S. Iohn Champneys Iohn Baker Esquier Reignold Scot. Iohn Guldeford Thomas Kempe Edward Thwaites William Roper Anthonie Sandes Edwarde Isaac Perciuall Harte Edward Monyns William Whetnall Iohn Fogg Edmund Fetiplace Thomas Hardres William Waller Thomas Wilforde Thomas Moyle Thomas Harlakenden Geffrey Lee. Iames Hales Henrie Hussey Thomas Roydon ¶ The names of suche as be likewise prouided for E. 6. Ca. Syr Robert Southwell S. Iames Hales S. Walter Hendley S. George Harper S. Henrie Isley S. George Blage. Thomas Colepeper of Bedgebirie Iohn Colepeper of Ailesforde William Twisden Tho. Darrell of Scotney Robert Rudston Thomas Roberts Stephan Darrell Richard Couarte Christopher Blower Thomas Hendley Thomas Harman Thomas Louelace Thomas Colepeper The names of suche as be specified in the acte made for the like cause 5. Elizabeth Cap. Thomas Browne of Westbecheworthe in Surrey George Browne It were right woorthie the labour to learne the particulars and certeintie if it may be of all suche possessions as these men had at the times of these seuerall Statutes for that also wil be seruiceable in time to come Alexander Neuil Norwicus Sir Thomas Moore Knight in the hystorie of King Richard the thirde Mathewe Parker Archebishop of Canterbury in his Preface to the Booke de rebus gestis Aelfredi Regis The Brytaines The Scots pictes The SaxoÌ„s Iutes and Angles The Normans The seuen kingdomes Three sorts of Lawes in olde time The Lawes of our time These thinges be all handeled in the induction to the Topographical Dictionarie The author determined to haue written this treatise in latine Scituation of Kent Kent why so named The Aire The Soyle The Corne The Poulse The Pasture The woods fruits The Cattel Deere and Conyes No mynes The fishe The people Socage and Knightes seruice The Gentlemen The yeomeÌ„ The Artificers The first in habitation of England The errour of those whiche say that the Brytons weare Indigenae That is to say Ryders and to Ride An. mundi 2219. An. ante Christum 1142. Kent the first inhabited part of England Foure Kings in Kent But one King in Kent The first wasseling cuppe The issue of an vngodly mariage The Kings of Kent Ethelbert the King of Kent Eadric the King of Kent First name of Englishmen Beginning of Shires Lathes Hundreds Tythings Bosholder Tithingman Kent keepeth her olde customes Gauelkyn Meeting 〈◊〉 Swanescombe The Lathe of S. Augustines The Lathe of Scray or Sherwinhope The Late of Aylesford The Lathe of Sutton at Hone. Geffray of Monmouth Polydore The order of this description Flamines turned into Bishops LondoÌ„ spoiled of the Archebishopricke The increase of the Archebishopricke ConttentioÌ„ for the Primacie The Archebishoppes place in the generall counsell Wrastling for the primacie The end of the strife for the supremacie The ordre of this description of Kent No snakes in Tanet For Seax in their language signifieth a sword or axe or hatchet The occasion of the building of Minster Abbay For it was called Roma of Ruma a pappe or dugge S. Mildredâ— miracles Ippedsflete Stonor Earle Godwine and his sonnes The cause of Goodwyn Sandes The death of Earle Godwyne 1. Cursed bread The visions of Edward the confessour Epimenides did slepe 75 yeares 1. Loue Ly. or game for the whetstone Richeborow was sometime a Citie Sandwiche is not Rutupi The antiquitie of the Portes Whiche be the Fiue Portes â—â—iâ—â— wâ—re â—â—led 〈◊〉 â—lde 〈◊〉 ContentioÌ„ betweene Yarmouth and the fiue Portes Winchelsey first builded The good seruice of the .5 ports Muris ligneis querendam salutem The priuiledges of the 5. Ports The names of the Wardeins of the Fiue Portes Reliques of great price The auncient estate of Sandwiche Sandwiche spoyled brent The schole at Sandwiche The whole hystorie of the Danishe doings in England The continuance of the Danes in England The Danes all slaine in one night Saint Martins drunkeÌ„ feast Sweyn the Dane Hoctuesday Prouision of armour A Courtlie Sycophant A right popishe miracle King Henrie the 8. fortifieth his Realme Sandowne walmere The towne of Douer Godwine resisteth the King. Douer Castell Iuuenal in the ende of his 4. Satyre Odo the Earle of Kent Fynes the first Constable of Douer Castell and the beginning of Castlegard Estimatioâ— of Douer Castell Hubert of Brough a noble captaine Reparation of Douer Castell S. Martines in Douer ContentioÌ„ betweene the Râ—ligious persons for trifles Longchamp the lustie bishop of Ely. Religious houses in Douer The order of the Templers when it began The Pope and king Iohn fall our for Stephan Langton The Golden Bull. S. Eanswide and her miracles A popishe policie Folkestone spoiled The Hundred The Manor The Pontifical iusice of William Courtney the Archbishop Ostenhangar The Cause of the decay of Hauens in Kent Hyde miserably scourged The shortest passage betweene England Fraunce Thomas Becket grauÌ„teth a petition after his death Lord Wardein of the Portes Shipwey sometime a Hauâ—n towne The HaueÌ„ Limene the Towne Lymne The Riuer Limen now Rother Apledore The holy Maide of Kent Chap. 12. Butler the CoronatioÌ„ Pryorie at Bylsington Thomas Becket The Popes authoritie was abolished in England in the time of King Henrie the second Rumney Marâ—he The three steppes of Kent The order of this description The Danes doe spoile Fraunce England at one time The course of the Ryuer Lymen nowe Rother The first Carmelites in England Kent why so called The Weald was sometime a wildernesse This Benerth is the seruice which the tenaÌ„t doth with his Carte Ploughe The boundes of the Weald Fermes why so termed Townes named of the Riuers The College The Palaicâ— The Schole The Riuer of Medway and wherof it tooke the name The Riuer Aile or Eile The name of Harlot whereof it beganne Odo the Earle of Kent The auncient manner of the triall of right The Cleargie haue in croched vpon the Prince in the punishment of adulterie Abbaies do beget one another The vngrations Rood of Grace S. RuÌ„wald and his miracles For none might enter into the Temple of Ceres in Eleusis but such as were innocent The Natiuitie of S. Rumwald Kemsley Downe The Popish manner of preaching Popish purgatorie is deriued out of Poetrie Doncaster in the North CouÌ„trie The English shepe and wooll King Henry the eight fortfieth his Realme Monkes do contend with the King forceably The names of Townes framed out of the mouthes of Riuers The corruption of our English speach The Riuer called WaÌ„tsume The order of this description The decay of the olde Englishe tongue The Archebishops were well housed Prouision of armourâ— The names of Lathes and of Wapentakes The Priuileges of high waies The order of this description S. Gregories in Canterburi first builded Reliques King Iohn yealdeth to the Pope The Barons warre The Popes reuenue in England A ParleameÌ„t without the Cleargie The traiterous behauiour of Robert of Winchelsey the Archebishop Polidore was the Popes creature King Edward the first claymeth supremacie ouer the Clergie The olde and newe manner of wrecke
at the Kings handes The King hearing the complaint ment to make correction of the fault but the Townesmen also had complained themselues to Godwine who determining vnaduisedly to defend his clients and seruauntes opposed himselfe violently against the King his Leige Lord and Maister To bee short the matter waxed within a while so hote betwéene them that either side for maintenance of their cause arraied and conducted a great armie into the field Godwine demaunded of the King that Eustace might be deliuered vnto him the King cōmaunded Godwine that armes laide aside hee would answere his disobedience by order of the Lawe and in the ende Godwine was banished the Realme by the sentence of the King and Nobilitie wherevpon hee and his Sonnes fled ouer the Sea and neuer ceassed to vnquiet the King and spoyle his subiects til they were reconciled to his fauour and restored to their auncient estate and dignitie This towne was so sore wasted with fire soone after the comming in of King William the Conquerour that it was wholly saue onely nine and twentie dwelling houses consumed and brought to ashes And in the time of King Edward the first also whiles two of the Popes Cardinales were here in the treatie of an attonement to be made betwéene England and Fraunce the Frenchemen landed at Douer in a right and burned a great part of the towne and some of the religious buildings So that in those times it was muche empayred by those misfortunes But nowe in our memorie what by decay of the hauen whiche King Henrie the eight to his great charge but that all in vayne sought to restore and what by the ouerthrowe of the religious houses and losse of Calaice it is brought in maner to miserable nakednesse and decaye whiche thing were the lesse to be pitied if it were not accompanyed with the ruine of the Castell it selfe the decay whereof is so much the more grieuous as the fame therof is with our ancient stories aboue al other most blasing glorious The Castell of Douer sayth Lidgate and Rosse was firste builded by Iulius Caesar the Romane Emperour in memorie of whome they of the Castell kept till this day certeine vessels of olde wine and salte whiche they affirme to be the remayne of suche prouision as he brought into it As touching the whiche if they be natural and not sophisticate I suppose them more likely to haue béene of that store whiche Hubert de Burghe layde in there of whome I shall haue cause to say more hereafter But as concerning the building bycause I finde not in Caesar his owne Commentaries mention of any fortification that he made within the Realme I thinke that the more credible reporte whiche ascribeth the foundation to Aruiragus a King of the Britons of whome Iuuenal the Poet hath mention saying to the Emperour Nero in this wise Regem aliquem capies aut de temone Britanno Excidet Aruiragus c. Some King thou shalt a captaine take or els from Bryttishe wayne Shall Aruiragus tumble downe And of whome others write that he founde suche fauour in the eye of Claudius the Emperour that he obtained his daughter to wife But whosoeuer were the authour of this Castell Mathewe Parise writeth that it was accounted in his time which was vnder the reigne of King Henry the third Clauis Repagulum totius Regni the very locke and key of the whole Realme of England And truly it séemeth to me by that which I haue read of King William the Conquerour that he also thought no lesse of it For at suche time as Harold being in Normandie with him whether of purpose or against his will I leaue as I finde it at large made a corporall othe to put him in possession of the Crowne after the death of King Edwarde It was one parcell of his othe that he should deliuer vnto him this castell and the Well within it The same King had no soner ouerthrowne Harolde in the fielde and reduced the Londoners to obedience but foorthwith he marched with his armie towarde Douer as to a place of greatest importaunce and spéede in that iourney as is already declared Not long after whiche time also when he had in his owne opinion peaceably established the gouernment of this Realme and was departed ouer into Normandie of purpose to commit the order of that countrie to Robert his sonne diuers of the shyre of Kent knowing right well howe muche it might annoy him to lose Douer conspired with Eustace the Earle of Boloine for the recouerie and surprise of the same And for the better atchieuing of their desire it was agréed that the Earle should crosse the seas in a night by them appointed at whiche time they woulde not faile with all their force to méete him and so ioyning handes soudainly assayle and enter it They met accordingly and marched by darke night toward the Castell well furnished with scaling ladders but by reason that the watch had discried them they not only fayled of that whiche they intended but also fell into that whiche they neuer feared for the Souldiours within the Castell to whome Odo the Bishop of Borieux and Hughe Mountfort which then were with the King in Normandie had committed the charge thereof kept them selues close and suffered the assaylants to approche the wall and then whiles they disorderly attempted to scale it they set wide open their gates and made a soudaine salie out of the péece and set vpon them with suche furie that they compelled Eustace with a fewe others to returne to his Shippe the reste of his companie béeing eyther slayne by the sworde destroyed by fall from the Clyffe or deuoured by the Sea. The same King also béeing worthely offended with the disobedience auarice and ambition of Odo his bastarde brother whome he had promoted to the Bishopricke of Borieux and to the Earldome of Kent for that he had not onely by rauine and extortion raked together greate masses of Golde and treasure whiche he caused to be grounde into fine pouder and filling therewith dyuers pottes and crockes had sounk them in the bottomes of Riuers intending therwithall to haue purchased the Papacie of Rome But also bycause he refused to render vnto him the Countie of Kent and was suspected for aspiring to the Crowne of this Realme consulted with Lanfranc the Archebishop of Canterburye and a professed enemie to Odo howe hée might safely and without offence to the Ecclesiasticall estate for that hée was a Bishoppe bothe conteyne that treasure within the Realme and also deteyne hys person from going into Italie whether warde he bothe addressed him selfe with all speede and gathered for his trayne great troupes of valiaunt and seruiceable men out of euerie quarter Lanfranc counseled the King to commit him to safe custodie and for his defence armed him with this pretie shift If it be layde to your charge quoth he that you haue layde violent handes vpon a sacred Bishop Say that you
waxe grow as well in the bush of haire that it had on the head as also in the length and stature of the members and bodie it selfe By meanes whereof it came to passe that whereas the fruites of the Benefice weare hardly able to susteine the Incumbent nowe by the benefite of this inuention which was in papistrie Nouum genus aucupij the Parson there was not onely furnished by the offering to liue plentifully but also well ayded towarde the makinge of a Hoorde or increase of Wealthe and Riches But as Ephialtes and Octus the Sonnes of Neptune who as the Poets feigne waxed nine inches euerie moneth being heaued vp with opinion and conceits ceipt of their owne length and hantines assaulted heauen intending to haue pulled the Gods out of their places and were therefore shot through slayne with the arrowes of the Gods Euen so when Popish Idolatrie was growne to the full height and measure so that it spared not to rob God of his due honour and most violently to pull him as it were out of his seate then this growing Idole and all his fellowes were so deadly wounded with the heauenly arrowes of the woorde of God Qui non dabit gloriam suam sculptilibus that soone after they gaue vp the ghost and least vs. Betwéene this Towne and Depeforde which is the whole bredthe of the Shyre on the west ende I finde nothing committed to hystorie and therefore let vs hast and take our next way thither ¶ Depeforde in Latine Vadum profundum and in auncient Euidences West Greenewiche THis towne being a frontier betwene Kent and Surrey was of none estimation at all vntil that King Henrie the eight aduised for the better preseruation of the Royall Fléete to erect a Storehouse and to create certaine officers there these he incorporated by the name of the Maister and Wardeines of the Holie Trinitie for the building kéeping and conducting of the Nauie Royall There was lately reedefied a fayre Bridge also ouer the Brooke called Rauensbourne whiche ryseth not farre of in the Heath aboue Bromley ¶ Greenewiche in Latine Viridis finus in Saxon grenapic that is to say the Greene Towne In auncient euidences Eastgreenewiche for difference sake from Depforde which in olde Instruments is called westgreenewiche IN the time of the turmoyled Kinge Ethelred the whole fléete of the Danish army lay at roade two or thrée yeares together before Greenewich And the Souldiours for the moste parte were incamped vpon the hill aboue the towne now called Black-health Duringe this time they pearced this whole Countrie sacked and spoyled the Citie of Canterburie and brought frō thence to their ships Aelphey the Archbishop And here a Dane called Thrum whom the Archebishop had confirmed in Christianitie the daie before strake him on the head behinde and slewe him because he woulde not condiscend to redéeme his lyfe with thrée thousande poundes which the people of the Citie Diocesse were contented to haue geuen for his raunsome Neither would the rest of the Souldiours suffer his bodie to be committed to the earth after the maner of Christian decencie till such time saieth William of Malmsb as they perceiued that a dead stick being annointed with his bloud waxed gréene againe and began the next day to blossom But referring the credite of that and suche other vnfruitfull miracles wherwith our auncient monkish stoaries doe swarme to the iudgement of the godly and discréete Readers most assured it is that aboute the same time such was the storme and furie of the Danish insatiable rauine waste spoyle and oppression with in this Realme besides that of two and thirtie Shyres into which number the whole was then diuided they herried and ransacked sixtéene so that the people being miserably vexed the Kinge himselfe to auoyde the rage first sent ouer the Seas his wyfe and children afterward compounded and gaue them a yerely tribute and lastly for verie feare forsooke the Realme and fled into Normandie himselfe also They receiued besides daylie victuall fourtie eight thousande poundes in ready coyne of the subiectes of this Realme whilest their King Swein lyued twentie one thousand after his death vnder his sonne Canutus vpon the payment whereof they made a corporall oth to serue the King as his feodaries against al strangers and to liue as fréendes and allies without endamaging his subiectes But how litle they perfourmed promise the harms that daily folowed in sundry parts and the exalting of Canutus their owne countrieman to the honour of the Crowne were sufficient witnesses In memorie of this Campe certeine places within this parishe are at this day called Combes namely Estcombe Westcombe and Midlecombe almoste forgotten For Comb and Compe in Saxon being somewhat declined from Campus in Latine signifieth a field or Campe for an Armie to soiourne in And in memorie of this Archebishop Aelpheg the parish Church at Greenewiche being at the first dedicated to his honour remaineth knowne by his name euen till this present day Thus much of the antiquitie of the place concerning the latter hystorie I reade that it was soone after the conquest parcel of the possessions of the Bishop of Lysieux in Fraunce and that it bare seruice to Odo then Bishop of Baieux and Earle of Kent After that the Manor belonged to the Abbat of Gaunt in Flaunders till such time as Kinge Henrie the fift seising into his handes by occasion of warre the landes of the Priors Aliens bestowed it togeather with the manor of Lewsham and many other lands also vpon the Priorie of the Chartrehouse Monks of Shene whiche he had then newly erected to this it remayned vntill the time of the reigne of Kinge Henrie the eight who annexed it to the Crowne whervnto it now presently belongeth The Obseruant Friers that sometime lyued at Greenewiche as Iohn Rosse writeth came thither about the latter end of the reign of king Edward the fourth at whose handes they obteined a Chauntrie with a litle Chapel of the holy crosse a place yet extant in the towne And as Lilley saith Kinge Henrie the seuenth buylded for them that house adioyning to the Palaice which is there yet to be séene But now least I may séeme to haue saide much of small matters and to haue forgotten the principall ornament of the towne I must before I end with Greenewiche say somewhat of the Princes Palaice there Humfrey therefore the Duke of Gloucester Protectour of the Realme a man no lesse renowmed for approued vertue and wisdome then honoured for his high estate and parentage was the first that layde the foundations of the faire building in the towne and towre in the Parke and called it his Manor of pleasance After him Kinge Edward the fourthe bestowed some cost to enlarge the woorke Henrie the seuenthe folowed and beautified the house with the addition of the brick front toward the water side but King Henrie the eight as he excéeded all his progenitours
for Hy ðrittig to the thither same place for them thirtie mancys goldes markes of golde and and aenne one sÆ¿eor collar neckbracelet beaH on of feoÆ¿ertig fourtie mancysan markes and and a ane cuppan Cuppe seolfrene of syluer and and Healfne a halfe head band couered with golde baend gyldenne bend gilden And And caelce euerie geare yeare to at Heora their gemynde mynde yeares mynde tÆ¿egra two daga feorme dayes ferme from rent corne and victuall of of HaeslHolte Haselholte and and tÆ¿egra of Æ¿oðringaberan and ij of baerlingan two dayes of from Watringbery and two dayes out of Berling and ij of HaeringeardesHam and two dayes out of Hertesham And to cristes circan And to Christes church lx 60. mancys goldes markes of golde xxx þam biscope thirtie to the Bishop Archebishop and and xxx þam Hirode thirtie to the Couent And And aenne a sÆ¿eor necke beaH bracelet collar on of lxxx 80. mancys markes and and tÆ¿a two cuppan cuppes seolfrene of syluer and and þaet the land aet land at MeapaHam Mepham And And to to Sct. Sainct Augustine Augustine xxx 30. mancys markes goldes of golde and and ij two cuppan cuppes seolfrene of syluer and and Healfne halfe a baend bend gyldene gilt And And þaet the land land aet at derentan Darnt byrHÆ¿ara to Byrware His for daeg his life dayes And And aefter after Hire his daege dayes into to Sct. Sainct Andree Androes for for unc vs and and uncre our yldran elders auncetors And And barlâ—ngas Berling to Æ¿ulfeHe Wulfee and and He he selle .x. shall giue a Hund peninga thousand pence into Sct. to Sainct Andree Androes for for unc vs and and uncre our yldran elders And And Æ¿ulfsie to Wulfsie Æ¿oðringabiras Wateringbyrye innon within ê§ that gecynde kinred And And syrede HeselHolt innon ê§ gecende to Syred Haselholt within that And Æ¿ulfege and Aelfege And to Wulfei and Elfey His his breðer brother HerigeardesHam Hartesham innon within ê§ that gecynde kinred to to Æ¿ulfege Wulfee ê§ the inland inland demeanes and and Aelfege to Elfey ê§ Ã»tland the outland tenancie And And Æ¿ulfstane to Wulfstane uccan Vcca Æ¿olcnestede Walkenstede innon within ê§ that gecynd kinred And And an a Hanðsecs hatchet dagger on of ðrym three pundan pounds And þa tyn Hyda on Straettune And those ten plowlands at Streiton into to þaem the mynstre mynster church to at Æ¿olcnestede Walkenstede And ê§ land aet fealcanHam And the land at Falcham aftre after byrHÆ¿ara Byrwares daege dayes into to Sct. Sainct Angree Androes for for Aelfric Elfrices Hire soule Hlaford their Lord and His yldran and his auncetors sÆ¿a euen Heora as their cÆ¿ide will Æ¿aes was And And bromleaH Brumley aeftre after briHtÆ¿ara Britwares daege into dayes to life Sct. Sainct Andree Androes sÆ¿a as Aelfric Elfric Hyre their Hlaford Lorde it Hit becÆ¿aeð bequeathed for for Hine him and and His yldran his elders auncetors And And Snodingeland Snodland eac also into to S. Andree aeftre Hire daege sÆ¿a Aelfere Hit becÆ¿aeð Sainct Androes after their dayes euen as Elfere it bequethed Aelfrices faeder and He seoðan on geÆ¿itnesse Eadgife being Elfrices father and he afterward in the witnesse hearing presence of Edgiue ðaere the Hlaefdian Ladie and and Odan of Odo Aercebisceopes the Archebishop and and Aelfeges of Elfey Aelfstanes Elfstanes sunu sonne and and Aelfrices of Elfric His his broðor brother and and Aelfnoþes pilian of Elfnothe pilia and godÆ¿ines aet faecHam and of Godwine of Facham and and of Eadrices Eadric aet of Ho. Hoo and and Aelfsies of Elfsie the preostes priest on of Crogdaene Croyden And And Æ¿ulfstane to Wulfstane lx 60. mancas markes goldes of gold to to daelanne deale for for unc vs and and uncre our yldran and elders and oðer other sÆ¿ile suche 60. mâ—rkes Æ¿ulfsige to Wulfsie to to daelanne deale betweene God and them be it and and Haebban haue Heom they Æ¿ið with god God gemaene together gif if Hy they Hit it ne do don not And And Æ¿ulfsige tydices eg to Wulfsie Titaesey and and ðam boc the writing innon within ê§ that gecynde kindred ij spuran on iij pundaÌ„ And ic bidde and two spurres of three pound And I pray for for godes Gods lufan loue minne my deere leofan leefe Hlaford ê§ He ne Lorde that he doe not þafige suffer ê§ aenig man uncerne cÆ¿ide aÆ¿ende that any man our testament doe breake turne aside And And ic I bidde praye ealle all godes Gods freond friendes ê§ Hi Æ¿Hrto filstan that they thereto helpe Haebbe Æ¿ið god gaemaene Æ¿e Hit brece god Haue they it with God together Betweene them and God be it that it do breake and God sy Him symle milde þe Hit Healdan be to them alwayes mylde mercifull that it holde keepe Æ¿ille will. It shall suffice for the moste parte of the matters worthy obseruation in this Testament that I haue already poynted at them with the finger as it were for that they appeare and shew themselues manifestly at the firste sight Onely therefore touching the estate and degree of this Testator I wyll for the more light and discouery thereof borrow a few wordes of you He himself here calleth Aelfric his Lord natural Lord saieth further that Aelfere was Father to this Aelfric Now what Aelfere Aelfric were it is not hard to finde for all our auncient Hystorians tell vs that in the dayes of King Edgar of King Edward the Martyr of King Ethelred these men were by birth cousines of the bloud royall by state Eorles which word we yet reteine in English and which we commonly cal Comites in Latine for that at the first they were parteners and companions as I may say with the King in takeing the profits of the Shyre or Countie that they were also by dignitie Ealdormen that is Senators and Gouernours of all Mercia or midle England And finally that they were of such great power and credit that Alfer the Father immediatly after the death of King Edgar restored al such priests thorowout midle England to their houses as the King by aduice of Dunstane the Monke had in his lyfe expulsed for the placeing of his Monks And that Aelfric the sonne resisted king Ethelred in that siege of Rochester whereof you heard when we were there For as much therefore as Aelfric was Hlaford or Lorde to our Testator and that Hlaford and Ãegn that is to say Lorde and Seruiteur be woordes of relation I gather that he was Ãegn which signifieth properly a Minister or frée Seruiteur to the Kinge or some great personage but vsually at those times taken for the verie same that we call now of the Latine woord Gentilis a Gentleman that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a man wel borne or of a good stock and familie Neither doth it detract any thing from his Gentrie at al that I said he was a Minister or Seruiteur For I meane not thereby that he was Seruus whiche woord straightly
A Perambulation of Kent Conteining the description Hystorie and Customes of that Shyre Collected and written for the most part in the yeare 1570. by William Lambard of Lincolnes Inne Gent. and nowe increased by the addition of some things which the Authour him selfe hath obserued since that time Iuuat immemorata ferentem Ingeniis oculisque legi manibusque teneri ¶ Imprinted at London for Ralphe Nevvberie dwelling in Fleetestreete a litle aboue the Conduit Anno. 1576. ¶ To his Countriemen the Gentlemen of the Countie of Kent THis Booke faire written in gifte lately sent vnto mee doo J fayre printed by dedication now sende and commend vnto you I knowe not in respect of the place vnto whom I may more fitly thus send it then vnto you that are eyther bred wel brought vp here or by the goodnesse of God and your own good prouision are well setled here and here lawfullye possesse or are neere vnto sundrie of those things that this booke specially speaketh of and thus as of your selfes doe you see what they are now and thus as of this booke may you knowe why they were and by whome they were and what they were long agone I knowe not in respect of the persons vnto whoÌ„ I may more fitly thus send it then vnto you with whome I haue ben best and longest acquainted from whoÌ„ by points of singular courtesie I haue been many wayes muche pleasured Toward whom for the generall coniunction and association of your minds and your selfes in good amitie and familiaritie one toward an other and all in good zeale towarde the aduancement of Christian religioÌ„ and for the indifferent and discrete course ye keepe in handling and compounding such controuersies as many times fall and thereby in nourishing peace a Iewel most precious betwene your honest and tractable neighbours things vnto almightie God very acceptable vnto her Maiestie very gratfull vnto your countrie very fruitful vnto your selfes very commendable Towarde whom I say for these causes which as a member of this CouÌ„tie with others I see ioyfully and generally and for the two first causes which deriued froÌ„ you light vpon me self particularly I haue ben and am and must be very louingelye affected I know not how I may more fitly and effectually commend it theÌ„ to say that it is in substance an hystorie treating of the partes and actions of greatest weight a good time together done by the most famous persons of one speciall Countrie fet froÌ„ great antiquitie which many men are much delighted with out of sundry bookes with great studie collected painfully by this authoure in the matter set out truely with good words wel placed eloquently In commendation of this booke vpon a fit occasion the like in a manner is in Latine lately written by a Gentleman of our Countrie knowne to be very honest and I thinke very well learned and so vnder the authoritie of his good iudgement may I without blame the more boldly coÌ„mend it vnto you What vtilitie foloweth the studie of Hystories many of them haue well declared that haue published hystories writteÌ„ by theim selfes or haue set out Hystories written by others And therefore already sufficiently done I neede not vnlearned mee selfe I can not therein say muche And yet thus much I may breefely say and fit for the thing I haue in hande me thinketh I muste needes say that the sacred word of Almightie God alwayes excepted there is nothing either for our instruction more profitable or to our mindes more delectable or within the compasse of common vnderstanding more easie or facile then the studie of hystories nor that studie for none estate more meete theÌ„ for the estate of Gentlemen nor for the Gentlemen of Englande no Hystorie so meete as the Hystorie of England For the dexteritie that men haue eyther in prouiding for theimselfes or in comforting their freendes two very good things or in seruing their King and Countrie of all outward things the best thing doth rest cheefly vpon their awne other folks experience which I may assuredly accompt for in an hystorie in our tong as wel written as any thing euer was or I thinke euer shal be great experience deriued froÌ„ a proofe of two such things as prosperitie and aduersitie be vpon a fit occasioÌ„ vnder the person of a very wisemaÌ„ is rightly accouÌ„ted to be the very mother and maistres of wisdome Now that that a number of folkes doth generally is much more then that that any one of vs can do specially and so by other folks experieÌ„ce are we taught largely and that that other folkes for their King their couÌ„trie theimselfes their friends like good men do vertuously ought to prouoke vs with good deuotion inwardly to loue theim with good words openly much to commende theim and in their vertuous actions rightly to folow theim And that that other folkes against their King their countrie their friends and so against theim selfes like foolish men do ignorantly or like leude men do wickedly ought to moue vs first as our neighbours Christianly to bewaile theim and theÌ„ as by presidents of peril procured through their awne follies and faults dutifully and wisely to beware by thâ—m And so by these mens experience which like the burnt childe that then too late the fire dreadthe with much repentaunce they bye deerely are we taught and brought out of daÌ„ger to settle our selues as it were in a seate of suretie Thus you see what experience doth and thus you see where other folkes experience is to be had which for the good estate of England resting chiefly vpon the good iudgement and seruice of the Gentlemen of England is as J thinke most properly fet from the Hystorie of England And this for this purpose I say bothe vnto you my country men the Gentlemen of this Countie a portion of the Realme specially and to al the Gentlemen of the whole Realme beside generally There resteth that for this booke whiche I doe vpon these respectes thus send and with these reasons thus commende vnto you we shoulde vnto the Authour William Lambard yeelde oure verye hartie and perpetuall thankes as oure Country man in our wordes and deedes louingly vse him as a man learned duely esteeme him for a late very well learned and reuerend father hath publiquely and rightly so reputed him as a Gentleman religious and very honest make righte accompt of him whiche for my parte I thinke meete to do and meane to do and for your partes I desire heartely you should do and I hope assuredly you will do And if by you he might and woulde be moued at his good leysure to doe as muche for all the rest of the Counties of this Realme generally as he hathe done for this Countie specially toward whiche J knowe by great paine and good cost he hath alredy vnder the title of a Topographical dictionarie gathered together greate store of very good matter himselfe the Authour of it were worthy
the Kings fauour their owne power pollicie and possession contemned all other and forgate them selues abusing the simplicitie of the King by euill counsel treading vnder foote the nobilitie by great disdaine and oppressing the common people by insatiable rauine extortion and tirannie So that immediatly and at once they pulled vpon their heades the heauie displeasure of the Prince the immortall hatred of the noble men and the bitter execration and curse of the common sort Whereupon the king for a season banished them the nobles neuer after liked them and the poore people not onely railed vpon them while they liued but also by deuised tales as the manner is laboured to make them hatefull to all posteritie after their death And amongst other things touching Godwyne him selfe they feygned that he was choked at Winchester or Windsore as others say for liers can not lightly agrée with a morsel of bread and that this his land in Kent sonke sodainly into the Sea. Neyther were these things continued in memory by the mouths of the vnlearned people only but committed to writing also by the hands and pens of Monkes Frears and others of the learned sort So that in course of time the matter was past all peraduenture and the things belieued for vndoubted veritie But whatsoeuer hath bene heretofore thought of these matters hauing now iust occasion offered mee to treate of the thing I wil not spare to speake that which I haue red in some credible writers and whiche I doe thinke méete to be beléeued of all indifferent readers Siluester Giraldus in his Itinerarie of Wales and many others doe write that about the end of the reigne of King William Rufus or the beginning of Henrie the first there was a sodaine and mightie inundation of the Sea by the which a great part of Flaunders and of the lowe countries thereabout was drenched and lost so that many of the inhabitants being thereby expulsed from their seates came ouer into England and made suite to the same King Henrie for some place of dwelling within his dominion The King pitying their calamitie and séeing that they might bee profitable to his Realme by instructing his people in the art of clothing wherein at that time they chiefly excelled first placed them about Carlile in the North countrie and afterwarde vpon cause remoued them to Rosse and Hauerford in Wales Now at the same tyme that this happened in Flaunders the like harme was done in sundry places bothe of England and Scotland also as Hector Boethius the Scottishe hystoriographer moste plainly writeth affirming that amongst other this place being sometyme of the possession of the Earle Godwine was then first violently ouerwhelmed with a light sande wherewith it not onely remayneth couered euer since but is become withall Nauium gurges vorago a most dreadfull gulfe and shippe swalower This thing as I cannot but marueil how it hath escaped the penns of our own countrie writers the rather for that some of them liuing about that time haue mention of that harme in the lowe countrie so I sticke not to accept it for assured trueth considering either the auctority of the writer him selfe being a diligent and learned man or the circumstances of the thing that he hathe left written beeing in it selfe both reasonable likely And thus I might wel make an end but because I haue alredy takē occasiō to accuse thē of forgerie which affirme Godwine to haue bene choked at the bourde I trust it shal be no great offence though beside purpose yet for declaration of the trueth to rehearse shortly what some credible storiers haue reported of that matter also And to the end that the trueth may appeare by collation of the diuers reportes I will first shewe what the common opinion and tale of his death is and then afterward what these other men write concerning the same Ealred the Abbat of Ryuauxe who tooke paynes to pen the hystorie of the same King Edwardes whole life and of whom all others as I thinke learned this tale saith that while the King and Godwyne sate at the table accompanied with others of the Nobilitie it chaunced the Cupbearer as he brought wyne to the bourd to slip with the one foote and yet by good strength of his other legge to recouer him self without falling whiche thing the Earle earnestly marking sayde pleasantly that There one brother had wel helped another mary quoth the King so might me mine ne haddest thou bene Earle Godwine casting in his dishe the murder of his brother Alfred which was done to death at Elie by the counsell of Godwine as hereafter in fitte place for it shall appeare Hereat the Earle was sore moued and thinking it more then time to make his purgation tooke a morsell of bread into his hand and praying with great and vehement obtestation that it might choke him if he by any meanes caused the slaughter or consēted thereto he put the bread into his mouth and was immediatly strangled therewithall Some write that this bread was before accursed by Wulstane the holy Bishop of Worcester after a certain manner then vsed called Corsned as in the table to the Saxons lawes is to be séene But this Ealred affirmeth that after the woords spoken by the Earle the King him selfe blessed the bread with the signe of the crosse And therfore these men agrée aswel together as blessing and cursing be one like to another But letting that and them passe heare I beséech you what Alfred of Beuerley a learned man that liued in the time of King Henry the first somewhat before this Abbat Ealred saith touching this matter Godwinus graui morbo ex improuiso percussus ac Regi ad mensam Wyntoniae assidens mutus in ipsa sede declinauit ac postea in camerā Regis a filijs deportatus moritur Quidam autem dicunt c. Godwine being sodainly strickē with a grieuous disease as he sate at the table with the King at Winchester fel down from his stoole and was carried by his sonnes into the Kings chamber where he dyed but some say that he was choked c. And to the same effect writeth Marianus the Scot. Simeon also the Chaunter of Durham whiche liued about the time of this Alfred or rather before him treating of this matter hath these wordes Godwinus graui morbo percussus in ipsa sede declinauit post horas quinque moritur Godwyne being taken with a grieuous disease dropped down from the place where he sate and dyed within fiue houres after Thus these men reporte another manner of his death the one vsing no mention at all of any accursed breade and the other reciting it but as a tale And for the more plaine detection of the deceipt of this Abbat he that wil read the second booke of William Malmes De Regibus shall finde that the occasion and introduction of this matter I meane the slipping of the Kings Cupbearer and the speache that procéeded
William Becley in the reigne of King Henrie the sixt But nowe lately to repaire the losse of that dissolution Maister Roger Manwoode a man borne in the Towne and aduaunced by vertue and good learning to the degrée of a Serieant at the Lawe hathe for the increase of Godlinesse and good letters erected and endowed a faire Free Schoole there from whence there is hope that the common wealth shall reape more profite after a fewe yeares then it receaued commoditie by the Carmelites since the time of their first foundation This only is that whiche I had to say either of the present or passed estate of this place whiche done I will procéede to the narration of suche other thinges as long since happened thereaboutes partly for the illustration of the antiquitie of the towne partly for the setting forth of the cōmoditie of the hauen but chiefly for the obseruation of the order whiche I haue beegonne whiche is to pretermitte nothing woorthie note that I finde in stoarie concerning the place that I take in hand But bycause that whiche I haue to say dependeth altogether or for the greater parte vpon the Hystorie of the Danes whiche many yeares together disquieted this land it shal bée fitte aswell for the better explication of the thinges presently in hand as also for the more easie vnderstanding of other matters that must hereafter followe to disclose so compendiously as I may the first beginning procéeding and ending of the Danishe affaires warres and troubles within this Realme Aboute the yeare after Christe seuen hundreth foure score and seuen thrée vessels of the Northe East Countrie men whose ancestors had before within the compasse of one hundrethe and fourtie yeares sacked Rome in Italie foure seuerall times and whose ofspring afterward wonne Normandie from the Frenche King shewed them selues vpon the westerne shoare of England being sent before hand as it is supposed to espie the cōmoditie of the hauens the aduauntage of arriual the wealthe and force of the inhabitants to the end to prepare the way for greater powers then were appoin to followe These had no sooner set some of their men on lande but the Reeue or officer or Beorhtricke or Brictricke then King of the West Saxons had knowledge therof who came vnto them and demaunding the cause of their arriual would haue carried them to the Kings presence but they in their resistance slewe him wherevpon the people of the Countrie adioyning addressed themselues to reuenge and assembling in great numbers beate them backe to their ships not without the losse of some of their company And this was the first attempt that euer the Danes for so our hystories cal by one general name the Danes Norwais Gottes Vandals others of that part made vpon England after whiche tyme what horrible inuasions miseries calamities and oppressions followed shall appeare anone Not long after this enterprise a fewe ships of them made the lyke assay in Scotland and within short space after that also some other of them entred Tynemouth Hauen in the North parte of England and taking some small booties retourned to their vessels Now by this experiment they had gained sufficient knowledge of that for whiche they first came therefore thinking it fit tyme to assay further they rigged vp a greater numbre of ships armed more store of chosen souldiers entred the Riuer of Thamise with fiue and thirtie sayle landed in despight of the people fired spoyled herried and preuailed so farre that Egbert who then had the Monarchie ouer all England was faine to come with all his power to the reliefe and rescue But suche was the will of God for the punishement of Idolatrie and superstition which then ouerwhelmed this Realme that the Danes in stead of being discomfited by the Kings repaire were merueilously encouraged by his misfortune For after that they had once gotten the better in the field against him they were so embouldened therby that notwithstanding he afterward and some other valiant Princes following by great prowesse abated their furie in parte yet adioyning themselues to the Britons that then were in great emnitie with the Saxons and swarming hither out of their owne Countrie in such flightes that the number of the slaine was continually supplied with greate aduauntage they neuer ceassed to infeste the Realme by the space of thrée hundreth yeares and more during the reignes of fiftéene seuerall Kings till at the last they had made Etheldred flye ouer into Normandie leaue them his Kingdome During all whiche time howe mightely their forces increased vnder Hinguar Hubba Halfden Guthrum Aulaf and Hasten their Nauie being rysen from thrée ships to thrée hundrethe and fiftie at the least howe pitiously the East West Southe and Northe parts of the Realme were wasted the townes Cities religious houses and Monasteries of eache quarter being consumed with flames howe miserably the common people were afflictted men women and children on all sides going to wracke by their tempestuous furie howe marueilously the Kings were amased the arriualles of these their enemies being no lesse sudaine then violent howe barbarously the monuments of good learning were defaced the same suffering more by the immanitie of this one brutishe Nation then by all the warres and conquestes of the Pictes Scots Romanes and Saxons and finally how furiously fire and swoord famine and pestilence raged in euery place God and men Heauen and the elements conspiring as it were the fatall destruction of the Realme I may not here stand to prosecute particularly but leauing eache thing to fitte place I will procéede with King Etheldred and so to my purpose This man aboue all other was so distressed by their continual inuasions that since he wanted force to make his longer defence he thought it best to giue money for their continuall peace And therefore charging his people with importable tributes he first gaue them at fiue seuerall payes 113000. l. afterward promised thē 48000. yearely hoping that for asmuch as they seemed by the manner of their warre rather to séeke his coyne then his kingdome to rob then to rule at the least this way to haue satisfied their hunger but like as the stone called Syphinus the more it is moisted the harder it waxeth so no giftes could quenche the golden thirste of these gréedie raueners but the more was brought to appease them the more stonie and inexorable they shewed thēselues neuer ceassing euen against promises othes hostages to execute their accustomed crueltie Herevpon King Etheldred hauing nowe exhausted the whole treasure of his Realme and therefore more vnable then euer he was either by power or praier to help himself or to relieue his subiectes determined by a fine policie as he thought to deliuer bothe the one and the other For whiche purpose by the aduise of one Huna the generall of his armie he wrote letters to eache part of the Realme commaunding that vpon S. Brices day which is the morowe after Sainct
had them in great admiration and reuerence hee desired the King that either he would send them out of the Realme or be contented to winke at the matter if any his friends for the loue of him and suertie of his estate should procure to dispatche them The King somewhat prouoked by feare of his owne peril though nothing desirous of their destruction eueÌ„ as a litle water throwen into the fire increaseth the flame so by a colde denial gaue courage to the attempt therfore Thunner espying fitte time slewe the children and buried their bodies in the Kings Halle vnder the clothe of his estate But it was not long but there appâ—ared in the house a bright shining piller replenishing eache corner with suche terrible and fearefull light that the seruauntes shriked at the sight thereof and by their noyse awaked the King who as soone as hee sawe it was touched with the conscience of the murther wherevnto he had a litle before in hart consented calling in great haste for Thunner examined him straightly what was become of the children and when he had learned the trueth he became moste sorowfull and penitent therfore charging himselfe with the whole crime of their deathes for that it lay wholly in him to haue saued their liues Then sent he for Deodat the Archebishop and desired to vnderstand by him what was best to be done for expiatioÌ„ of the fault this good father thinking to haue procured some gaine to his Church by veneration of the dead bodies if happely he might haue gotteÌ„ them thither persuaded the King to incoffen them to commit them to honourable buriall in Christeschurche at Canterbury but saith mine Author when the hearse was readie it would not be moued by any force toward that Church as truly I thinke as the crosse of Waltham with twelue Oxen and so many Kyne could not be stirred any other way but toward the place appointed or as the Image of Berecinthia which the Romanes had brought out of Asia could not be remoued till the Vestal virgin Claudia had set to her hand Hereupon the companie assayed to conuey it to Sainct Augustines but that all in vaine also at the last they agreed to leade it to the Monasterie of Watrine and then forsoothe it passed as lightly saith he as if nothing at al had béene within it The obsequies there honourably perfourmed the King gaue the place where this vision appeared to his sister Ermenburga who hauing a longing desire to become a veiled Nonne had a litle before abandoned her housbands bed and chusing out seuentie other women for her companie erected there a Monasterie to the name and honour of these two murthered Brethren William of Malmesbury addeth moreouer that the King gaue the whole Isle of Thanet also to his Mother to appease the wrathe that she had conceaued for the losse of her Children Dele Dela in Latine after Leland I coniecture that it tooke the name of the Saxon woord þille whiche is a plaine flooer or leuel by reason that it lyeth flat and leuel to the Sea. THe Chronicles of Douer as Leland reporteth for I neuer sawe them haue mencion that Iulius Caesar being repulsed from Douer arriued at this place and arraied his armie at Baramdowne whiche thing how wel it may stand with Caesars owne reporte in his coÌ„mentaries I had rather leaue to others to decide then take vpon me to dispute being wel contented where certentie is not euident to allowe of coniectures not altogether vehement Only of this I am well assured that King Henrie the eight hauing shaken of the intollerable yoke of the Popishe tyrannie and espying that the Emperour was offended for the diuorce of Queene Katherine his wife and that the Frenche King had coupled the Dolphine his Sonne to the Popes Niece and maried his daughter to the King of Scots so that he might more iustly suspect them all then safely trust any one determined by the aide of God to stand vpon his owne gardes and defence and therefore with all spéede and without sparing any cost he builded Castles platfourmes and blocke-houses in all néedefull places of the Realme And amongest other fearing least the ease and aduauntage of descending on land at this part should giue occasion and hardinesse to the enemies to inuade him he erected neare together thrée fortifications whiche might at all tymes kéepe and beate the landing place that is to say Sandowne Dele and Wamere This whole matter of Dele Iohn Leland in Cygnea cantione comprehendeth feately in these two verses Iactat Delanouas celebris arces Notus Caesareis locus Trophaeis Renowmed Dele doth vaunt it selfe with Turrets newly raisd For monuments of Caesars hoste A place in stoarie praisd But what make I so long at Dele since Douer the impreignable Porte and place so muche renouned for antiquitie is not many myles of I will haste me thither therefore and in the sight thereof vnfolde the singularities of the place Douer called in Latine Dorus Durus Doueria Dubris and Dorubernia In Saxon Sofra All whiche names be deriued either of the Brittishe word Dufir whiche signifieth water or of the word Dufirha whiche betokeneth highe or steepe for the situation of the place beeing a highe rocke hanging ouer the water might iustly giue occasion to name it after either THe treatise of this place shall consist of thrée speciall members that is to say the Towne the Castle and the Religious buildings The Towne was long since somewhat estimable howebeit that whiche it had as I thinke was both at the first deriued from the other two and euer since also continually conserued by them But whether I hitte or misse in that coÌ„iecture certaine it is by the testimonie of the recorde in the Exchequer commonly called Domesday booke that the Towne of Douer was of abilitie in the time of King Edward the Confessour to arme yerely 20. vessels to the Sea by the space of 15. dayes together eache vessell hauing therein 21. able men For in consideration thereof the same King graunted to the inhabitants of Douer not onely fréedome from payment of Tholl and other priuileges throughout the Realme but also pardoned them all manner of suite and seruice to any his Courts whatsoeuer The Towne it selfe was neuerthelesse at those dayes vnder the protection and gouernauÌ„ce of Godwine the Earle of Kent for I read that it chauÌ„ced Eustace the Earle of Bolloine who had maried Goda the Kings sister to come ouer the seas into EnglaÌ„d of a desire that he had to visite the King his Brother and that whiles his herbenger demeaned him selfe vnwisely in taking vp his lodgings at Douer he fel at variance with the Townesmen and slewe one of them But Nocuit temeraria virtus For that thing so offended the rest of the inhabitants that immediatly they ranne to weapon and killing eightéene of the Earles seruauntes they compelled him and all his meiney to take their feete and to séeke redresse
muche more in storie then I haue already opened whiche happeneth the rather as I thinke for that many priuate persons within the Shyre of Kent were of long time not onely bounde by their tenures of Castlegarde to be ready in person for the defence but also stoode charged in purse with the reparation of the same Onely I reade in Iohn Rosse that King Edwarde the fourth to his great expence whiche others recken to haue béene ten thousande poundes amended it throughout Hauing therefore none other memorable thing touching the Castell it self I will leaue it and passe to the Religious houses Lucius the first christened King of the Britons builded a Churche within Douer Castell to the name and seruice of Christe endowing it with the tolle or custome of the hauen there And Eabaldus the sonne of Ethelbert the firste christened King of the Saxons erected a College within the walles of the same whiche Wyghtred a successour of his remoued into the towne stored with two and twentie Chanons and dedicated it to the name of S Martine This house was afterward new builded by King Henrie the seconde or rather by William Corbeil the Archebishop in his time stuffed by Theobalde his successour with Benedicte Monkes and called the Pryorie of S. Martines though commonly afterward it obtained the name of a newe worke at Douer Betwéene this house and Christes Churche in Canterbury to the whiche King Henrie the seconde had giuen it there arose as it chaūced vsually amongst houses of Religion muche contention for certaine superiorities of iurisdiction and for voice and suffrage in the election of the Archebishop For on the one side the Pryor and Couent of Douer claymed to haue interest in the choice of the Archebishop whiche the Pryor of Christes Churche would not agree vnto And on the other side the Pryor of Christes Churche pretended to haue such a soueraintie ouer S. Martines that he would not onely visite the house but also admit Monkes and Nouices at his pleasure whiche the other coulde not beare So that they fell to suing prouoking and brawling the ordinarie and onely meanes by which Monkes vsed to trie their controuersies and ceassed not appealing and pleading at Rome tyll they had bothe wearyed them selues and wasted their money Howbeit as it commonly falleth out that where respect of money and reward guydeth the iudgement and sentence there the mightie preuaile and the poore goe to wracke So the Monkes of Canterbury hauing to giue more and the Pope and his ministers being ready to take al poore Douer was oppressed and their Pryor in the ende constrained to submission And here bycause I am falne into mention of controuersie betwéene ecclesiastical persons of whiche sorte our hystories haue plentie I will touche in fewe wordes the euill intreatie that William Longchampe the iolly Bishop of Elye and Chaunceller of al England vsed toward Godfrey the Kings brother and Bishop of Yorke electe within this Pryorie King Richard the first being persuaded by the Pope and his Clergie to make an expedition for the recouerie of the holy lande partely for the performaunce of that whiche the King his father had purposed to doe in person and partly for satisfaction of his owne vowe which he made when he tooke the crosse as they called it vpon him set to port sayle his Kingly rights iurisdictions and prerogatiues his crowne landes fermes customes and offices and whatsoeuer he had beside to rayse money withall and so committing the whole gouernement of his Realme to William the Bishop of Ely his Chancellour he committed him selfe and his company to the winde and Seas This Prelate hauing nowe by the Kings commission the power of a Viceroy and besides the Popes gifte the authoritie of a Legate and Vicar and consequently the exercise of both the swordes so ruled and reigned ouer the Clergie Laitie in the kings absence that the one sort founde him more then a Pope the other felt him more then a King and they bothe endured him an intollerable Tyrant for he not only ouer ruled the Nobilitie and outfaced the Clergie spoyling bothe the one and the other of their liuings and promotions for maintenaunce of his owne ryot pompe and excesse But also oppressed the common people deuouring and consuming wheresoeuer he became the victuall of the countrey with the troupes and traines of men and horses being in number a thousand or fiftéene hundreth that continually followed him Amongst other his practises hauing gotten into his handes the reuenues of the Archebishopricke of Yorke whereof Godfrey the Kings brother was then elected Bishop and busie at Rome for to obtaine his consecration and fearing that by his returne he might be defrauded of so swéete a morsell he first laboured earnestly to hinder him in his suite at Rome and when he sawe no successe of that attempt he determined to make him sure when soeuer he should returne home And for that purpose he tooke order with one Clere then Sheriffe of Kent and Constable of the castel of Douer to whom he had giuen his sister in marriage that he should haue a diligent eye to his arriuall and that so soone as the Archebishop did set foote on lande he shoulde strip him of all his ornaments and commit him to safe custodie within the Castell Whiche thing was done accordingly for the Archebishop was no sooner arriued and entered the Churche to offer to Sainct Martine sacrifice for his safe passage as the Gentiles that escaped shipwracke were wont to doe to Neptune But Clere and his companie came in vpon him and doing the Chancellours commaundement violently haled him and his Chaplaines to prison Hereat Iohn then the Kings brother but afterward King taking iust offence and adioyning to him for reuenge the vttermost aide of the Bishops and Barons his friendes and alies raised a great power and in short time so strengthened the Chancellour that he not only agreed to release Godfrey but was fayne him selfe also abandoning his late pompe and glorie to get him to Douer and lye with his brother Clere as a poore priuate and despoyled person Howbeit not thus able to endure long the note of infamie and confusion whereinto he was falne he determined within him self to make an escape and by shift of the place to shroud his shame in some corner beyond the Seas And therfore shaueing his face and attyring him selfe like a woman he tooke a péece of linnen vnder his arme and a yard in his hand minding by that disguising to haue taken vessell amongst other passingers vnknown so to haue gotten ouer But he was not at the first in al his authoritie more vnlike a good man thē he was now in this poore apparel vnlike an honest womā and therefore being at the verie first discouered he was by certaine rude fellowes openly vncased well boxed about the eares and sent to the nexte Iustice who conueyed hym to Iohn his great enemie And thus was all the gaye glorie
of this gallant brought to shame and confusion his Pecockes feathers pulled his black féete bewraied his fraude vnfoulded his might abated and him selfe in the ende suffered to sayle ouer with sorowe and ignominie Besides this Pryorie of S. Martines which was valued at a hundreth fourscore and eight poundes by yeare there was lately in Douer also an Hospitall rated at fiftie nyne poundes An other house of the same sorte called Domus Dei or Maison Dieu reputed worth one hundreth and twentie pounds And long since a house of Templers as they call it the which together with al other of the same kind throughout the Realme was suppressed in the reigne of King Edwarde the seconde The foundation of any of these I haue not hitherto founde out and therefore can not deliuer therof any certaintie at all Onely as touching this Temple I dare affirme that it was erected after the time of Conquest for as muche as I am sure that the order it selfe was inuented after that Godfrey of Bolein had wonne Ierusalem whiche was after the cōming in of the Conquerour To these also may be added for neighbourhoode sake if you will the Monasterie of S. Radegundes on the hyll two myles off valued at fourescore and eightéene pounds by yeare And here hauing perused the Towne Castle and religious buildings I woulde make an ende of Douer saue that Mathewe Parise putteth me in mynde of one thing not vnworthy rehearsall that was done in this Temple I meane the sealing of that submission whiche King Iohn made to Pandulphe the Popes Legate wherin he yealded his Realme tributarie and him selfe an obedienciarie and vassall to the Bishop of Rome And bycause this was almost the last acte of the whole Tragedie and can not well be vnderstoode without some recourse to the former parts and beginning and for that some men of late time haue taken great holde of this matter to aduaunce the Popes authoritie withall I will shortly after my manner recount the thing as it was done and leaue the iudgement to the indifferent Reader After the death of Hubert the Archebishop of Canterbury the Monkes of Christes Church agréed among them selues to chose for their Bishop Reginald the Subpryor of their house King Iohn hauing no notice of this election wherein no doubt he receiued greate wrong since they ought to haue of him their Conge deslier recommended vnto them Iohn Graye the Bishop of Norwiche a man that for his wisedome and learning he fauoured muche Some part of the Monkes taking soudaine offence at Reginalde for that he had disclosed a secrete out of their house and being glad to satisfie the Kings desire elected this Graye for their Bishop also Hereof grewe a great suite at Rome betwéen the more part of the Monkes on the one side and the Suffraganes of Canterbury and the lesse number of the Monkes on the other side The Pope vpon the hearing of the cause at the first ratifieth the election of Iohn Graye Howbeit afterwarde he refuseth bothe the electes and preferreth Stephan Langton whom the Monkes bycause the matter was not before litigious enough elected also Nowe King Iohn hearing that not only the election of Graye contrarie to the Popes owne former determination was made frustrate but that there was also thruste into his place a man familiarly entertained by the Frenche King his great enemie disliked much of the choice forbad Stephan the elect to enter the Realme The Pope againe who as Mathewe Parise writeth sought chiefly in this his choice Virum strenuum a stoute man that is in plaine speache a man that could exact of the Clergie kéep in awe the Laitie and encounter the King and Nobilitie séeing his champion thus reiected beginneth to startle for anger first therefore he moueth the King by minacing letters to admitte Stephan not so preuailing he enterditeth him his whole Realme And finally bothe prouoketh al Potentates to make open warre vpon him and also promiseth to the King of Fraunce full and frée remission of all his sinnes and the kingdome of England it self to inuade him this done he solliciteth to rebellion the Bishops nobilitie and cōmōs of the Realme loosing thē by the plenitude of his Apos to like power from al duetie of allegiaunce toward their Prince By this meanes diuine seruice ceassed the King of Fraunce armed the Bishops conspired the nobilitie made defection and the common people wauered vncertaine to what part to incline To be short King Iohn was so pressed with suspition feare of domesticall forreigne enemies on al sides that notwithstāding he was of great and noble courage and séemed to haue forces sufficient for resistance also if he might haue trusted his souldiers yet he was in the end compelled to set his seale to a Chartre of submissiō wherby he acknowleged himselfe to holde the Crowne of England of the Popes Mitre promised to pay yerely for the same and for Ireland 1000. Markes to the holy father his successours for euer this Chartre because it was afterward with great insultation and triumph closed in Golde was then commonly called Aurea Bulla the Bull of Golde Thus omitting the residue of this storie no lesse tragical and troublesome then that which I haue alreadie recited I report me to all indifferent men what cause Paulus Iouius or any other popishe parasite hathe by colour of this Bull to claime for the Pope superioritie Dominion ouer the King of this Realme since Iohn without the assent of the estates I meane his nobilitie and commons could not in such a gifte either binde his successours or charge the kingdome And for plaine declaration that his submission proceaded not with their consent I read in a treatise of one Simon de Boraston a Frier Preacher in the time of King Edward the third the which he wrote concerning the Kings right to the Crowne of Ireland that in the reigne of Henrie the third whiche next of all succeaded King Iohn there were sent from the King the nobilitie and the commons of England these Noble men Hughe Bigod Iohn Fitz Geffray William Cantlowe Phillip Basset and a Lawier named William Powicke to the generall Counsel then assembled at Lions in Fraunce of purpose and with commission to require that the saide Bull sealed by King Iohn might be cancelled for as muche as it passed not by the assent of the Counsel of the Realme and the same Authour writeth that the Pope for that tyme did put them of by colour of more waightie affaires whiche the Counsel had then in hand I know that it may wel be thought néedlesse to labour further in confuting a litle so weightles for it is true that Aristotle saith Stultum est absurdas opiniones accuratius refellere It is but a follie to labour ouer curiously in refelling of absurdities And therefore I will here conclude the treatise of Douer and procéede particularly to the rest of the places that lye on
can they not their sinnes nor so rowes all poore soules of shake Nor all contagious fleshly from them voides but must of neede Muche things congendred long by won derous meanes at last out spread Therefore they plagued beene and for their former faultes and sinnes Their sundrie paines they bide some highe in aire doe hang on pinnes Some fleeting bene in floodes and deepe in gulfes themselues they tyer Till sinnes away be washt or clen sed cleane with purging syer Eche one of vs our paenance here abide that sent we bee To Paradise at last wee fewe these fieldes of ioye do see Till compasse long of time by per fect course hathe purged quite Our former cloddred spots and pure hathe left our Ghostly Sprite And senses pure of soule and sim ple sparkes of heauenly light Nowe therefore if this Bishops Poetrie may be allowed for diuinitie me thinketh that with great reason I may intreate that not onely this woorke of Virgils Aeneides But Homers Iliades Ouides Fastes Lucians Dialogues also may be made Canonicall for these al excell in suche kinde of fiction Tong Castle or rather Thong Castle in Saxon þƿangceastse in Brittish Caerkerry of Thwang and Karry both whiche woords signifie a Thong of leather THe Brittish Chronicle discoursing the inuitation arriuall interteinment of Hengist and Horsa the Saxon captaines mentioneth that among other deuises practised for their owne establishmēt and securitie they begged of King Vortiger so muche land to fortifie vpon as the hyde of a beast cut into thonges might incompasse and that thereof the place should bee called Thongraster or Thwangraster after suche a like manner as Dido long since beguiling Hiarbas the King of Lybia builded the Castle Byrsa conteining twentie and two furlonges in circuit of whiche Virgil spake saying Mercatique solum facti de nomine Byrsam Taurino possint quantum circundare tergo c. They bought the soile Byrsa it cald when first they did beginne As muche as with a Bul hide cut they could inclose within But Saxo Grammaticus applieth this Act to the time of the Danes affirming that one Iuarus a Dane obteined by this kinde of policie at the handes of Etheldred the Brother of Alfred to build a fort And as these men agrée not vpon the builder so is there variance betwéen writtē storie cōmon spéeche touching the true place of the building for it should seem by Galfrid Hector Boctius Ric Cirencester the it was at Doncaster in the North Countrie bicause they lay it in Lindsey whiche now is extended no further thē to the North part of Lincolne shyre But common opinion conceaued vpon report receaued of the elders by tradition chalengeth it to Tong Castle in this Shyre Wherevnto if a man do adde that both the first planting and the chief abiding of Hengist and Horsa was in Kent and adioyne thereto the authoritie of Mathewe of Westminster which writeth plainly that Aurelius Ambrose the captaine of the Britons prouoked Hengist to battaile at Tong in Kent he shall haue cause neither to falsifie the one opinion lightly nor to faithe the other vnaduisedly And as for mine owne opinion of Doncaster which is taken to be the same that Ptolome calleth Camulodunum I thinke verely that it was named of the water Done whereon it standethe and not of Thong as some faine it Whiche deriuation whether it be not lesse violent and yet no lesse reasonable then the other I dare refer to any resonable and indifferent Reader To this place therefore of right belongeth the storie of King Vortigers Wassailing whiche I haue already exemplified in the generall discourse of the auncient estate of this Countrie and for that cause do thinke it more méete to referre you thither then here to repeate it Tenham in Saxon TynHam that is to say a Towne or Hamlet often houses as Eightam had the name of EaHtHam a Hamlet or Towne of eight dwellings AT Tenham was long since a mansion house pertaining to the Sée of Canterbury where in the time of King Iohn Hubert the Archebishop departed this life as Mathewe Parise reporteth who addeth also that when the King had intelligence of his death he brast foorth into great ioy and sayde that he was neuer a King in deede before that houre It séemeth that he thought him selfe deliuered of a shrewe but litle forsawe he that a shrewder shoulde succéede in the roome for if he had he woulde rather haue prayed for the continuaunce of his life then ioyed in the vnderstanding of his deathe For after this Hubert followed Stephan Langton who brought vpon King Iohn suche a tempestious Sea of sorowfull trouble that it caused him to make shipwracke bothe of his honour crowne and life also The storie hath appeared at large in Douer before and therfore needeth not nowe eftsoones to be repeated Shepey in Latine Insula ouium Oninia in Saxon Sceapige the I le of Sheepe SExburga the wife of Ercombert a King of Kent folowing the ensample of Eanswide the daughter of King Ethelbald erected a Monastery of women in the I le of Shepey called Minster whiche in the late Iust and generall suppression was founde to be of the yerely value of an hundreth and twentie pounds This house and the whole Ile was scourged by the Danes whome I may well call as Attila the leader of the like people called him self Flagellum Dei the whip or flaile of God thrée times within the space of twentie yeares and a litle more Firste by thirtie and fiue sayle of them that arriued there and spoyled it Secondly and thirdly by the armies of them that wintered their ships within it Besides all whiche harmes the followers of the Earle Godwine and his sonnes in the time of their proscription landed at Shepey and harried it It shoulde séeme by the dedication of the name that this Ilande was long since greatly estéemed eyther for the number of the Shéepe or for the finenesse of the fléese although auncient foreigne writers ascribe not muche to any parte of all Englande and muche lesse to this place eyther for the one respect or for the other But whether the Shéepe of this Realme were in price before the comming of the Saxons or no they be nowe God be thanked therefore worthy of great estimation bothe for the excéeding finenesse of the fléese whiche passeth all other in Europe at this daye and is to be cōpared with the auncient delicate wooll of Tarentum or the Golden Fleese of Colchos it selfe and for the aboundant store of flockes so incresing euery where that not only this litle Isle whiche we haue nowe in hande but the whole realme also might rightly be called Shepey Quinborowe called in Latine Regius Burgus in Saxon CyningburH That is to say The Kings Castle AT the West ende of Shepey lyeth Quinborowe Castle the occasion of the first building whereof was this King Edward the third determining aboute the thirtéenth yeare of his reigne to
make demaunde of his right to the Crowne of Fraunce first quieted Scotland by force then entered amitie with his neighbours of Holland Seland and Brabant and lastly fortifying at this place for defence of the Thamise made expedition by Sea and lande againste the Frenche King and moued warre that had long continuaunce wherin neuerthelesse after sundry discomfitures giuen before Sluse Cressey Calaice and Poitiers he was in the ende right honourably satisfied During this building William of Wickam surnamed Perot a man not so plentifully endowed with good learning as aboundantly stored with Ecclesiasticall liuing for he had nine hundreth poundes of yearely reuenue fourtéene yeares together and was afterwarde by degrées aduaunced to the kéeping firste of the priuie and then of the broade Seale was Surueyour of the kings workes whiche is the very cause as I coniecture that some haue ascribed to him the thanke of the building it selfe This platforme was repayred by King Henrie the eight at suche time as he raised Blockhouses along the Sea coastes for the causes already rehearsed in Dele Of Quinborowe Leland sayth thus Castrum Regius editum recipit Burgus fulmina dira insulanos Tutos seruat ab impetu vel omni A Castle highe and thundring shot At Quinbrought is nowe plaste Whiche keepeth safe the Ilanders From euery spoyle and waste The name is fallen as you sée by deprauation of speache from Kingesborowe to Quinborowe howbeit the Etymologie is yet conserued both in our ancient hystories in the style of the Court or Lawday there I may adde that in memorie of the first name the Ferrie or passage from the I le to the maine lande is yet called The Kings ferrie also Feuersham in Saxon fafresHam AS it is very likely that the Towne of Feuersham receiued the chiefe nourishment of her increase from the Religious house So there is no doubt but that the place was somewhat of price long time before the building of that Abbay there For it is to be séene that King Ethelstane helde a Parleament and enacted certeine lawes at Feuersham about sixe hundreth and fortie yeares agoe at which time I thinke it was some Manor house belonging to the Prince the rather for that afterwarde King William the Conquerour to whose handes at length it came amongst other thinges gaue the aduowson of the Church to the Abbay of S. Augustines and the Manor it self to a Normane in recompence of seruice But what time king Stephan had in purpose to build the Abbay he recouered the Manor againe by exchaunge made with one William de Ipre the founder of Boxley for Lillychurch and raysing there a stately Monasterie the temporalties whereof did amount to a hundred fiftie fiue poundes he stored it with Cluniake Monkes This house was firste honoured with the buriall of Adelicia the Quéene his wife Then with the Sepulture of Eustachius his only sonne and shortly after him selfe also was there interred by them I reade none other thing worthy remembraunce touching this place Saue that in the reigne of King Iohn there brake out a great controuersie betwéene him and the Monkes of S. Augustines touching the right of the Patronage of the Churche of Feuersham For notwithstanding that King William the Conquerour had giuen it to the Abbay as appeareth before yet there wanted not some of whiche number Hubert the Archebishop was one that whispered King Iohn in the eare that the right of the Aduouson was deuoluted vnto him which thing he beléeuing presented a Clarke to the Churche and besides commaunded by his writ that his presentée should be admitted The Abbat on the other side withstoode him for the more sure enioying of his possession not onely eiected the Kings Clarke but also sent thither diuers of his Monkers to kéepe the Church by strong hand When the King vnderstoode of that he commaunded the Sheriffe of the Shyre to leuie the power of his countie and to restore his presentée Which commaundement the officer endeuoured to put in execution accordingly But suche was the courage of these holy hoorsons that before the Shefiffe coulde bring it to passe he was driuen to winne the Churche by assault in the which he hurt and wounded diuers of them and drewe and haled the reste out of the doores by the haire and héeles Nowe it chaunced that at the same time Iohn the Cardinall of Sainct Stephans the Popes Legate into Scotland passed through this Realme to whome as he soiourned at Canterbury the Monks made their mone and he againe both incouraged them to sende their Pryor to Rome for remedie furnished them with his own Letters in commendation of their cause In whiche amongst other things he tolde the holy father Innocentius plainly that if he would suffer Monkes to be thus intreated the Apostolique authoritie wold soone after be set at nought not only in England but in al other countries also Here vpon the Pope sent out his commission for the vnderstanding of the matter but the Monks being now better aduised tooke a shorter way and sending to the King two hundreth marks in a purse and a faire Palfrey for his owne sadle they bothe obteyned at his handes resâ—itution of their right also wan him to become from thencefoorth their good Lord and Patrone But here I praye you consider with me whether these men be more likely to haue béen brought vp in the Schole of Christe and Paule his Apostle who teach Ne resistatis malo vincatis bono malum Or rather to haue drawne their diuinitie out of Terence Comedie where the counsell is Malumus nos prospicere quam hunc vlcisci accepta iniuria yea and out of the worste point of all Tullies Philosophie where he permitteth Lacessitis iniuria inferre vim iniuriam seing they be so ready not of euen ground onely but before hande not to aunswere but to offer force and violence euen to Kings and Princes themselues I wis they might haue taken a better lesson out of Terence him selfe who aduiseth wise men Consilio omnia prius experiri quam armis and therefore I pitie their beating so muche the lesse But by this and suche other Monkishe partes of theirs you may sée Quid otium cibus faciat alienus Genlade and Gladmouthe BEda hathe mention of a water in Kent running by Reculuers whiche he calleth Genlade This name was afterward sounded Yenlade by the same misrule that geard is nowe Yard geoc Yoke gyld Yeeld gemen Yeomen and suche other Henrie of Huntingdon also reporteth that King Edward the Sonne of Alfred builded at Gladmouth This place I coniecture to haue stoode at the mouthe of that Riuer and thereof to haue béene called first Genlademouthe and afâ—erward by contraction and corruption of speach Glademouthe For to compound the name of a Towne out of the mouthe of a Riuer adioining was most familiar with our auncestours as the name Exmouthe was framed out of the Riuer Ex Dartmouthe of the water
abiured should not be molested while they be in the highe wayes may euidently appeare I finde in Hystorie that this Watlingstreete hath heretofore not onely serued for the frée passage of the people but that it hath béen at times also a marke and bounder betwéene some Kings for the limits of their iurisdictions and authoritie For so it was betwéene Edmund and Anlaf Alfred and Guthrum and others But bycause these matters reache further then this Shyre extendeth I will reserue them to fit place and shew you in the meane while what I count note worthy on both sides of this way till I come to the Diocesse of Rochester Lyminge ON the South side of Watlingstreete and vnder the Downes Lyminge is the first that offereth it selfe concerning the which I haue found a note or twaine that make more for the antiquitie then for the estimation of the place for I reade in the Annales of S. Augustines of Canterbury that Eadbald the sonne of King Ethelbert the firste Christened King of Kent gaue it to Edburge his sister who foorthwith clocked together a sorte of simple women whiche vnder her wing there tooke vpon them the Popishe veile of widowhood But that order in time waxed colde and therefore Lanfranc the Archebishop at suche time as he builded Sainct Gregories in Canterbury as we haue touched in Tanet before reckoning it no small ornamēt of his dotation to bestowe some renouned Relique that might procure estimation to his worke translated the olde bones of Edburge from Lyminge to Sainct Gregories and verefied in Papistrie the olde Maxime of Philosophie Corruptio vnius generatio alterius Baramdowne in the Saxon BarHamdune That is to say the hill where the Bores do abide AS this place is of it selfe very fit by reason of the flat leuel and playnesse therof to array an heast of men vpon So haue we testimonie of thrée great armies that haue mustred at it The one vnder the conduict of Iulius Caesar who landing at Dele as we haue before shewed surueyed his hoast at Baramdowne and marching from thence against the Britons so daunted their forces that he compelled them to become tributarie No lesse infortunate but muche more infamous to this countrie was the time of the seconde muster whiche happened in the reigne of King Iohn who hearing that Philip the king of Fraunce had by incitation of the Pope as hath already appeared in Douer prepared a great army to inuade him and that he was ready at Calaice to take shipping determined to incounter him vpon the Sea and if that assay succéeded not then to giue him a battaile on the lande also For whiche seruice he rigged vp his shippes of warre and sent to the Sea the Earle of Salisburie whome he ordeined Admirall and calling together fit men from al the parts of the Realme he found by view taken at this place an armie of sixtie thousande men to incounter his enemies besides a sufficient number of able and armed souldiours to defende the lande withal Now whilest he thus awaited at Baramdown to heare further of his aduersaries comming Pandulph the Popes Legate sent vnto him two Knightes of the order of the Temple by whose mouthe he earnestly desired the King to graunt him audience The King assented and the Legate came vnto him and sayde in summe as followeth Beholde O Prince the King of Fraunce is in armes against thée not as against a priuate enemie to him self alone but as an open and common aduersarie bothe to the Catholike Church to the Popes holynesse to whole Christendome and to God him self Neyther commeth he vpon opinion of his owne power and strength but is armed with great confidence of Gods fauourable ayde accompanied with the consent of many great Princes furnished with the presence of suche as thou haste banished out of thy Realme and assured by the faythful promises of sundry of thyne owne Nobilitie whiche nowe are present in person with thée Consider therefore in what daunger thou standest and spare not to submit thée while space is leaste if thou persist there be no place left of further fauour The King hearing this and being vpon causes knowne to him selfe more distrustfull of Traitours at home then fearefull of enemies abroade agréed to serue the time and taking the Legate to Douer with him sealed the Golden Bull of submission whereby Englande was once againe made a tributarie Prouince to the Citie of Rome and that in so muche the more vile condition then it was before as an vsurped Ierarchie is inferiour to a noble lawfull and renoumed Monarchie For it is truely sayd Dignitate domini minus turpis est conditio serui Now when the Frenche King on the other side of the Seas had worde hereof he retired with his armie in a great choler partely for that he was thus deluded but chiefly bycause he had lost his Nauie whiche the Earle of Salisbury had set on fire in the hauen at Calaice Simon Mountfort the Earle of Leycester that was elected by the Barons of this Realme general of that armie which they raysed against King Henrie the thirde arrayed thirdly a very great hoast of men here at suche time as he feared the arriuall of Eleonar the Quéene who being daughter to the Earle of Prouince and then lefte in Fraunce behinde the King and the Earle whiche also had béen bothe there a litle before to receiue the Frenche Kings rewarde touching their controuersie ceassed not by all possible meanes to sollicite the King of Fraunce and to incite other her friendes and allies to ayde King Henrie against the Nobilitie But whether it were that presently they could not for their owne affaires or that at al they durst not knowing that their comming was awayted they serued not her desire by meanes whereof the Lordes waxed strong and soone after gaue the King a battayle in Sussex wherein they bothe tooke him and his brother Richard and his eldest sonne prisoners But as touching the originall procéeding and euent of these warres I willingly spare to speake muche in this place knowing that I shall haue opportunitie often hereafter to discourse them Nowe therefore let vs consider a few other places and then haste vs to Canterbury Charteham AFter suche time as King Iohn had made him selfe the Popes tenant of the Crown and Realme of England as euen now I tolde you the Clergie of this countrie was so oppressed with Romishe exactions that they were become not onely vnable but thereby vnwilling also to relieue the necessitie of the Prince with any prest of money as in times paste they had accustomed to do Wherat the King on the one side taking offence pressed them many times very hard not ceasing till he had wroong somewhat from them And on the other side appealing to their holy fathers ayde procured by their great coste many sharp prohibitions and proud menacies against him So that sundry times in the reigne of King Henrie the thirde this Balle
was busily tossed betwéene the King the Pope the Clergie in the mean while looking vpon but nothing laughing at the game Amongst other things done for the manifestatiō of the Popes rauine the same King at one time cōmaunded a generall suruiew to be made of the Popes yerely reuenue within this realme foūd it to surmoūt the yearely receipt of his owne Eschequer in very rent besides innumerable secret gifts and rewardes wherof no account could be made Herevpon the Prince by aduise of his Realme sent special messingers to the generall counsell that was then holden at Lions in Fraunce with commission to sue for redresse The like complaint also was at the same time and for the same cause exhibited by the King of Fraunce Neither was the state of the Empire frée from the heauy yoke of that Popish oppressiō for M. Parise reporteth that euen thē the Emperour him self wrote an earnest letter to the King Nobility of this realme solliciting thē to ioyne with him in withstanding the tyranie of the Romish Sée Howbeit all this could not help but that the Popes labouring daily more more with this incurable disease of Philargyrie cōtinually pilled the English Clergie and so encountred King Henrie that in the end he was driuen to vse the meane of the Popes authoritie whensoeuer he néeded aide of his owne spiritualtie After Henrie folowed his Sonne Edward the first who being more occupied in Martiall affaires then his Father was And thereby more often inforced to vse the helpe of his subiectes for the raising of some necessary Masses of money nowe and then borowed of his Clergie till at the length Pope Boniface the eight treading the path of his predecessours pride toke vpon him to make a constitution That if any Clerke gaue to a lay man or if any lay person should take of a Clerke any spirituall goods he should forthwith stand excommunicate By colour of whiche decrée the Clergie of England at suche time as the King next desired their cūtribution towards his warres made answere with one assent That they would gladly but they might not safely without the Popes licence agre to his desire Hereat the King waxed wrothe and calling a Parleament of his Nobilitie and Commons from which he excluded the Bishops and Clergie enacted that their persons should be out of his protection and their goods subiect to confiscation vnlesse they would by submitting themselues redéeme his fauour It was then a world to sée howe the welthie Bishops fatte Abbats and riche Pryors in eache quarter be stirred them each man contending with liberall offer to make his raunsome in so much as the house of Saint Augustines in Canterbury as the Annales of their own Abbay report gaue to the King two hundrethe and fiftie poundes in money for their peace hauing lost before notwithstanding al their haste two hundreth and fiftie quarters of their wheat whiche the Kings Officers had seised to his vse shipped to be sent into Gascoin for the victualing of his men of warre Onely Robert of Winchelsey then Archebishop of Canterbury refused to aide the King or to reconcile himselfe in so muche as of very stomacke he discharged his familie and abandoned the Citie and withdrewe himselfe to this Towne from whence as mine Author saith he roade each Sonday and Holyday to the Churche adioyning and preached the woord of GOD. Polidore in his own opinion giueth him an apt Theme writing that he preached vpon this text Melius est obedire Deo quam hominibus It is better to obey God then men whiche if he will haue to serue the turne he must construe it thus It is better to obey the Pope then the King and so make the Pope a God and the King no more then a common man But Peter the Apostle of God from whome the Pope would séeme to deriue and Polidore the Apostle of the Pope for he first sent him hither to gather his Peter pence were not of one minde n this point For he inioyneth vs plainly Subditi estote omni humanae ordinationi propter Dominum siue Regi tanquam praecellenti c. Be ye subiect to all humane ordinance for the Lordes sake whether it be to the King as to the moste excellent c. making the King the moste excellent vnder God who no doubt if he commaund not against God it is to be obeyed before the Pope concerning whome we haue no commaundement at all in Gods Scripture Howbeit since Polydore and the Bishop serued one common Maister namely the man of Rome it is the lesse meruaile if he commend his endeuour in this part and that is of the lesse credit also which he writeth of him in an other place where he bestoweth this honourable Elogium vpon him Quantum in eo fuit de Religione iuxta atque de Repub. promereri studuit a qua nunquam discessit nunquam oculos deiecit ita officio suo atque omnium commodis sibi seruiendum censuit As much as in him was he studied to deserue well bothe of religion and of the common wealth from the whiche he neuer departed ne turned away his eyes so thought he it meete to serue his owne duetie and the profit of all men As concerning his desert in religion I will say nothing bycause it may be thought the fault of that age not of the person only but as touching his behauiour toward his Prince and Countrie wherein also consisteth no small part of religion and feare of God since our lawe alloweth of the trial De vicineto I will bring you one of his next neighbours to depose for him a man that liued in the same time with him I meane the writer of the Annales of Saint Augustines who vpon the yeare 1305. hathe this note following Eodē an 7. Kal. Maij cū saepe dictus Archiepiscopus Robertus super multis Articulis enormibus praecipue super proditione quam cū quibusdam comitibus proceribus multis pactus erat in dolo vt Regem a Regni solio deijcerent silium eius Eduardum ipsius in trono subrogarent patrem perpetuo carceri manciparent a Rege calumniaretur inficiari non posset obiecta vltra quam credi potest timore percussus ad Regis pedes pronus cadens in terrā vt eius mereretur assequi clementiā sese per singula flens eiulans Regis subdidit voluntati Sic igitur humiliatus est ille Deo odibilis superbus qui per totum Anglorū orbem oris sui flatu more meretricio Sacerdotium deturpauit Clerum in populo tyrannidē exer cuit inauditam Et qui Regem Dominum suum literatorie ei scribens nominare renuit superbiendo nunc humiliatus Regem Dominum suum facit nominat obediens factus sedinuitus ei deuotius seruiendo The same yeare the 25. of April when as the often named Robert the Archebishop was chalenged by the
King for many pointes of great enormitie and especially for the treason whiche he had imagined with certaine Earles and Noble men to the end that they should displace the King from the seate of his Kingdome and place his sonne Edward in his throne and cast the Father into perpetuall prison and when he could not deny the things obiected against him being stroken with an incredible feare and falling downe prostrate vpon the earth at the Kings feete that he might deserue to obtaine his fauour with weeping and wayling he submitted himselfe wholly to the Kings pleasure thus was that proude most hateful man to God brought lowe and humbled the whiche defiled throughout all England with the breath of his mouthe like an harlot the state of the Priesthode and Clergie and exercised intollerable tyrannie ouer the people and he whiche before writing vnto the King refused in his letters for pride to call him his Lord nowe being humbled both acknowledgethe and calleth him his Lord and King being made obedient and to serue him with great deuotion but yet against his will. Againe when as in the same yeare he was cited to appeare at Rome vpon complaint that he had wastfully spoyled the goods of his Churche and came to the Court to sue for licence to passe ouer the Seas the King as soone as he came to his presence and had moued his suite caused the presence chamber dore to be set wide open willed the standers by to giue eare and spake a loude to the Bishop in this manner as the same author reporteth Licentiam transfretandi quam a nobis postulare venisti libenter tibi concedimus reuertendi autem licentiam nullam damus memores doli ac proditionis quas in Parlemento Lincolniae cum Baronibus nostris in Regiam machinatus es Maiestatem cuius rei litera signo tuo sigillata testis est testimonium perhibet contra te euidenter Sed propter amorē beati Thomae Martyris Ecclesiae cui praees reuerentiam vindictam hucusque distulimus reseruantes eam Papae qui nostras iniurias vlciscetur vtpote speramus A protectione vero nostra te prorsus excludimus omnem gratiam negantes miserecordiam quia re vera semper immisericors fuisti Cumque Wintoniensis Episcopus pro eo intercederet Archiepiscopum Dominum suum esse diceret Rex affirmauit se omnium Praelatorum regni Regem Dominum esse principalem Wee willingly graunt you licence to passe ouer the Seas according as you are come to desire but to retourne again we giue you no licence at al being mindfull of the deceit and treason whiche you did practise with our Barons against our Kingly Maiestie in the Parleament at Lincolne of the whiche thing your letter signed with your owne seale is a witnes and euidētly giueth testimonie against you Howbeit for the loue of Saint Thomas the Martyr and for the reuerence of the Church ouer the which you are set we haue hither to differred the reuēge reseruing it to the Pope which as we hope wil make reuenge of our iniuries But we vtterly exclude you frō our protectiō denying you all grace mercy because in dede you haue alwais ben an vnmerciful mā And whē as the Bishop of Winchester made intercession for him said that the Archbishop was his Lord the King affirmed that he himself was the King and cheif Lord of al the Prelats of the Realm This I haue exemplified the more at large bothe to the end that you may sée how great a traitour to his Prince howe vnmercifull a tyrant to the Common people and howe foule a blemishe to the Ecclesiasticall order this Bishop was quite contrary to that which M. Polydore affirmeth of him and also that you may vnderstand what authoritie King Edward the first in plaine termes chalenged ouer his Cleargie not such as Anselme offered King William Rufus when he tooke Canterbury of his gifte saying Summo pontifici debeo obedientiam tibi consilium I owe my obedience to the highe Bishop and my counsel to you But suche as a true subiect oweth to his Liege King and lawful souereigne and suche as differeth no more from that which we at this day attribute to our Prince then Principalis Dominus and supremus Gubernator do varie in sunder And yet beholde the madnes of the time after the deathe of this Bishop the common people forsoothe resorted to his tumbe and would néedes haue made a Sainct of him had not the Sepulchre béen defaced and their follie staied by publique ordinance Chilham Castle in Saxon Cyleham that is the colde dwelling IN the allotment of Landes for the defence of Douer Castle whereof we haue before spoken Chilham fell to Fulbert of Douer who in consideration thereof vndertooke to finde at his owne charge fiftéene able Souldiours whereof thrée should warde in the Castle euery moneth by the space of 20. wéeks in the yeare I suspect that it came afterwardes to the possession of the Archebishop For I remember that I once read that King Iohn came thither to treate with Stephan Langton the Archebishop for reconciliation to be had betweene them Wye the word in Brittish signifieth an Egge WHat time king William the Conquerour endowed his Abbay of Battel in Sussex he gaue thervnto amongst other his Manour of Wye conteining at that time seuen hydes or ploughe landes and being before that time of the Demeasnes of the Crowne The Chronicles of Battell Abbay affirme that there were sometimes two and twentie Hundrethes subiect to the iurisdiction of this Towne whiche if it be true then as farre as I can reache by coniecture the territorie of Wye was the very same in compasse that nowe the Last of Screy or Sherwinhope describeth that is to say the fift part of this whole Shyre consisting of two and twentie Hundrethes in number The same King graunted to his Monks of Battel wrek of the Sea falling vpon Dengemarishe a portion of Wye and willed further by his Chart of donation that if any fish called a Craspeis that is Crasse pisse a great or royall fishe as whales or suche other which by the Lawe of Prerogatiue perteined to the King himselfe should happen to be taken there that the Monkes should haue it wholly And if it fortuned to arriue in any other mans land lying betwene Horsmede and Withburn that yet the Monkes should enioy the whole tongue and two third partes of the rest of the body Nowe in the Reigne of King Henrie his Sonne it fortuned that a shippe laden with the Kings owne goods was wrecked within the precinct of this libertie which his Officers would haue taken and saued to his vse but Geffray then Abbat of Battell withstoode them that so stoutly that the matter by complaint came to the Kings owne hearing who to make knowen how muche he valued his fathers graunt yéelded the matter wholy into the Abbats owne courtesie The same Storie
fathers seate So that he woulde agrée to come accompanied with a smal number of strangers The which condition was deuised bothe for their owne excuse and for the yong Princes safetie For before this time after the deth of king Canutus they had likewise sent for the same Edwarde Alfred his elder brother that then was on liue putting them in like hope of restitution to which request the duke their grandfather assēted and for the more honourable furniture of their iourney gaue them to company diuers yong Gentlemen of his own Country whom he ment to make from thenceforth parteners of theyr prosperitye as they had before tyme béen companions of their misfortune But when they were come into the realme the Earle Godwine who sought more the aduauncement of his own house to honour then the restitution of the Englishe bloude to the crowne perceiuing that by no meanes he could make a marriage betwéene Alfrede the elder of the two and Edgith his daughter and yet hauing hope that Edward the younger woulde accept the offer if he might bring to passe to set the garlande vpon his heade he quarelled at the company which came ouer with them insinuating to the péeres of the Realme that Alfrede ment so soone as he should obtaine the crowne to place in all roomes of honour his Normane Nobilitie and to displace the Englishe his owne countrey men Whiche suspicion he bet so déepely into the heades of many of the Noble men and especially of his nearest friends and allies that foorthwith vpon his persuasion they fell vpon the straungers at Gillingham and firste killed nyne throughout the whole number of the company reseruing on liue eche tenth mā only And afterward thinking the remainer to great tythed the number also sleaing in the whole about sixe hundred persons As for Alfred the elder of the yong Princes they apprehended and conueyed him to the Isle of Ely where first they put out his eyes and afterwarde moste cruelly did him to death But this Edwarde fearing their furie escaped their handes and fled into Normandie Howbeit being nowe eftsoones as I sayde earnestly sollicited by Godwine and more faythfully assured by the Noble men he once againe aduentured to enter the Realme and taking Godwines daughter to wife obtained the Crowne and enioyed it all his life long I am not ignoraunt that Simeon of Durham and diuers other good wryters affirme this slaughter to haue béene committed at Guylford in Surrey and some other of late tyme and of lesse note at Guild downe a place neare Lamberhirst in the edge of this Shyre but bycause I finde it expressely reported by Thomas Rudborne and also the authour of the Chronicle of Couentrie to haue béen done at Gillingham Iuxta Thamesim I sticke not being nowe come to that place to exemplifie it giuing neuerthelesse frée libertie to euery man to lay it at the one or the other at his owne frée will and pleasure Onely my desire is to haue obserued that in this one Storie there doe lye folded vp bothe the meanes of the deliuerie of this realme of England from the thraldome of the Danes and the causes also of the oppression and conquest of the same by the Normanes For as touching the first it pleased the Almightie nowe at length by this manner of King Hardicanutus death whiche I haue shewed to breake in sunder the Danish whip wherwith he had many yeares together scourged the English nation and by the meane of drinke the Danishe delight to worke the deliuery of the one people and the exterminion of the other euen in the midst of all their securitie and pleasaunce In which behalfe I can not but note the iust iudgemēt of God extended against those déepe drinkers and in their example to admonishe all such as doe in like sort most beastly abuse Gods good creatures to his great offence the hurte of their owne soules and bodies and to the euill example of other men For whereas before the arriuall of these Danes the Englishe men or Saxons vsed some temperaunce in drinking not taking thereof largely but only at certain great feasts and chearings and that in one only wassailing cup or boule which walked round about the boorde at the midst of the meale much after that manner of intertainment whiche Dido sometime gaue to Aeneas and is expressed by Virgil in these verses Hic Regina grauem auro gemmisque poposcit Impleuitque mero pateram quam Belus omnes A Belo soliti Tum facta silentia tectis Iupiter hospitibus nam te dare iura loquuntur Et vos O caetum Tirij celebrate fauentes Dixit Et in mensam laticum libauit honorem Primaque libato summo tenus attigit ore c. The Queene commaunds a mightie Bolle Of golde and precious stone To fill with wine whom Belus King And all King Belus line Was wont to holde than through them all Was silence made by signe O Ioue quoth she for thou of hostes And gestes both great and small Men say the lawes haste put giue grace I pray and let vs all O you my Moores nowe do our best These Troians for to chere Thus sayd she and when grace was done The Bolle in hand she clipt And in the liquor sweete of wine her lips she scantly dipt But now after the comming in of the Danes and after such time as King Edgar had permitted them to inhabite here and to haue conuersation with his own people Quassing and carowsing so increased that Didoes sipping was cleane forsaken and Bitias bowsing came in place of whome the same Poet writeth Ille impiger hausit Spumantem pateram pleno se proluit auro And he anon The fomie bolle of gold vpturnd And drewe till all was gon So that King Edgar him self seing in his own reigne the great outrage wherevnto it was growne was compelled to make lawe therefore and to ordaine drinking measures by publique Proclamation driuing certaine nayles into the sides of their cups as limits and bounds which no man vpon great payne should be so hardie as to transgresse But this vice in that short time had takē such fast roote as neyther the restraint of law nor the expulsiō of the first bringers in therof could supplant yet For William of Malmesburie comparing the manners of the Englishe men and Normanes together complayned that in his time the Englishe fashion was to sit bibbing hole houres after dinner as the Normane guise was to walke and iet vp and downe the streates with great traines of idle Seruing men folowing them And I woulde to God that in our time also we had not iust cause to complaine of this vicious plant of vnmeasurable Boalling which whether it be sprong vp out of the olde roote or be newely transported by some Danish enemie to all godly temperaunce and sobrietie let them consider that with pleasure vse it and learne in time by the death of Hardicanute and the expulsiō of his
people to forsake it which if they will not God in time either graunt vs the lawe of the Heluetians whiche prouided that no man shoulde prouoke other in drinking or else if that may for courtesie be permitted bycause as the prouerbe is Sacra haec non aliter constant yet God I say styrre vp some Edgar to strike nayles in our cuppes or else giue vs the Gréekishe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Potandi arbitros Cup Censors as I may call them that at the leaste we maye be dryuen to drinke in some manner of measure For it is not sufferable in a Christian Countrie that men shoulde thus labour with great contention and striue for the maistrie as it were to offende God in so wilfull waste of his gratious benefits In this Hystorie is couched also as I haue already tolde you the firste cause of the displeasure receyued by the Normanes against this Realme and consequently the cause of their inuasion succéeding the same For whereas after this crueltie executed by the instigation of Godwine it happened Harolde his sonne to arryue at Pountion against his will by occasion of a soudaine perry or contrarie winde that arose while he was on seaboorde whether for his owne disporte onely as some write or for the execution of the Kings message as others say or of purpose to visite Wilnote and Hacun his brother and kinseman as a thirde sorte affirme or for what so euer other cause I will not dispute But vpon his arriuall taken he was by Guy the Earle of Pountion and sente to William the Duke of Normandie where being charged with his fathers faulte and fearing that the whole reuenge shoulde haue lighted vpon his owne heade he was dryuen to deuise a shifte for his deliueraunce He put the Duke in remembraunce therefore of his neare kinred with Edwarde the King of Englande And fed him with greate hope and expectation that Edwarde shoulde dye without issue of his body by reason that he had no conuersation with his wife So that if the matter were well and in season séene vnto there was no doubte as he persuaded but that the Duke through his owne power and the ayde of some of the Englishe Nobilitie might easily after the Kings deathe obtaine the Crowne For the atchieuing wherof he both vowed the vttermost of his owne help and vndertooke that his brethren his friends and allies also should do the best of their indeuour The wise Duke knowing wel Quam malus sit custos diuturnitatis metus How euil a keper of cōtinuance feare is And therfore reposing much more suretie in a frendly knot of alliance thē in a fearful offer procéeding but onely of a countenaunce accepted Haroldes othe for some assuraunce of his promise but yet withall for more safetie affied him to his daughter to be taken in marriage And so after many princely gifts and much honorable enterteinement bestowed vpon him he gaue him licence to depart But Harolde being nowe returned into England forgetteth cleane that euer he was in Normandie and therefore so soone as King Edward was deade he violating both the one promise and the other reiecteth Duke Williams daughter and setteth the Crowne vpon his owne heade Hereof followed the battaile at Battel in Sussex and consequently the Conquest of this whole Realme and Countrie In contemplation whereof we haue likewise to accuse the olde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the inueterate fiercenesse and cancred crueltie of this our English nation against foreignes and straungers which ioyning in this butcherly sacrifice with bloudie Busyris deserued worthely the reuenging club of heauenly Hercules whiche fearing without cause great harme that these fewe might bring vnto them did by their barbarous immanitie giue iust cause to a great armie to ouerrunne them And whiche dreading that by the arriuall of this small troupe of Norman Nobilitie some of them might lose their honorable roomes and offices prouoked the wrath of God to sende in amongst them the whole rable of the Norman slauerie to possesse their goods inheritances It were worthy the consideration to call to memorie what great Tragedies haue béene stirred in this Realme by this our naturall inhospitalitie and disdaine of straungers both in the time of King Iohn Henrie his sonne King Edward the seconde Henrie the sixte and in the dayes of later memorie But since that matter is parergon and therefore the discourse woulde proue tedious and wearisome and I also haue beene too long already at Gillingham I will rather abruptly end it onely wishing that whatsoeuer note of infamie wee haue heretofore contracted amongst Forreigne wryters by this our ferocitie against Aliens that now at the least hauing the Light of Gods Gospell before our eyes and the persecuted partes of his afflicted Church as Guestes and Straungers in our Countrie wée so behaue our selues towards them as we may both vtterly rubbe out the olde blemishe and from hencefoorth staye the heauie hand of the iuste Iupiter Hospitalis whiche otherwise must néedes light vpon such stubburne and vncharitable churlishnesse Chetham ALthoughe I haue not hytherto at any time read any memorable thing recorded in hystorie touching Chetham it self yet for so muche as I haue often heard and that constātly reported a Popish illusion done at the place for that also it is as profitable to the keping vnder of fained superstitious religiō to renew to minde the Priestly practises of olde time which are declining to obliuiō as it is pleasāt to reteine in memorie the Monuments antiquities of whatsoeuer other kinde I thinke it not amisse to commit faithfully to writing what I haue receiued credibly by hearing concerning the Idols sometime knowen by the names of our Lady and the Roode of Chetham and Gillingham It happened say they that the dead Corps of a man lost through shipwracke belike was cast on land in the Parishe of Chetham and being there taken vp was by some charitable persons committed to honest burial within their Churchyard which thing was no sooner done but our Lady of Chetham finding her selfe offended therewith arose by night and went in person to the house of the Parishe Clearke whiche then was in the Stréete a good distance from the Churche and making a noyse at his window awaked him This man at the first as commonly it fareth with men disturbed in their rest demaunded somewhat roughly who was there But when he vnderstoode by her owne aunswere that it was the Lady of Chetham he chaunged his note and moste mildely asked the cause of her comming She tolde him that there was lately buryed neere to the place where she was honoured a sinfull person whiche so offended her eye with his gastly grinning that vnles he were remoued she could not but to the great griefe of good people withdrawe her selfe from that place and ceasse her wonted miraculous working amongst them And therefore she willed him to go with her to the
of ouerthrowne Houses and Mynsters were called Knolles Miters he returned into England and meaning some way to make himselfe as well beloued of his Countrie men at home as he had béen euery way dread and feared of Straungers abroade by great policie maistred the Riuer of Medwey and of his owne charge made ouer it the goodly work that now stādeth with a chappel Chauntrie at the end died ful of yeares in the midst of the Reigne of King Henrie the fourth Stroude aunciently called Strodes of the Saxon worde Strogd which signifieth Scattered bicause it was a Hamlet of a few houses that lay scattered from the Citie ABout the beginning of the Reigne of King Henrie the third Gilbert Glāuille the Bishop of Rochester of whom you haue already heard foūded an Hospitall at Stroude whiche he dedicated to the name of the blessed Virgin and endowed with liuelyhode to the value of fiftie and two pounds by yeare A name or familie of men sometime inhabiting Stroude saith Polydore had tailes clapped to their breeches by Thomas Becket for reuenge and punishment of a dispite done to him in cutting of the taile of his horse The Author of the new Legend saith that after Saint Thomas had excomunicated two Brothers called Brockes for the same cause that the Dogges vnder the table would not once take Bread at their handes Suche belike was the vertue of his curse that it gaue to brute beastes a discretion and knowledge of the persons that were in daunger of it Boetius the Scotishe Chronicler writeth that the lyke plague lighted vpon the men of Midleton in Dorsetshyre Who bicause they threwe Fishe tailes in great contempt at Saint Augustine were bothe themselues and their posteritie stricken with tailes to their perpetuall infamie and punishment All whiche their Reportes no doubt be as true as Ouides Hystorie of Diana that in great angre bestowed on Acteon a Deares head with mightie browe anthlers Muche are the Westerne men bound as you sée to Polydore who taking the miracle from Augustine applieth it to S. Thomas and remouing the infamous reuenge frō Dorsetshyre laieth it vpō our men of Kent But litle is Kent or the whole English Nation beholdding either to him or his fellowes who amongst them haue brought vpon vs this ignominie note with other Nations abrode that many of them beleue as verely that we haue long tailes be monsters by nature as other men haue their due partes and mēbers in vsual nūber Polydore the wisest of the company fearing that issue might be taken vpon the matter ascribeth it to one speciall stocke and familie whiche he nameth not and yet to leaue it the more vncertain he saith that that family also is worne out long since and sheweth not when And thus affirming he cannot tel of whome nor when he goeth about in great earnest as in sundrie other things to make the world beléeue he cannot tell what he had forgotten the Lawe wherevnto an Hystorian is bound Ne quid falsi audeat ne quid veri non audeat That he should be bolde to tell the trueth and yet not so bolde as to tell a lye Howbeit his Hystorie without all doubte in places not blemished with suche folies is a worthie work but since he inserteth them many times without all discretion hee must of the wiser sorte be read ouer with great suspicion wearines For as he was by office Collector of the Peter pence to the Popes gaine and lucre so sheweth he himselfe throughout by profession a couetous gatherer of lying Fables fained to aduaunce the Popish Religion Kingdome and Myter ¶ Halling in Saxon Haling that is to say the holsome lowe place or Meadowe I Haue séene in an auncient booke conteining the donations to the See of Rochester collected by Ernulphus the Bishop there intituled Textus de Ecclesia Roffensi a Chartre of Ecgbert the fourthe christened King of Kent by the which he gaue to Dioram the Bishop of Rochester ten ploughlandes in Halling together with certeine Denes in the Weald or common wood To the which Chartre ther is amongst others the subscription of Ieanbert the Archbishop and of one Heahbert a King of Kent also as is in that booke tearmed Which thing I note for two speciall causes the one to shewe that aboute that age there were at one time in Kent moe Kinges then one The other to manifest and set fourth the manner of that time in signing subscribing of Déedes and Charters a fashion much differēt from the insealing that is vsed in these our dayes and as touching the firste I my selfe woulde haue thought that the name King had in that place béen but onely the title of a second Magistrate as Prorex or viceroy substituted vnder the very King of the countrie for administratiō of iustice in his aide or absence sauing that I read plainly in an other Chartre of another donation of Eslingham made by Offa the king of Mercia to Eardulfe the Bishop of the same See that he proceeded in that his gift by the consent of the same Heahbert the king of Kent and that on Sigaered also by the name of Rex dimidiae partis prouinciae Cantuariorum both confirmed it by writing and gaue possession by the deliuery of a clod of earth after the maner of seison that we yet vse Neither was this true in Heahbert onely for it is euident by sundrie Chartres extant in the same Booke that Ealbert the King of Kent had Ethelbert another Kinge his fellowe and partener who also in his time was ioyned in reigne with one Eardulfe that is called Rex Cantuariorum as well as hée So that for this season it should séeme that eyther the kingdome was diuided by discent or els that the title was litigious and in controuersie though our hystories so farre as I haue séene haue mencion of neyther This old manner of signing and subscribing is in my fantasie also not vnworthy the obseruation wherein we differ from our auncestors the Saxons in this that they subscribed their names commonly adding the signe of the crosse togeather with a great number of witnesses And we for more suertie both subscribe our names put our seales and vse the help of testimonie besides That former fashion continued throughout vntill the time of the conquest by the Normans whose manner by litle and litle at the length preuailed amongst vs For the first sealed Chartre in England that euer I read of is that of King Edward the confessours to the Abbey of Westminster who being brought vp in Normandie brought into this Realme that and some other of their guises with him And after the comming of William the Conquerour the Normans liking their owne countrie custome as naturally all nations doe reiected the maner that they found héere and reteyned their owne as Ingulphus the Abbat of Croyland which came in with the conquest witnesseth saying Normanni cheirographorū confectionē cum crucib
aureis alijs signaculis sacris in Anglia firmari solitam in cerae impressionem mutant modumque scribendi anglicum reijciunt The Normans doe chaunge the making of writinges which were woont to be firmed in Englande with Crosses of golde and other holie signes into the printing with wax and they reiect also the manner of the English writing Howbeit this was not done all at once but it incresed came forward by certen steps degrées so the first and for a season the King onely or a few other of the Nobilitie besides him vsed to seale Then the Noble men for the most parte and noâ—e other whiche thinge a man may sée in the Hystorie of Battell Abbie where Richard Lucy chiefe Iustice of Englande in the time of King Henrie the second is reported to haue blamed a meane subiect for that he vsed a priuate seale when as that perteined as he saide to the King and Nobilitie onely At which time also as Iohn Rosse noteth it they vsed to ingraue in their seales their owne pictures and counterfeits couered with a longe coate ouer their armours But after this the Gentlemen of the better sort tooke vp the fashion and because they were not all warriours they made seales of their seueral cotes or shéelds of armes for difference sake as the same author reporteth At the length about the time of King Edwarde the third Seales became very common so that not onely suche as bare armes vsed to seale but other men also fashioned to them selues signetes of their owne deuise some taking the letres of their owne names some flowers some knots flowrishes some birds or beastes and some other things as we now yet dailye beholde in vse I am not ignoraunt that some other manner of sealings besides these hath béene hearde of amongst vs as namely that of King Edward the third by which he gaue To Norman the Hunter the hop and the hop towne withe all the boundes vp side downe And in wittnes that yt was soothe He bi tt the wax withe his fong toothe And that of Alberie de veer also conteining the donation of Hatfield to the which he affixed a short black hafted knife like vnto an olde halpeny whitle in stead of a seale and such others of which happely I haue séene some heard of moe But all that notwithstanding if any man shall thinke that these were receiued in common vse and custome and that they were not rather the deuises and pleasures of a few singular persons he is no lesse deceaued then such as déeme euery Chartre and writing that hath no seale annexed to be as ancient as the Conquest wheras indeede sealing was not commonly vsed tyl the time of King Edward the third as I haue alreadie tolde you Thus farre by occasion of this olde Chartre I am straied from the hystorie of Halling of which I fynde none other report in wryting saue that in the reigne of king Henrie the second Richard the Archbishop of Canterburie and imediat successour to Thomas the Archtraytour of this Realme ended his lyfe in the mansion house there which then was and yet continueth parcell of the possessions of the See of Rochester The circumstaunce and cause of which his death and departure I wyll reserue tyll I come to Wrotham where I shall haue iust occasion to discouer it ¶ Ailesforde or Eilesforde called in some Saxon copies Egelesford that is the Foorde of passage ouer the Riuer Egle or Eyle In others Angelesford which is the passage of the Angles or Englishe men It is falsly tearmed of some Alencester Allepord Aelstrea by deprauation of the writers of the sundrie copies as I suspect and not otherwise WIthin a few yeares after the arriuall of the Saxons the Britons perceiuing that Vortiger their Kinge was withdrawne by his wyfe from them and drawne to the parte of their enemies made election of Vortimer his sonne for their Lorde and leader by whose manhood and prowesse they in short time so preuailed against the Saxons that sleying Horsa one of the Chieftaines in an encounter geuen at this place discomfiting the residue they firste chased them from hence as farre as Tanet in memorie of whiche flight happely this place was called Anglesford that is the passagâ— of the Angles or Saxons and after that compelled them to forsake the land to take shipping toward their countrie and to seeke a new supplie And truly had not the vntimely death of Kinge Voâ—timer immediately succéeded it was to be hoped that they should neuer haue returned But the want of that one man both quayled the courage of the Britons gaue new matter of stomack to the Saxons to repaire their forces and brought vpon this Realme an alteration of the whole Estate and Gouernment There landed within the Realme in the time of Alfred two great swarmes of Danish Pyrates wherof the one arriued neare Winchelsey with two hundreth and fiftie sayle of Shippes and passing along that Riuer fortified at Apledore as we haue shewed before The other entred the Thamise in a fléete of eighty saile wherof parte encamped themselues at Midleton on the other syde of Kent and part in Essex ouer against them These latter King Alfred pursued and pressed them so hardly that they gaue him both othes hostages to depart the Realme and neuer after to vnquiet it That done he marched with his army against those other also And because hee vnderstoode that they had diuided themselues and spoyled the Countrie in sundrie partes at once he lykewise diuided his army intending the rather by that meane to méete with them in some one place or other which when they harde of and perceiued that they were vnméete to incounter him in the face they determined to passe ouer the Thamise and to ioyne with their countremen in Essex of whose discomfiture they had as yet receiued no tideings But when they came at a place in this parish called both now and aunciently Fernham that is the ferny Towne or dwelling one part of the Kings power couragiously charged them and finding them geuen to flight folowed the chase vppon them so fercely that they were compelled to take the Thamise without Boat or Bridge in which passage there were a great number of theÌ„ drowned the residue hauing inough to doe to saue their owne liues and to conuey ouer their Capitaine that had receiued a deadlye wounde No lesse notable was that other chase wherein many yeares after Edmond Ironside most fiercely pursued the Danes from Otforde to this towne in whiche also as some write he had geuen them an irreparable ouerthrow had he not by fraudulent and trayterous persuasion of one Edric then Duke of Mercia or midle England and in the Saxon speach surnamed for his couetousnesse Streona that is to say the Getter or gatherer withdrawne his foote spared to follow them No doubte but that it is many times a part of good wisdome and warlyke policie
so vsed the matter that he obteined iudgemēt for his part but he for all that neuer had execution by reasō that he died in his returne toward home yet you may here sée by the way that in those dayes there was no Lawe in England to rule the proude Prelacie withall no not so muche as in things méere Lay and temporall To be short the same King Hērie not long before the battel at Lewes in Sussex burned the Citie of Rochester and tooke this Castle by a soudaine surprise wherein he found amongst other the Countesse of Gloucester But it was not long before he stored the Castle with men of warre and restored the Ladie to her former libertie There was somtime neare to this Castle a Pryorie whereof the Earles of Gloucester and their Heires were reputed the first Authors and Patrones And in our memorie there was erected a faire Frée Schoole by the honest liberalitie of Syr Androw Iudde a Citizen and Maior of London whiche submitted the same to the order and ouersight of the company of Skinners there whereof himselfe had béene a member Round about the Towne of Tunbridge lyeth a territorie or compasse of ground commonly called the Lowy but written in the auncient Recordes and Hystories Pencata or Lenga and being in déede a French League of ground whiche as I finde in the Chronicles of Normandie was allotted at the first vpon this occasion following There was in Normandie a Towne and land therevnto adioyning called Bryonnie whiche was of the auncient possession of the Dukedome and had continually remained in the handes of the Dukes there till suche time as Richard the second Duke of that name gaue it amongst other Landes to Godfrey his natural brother for his aduauncement in liuing This Godfrey enioyed it all his lyfe and left it to one Gislebert his Sonne whiche happely was Gilbert the Capitain of Tunbridge Castle of whom we had mention before who also held it so long as he liued But after the death of Gislebert Robert the Duke of Normandie and Eldest Sonne to King William the Conquerour beeing earnestly laboured to bestowe it vpon on Robert Earle Mellent whose ofspring were sometimes Earles of Leycester within this Realme seazed it into his owne hands pretending to vnite it to the Dukedome againe But when Richard the Sonne of Gislebert vnderstoode of this he put to his claime and making his title by a long continued possession euen from Godfrey his graundfather so encountred the suite of Earle Mellent that to stoppe Richards mouthe withall it was by the deuice of the Earle and by the mediation of Duke Robert which he made to his Brother William Rufus brought to passe that Richard should receaue in recompence the Town of Tunbridge in England and so much land about it as Bryonnie it selfe conteined in circuit And to the end that the indifferencie of the dealing might appeare and his full satisfaction be wrought they caused Bryonnie and the land about it to be measured with a line whiche they afterward brought ouer with them into England and applying the same to Tunbridge and the land adioyning laide him out the very like in quantitie in so much that long time after it was a common and receaued opinion in Normandie that the Leagues of Bryonnie and Tunbridge were all one in measure and compasse This together with the Towne and Castle came at the length as you haue séene to the handes of the Earles of Gloucester betwéene whome and the Archebishops of Canterbury there arose oftentimes contention bothe for the limits of this league and for the preeminence of their priuileges At the last Boniface the Archebishop next but one in succession after Richard of whome we spake before and Richard the Earle and Heire to Gilbert agréed in the reigne of King Henrie the third vpon a perambulatiō to be made betwéene them and so the strife for their boundes was brought to an end But as touching their priuileges and iurisdiction in the place it fell out by inquisition in the time of King Edward following that the Archebishop had nothing to do within the league that the Earle had returne of writtes creation of certain Officers an especiall sessions in Eire c most of whiche things the Towne hath not these many yeares enioyed But yet it was agréed after the perambulation so made betwéene Boniface and the Earle Richard that the Earle and his heires should holde the Manors of Tunbridge Vielston Horsmund Melyton and Pettys of the Archebishop and his successours by the seruice of 4. Knightes fées and to be highe Stewardes and highe Butlers to the Archebishops at the great feast of their inthronizations taking for their seruice in the Stewardship seuē competent Robes of Scarlet thirtie gallons of wyne thirtie pound of waxe for his light liuery of Hay and Oates for fourescore Horse by two nights the dishes and salt which should stand before the Archebishops in that Feast and at their departure the dyet of thrée days at the costes of the Archbishops at foure of their next Manors by the foure quarters of Kent wheresoeuer they would Ad minuendum sanguinem So that they repaired thither but with fiftie Horses only And taking also for the Office of Butlership other seuen like Robes 20 Gallons of wyne fiftie pound of waxe like liuery for thréescore Horses by two nights the cuppe wherewith the Archebishops should be serued all the emptie hogsheads of drinke and for sixe tunne of wyne so many as should be dronke vnder the barre also The Articles of whiche their composition were afterward accordingly perfourmed firste betwéene Gilbert Earle of Gloucester and Robert Winchelsey the Archebishop next betwéene the same Earle and the Archebishop Reignoldes Then betwéene Hughe Audley the Earle of Gloucester and the Archebishop Iohn Stratford After that betwéene the Earle of Stafford to whome the Lordship of Tunbridge at the length came and Simon Sudbury Archebishop in that Sée and lastly betwéene William Warham the Archebishop and Edward the late Duke of Buckingham who also executed the Stewardship in his owne person and the Butlership by his deputie Syr Thomas Burgher Knight the whole pompe and Ceremonie whereof I haue séen at greater length set forth and described then is méete for this time place to be recounted Asherst in Saxon Acsehyrst that is the Wood consisting of Ashes IN the Southwest corner of this Shyre towarde the confines of Sussex and Surrey lyeth Asherst a place now a daies so obscure for it is but a Towne of two houses that it is not worthy the visiting but yet in olde time so glorious for a Roode that it had of rare propertie that many vouchsafed to bestowe bothe their labour and money vpon it It was beaten forsooth into the heades of the common people as what thing was so absurde which the Clergie coulde not then make the world to beleeue that the Roode or Crucifix of this church did by certaine incrementes continually
that chaunced in the time of King Richard the second whereof you heard some what in Blackheath before was giuen at this Towne by occasion that a naughtie fellowe being appointed to leuye the groates that were by Parleament taxed vpon euery Polle dishonestly intreated a young Damosel Daughter to one Iohn Tyler that dwelt in Dartford which thing when the Father heard of he fell at wordes with the Officer and from woordes to worse so that in the end he slewe him This done the Cōmon people of the Towne partly for grudge at the imposition partly for maintenance of the thing whiche they thought well done and partly to eschewe the punishment that by execution of Iustice might fall vpon them assembled their neighbours and growing to some number made this Tyler their Capitaine named him Iacke Strawe and did further as you in part heard before and may at more large read almost in euerie English Chronicle This Towne as Crayford before hath the name of the water running by cōmonly called Derent but corruptly after the opinion of Lelande who thinketh the true name to be Dorquent which in Brittish soundeth the Cleere water It springeth at Titsey in the edge of Surrey and taketh in the way Westram where Iohn Frith was borne Otford Ainsford and Darent wherto it leaueth the name and comming to this Towne carrieth Craye with it into the Thamise ¶ Grauesende in Saxon Gerefesend in Latine Limes Praetorius THe originall cause of the name of this place lyeth hidde in the vsuall name of the officer lately created in the Towne He is commonly called Portreue but the worde aunciently and truely sounded is Portgereue that is to say the Ruler of the Towne For Porte descending of the Latine woorde Portus signifieth a Porte Towne and Gereue being deriued of the Saxon verbe gereccan to rule was first called gerecfa and then gerefa and betokeneth a Ruler So that Portreue is the Ruler of the Towne and Greuesend is as much to saye as the Limit Bounde or Precinct of such a Rule or Office. Of the very same reason they of the lowe and high Germanie whence our language first discended call one ruler Burgreue another Margreue and the thirde Landsgreue And of the same cause also our Magistrat nowe called a Sherif or to speake more truely Shyrereue was at the first called Shyre gereue that is to say Custos Comitatus the Reue or Ruler of the Shyre The head officer of Maydston long since had this name yea the chiefe gouernour of the citie of London likewise before the time eyther of Maior or Baylife there was knowne by the name of Portreue as in the Saxon Chartre of King William the Conqueroure sundry examples wherof be yet extant may appeare It began thus pilliam cyng greit ƿilliam bisceop godfreges portgerefan ealle þa burHƿaren þe on lunden beon William the King greeteth William the Bishop and Godfrey the Portreue and all the Citizens that in London be c. To make short in auncient time almost euery Manor had his Reue whose authoritie was not onely to leuie the Lords rents to set to worke his seruaunts and to husbande his Demeasnes to his best profit and commoditie but also to gouerne his tenants in peace and to leade them foorth to warre when necessitie so required And although this name and so muche of the authoritie as remained was after the comming in of the Normanes transferred to another whiche they called Baylife yet in sundry places of the Realme especially in Copiholde Manors where old custome preuaileth the worde Reue is yet well inoughe knowne and vnderstanded Neyther ought it to séeme any what the more straunge bycause I call nowe Reue that whiche in olde time was Gereue for as muche as this particle Ge was in processe of time in some places chaunged in sounde to y and in some other partes cleane lost and forgotten As for example wheras the Saxons vsed to say he was Geboren they of the West countrie pronounce it he was yborne and we of the countries nearer London he was borne Thus farre the Etymon of the name Greues end hath carried me out of the Hystorie whereto I did the rather yealde bycause I had not muche to write concerning the place it selfe Howbeit I reade that in the beginning of the reigne of King Richarde the seconde whilst the Lorde Neuel was by the Kings appointmēt entred into Fraunce with a great company of English souldiours the Frenchmen entred the Thamise with their Gallies and brent diuers townes and at the last comming to Grauesend spoyled and set it on fire also The feare of the like harme to followe caused the noble King Henrie the eight to builde a platforme at the same towne and thrée or foure others in places adioyning euen at suche time as he fortified along al the coastes of the Realme vpon suche cause as we haue already opened ¶ Cliffe at Hoo written commonly in auncient Bookes Cloueshoo for CliofesHoo which is as much to say as Clifs hoo or Cliffe at Hoo. THeodore the seuenth Archebisshop of Canterburie and the first in the opinion of William Malmsb that exercised the autoritie of an Archbishop which appeared as others say in that he tooke vpō him to depose Wilfrid of Yorke called together a Synode of bishops at Hereford in which it was agreed amongst them that for the more spéedie reformation of abuses that might créepe into the Churche they should all assemble once euery yeare at Cloueshoo vpon the Kalends or first day of August By vertue of which decrée Cuthbert the eleuenth Archbishop somoned the bishops of his Prouince to the same place and there amongst other things worthy note it was enacted that priests themselues should first lerne and then teach their parishoners the Lords prayer and the Articles of their beléefe in the English tongue To which decrée if you list to adde the testimonie of King Alfred who in his preface vpon the Pastoral of Gregorie that he translated saith that whē he came first to his kingdome he knew not one prieste on the South side of the riuer of Humber that vnderstoode his seruice in Latine or could translate an Epistle into English And if you wil adioyne the also which Alfric writeth in his Proeme to the Grammar that is to say that a litle before the time of Dunstane the Archebishop there was neuer an english priest the could other endite or vnderstād a latine epistle Then I doubt not but you shall euidently see howe easie it was for the Diuell and the Pope to créepe into the Churche of Englande when whole ages together the Clergie was so well fed and so euill taught But to our matter againe By vertue of the same decrée and ordinance also two other Councelles were holden at Cliffe at Hoo one vnder Kenulph the King of Mercia or midle England and the other in the reigne of Beornwulfe his successour This place would I haue coniectured
to haue lien in the hart of England both bycause it séemeth likely that the common place of méeting should be most fitly appointed in the midst of the Realme and for that it is manifest by the hystorie that it was in the domini of the King of Mercia whiche I feare not to call midle England But for as much as I once read a note made by one Talbot a Prebendarie of Norwiche and a diligent trauayler in the Englishe hystorie vpon the margine of an auncient written copie of William Malmsburies booke De Pontificibus in whiche he expounded Clouesho to be Cliffe at Hoo neare Rochester and for that I doe not finde the expresse name Cloueshoo in all the catalogue of that precinct whiche was sometime the kingdome of Mercia although there be diuers places therin that beare the name of Cliffe as wel as this I am contented to subscribe to Talbots opinioÌ„ but with this protestation that if at any time hereafter I finde a better I will be no longer bounde to followe him And thus haue I now visited the places of chief note that lye in the skirtes of the Diocese whervnto if I had added a fewe other that be within the body of the same I would no lesse gladly then I must necessarily finishe and close vp this winters trauayle Swanscombe called in Saxon Spegenscomb that is the camp of Sweyn the Dane that encamped at Grenehithe hard by AS the whole Shyre of Kent oweth to Swanscomb euerlasting name for the fruition of her auncient franchises obtained there So I for the more honourable memorie of the place can gladly afoord it roome both at the beginning and towarde the ende of my labour The matter for the whiche it is especially renowmed is already bewrayed in the discourse of the auncient estate of this Shyre wherevnto I will referre you And at this time make note of a thing or twaine besides and so passe ouer to the residue The Manor of Swanscombe is holden of Rochester Castle and oweth seruice towarde the defence of the same being as it were one of the principall Captaines to whome that charge was of auncient time committed and hauing subiect vnto it sundry Knightes fees as petie Captaines or inferiour souldiours bound to serue vnder her banner there The Churche at Swanscombe was muche haunted in times past for Sainct Hildeferthes helpe a Bishop by coniecture of his picture yet standing in the vpper windowe of the Southe I le although his name is not read in all the Catalogue of the Sarons to whom suche as were distracted ranne for restitution of their wits as thicke as men were wont to sayle to Anticyra for Hellâ—borus This cure was perfourmed by warmth close kéepeing and good diet meanes not onely not straunge or miraculous but méere naturall ordinarie and resonable And therefore as one the one side they might truely be thought mad men and altered in their wits that frequented this pylgrymage for any opinion of extraordinarie woorking So on the other side S. Hildeferth of all the Saintes that I knowe might best be spared séeing we haue the keper of Bethleem who ceaseth not euen tyll this day to woorke mightely in the same kinde of Myracle ¶ Mepham aunciently written MeapaHam SImon Mepham the Archebishop that performed the solemnities at the inauguration of King Edward the third had both his name natiuity of this towne although Polydore Virgil hath no mencion of the man at all in his hystorie or catalogue of Archebishops either not finding or forgetting that euer there was any suche It is probable also that the same Bishop built the church at Mepham for the vse of the poore which William Courtney one of his Successours repaired fowre score yeares after and annexed therunto fowre new houses for the same ende and purpose Besides these notes it hath chaunced mée to sée an antiquitie of Mepham whiche both for the profite and pleasure that I conceiued therof I think méete to insert thoughe happely some other man may say that I doe therein and in many others also nothinge els but Antiquiora Diphtera loqui Neuerthelesse to the ende that it may appeare what the auncient forme and phrase of a Testament was how the Husbande and the wife ioyned in making their Testamentes how landes were deuisable by testament in olde time by what wordes estates of inheritaunce were wont to be created how the Lordes consent was thought requisite to the testament of the tenaunt and how it was procured by a guift of Heriot which as Bracton sayeth was done at the first Magis de gratia quam de iure Furthermore that you may sée how this Towne of Mepham and sundry others came at the first to Christes church Saint Augustines and Rochester and finally that you may know as well what aduauncement to Gentrie was then in vse as also what weapons iewels and ornaments were at that time worne and occupied I wyll set before your eye the last will and testament of one Byrhtric and his wife which was a man of great wealth and possessions within this Shire and had his abideing at Mepham more then sixe hundreth yeares agoe Ãis This is is ByrHtrices Birtricks and and AelfsÆ¿yðe Elfswithes His his Æ¿ifes wyues niHsta last cÆ¿ide þe Hi cÆ¿aedon on MeapaHam on Heora maga testament declaration whiche they declared at Mepham in their kinsfolks geÆ¿itnesse hearing witnesse ê§ Æ¿aes Æ¿ulfstan Vcca that was Wulstan Vcca and and Æ¿ulfsie Wulfsie His his broðor brother and and sired Syred Aelfrides Elfrides suna sonne and and Æ¿ulfsie Wulfsie se the blaca blacke and and Æ¿ine wyne preost the priest and and Aelfgar Elsgar on of MeapaHam Mepham and and Æ¿ulfeH Wulfey ordeges Ordeys suna sonne and and AelfeH Elfey His his broðor brother and and byrHtÆ¿ara Birtwar Aelfrices laf Elfrices widowe and and bryHtric Britric Hise maeg her cousine and Aelfstan bisceop Elfstane the Bishop Aerest His cyne Hlaford aenne First to his naturall Lord beaH on HundeaHtotigan one bracelet of foure score mancysen Markes of goldes golde and and ane one Handsecs hatchet dagger handknife of on as eal sÆ¿a miclan muche and and feoÆ¿er Horse and foure horses tÆ¿a geraedede two of them trapped and and tÆ¿a two sÆ¿rd swordes gefetelsode trimmed and and tÆ¿egen two Hafocas hawkes and and ealle all His his Heador Hundas houndes hedgehoundes And þaere And to the Lords wife Hlaefdian Ladie aenne one beaH bracelet on of þrittigan thirtie mancusan markes of goldes golde and and aenne one stedan horse stede palfrey to to forespraece intreate ê§ se cÆ¿yde standan moste that this testament stande maye And And for for His his saÆ¿le soule and and His his yldrena elders auncestors into Sct. Andree to Sainct Androes Rochester tÆ¿a two sulung plowland aet at denetune Dentun And Hio for Hire saÆ¿le and Hyre yldrena And they bothe for their soules and their elders tÆ¿a aet langafelda two at Longfield ploughlande And And þider in
toward Sennocke Holmes Dale that is to say the Dale betweene the wooddie hilles THere are as yet to be séene at Reigate in Surrey the ruines of an auncient Castle somtime belonging to the Earles of Surrey whiche Alfrede of Beuerley calleth Holme and whiche the Countrie people do yet terme the Castle of Holmesdale This tooke the name of the Dale wherin it standeth whiche is large in quantitie extending it selfe a great length into Surrey and Kent also and was as I coniecture at the first called Holmesdale by reason that it is for the moste part Conuallis a plaine valley running betwéene two hilles that be replenished with stoare of woode for so muche the very woord Holmesdale it selfe importeth In this Dale a part of whiche we nowe crosse in our way to Sennocke the people of Kent being encouraged by the prosperous successe of Edward their King the Sonne of Alfrede and commonly surnamed Edward the Elder assembled thēselues and gaue to the Danes that had many yeares before afflicted them a moste sharpe and fierce encountre in the which after long fight they preuailed and the Danes were ouerthrowne and vanquished This victorie the like euent in an other battaile giuen to the Danes at Oxford which stādeth in this same valley also begate as I gesse the cōmon by word vsed amongst the inhabitants of this vale euen till this present day in whiche they vaunt after this manner The vale of Holmesdale Neuer wonne nor neuer shal Sennocke or as some call it Seauen oke of a number of trees as it is coniectured ABoute the latter end of the reigne of King Edward the third there was foūd lying in the stréetes at Sennocke poore childe whose Parents were vnknowne and he for the same cause named after the place where he was taken vp William Sennocke This Orphan was by the helpe of some charitable persons brought vp and nourtured in such wise that being made an Apprentice to a Grocer in London he arose by degrées in course of time to be Maior and chiefe Magistrate of that Citie At whiche time calling to his minde the goodnes of Almightie God and the fauour of the Townesmen extended towardes him he determined to make an euerlasting monument of his thankfull minde for the same And therefore of his owne charge builded bothe an Hospitall for reliefe of the poore and a Frée Schoole for the education of youthe within this Towne endowing the one and the other with competent yearely liuing as the dayes then suffered towards their sustentation maintenance But since his time the Schoole was much amended by the liberalitie of one Iohn Potkyn whiche liued vnder the reigne of King Henrie the eight now lately also in the reigne of our souereigne Ladie through the honest trauaile of diuers the inhabitants there not only the yearely stipend is much increased and the former litigious possessions quietly established but the corporation also chaunged into the name of two Wardeins and foure assistants of the frée Schoole of Quéene Elizabeth in Sennocke The present estate of the Towne it selfe is good and it séemeth to haue béene for these many yeares together in no worse plight And yet finde I not in all hystorie any memorable thing concerning it saue onely that in the time of King Henrie the sixt Iack Cade and his mischeuous meiny discomfited there Syr Humfrey Stafford and his Brother two Noble Gentlemen whome the King had sent to encounter them Eltham ANthonie Becke that Bishop of Durham whiche in the reignes of King Henrie the third of King Edward his Sonne builded Aucland Castle in the Bishopricke of Durham Somerton Castle in Lincolneshyre and Durham place at London was by the report of Iohn Leland either the very Author or the first beautifier of this the Princes house here at Eltham also It is noted of that man that he was in all his life and Port so gay glorious that the Nobility of the Realme disdained him greatly therefore But they did not consider belike that he was in possession Bishop of Durham which had Iura Regalia the Prerogatiues of a petie Kingdome and that he was by election Patriarche of Ierusalem whiche is néere Cousin to a Popedome in whiche respectes he might well inoughe be allowed to haue Domus splendidas luxu Regali his houses not only as gay as the Noble mens but also as gorgeous as the Kinges To say the trueth this was not to builde vp the spirituall house with liuely stones resting on the chiefe corner to Heauen and to Godward but with Mammon and Material stuffe to erect warrelyke Castles for the nourishment of contention and stately Palaces for the maintenaunce of worldly pride and pleasure towardes Hell and the Deuill Howbeit this was the whole studie of Bishops in the Popishe Kingdome and therefore letting that passe let vs sée what became of this piece of his building King Henrie the third saith Mat. Parise toward the latter end of his reigne kept a Royall Christmas as the manner then was at Eltham being accompanied with his Quéene and Nobilitie and this belike was the first warming of the house as I may call it after that the Bishop had finished his worke For I doe not hereby gather that hitherto the King had any property in it forasmuch as the Princes in those days vsed commonly both to soiourne for their pleasures and to passe their set solemnities also in Abbaies and Bishops houses But yet I beléeue verely that soone after the deathe of that Bishop the house came to the possession of the Crowne for proofe wherof I pray you heare and marke what followeth The wyfe of King Edward the second bare vnto him a Sonne at this house who was therof surnamed Iohn of Eltham What time King Iohn of Fraunce whiche had béen prisoner in England came ouer to visite King Edward the third who had moste honourably intreated him the King and his Quéene lay at Eltham to entertaine him King Henrie the fourth also kept his last Christmas at Eltham And King Henrie his Sonne and successour lay there at a Christmas likewise when he was faine to depart soudainly for feare of some that had conspired to murder him Furthermore Iohn Rosse writeth plainely that King Edward the fourthe to his greate cost repaired his house at Eltham at whiche time also as I suppose he inclosed Horne parke one of the thrée that be here and enlarged the other twaine And it is not yet fully out of memorie that king Henrie the seauenth set vp the faire front ouer the mote there since whose reigne this house by reason of the néerenesse to Greenewiche whiche also was muche amended by him and is through the benefite of the Riuer a seate of more commoditie hath not béen so greatly estéemed the rather also for that the pleasures of the emparked grounds here may be in manner as well enioyed the Courte lying at Greenewiche as if it were at this house it selfe These be
of the first and second point of their assertion doe builde vpon the wordes of our written Custome where it is saide Del heure que ceux heirs de Gauelkinde soient ou ount passe lage de 15. ans list a eux lour terres tenementes Doner Vender in whiche the wordes Ceux Heires doe restraine the Infant that commeth in by Purchase And Doner Vender in the copulatiue for so they lye in déede though the imprinted booke haue thē disiunctiuely doe of necessitie implye a recompence for as muche as Vendere cannot be Sine precio And for maintenance of the third matter they haue on their part besides the common vsage of their owne Countrie the common lawe of the whole Realme also which expoundeth the word Doner to meane a Feoffment as I haue before shewed and whiche not onely disaloweth of any gifte made by an infant but also punisheth the taker in trespas vnlesse he haue it by liuerie from the infantes owne handes Thus haue I runne ouer suche customes as by meane of this Gauelkinde tenure doe apperteine eyther to the Lorde or the Tenant the husbande or the wife the childe or the Gardein To these I will adde as I promised confusedly a fewe other things of the whiche some belong generally to the Kentishe man throughout the whole Shyre Some to the inhabitants of some particular quarter of the countrie and some to the tenants in Gauelkinde onely and to none other It appeareth by claime made in our auncient treatise that the bodyes of all Kentishe persons be of frée condition whiche also is confessed to be true .30 E. 1. in the title of Villenage 46. in Fitzherbert Where it is holden sufficient for a man to auoide the obiection of bondage to say that his father was borne in the Shyre of Kent But whether it will serue in that case to saye that him selfe was borne in Kent I haue knowne it for good reason doubted It séemeth by the same treatise that suche persons as helde none other lande then of Gauelkinde nature be not bounde to appeare vpon Sommons before the Iustices in Eire otherwise then by their Borsholder and foure others of the Borowe a fewe places only excepted The like to this Priuilege is inioyed at this day in the Sherifes Lathe where many whole Borowes be excused by the onely apparance of a Borsholder and two foure or sixe other of the inhabitants Furthermore I haue read in a case of a written report at large of .16 E. 2. whiche also is partly abridged by Fitzherbert in his title of Praescription that it was tried by verdite that no man ought to haue commen in landes of Gauelkinde Howbeit the contrarie is well knowne at this day and that in many places The same booke sayeth that the vsage in Gauelkind is that a man maye lawfully inchase or driue out into the highe way to their aduenture the beastes of any other person that he shal finde doing damage in his land and that he is not compellable to impounde them which custome séemeth to me directly against the rule of the common lawe But yet it is practised till this present daye The Parleament 15. H. 6. 3. minding to amplifie the Priuileges of Gauelkinde graunted to the tenants of that lande exemption in Attaints in suche sort as the inhabitants of auncient demeane and of the Fiue Ports before had But within thrée yeares after vpon the complaint of some of the Gentz of the Countrie whiche infourmed the Parleament house that there was not in the whole Shyre aboue the number of 30 or 40. persons that helde to the value of 20. li. land out of Gauelkinde who in default of others and by reason of that exemption were continually molested by returnes in Attaintes that Acte was vtterly repealed The Satute .14 H. 8. Cap. 6. giueth libertie to euery man hauing high way through his Land in the Weald that is worne déepe and incommodious for passage to lay out an other way in some suche other place of his land as shal be thought méete by the viewe of two Iustices of the Peace and twelue other men of wisedome and discretion Finally the generall Lawe made 35. H. 8. 17. For the preseruation of Copies woodes thorough out the Realme maketh plaine exception of all woodes within this Weald vnlesse it be of suche as be common Thus muche concerning the customes of this oure Countrie I thought good to discourse not so cunningly I confesse as the matter required nor so amplie as the argument would beare for so to doe it asketh more art and iudgement then I haue attained But yet sufficiently I truste for vnderstanding the olde treatise that handleth them and summarily inough for comprehending in manner whatsoeuer the common or Statute lawe of the Realme hath litterally touching them whiche is as muche as I desired Now therefore to the end that neither any man be further bound to this my discourse vpon these customes then shal be warranted by the Customes thēselues neither yet the same customes be henceforth so corruptly caried about as hitherto they haue béene but that they may at the length be restored to their auncient light and integritie I will set downe a true and iust transcript of the very text of them takē out of an auncient and faire written roll that was giuen to me by Maister George Multon my Father in lawe and whiche some time belonged to Baron Hales of this Countrie I wil adioyne also mine owne interpretation in the English not of any purpose to binde the learned vnto it but of a desire to infourme the vnlearned by it Kent Ces These sount are les the vsages vsages les and custumes customes les the ques which le the comunaute comunalty de of Kent Kent cleiment claimeth auer to haue en in the tenementz Tenements de of Gauylekende Gauelkinde e en in gentz the men of Gauilekendeys Gauelkind * allowes en Eire Iohn de allowed in Eire before Iohn of Berewike Berwike e sos compagnions and his cōpanions Iustices the Iustices en in Eire Eire en in Kent Kent le the 21. 21. an yeare le of Roy Ed. fitz le Roy Henrie * Cestascauoir que toutes les King E. the Sonne of King Henrie * That is to say that all the cors bodies de of Kenteys Kentishe seyent men frācz be free auxi aswell come as les the autres other fraūz free bodies cors of Dengleterre England Et que ilz ne duiuent le eschetour le Roy And that they ought not the Eschetor of the King to elire chuse ne nor vnkes euer en in nul any temps time ne fesoint mes le Roy prengne ou did they But the King shall take or face prendre tiel come luy plerra de ceo qui soit cause to be taken suche an one as it shall please him to serue him mistier a luy seruir Et
at the Sea. The College The value of the Religious houses in this Shyre The Citie when it began The olde Schole at Canterbury The decay of Canterbury and other places Continuall contention betweene the two great houses in Canterbury Christes-Churche in Canterbury Thomas Becket the Archbishop his hystorie Saint Augustines The deade in old time were buried out of the Cities Popishe braules S. Maries in Canterbury The Saints and Reliques at CaÌ„terbury S. August Thomas Becket had two heads S. Gregories in Canterbury S. Laurenceâ— Hospitall S Iames Hospitall S. Sepulchers White friars S. Mildredâ— The Bishops Palaice S. Martines was a Bishops See. S. Sepulchres by CaÌ„terbury The Monkes coÌ„tend with the Archbishop and do preuaile The vanitie of Man and the subtilty of the Deuill be the cause of Idolatrie Saint Thomas Beckets Relique The olde manner of nameing men Maude the Empresse true Heire to the Crowne Bartholmew Badelesmere Thomas Colpeper The Pryory at Leeds By what meanes the Archebishops chair came to 〈…〉 The Deanrie of shorâ—ham A Popishe myracle Monkes contend for the electioÌ„ of the Bishop SaÌ„int Cuthbertes feast why holdeÌ„ double Bishops Sees are translated from Villages to Cities The Catalogue of Rochester Bishops The Harborowe of the Nauie Royall The benefites that God hathe giuen this Realme in the Reigne oâ— Queene Elizabeth A barbarous crueltie executed vpon Straungers Excessiue drinking and how it came into England Great troupes of seruing men came in with the Normanes The cause of the Conquest of Enlande Harold the King. The vncurtesie of the English natioÌ„ toward straungers Busyris was a tirant that sacrificed straungers and was therefore slaine by Hercules Our Lady the Rode of ChethaÌ„ Gillingham Horsted borne in Ailesford Hengist Horsa two famous Capitaines A religious Skirmish betwene the Monkes of Rochester and the Brethren of Stroude Friendsbury clubbes Eslingham Appropriations of benefices The Citie The Castle S. Andrews Church in Rochester Priests had wiues in England of olde time Saint William of Rochester Saint Bartholmewes Hospitall Rochester Bridge both the olde the newe Syr Robert Knolles a valiant Capitaine The Hospitall The beginning of this scoffing by word Kentishe tailes Angle Queene Many kinges at once in Kent The olde manner of Signing Sealing of deedes Fernham The Danes compelled to take the Thamise The Danes are chased from Otforde Earle Edrie an infamus traytour A noble example of Kinge Edmunde Ironside The names of Townes ending in ing The Abbay The Solaces of Solâ— life The Castle The Cleargie was law lesse The Pryorie at Tun-Bridge The Low the of Tunbridge 42. H. 3. The Archebishop hath an Earle to his Butler The Rooâ—â— of Asherst was a growing Idole The masters of the nauie Royal. Alphey the Archbishop was cruelly slaine A popish minde 32. Shyres in England Great suÌ„mâ— of money paied to the Danes The Priorie of Shene The frierie The Palaice The rebellion of Iack Straw The rebellion of Iack Cade The rebellion of the black smith Lord Richard Lucy The ancient manner of the triall of right to Landes Wager of Lawe Hengist Horsa The beginning of the Kentishe Kingdome Orpenton the course of Cray water Mesopotamia signifieth a couÌ„try encompassed with riuers Rochester castle beseiged Princes may wooe by picture and marye by proctor The Abbay The old maner of Tourneament The occasion of Iacke Strawes his rebellion The courâ—â— of the riuer of Derent The name of Portreue whereof it commeth The name of Sherife London had a Portreue The office of a Reue. A learned age in which priestes had more latine theÌ„ english and yet almost no latine at all The order of this description The Manour The church of S. Hildeferthe The auncient forme of a Testament The auncient estate of a Gentleman and by what meanes gentle was obteyned in the olde time The degres of Freemen Earl Thein and Churle Alderman ShiremaÌ„ c were names of offices Wisdom is more profitable when it is ioyned with riches Merchandize and Husbandrie 1. The worship of many Gods. Saint Edith and her offering The olde newe Romanes agre in many points of religion S. Thomas Beckets spiteful miracles S. Bartilmew of Otford and his offering The Palaice at Otford Cardinall Morton Erasmus doth misreporte the cause of the contention between the King and Thomas Becket The Manor of WinghaÌ„ Reigate Castle in Surrey The Schole and Almes house The Town The name Gauelkind wherof it arose To shift laÌ„d is an olde terme The antiquitie of Gauelkind custome The diuisioÌ„ of this discourse What lands be of Gauel kind nature Some Knight fee is Gauelkinde Auncient Knight fee is not of the nature of Gauelkynd The change of Gauelkind tenure is no chaÌ„ge of the nature of Gauelkind A contrarie vsage changeth not the nature of Gauelkinde HeaHbeorg in Saxon is a high defence and the customs of NormaÌ„die that cal fieâ—e or fee de Haubert whiche oweth to defend the laÌ„d by full armes that is by horse haubert target sword or helme and it consisteth of 300. acres of land which is the same as I suppose that we called a whole Knights fee * The custome of Gauelkind is vniuersall in Kent The reason of Gauelkinde Custome What thinges shal ensue the nature of the land Rent Remainder Voucher Condition Attaint and Error No battail nor graund Assise in gauelkinde Forfaiture in Felonie Cessauit in Gauelkind Tenant by the Courtesie Tenant in Dâ—wer The difference betweene coÌ„mon Lawe and Custome therin Dower of chattels Partition of chattels Partition of chattels London Partition of Gauelkinde lands Astrâ— what it meaneth Gardein after the cusâ—ome Sale is at 15. yearâ—â— Sale good at 15. yeares No villains in Kent Apparance Câ—men Chase and driue out Attaint Chaunging of wayes Goppies These wordes betweene the starres were taken out of an other olde copie Free men Esechator Giue and sell landes without licence Plede by writte or pleinte Appeare by Borsholder No eschete for felonie but of goods only Dower of the one half Flying for felony causeth forfeiture Partition amoÌ„gst the heirs males The Astre Curt in other copies One suite for all the parceners Partition of goods Custodie of the heire in Gauelkind Sale at xv yeres of age Dower of the one half Forfaiture of Dower Tenant by the courtesie of the one halfe The discent of Gauelkind changed Forfaiture by Ceslauit or Gâ—uelate No oathe but for fealtie Essoignes No battail nor graunâ— assise in Guelkinde landes A Table conteining the principall places and matters handeled in this Booke A Angles or Englishmen Page 2 Archebishopricke of Canterbury Page 62 Archebishops contend for the primacie Page 65 Archebishops all named Page 70 Armour Page 112. 211. Apledore Page 146. 162 Aile or Eile a Riuer Page 177. Correction of adulterie Page 180. Appropriations Page 292 Ailesforde Page 321. Asheherst Page 333. Adington Page 258. Aldington Page 149. B Brytones or Welshmen Page 1. 12. Borsholder what he is Page 22 Bridges of stone Page
49. 303 Boroughes in Kent Page 52. Brittishe Hystorie Page 59 Flamines turned into Bishops Page 62 Barons and Citizens Page 94. 101. Bull of Golde Page 134. 218. Thomas Becket Tharchbishop looke Thomas c. Bilsington Page 154 Beacons Page 160 Boxeley Page 181. Baramdowne Page 217 Barons warre Page 219. 298 Buriall of the dead Page 244 Bishop of Saint Martines Page 250 Bartilmew Badelsmere Page 262 Bishops of Rochester named Page 271 Benerth Page 169 Blackheath Page 340 Blacksmithes rebellion Page 340 Saint Bartilmew and his offring Page 375. Anthonie Becke an edifying Bishop Page 384 C Iulius Caesar Page 1 Customes of Kent Page 22. 388 Cities in Kent Page 50. 91 Castles in Kent Page 52 Crosse of the Archebishop Page 67 Cursed bread Page 87 Cinque Portes Page 93 CoÌ„stableship of Douer castle Page 102 Contentions betweene religious persons Page 67. 128 237. 251. 269. 290. 301. Courtopstreete Page 148 Carmelite Fryars Page 166. 324 Contempt of Good Counsell worthily punished Page 168 Cranmer the Archebishop Page 186 Lord Cromwell Page 186 Charteham Page 220 Chilham Page 227 Canterbury Page 231 Thomas Colpeper Page 262 Feast of Saint Cuthbert Page 270 Crueltie against Strangers Page 7 278 284. Conquest of England Page 283 Chetham Page 286 Crayford and Cray Riuer Page 345 Cliffe at Hoo. Page 352 D Domesday booke Page 93 Danes and their whole Hystorie Page 107. 162. 322. 337. Dele Page 117 Douer 119 the Castle Page 121 Doncastre Page 195 Drinking and Carowsing Page 280 Depeford Page 335 Dartford DareÌ„t riuer Page 346. 349 E Ethelbert the king Page 18 Eadric the king Page 19 King Edward the confessor Page 89 Eastrie Page 114 Saint Eanswyde Page 136 King Edward the first claimeth supremacie ouer the Clergie Page 226. Saint Edith and her offering Page 372 Elizabeth our Queene Page 58. 275. Eslingham Page 292 Edmond Ironside Page 323 Erasmus Roterodam Page 255 377 Edric the Earle an infamous traitor Page 323 An Earle Butler to the Archebishop Page 331. Earithe Page 343 Eltham Page 384 F Fifteene and tenthe of Kent Page 25 Fraunchises Page 48 Forestes and Parkes in Kent Page 48 Faires in Kent Page 51 Flamines turned into Bishops Page 62 Folkstone Page 136 Farley Page 172 Fermes why so called Page 172 Feuersham Page 202 Frendsbury Page 290 Fernham Page 322 G Gentlemen of Kent by name Page 54 Geffray of Mounmouth Page 59 Goodwine Sandes Page 84 Godwyne the Earle Page 84. 86. 120 Genlade and Gladmouthe Page 205 Gillingham Page 274 Gauelkinde Page 22. 388. Grenewiche Page 336 Grauesend Page 349 Gentlemen and gentrie of olde time Page 363 H Heptarchie of England Page 1. 3 Hundrethes how they began Page 21 Hilles of name in Kent Page 49 Houses of honor in Kent Page 53. 211 Hospitals in Kent Page 53 King Henrie the eight Page 117. 200 Hubert of Borough Page 162 Hyde hauen Page 141. Hauens why they decay Page 141. Hydeland Page 1â—2 Holy Maide of Kent Page 149 Harlot whereof so called Page 178 Highe waies Page 213 Hakington Page 251 Harbaldowne Page 254 Harold the king Page 284 Horsmundene Page 288 Horstede Page 289 Halling Page 317 Hengist and Horsa two Capitaines Page 15. 289. 345 Saint Hildeferthe Page 354 Husbandrie Page 368 King Henrie the second Page 239. 377 Holmesdale Page 382 I Iutes Page 2 Inglishmen Page 2 Ingland first inhabited Page 12 Inglishmen first named Page 20 Indigenae what they be Page 12 Ippedfleete Page 82 Ightam Page 197 Inglishe speeche corrupted Page 205 decayed Page 209 King Iohn of Ingland Page 133 203. 217 Iacke Cade Page 340. 384 Iacke Strawe Page 340. 348 K SeueÌ„ Kingdomes in InglaÌ„d Page 1. 3 Kent how situated 7. why so named 7. 167. Her gentrie 10. 5. Her Yeomanrie 10. 65. Fertilitie 8. 9. Artificers 11. First inhabited part of al Ingland 14 hath many Kings 14. 317. One King. 15. 345. her kings names 17. she kepeth her olde Customes 22. particularly set down 25. hath three steps Page 158. Knightes fees Page 48 Kemsley downe Page 190 Kentish tailes Page 315 Kemsing Page 372 Knolle Page 377 Knightes seruice Page 9 368. 389 L Lawes of Ingland Page 5 Lathes howe they began Page 21. 212. London spoiled of the Archebishopricke Page 63 Lymne and Lymene Page 145 Lymen a Riuer Page 146. 165 Lyming Page 216 Leedes Page 260 Ladie of Chetham Page 286 Liuerie of seisine Page 317 Lord Dane and Lourdan Page 111 Lowy of Tunbridge Page 329. Lesnes Page 342 M Marriage Page 16. 299. 405 Markets in Kent Page 50 Minster Abbay Page 80. Saint Myldred Page 81 Myracles Page 81. 116. 136. 152. 268. 336. Saint Martines night Page 210 Saint Martines Page 128 Maidston Page 174 Medway a Riuer Page 176 Mylton Page 190 Minster Page 198 Monkes contend forceably against the king Page 203 Mottindene Page 230 Maude the Empresse Page 260 Malling Page 325 Mepham Page 355 Merchandize Page 368 N Nor â—ans Page 3 Neshe Page 160 Newendene Page 165 Names of townes fetched from Riuers adioyning Page 174 205 Norwood Page 258 Naming of men Page 258 Nauie See Ships Names of Townes in Eng. Page 325 O Order of this description Page 62. 77 161. 207. 215. 273 353. 386. Odo the Earle of Kent Page 123. 178. 297. Order of Templers Page 132 Orpington Page 345 Otford Page 374 P Pictes Page 2 Parkes see Forestes Polydore Virgill Page 60. 222. 316. 355 Portes see Cinque Portes Pope 133. 217. 220 abolished Page 157 Passage ouer the Sea. Page 143 Piccendene Hothe Page 178 Purgatorie Page 192 Parleament without the Clergie Page 221. Priestes wiues see Marriage Priestes vnlearned Page 352 Papisme and Paganisme agree in many points of religioÌ„ Page 373 Portreue whereof it commeth Page 349. Partition of lands .409 of goods Page 408. Q Quinborow Page 200 R Riuers in Kent Page 49. Religious houses in Kent Page 53. and their values Page 230 Rome whereof named Page 81 Reliques Page 82. 105. 216. 247. 255 Richeborowe Page 90 Rutupi Page 90 Rother a Riuer Page 146. 165 Rumney 156. and the Marsh Page 158 Roode of grace Page 182 Saint Rumwald Page 186. 188. Reculuer Page 207 Robert Wynchelsey the Archebishop Page 222 Religous houses valued Page 230 Sir Roger Laybourne Page 263 Bishops of Rochester named Page 271 Roode of Gillingham Page 286 Rochester Page 293 354 Rochester bridge Page 303 Sir Robert Knolles Page 313 Rauensborne a riuer Page 335 Reue whereof it cometh Page 350 Reigate Castle Page 382 S Scots Page 2 Saxons Page 2. 79 Samothees Page 12 Shyres how they began Page 20. 337 Swanscombe Page 23. 354 Schooles in Kent Page 54. 233. 383 Stonor Page 83 Sandwiche Page 91. 105 Ships Page 97. 112. 274. 335 Sandowne Page 118 Stephan Langton Tharchebishop .. Page 133. 197 Saintes in the Papacie Page 137 Saltwood Page 139 Shypwey Page 144 Seawatche Page 160 Stone Page 164 Sittingbourne Page 191 Shepey Page 198 Sheepe of England Page 198 Stouremouthe Page 208 Saint Stephans Page 251 King Stephan Page 260 See of Canterbury looke in Archebishopricke See of Rochester Page 266 Shorham Deantie Page 267 Sees of Bishops translated from villages Page 271 Crueltie against Straungers Page 7 278. 284. Seruingmen Page 282 Strowde Page 290. 315 Sealing and signing Page 318 Socage tenure Page 9. 391 Sherif whereof it commeth Page 350 Sennocke Page 383 T Tithings howe they began Page 21 Tanet Page 78 Order of the Templers Page 132 Thomas Becket Tharchebishop Page 143 239 248. 255. 374. 377 Triall of right Page 178. 343 Tong Gastle Page 195 Tenham Page 197 Decay of Townes Page 236 Townes named see names Tunbridge Page 327 Theeues how suppressed Page 21 Torneament Page 347 Testament or last will. Page 356 W Wasseling cuppe Page 1â— Wryters of Kent by name Page 58 Winchelsey Page 94. 96 Lord Wardeins of the Portes by name Page 102 Walmere Page 118 William LongchaÌ„p the Bishop of Ely. Page 129 William Courtney Tharchebishop Page 139 Westenbangar Page 140 William Warham the Archebishop Page 151 Weald of Kent Page 167 Woole of England Page 198 Wantsume a riuer Page 97. 207 Wingham Page 211 Wapentakes Page 212 Wrotham Page 370 Wyngham Page 380 Watches at the Sea Page 160 Watling streete Page 213 Wye Page 228 Wrecke at the Sea. Page 228 Saint William of Rochester Page 301 Vniuersitie at Canterbury Page 233 Whoredome punished Page 180 Vagaboundes Page 21 Wager of Lawe Page 344 Y Yarmouthe Page 95 Yeoman whereof so called Page 10 Yeomanrie of Kent Page 10 Yenlade see Genlade Jmprinted at London for Rafe Newbery dwelling in Fleetestreate a litle aboue the Conduite Anno Domini 1576.