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B21136 The advantages of the present settlement, and the great danger of a relapse Defoe, Daniel, 1661?-1731. 1689 (1689) Wing D827B 28,552 40

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upon your Head the Crown may long Flourish FINIS Books lately Printed for Richard Chiswel THE Case of Allegiance in our present Circumstances considered in a Letter from a Minister in the City to a Minister in the Country A Sermon preached at Fulham in the Chappel of the Palace upon Easter-Day 1689 at the Consecration of the Right Reverend Father in God Gilbert Lord Bishop of Sarum By Anthony Horneck D. D. The Judgments of God upon the Roman Catholick Church from its first rigid Laws for universal Conformity to it unto its last End. VVith a prospect of these near approaching Revolutions viz. The Revival of the Protestant Profession in an eminent Kingdom where it was totally suppressed The last End of all Turkish Hostilities The general Mortification of the Power of the Roman Church in all parts of its Dominions In Explication of the Trumpets and Vials of the Apocalypse upon Principles generally acknowledged by Protestant Interpreters By Drue Cressener D. D. A Breviate of the State of Scotland in its Government Supream Courts Officers of State Inferiour Officers Offices and Inferiour Courts Districts Jurisdictions Burroughs Royal and Free Corporations Fol. Some Considerations touching Succession and Allegiance 4 to A Discourse concerning the Worship of Images preached before the University of Oxford By George Tully Sub-Dean of York for which he was suspended Reflections upon the late Great Revolution Written by a Lay-Hand in the Country for the satisfaction of some Neighbours The History of the Dissertion or an Account of all the publick Affairs in England from the beginning of September 1688. to the Twelfth of February following With an Answer to a Piece call'd the Dissertion discussed in a Letter to a Country-Gentleman By a Person of Quality K. William and K. Lewis wherein is set forth the inevitable necessity these Nations lie under of submitting wholly to one or other of these Kings And that the matter in Controversy is not now between K. William and K. James but between K. William and K. Lewis of France for the Government of these Nations An Examination of the Scruples of those who refuse to take the Oath of Allegiance by a Divine of the Church of England A Dialogue betwixt two Friends a Jacobite and a Williamite occasioned by the late Revolution of Affairs and the Oath of Allegiance Two Sermons one against Murmuring the other against Censuring By Symon Patrick D. D. An Account of the Reasons which induced Charles the Second King of England to declare War against the States General of the United Provinces in 1672. And of the Private League which he entred into at the same Time with the French King to carry it on and to establish Popery in England Scotland and Ireland as they are set down in the History of the Duten War printed in French at Paris with the Priviledg of the French King 1682. Which Book he caused to be immediately suppress'd at the Instance of the English Ambassador Fol. An Account of the Private League betwixt the late King James the Second and the French King. Fol. The Case of Oaths Stated 4 to The Answer of a Protestant Gentleman in Ireland to a late Popish Letter of N. N. upon a Discourse between them concerning the present Posture of that Countrey and the Part fit for those concern'd there to act in it 4 to An Apology for the Protestants of Ireland in a brief Narrative of the late Revolutions in that Kingdom and an Account of the present State thereof By a Gentleman of Quality 4 to A Letter from a French Lawyer to an English Gentleman upon the Present Revolution 4 to Mr. Wake 's Sermon before the King and Queen at Hampton-Court His Fast-Sermon before the House of Commons June 5. 1689. Dr. Tennison's Sermon against Self-love before the House of Commons June 5. 1689. Mr. Tully's Sermon of Moderation before the Lord-Mayor May 12. 1689. A Letter written by the Emperor to the late King James setting forth the true Occasion of his Fall and the Treachery and Cruelty of the French. The Resolution of the Electors and the Princes of the Empire February 11. 1689. Containing the Reasons of their Declaring War against France Together with the Emperor's Concurrence with them in it and approving the same An Account of the late Revolution in New-England Together with the Declaration of the Gentlemen Merchants and Inhabitants of Boston and the Country adjacent April 18. 1689. Written by Mr. Nathanael Byfield a Merchant of Bristol in New-England to his Friends in London A Declaration of his Electoral Highness the Duke of Brandenburgh concerning the present War with France Directing his Subjects and Vassals and all other His Dependants how they are to demean themselves in their Trading Negotiation and all incident Occasions during the present War. As also a Letter sent from the Imperial Diet at Ratisbon to the Thirteen Cantons In Switzerland March 7. 1689. Exhorting hem to adhere to his Imperial Majesty and the Princes of the Empire in the present War against France
a Pestilent Heresie To this end tended the Erecting of Chappels for Popish Devotion and Publick Schools for Popish Education Was it for nothing that an Ambassador was resident at Rome And a Nuncio publickly entertained here for a constant Correspondence between England and Rome Why were all the Protestant Nobility and Gentry turned out of all places either of Honour Profit or Trust and Papists put in their Rooms What could be the design of that ducoy of Liberty of Conscience at a time when since the first beginnings of those unhappy divisions of Protestants here at home there was never less need of it When not any Protestant Party amongst us did so much as Petition for it when the Generality of Dissenters were so well satisfied with the Church of England that there were never fairer hopes of perfect Unity amongst us But this was the matter the division of Protestants amongst themselves would weaken the whole Body of them and render them the more capable of an easie overthrow a design which the wiser sort of Dissenters quickly saw and even the generality of them in a short time were satisfied in For since it 's as easie for the Arctick and Antarctick Poles to meet together or for the East and West to be in Conjunction as to reconcile Infallibility of one Religion with a Toleration of all the necessity of Extirpating all Hereticks with a Connivance at all Heresies all were easily convinced what such a Toleration tended to and none were entrapped in the Snare or trepanned with the Cheat but a few hot-headed Zealots ready to Sacrifice all to Ambition and Revenge What could be the design of putting Papists in for Heads of Houses Masters and Fellows of Colleges in our famous Universities What could be the design of Erecting a High Commission Court for Ecclefiastical Causes for the suspending and depriving of Bishops and Clergy which was justly termed the New Inquisition of England Why was that ensnaring Declaration so violently and yet so unnecessarily prest upon the Clergy to be read in Churches and Seven Bishops imprisoned and the whole Clergy of the Kingdom threatned with Deprivation for Non-Compliance If these things and a great many more will not satisfie men That there was a real Design of subverting our Religion I know not what will. Yet to demonstrate this matter to the full consider only the mighty endeavours that were used to abrogate the Penal Laws and Test in which the King used so much industry that he truly took methods too much below Royal Dignity to effect it What a mean office for a King to become an earnest Sollicitor of his Subjects to that which they could not in Conscience nor Honour yield to and then a disobliger of all his Kingdom for removing them from all places upon so necessary a refusal The design must be mighty great when Arts both so mean and so harsh were used to accomplish it But this was it The Papists had then stood upon even ground with all other Subjects and the great advantage of Authority on their side would quickly have raised their Ground above us the doors of both Houses of Parliament had been set wide open to them whence the House of Peers might quickly have been filled with new Creations and the House of Commons as quickly made Popish by Force or Fraud in Elections Corporations being framed and regulated agreeable to the design and what could be then expected but a sudden Establishment of Popery The whole Nation did see this Project so clearly that the greatest part of the Dissenters were so sensible of the mischief that though they had smarted somewhat hardly under the Lash of the Penal Laws but a little while before yet they would rather venture the Continuance of them than run the hazard of ruining the substance and being of the Protestant Religion amongst us nor could all the virulent Pamphlets thrown about to exasperate them by a Tragical Commemoration of their former Suffering by the Penal Laws ever perswade them so far out of their Senses as not to be fully assured that the Little Finger of the Popish Inquisition would be heavier upon them than the Loins of all the Penal Laws made since the Reformation against them And indeed to the Fidelity of that Party at that Critical time are we to ascribe a great share of the disappointment the Popish Party met with being much chafed that the Grand Cheat of the Toleration had no better success And as all these plain matters of fact are more than sufficient to convince us of the Mischievous Design of subverting the Established Religion in these Kingdoms so are they a plain and evident proof that there was certainly a Private League between the Late King James and the French King for bringing this to pass tho there were nothing else to evince is For it could never be hoped that the Popish Party here in England could do it their Strength and Interest were not sufficient to accomplish such a Design There was a fine Army indeed but most of them Protestants who would hardly be commanded by Popish Officers to ruine their Religion for men must certainly fight very faintly when the edge of their Swords is turned against themselves and their success is certain desolation to their Country From whence one of these two things must follow either that King James had no Resolution to change the Religion of this Nation the contrary of which appears by what hath been said and besides to say so is to put the greatest affront and dishonour upon the Late King that can be and calls his Wisdom and Discretion highly in question in the conduct of his Affairs that he should do all these mean harsh and suspitious things before alledged for no other end but to bring an obloquy upon himself to render his Government uneasie fearful and suspected and to disoblige all the three Kingdoms But if it cannot be admitted that a person of any common seuse or reason should be guilty of so much Indiscretion that might in the end prove so fatal to himself then we must acknowledge that some Foreign Power was certainly to be made use of since no reasonable man proposeth to himself any end but withall he proposeth means proportionate to that end in order to the acquiring of it and now we would fain learn what other Force can so much as come under the Probability of being made use of but the French And now that which makes this Design abundantly the more inexcusable in it self and the more insupportable to us is this That this Church and the Religion professed in it run such a great hazard from a Prince from whom the Members of that Church and Professors of that Religion had all the reason in the world to expect much kinder usage For I am sure never any Prince could be more highly obliged by Subjects than King James was by the Members of the Church of England both before and after he was King. Not
he hath no Children to enjoy the Crown after his own Death so that it plainly appears his Zeal for Religion his great concern for the bleeding state of these Nations his love to Justice did much more prevail with him to this Heroick and Glorious Undertaking than any concern of his own in the Case Now upon the whole if we despise so wonderful a Mercy and become so bereft of Reason as to be weary of Happiness and court perpetual Slavery and abandon our present Security and Tranquillity for those Miseries we have reason to look for upon such an unwise change What can we then expect but to be treated by God as the despisers of his greatest Goodness and to perish without so much as the pity of Men since we knew not how to prize a lasting Security when we had it in our Hands and consequently that our Relapse must be very miserable to us But if at last we propose to our Selves the Miseries that must unavoidably fall upon us if the Sins of this Nation so provoke God as to bereave us of that Happiness we now enjoy and if we be wise may entail it upon our Posterity by another Revolution some Men so eagerly desire we cannot but be convinced that a Relapse is highly dangerous I do profess that the Calamities that fatally attend such a Revolution are so tremendous and horrible that the very apprehension of them cannot but strike considerate Men into the greatest Confusion and Amazement we can expect nothing else but that our Miseries should occasion our being a Proverb and a By-word a hissing and reproach of Popish Nations who gape for our Ruine and greedily thirst after our Destruction and on the other Hand that we should be followed with Execrations and Curses from the Protestant World for so treacherously betraying that Truth we had so great a Zeal for that a Nation that glorified so justly in being accounted the Bulwark of the Protestant Religion should so fatally occasion the total overthrow of it I will but briefly recount some of those Mischiefs that any reasonable Man cannot but apprehend must overtake us upon such a Relapse if we consider with what Rage and Fury with what thirst of Revenge not only the late King whose natural Temper doth not much dispose him to a forgetting of Injuries but all of the Popish Party must return amongst us what are we to expect Is the late King ever the less a Papist than before Hath he abated any thing of his Zeal for that Superstition Have the Jesuits c. any other Sentiments of us and our Religion than they had ask the Protestants of Ireland and they will inform you who fly as fast out of that Kingdom as ever the French Refuges forsook France If we were so unjustly used when we had given no Offence what are we to look for when the worst of Crimes shall be laid to our Charge If our Religion 〈◊〉 ●ear lost our Laws and Liberties invaded when all the Obligations of the Earth were upon the Prince to protect them how utterly must all be lost when the Resentments of so late Affronts shall expose us to all the direful Effects of an ungoverned Zeal and enraged Revenge But besides How are we to expect that such a Revolution should be brought about I am very confident England and Scotland will never be willing to afford so great a Strength as is sufficient for such an Enterprize some hot-headed Men may assist a stronger Party from Abroad but they will never undertake to do it alone No no we plainly see it's an Irish and French Power must do this thence Men Money and Arms must come this is so certain that I do not believe any Man in the Nation so bereft of Sense as to expect it any other way And now what a Train of Miseries this Dragons-Tail draws after it is not easy either to be thought or exprest if ever such a dismal Calamity should befal us we shall want another Jeremiah to write the Lamentations of our Judah and Jerusalem I do not think that ever any Nation under Heaven was exposed to a more barbarous Desolation than this poor Nation must be upon such an unhappy Change. How hath the French King used his own Subjects to whom by the Oaths of God upon his Soul he owed all Protection and if so cruel at Home what are we Strangers to expect from his Armies but all the Outrages that attend an insulting Conquest of an Enemy who hath resolved our Ruine and sworn the Extirpation of our Religion If the cutting us off from being a People should be the price of it what are we to expect whose unhappy Connivance hath occasioned all his Greatness and whose Strength and Riches are the Shears that now clips his Wings from soaring to that height of Universal Empire he so vainly and proudly grasps at And the Truth is this is a great Misery that upon such a Change the Crown of England is most likely to devolve not from King William to King James but from King William to King Lewis of France which the great God of Heaven avert We have heard of Princes sposled of their Dominions by that King but never could hear yet of any Prince restored by him Can it possibly enter into the Thoughts of any reasonable Man that the King of France will employ his Forces by Sea and Land and spend his Treasures in conquering of these Kingdoms and then quietly deliver them up to another to possess who himself labours so deeply of the Dropsy of enlarging his Dominions that neither Faith of Treaties Laws of Nations Oath of God nor the sence of common Equity and Justice could ever yet bind him from making the most unjust Encroachments upon his Neighbours wherever he could And this is the more to be considered because it 's very easy to believe that the Popish Clergy of England would be willing enough it should be so King Lewis being more able to maintain his Conquest than King James can ever be supposed to be to maintain his Possession and their Security and if the Popish Clergy may justly be supposed to become so indifferent in this case it 's easy to foresee how the Laity of that Persuasion might be induced to a Satisfaction since these so slavishly and indeed so brutishly hang their Consciences at those Mens Girdles so that upon the whole King Lewis is like to be the only Gainer altho I am far from thinking that they who make this noise amongst us aim at any such thing yet it is worth their while seriously to consider whether it will lye in their Power to prevent or help it As for the Irish their Carriage to Protestants in King Charles the First 's Time and now to the Protestants at this very instant is more than sufficient to satisfy us what Measures we are to expect from them their natural Barbarity their constant Aversion to the English Nation their thirst after a Reprisal