these difficulties should break in as far as Lorian the Territory of Metz or the County of Burgundy which is all that is to be expected in one Campaigne what is it that this Imperial Army can do considerable in a Country of which all the strong holds are in the possession of the Enemy and all the rest of the Country burnt and laid wast Now as all these exploits of the Imperalists can tend to no other end but either to give Battel or to lay Siege to some considerable Town it is easie to foresee that if they aime at the first and that the French are intended to decline it as they are masters of all the Country behind and of each side who shall be able to force them to fight Or if it comes to that pass that they are forc'd to hazard a Battel it is most certain that the one or the other will be Victor Should then the Imperialists get the better let us examine what they will be in a condition to do should they obtain a compleat Victory I believe it will be granted me that the chief Benefit of such a victory will be only the Siege of some good Town by that means to secure some post for the Conveniency of the Army against the next Campaigne For to venture far into an Enemies Country without this precaution I do not believe that the Imperialists either will or ought to do it For should they hazard such an attempt they would be constrain'd to leave several strong Garisons behind 'em which being well stufft with French Cavalry would never suffer the German Convoys to pass quietly and perhaps cut off the greatest part of them But on the other side suppose the French will avoid fighting keeping themselves in an-actual posture of defence or though they should be constrain'd to give battel and lose the day yet the scatter'd Troops of that beaten Army being spedily reinforc'd by the adjoyning Garrisons would be still strong enough though but in volant parties to prevent the Imperialists from doing anything considerable Here you are to observe that what I have said already is only in reference to the first Case of the March of the Imperialists in an Enemies Countrey and the gaining a Victory But
of the present Wars to confederate with his Most Christian Majesty against the Republick of the United Provinces and by consequence against all the Allies of that Republick And a most notorious proof of this assertion is this that without doubt England it self did not so well ponder and weight those truths which I am now going to advance on purpose to let Christendom apparently understand the inevitable danger into which all Christendom must of necessity fall by being forc'd to submit to the yoke of France through the Conquest of the Spanish Netherlands Now England being sensible of this Truth and seeing withal that by the continuance of these Successes his most Christian Majesty will be in a condition to keep up an Army of above 150000 fighting men for which he will have no employment if he do not send them against England and yet lying still and not using any endeavours to hinder the Progress of these Successes we must of necessity conclude that England acts according to the same principles which engag'd her to confederate at the beginning of the war with France and that her mediation abroad does only tend to do the French some more important kindness to bring to pass the designs of that Court than she could do by the assistance of her Arms and a publick Declaration of War which might be a means to discover and put a stop to the conduct of self-interest And it is an irrefragable proof that the Self-interested and the French Party in England are firm in the said Design for that when the Muscovite threatned the Swede with an Invasion of Livonia at the same time that by the Management of France the Great Turk also threatned the Muscovite with an Irruption into his Dominions in case he invaded the Swede the French Party in England at the same time threatned the Grand Czar that if he medled with the Swede they would send a considerable Fleet of men of War into the Baltick Sea which proves not only what I have already declar'd as to England but also that France the Turk and the French Party in England observing the same measures without being any longer able to conceal them have form'd such a League which together with the Branches of it that extend themselves into many Parts of Europe make it evident what apprehensions Christendom ought to have of the Enterprizes of his most Christian Majesty to which his Confederates are made instrumental either through Unwariness or Self-interest Now it being thus evident that England acts as a Co-partner with France some may be nice to examine the general and particular aim of such Proceedings I shall say nothing of the publick treaty between England and France at the beginning of this War only that therein we may find two things First That if the French and Popish Party in England do resolve to persist in the observation of the said Treaty that then upon the loss of the Spanish Netherlands to the ancient Owners England will be put to a hard choice either to forgoe her ancient Rights and Priviledges to the Will of that same Self-interested Popish Party or else with all their Might to withstand the united Force of the French King and the French and Popish Party in England that shall attempt to constrain them to such a Compliance The second is this That in regard it is impossible that the English should willingly submit to such a Subjection so it will be impossible for them to hinder the French from landing so long as the aforesaid Power prevails who before they quit their hold nay before they land will be sure to have some strong Fort or Post assign'd them for their Security as is usual in such cases Which if it fall out in this manner who is so blind as not to see that England being reduc'd to these Terms it follows that France by the Triumphs of politick management and by the â—â—imitable Subtilty of it's Ministers will not only be in certain Condition by fomenting the Troubles to bring about the total Ruine of England in regard that the Fortune of the prevailing Party and consequently of the Kingdom will be at his disposal but also by the means of such a favourable Conjuncture after he has look'd on while the English cut one another's Throats to come in and master both Parties in the same manner as Hengest and Horsus Generals of the Anglo-Saxons being call'd in by Vortiger to assist him against the Romans Picts and Scots overcame not only all the Enemies of Vortiger but he himself and all his Forces Or as more lately the Turk o'recome the King of Fez in Africa who had call'd him in to his Assistance against Don Sebastin King of Portugal It may be thought perhaps that I have spok'n too freely but so it was that the Son of Croesus King of Lydia being born dumb seeing a Souldier with his Weapon advanced ready to kill his Father spoke then that never spoke before Who then cannot but speak that sees his Native Country ready to be set together by the Ears by a prevailing French and Popish Party For to declare who I am I am an English man born and bred up in the Roman Catholick Faith but by the Grace and Favour of God reclaim'd from those Erroneous Opinions and Doctrines both as to Faith and Politicks with which my Studies at Leige had infatuated me Now as to the opportunity of being an English Man and a Roman Catholick gave me that Advantage to be admitted into several private Conferences held at Paris and London among those of my own Nation and Religion and for that I had thereby the means to penetrate to the Bottom and to discover the Malignity of the present Designs It is the particular Knowledge of the present Misfortunes which together with my Conscience and my Honour have caused me to put Pen to Paper as one that would be accounted faithful to my Country and a true Christian to advertise my dear Country that these Misfortunes which I have presupposed are so much the more likely to come to pass considering that the French Ministry having prudently foreseen that it is impossible for his most Christian Majesty to pretend to the Conquest of the Spanish Low Countreys unless he be secure of England have made it the chiefest Master-piece of their Crast and Cunning to separate the Interest of the English Ministry from that of the Kingdom and make them two distinct things For the one having made the other believe that if they would but sacrifice the Spanish Netherlands to his most Christian Majesty that then he would gratifie the other with the Conquest of the Spanish Indies the Wealth of which places would put the French-English Party into such a Condition as never to want or fear a Parliament This is the Knot which ties France and England together but because the French Party in the Court of England as wisely foresaw that it was impossible to form a party in England against
rest of Europe to make an Inundation upon the Cities and Habitations of my dear Country-men to burn and massacre to ravish our Wives and Daughters and sack and ruine the whole nation as he has already done and still does in Lorrain Burgundy Alsatia and the Spanish Netherlands though Peopled by Roman Catholicks And indeed these Preventions seem therefore the more necessary by how much the more true it is what I say For that my Brethren may understand me the Dispute is not here about Religion that 's but the mantle which covers the Design of the Popishly affected Party and their Leaders to keep off the sitting of Parliaments For if his most Christian Majesty keep his word with that Party the Spanish Indies with all their Wealth and Riches will belong to them by means whereof there will be no necessity for the calling a Parliament but it shall be in the power of that Party to keep up an Army of Foreigners in England so long as they please and thereby to make themselves the absolute Masters of the Laws and Liberties of the Subject On the other side if his most Christian Majesty break his Word with the Popish-English Faction and conquer the Spanish Indies for himself which is most probable it being no part of Richilen's Politicks which Lewis the 14th treds in step by step to take much heed to the observation of Treaties as Spain too cruelly experiments at this time I leave the World to judge what will become of England which lies not above seven Leagues from the Coast of France when the Monarch of that Nation having joyn'd to the rest of his Conquests the Spanish Indies who will then by means of his vast Wealth and Riches which he draws out of this Island to famish this Kingdom and consequently when he pleases to make himself Master of it there being rhen no Power in Europe able to prevent it By this Reflexion it may be seen that if Spain falls all Europe falls not excepting England and it is yet in the only power of England to prevent this there is a necessity to have recourse to this Remedy as we should run to quench a Fire that had seiz'd upon White-hall that is to say there is not a moment to be lost if England intends not to perish in the General Desolation Religion Charity and the General Interest of the Kingdom demand this Diligence that my dear Countrey would unanimously agree to give that powerful Assistance to that ancient Allie and by saving her self heroical to acquire the Honour of having preserv'd the whole Body of Christendom from that universal Shipwrack with which the French Fury threatens it I know that by means of that cold Poison which the Emissaries of France insinuate and sow about in all parts and which is more especially naturaliz'd and intruded into England as being most proper to calm the tempestuous Jealousies of that Nation there are some that aver with some Probability that should England be quiet and not assist the Confederates with her Arms yet that there may be plausible Expedients found out to make an honourable Peace between all the Puisâ—ances now at Wars But my dear Country must know that this was only a Proposal hatch'd in the Cabinet of the French Ministry to amuse and blind England and with her all Europe and that I may in three words make out this Truth besides what I have said already I beseech the Reader to observe that suppose this very day by the Mediation of England there should be a Peace sign'd which I believe very uulikely to be done for several Reasons too long to be here inserted We must needs say that in the natural Condition of Affairs at present this Peace cannot be concluded but to the great Advantage of France as also for the Interest of her Allies which being true two things will infallibly happen upon a Conclusion made in that manner the first that the Empire Spain and Holland will retire to their several Homes weary and harass'd by the Inconveniences of the War the second that his most Christian Majesty beside the real Honour and Advantages which he shall get by this War shall be furnish'd with an Army of a hundred thousand men as brisk Souldiers as any in Europe which for several Reasons of State and War that speak of themselves he will never disband Now if the prevailing disaffected Party in England persist in their Designs of bringing all things under an Arbitrary Power I ask any true Englishman whether it be the Interest of England by a Peace of the Nature above recited that France should be in a Condition by the loan of an Army of fifty thousand men which he can easily spare to his Party in England by an Invasion of that Force to procure the Ruine of our Country in one year Moreover it behoves us to observe that in case such a Peace should be made it would be of no other Service to France than to enable him in less than three years by the Recruits of his Treasuries â—nd Finances securing his Intreagues 〈◊〉 England in the North and among â—he Princes of the Empire while â—he Rhine being without any guard â—nd it may be the Great Turk enâ—red Hungary to powre himself with a Hundred Thousand Men inâ—o the Spanish Netherlands and the Empire which is no more than to â—ecoyl that he may return with a â—reater Force and to take time to â—onsult his Measures how to war with less Danger and more Success which is no more for the Distressed than to run out of the Frying-pan into the Fire the Lion is out of his Den the Hunters are at his Heels and there is no more to be done than to spread the English Toils to the Sea Coast-ward and there to post the Hunts-men We owe this Charitable Assistance to our Most Ancient Fellow-Citizens and the natural Subjects of England A faiâ— Opportunity offers it self gloriously to reunite to the Crown of our Monarch those Flowers that ought to be inseparable from it Those unfortunate People oppressed by the Power of the French Tyranny â— stretch forth their Arms to us leâ— us not abandon them any longer to the Fury of that despotick Power as being the only means to restore both our own and the Peace of the Empire so necessary to put it into a Condition to be able to resist the Violence of the Common Enemy of the Christian Faith I say this is the only means to the end that my dear Country abus'd and intoxicated with French Poyson may not be so blinded as to run blindly into the Snares of those Propositions for Peace which without the Remedy already propos'd can prove no other than an infallible Expedient to enslave all Europe I beg the Reader 's Pardon if transported with that Zeal with which my Heart is enflam'd for the Interest of my Dear Country I have enlarged my self upon this point of the Condition and Interest of England I could not
the Priviledges and Interest of the Kingdom For that very reason it was that they pretended to set on Foot the pretence of Religion and because it was well known that there was a great Number of Roman Catholicks in England and those too generally very zealous for their Religion though as generally very ignorant therefore it was that his Highness the D. of York embrac'd the Roman Catholick Religion and afterwards to declare himself openly for the same Party which he never did do till he had a full prospect after the Successes of the last Compaign of the weakness of the Confederacy in opposition to France and that the Forces of the latter were sufficient to beat all the rest put together unless England struck in to their Assistance Upon this ground it was that after the Arrival of the Dutchess of Orleans at Dover so many Courriers were seen to post between Paris and London neither the Peace between England and Holland nor any thing else that happen'd since or before this War being able to stop the Career of these Proceedings Upon this Confidence it was that many French Priests came into England in such Numbers that besides that every Corner of London was full of them it is most certain that there is not a City or considerable Town in England Scotland or Ireland where these Indiscreet Zealots have not got Footing From hence it was that the Court of Rome which was not ignorant of these Proceedings so much rejoyc'd at the beginning of this War which France and England made at the same time against the Commonwealth of the united Provinces though that Court has had cause sufficient to understand the Nature of the French Zeal by what has happen'd through the Power of the French Armies to one of the Ecclesiastical Electors of the Empire as in the most part of the Churches of his Capital City Upon this ground it was that the last Parliament was prorogu'd for eighteen Months which ended not till the overture of this present Sessions and all to gain time to gain the Members to their Party wherein we had like to have felt the fatal Consequences of their Success Now I say That this Misfortune is so much the more likely by how much it appears to be certain that the King of France is in a Condition before a year come about to make a Conquest of the greatest part of the Places and Provinces of the Spanish Netherlands and thereby be enabl'd to subdue all the rest of his Enemies and then by means of Sorceries in England to maintain continual Divisions in that Kingdom and by vertue of those Divisions to waft over a considerable part of his Forces for the support of his Party and so at length to make himself Master of them and the whole Nation In which Attempt it will be the more easie for France to succeed in regard that England may be certainly assur'd that there are within the very Center of her Dominions no less than fifty thousand Papists whose Consciences are govern'd by French Monks and Priests and consequently ready to take Arms upon first Opportunity in pursuance of their Designs and to joyn with twelve thousand Papists more that now serve in the Armies of France which would certainly stick close to the French upon their landing in England Now I say this That this 't is which England may conclude to be certain with so much the more Credit and Reason to be believ'd because the Memoirs Rolls and Instructions have not been conceal'd from me and all these things maintain'd and carry'd on by the Management of the Ministry and Counsels of France whereby my dear Country may see what is preparing against her both within and without for her total Destruction for which there is no other Remedy but by a general Resolution to lay aside all disputes of Religion which the indiscreet Zealots of all Sects unwarily set afoot and to bestir themselves for the effecting of five things The first to joyn in a league of Confederacy with the House of Austria and the Hollanders and not to separate until there shall be a Peace made to the full Satisfaction of all in general and every one in particular Secondly in case the Parliament that is now in Being do not act more cordially than they have done for the Honour and Interest of the Nation by their humble Representations and Addresses to beseech his Majesty to call another Thirdly to implore the Expulsion of all the French Emissaries of what quality soever out of all the three Kingdoms without Exception Fourthly to recall by an authentick Decree under pain of Felony all the English and Scotch who are now in the French Service for as for the natural Irish it will not be amiss to let them stay behind and wast themselves in the Wars for though they be Roman Catholicks yet are they as fanatical in the Faith of that Church as the weak Sectaries of the Protestant Religion are in reference to their Tenents and consequently dangerous Thorns in a Kingdom Fifthly To set forth a Navy as powerful as the Nation is able to provide of which the principal Officers must be such as are no way leven'd with the self-interest of the French Popish Faction and to furnish this Navy with such a number of men as may be able to make an Invasion into such a part of France as shall be thought most convenient worthy the ancient Honour of the Nation to which purpose the Heads of the Parties in France may be consulted and never to part with such places as shall be taken by the English Arms till his most Christian Majesty shall be constrain'd to submit to Equity and Justice and to make such a firm and solid Peace as may establish the Repose of Christendom and restore a Calm to Europe and which may secure the English Nation from all her present Fears and Alarums 'T is by a Conduct of this Nature that the Kingdom of England may be able generally to prevent the Tempest with which the insatiable Ambition of his most Christian Majesty is preparing to overwhelm it and which seems to be absolutely inevitable unless vigorously remedy'd by such means as these By a Conduct of this nature the whole Body of the Roman Catholicks in England returning to their Allegiance and coming to open their Eyes might at length be brought to see that it is impossible for a Prince who has been the occasion of the slaughter of so many millions of Christians within these few years for the only Satisfaction of his Ambition who led by the same ambitious principles has made slight of all the Solemn Oaths which lie took in the Island of Faisans before him whom he adores for God before his Altars that it is impossible I say for them to think that such a Prince would trouble his Conscience what Religion were professed in England only that it would serve him for a plausible pretence after he had overturn'd all the