and Experience in Forraign Affairs 3 B BAgeus his Magnanimity and Resolution p. 161 162 Lords of Bearn heretofore of great power in France 37 The Duke of Bedford refuseth to meet the Duke of Burgundy 47 Bellemarine a Saracen marrieth the Daughter of Peter King of Spain and turneth Christian 140 Bernard King of Italy cruelly used by Lewis the Meek 163 Bernardin Mendoza the Spanish Ambassadour sent away not without just cause p. 211 His practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 212 213 He is compared to Richard Shaw and John Petit 189 Blemishes of divers great Captains p. 142 143 Brennus maketh war against the Romans 210 The Britans excuse the breach of their League with the Picts 99 The Duke of Britain refuseth to restore the Earl of Richmond to Edward the fourth and Richard the third 95 The Duke of Burgundy murthered by the Dolphin of France 38 Buchanan 's opinion concerning subjects taking up Arms against their Prince 202 203 C CAesar his prodigality in his youth p. 24 His four great Competitors ibid. His cunning practises to attain his greatness 25 The King of Calecut driveth the King of Cochin out of his Realm 95 Caligula 's cruelty 231 Caius Marius the Founder of Cities 5 Cambyses being jealous of his brother Smerdis murthereth him p. 89 The pattern of a cruel Governour 5 Campobasso forsakes the Duke of Burgundy in the fight against the Prince of Lorrain 253 Duke Casimire cometh into Flanders with an Army p. 155 A peace concluded between him and the French Ibid. Catholiques of England the Spaniards chief Enemies at the Invasion of eighty eight 218 Charls the Great the son of Fortune 5 Charls the fifth his policy to keep the Kingdom of Aragon p. 68 What Forces he had in his chief wars p. 121 122 His endeavour to subvert Luther and the Protestant Princes proves fruitless p. 224 225 His Civility to them afterwards p. 226 A deep Dissembler 252 253 Charls the sixth King of France his intention to invade England p. 190 The cause of his not proceeding falfly charg'd upon the Duke of Berry ibid. He is civilly treated by Henry the fift 34 Charls the seventh dis-inherited for his disobedience to his Father 36 37 Charls the eighth King of France his claim unto the Kingdom of Naples 56 Charls Prince of Tarento crown'd King of Sicily by Pope Clement 54 Charls Earl of Flanders cruelly murthered by rebels 124 Charls Duke of Burgundy slain by the treachery of Nicholas Campobasso 253 A brief Character of the chief Princes and States of Christendom 4 A Character of the Spanish Monarchy 84 85 Cinibaldo Ordelafi obtaineth the Cities of Furli and Cesena 53 Pope Clement favoured by the French against Pope Urban 54 Clement the seventh's practises against the Emperour Henry the fourth 177 Cleomenes his trechery toward Ptolomy King of Egypt 200 The Climate not the only proof of VVits 259 260 The King of Cochin harboureth the King of Calecut 's enemies 95 A Comparison between the Duke of Guise and other great Rebels of other Countries 23 26 27 Conrade the Emperour's Law the Emperours Law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 Conradin of Suavia vanquish'd and beheaded by Charls brother to the King of France 55 Constantinople taken in the time of Frederick the third 252 Contention about the Kingdom between Alphonsus of Castile and Garcias of Navar p. 135 Between Artobarzanes and Zerxes ibid. Between John Baliol and Robert Bruce of Scotland p. 136 A contention between Alonzo de Vargas and Julio Romero 116 Conversation allow'd between men of different opinions in Religion 130 132 133 Councels chosen to rectifie the mis-government of Princes 206 207 Cruel Governours the destruction of many brave Nations p. 126 And the occasion of sundry Rebellions 127 Cruelty of the French where they have the upper hand 34 35 Cyrus his Birth and Fortune p. 87 88 89 He is stiled the Father of Common People p. 5 His humanity to Astyages and to Croesus 200 D DAgobert leaveth the Kingdom of France to his youngest son Clouis p. 39. He commandeth all those of a different Religion to depart the Kingdom within a time limitted 129 Darius his policy in revenging the injury of Oretes 161 Signior Darrennes his commendation of Henry the third of France 170 Kings Deposed in several Nations 203 204 The Diet at Auspurgh a politique pretence of Charls the fifth 253 Dionysius the pattern of a Tyrant 5 Disobedience to Parents severely punished p. 40 The Disobedience of the Spanish Souldiers 116 Dissentions and troubles easily revived in France 261 262 The Dolphiny bequeathed to Philip de Valois 50 Dunorix spared by Caesar for his brother Divitiacus his sake 162 209 E EDward the third his success in France p. 10. He taketh his advantage to invade the Scots notwithstanding the League between them p. 98 He is favoured by the common people of Flanders against Philip de Valois 261 Edward the fourth's suspition of Henry Earl of Richmond p. 68 His politique proceedings to regain the Kingdom of England 221 Queen Elizabeth of England blamed for making a League with France and the United Provinces p. 3 The most considerable Enemy of the Spaniard p. 82 83 Her Vertues and Power extolled and compared wiâ—h the mightiest Princes of former ages 85. The attempts of many against her life p. 86 Her attempts against Spain and Portugal justified p. 91 93 Her assisting of Don Antonio justified p. 94 And her protection of the Low Countries p. 102 103 Her intercepting the Spanish money going into Flanders excus'd p. 105 The English Fugitives answer'd who charge her with the raising of new Subsidies and Taxes 183 Divers Emperours have admitted Haeretiques in their Realms to preserve quietness among their subjects 133 134 Embassadors justly slain upon some occasions 210 Enemies not suppressed but augumented by Caligula's cruelty 231 England 's Title to France how it came to be neglected p. 43 45 46 47 c. It s strength and security above other Nations p. 219 The last of the Romans Conquests 220 English Armies coming into France compared by du Haillan to wild Geese resorting to the Fens in winter 83 84 Englands possessions in Forraign parts 44 Ericus King of Norway demandeth the Kingdom of Scotland in right of his daughter 198 Duke Ernestus the fittest match for the King of Spain 's daughter 257 Escovedo 's murther censured p. 3 His credit greater upon the Burse of Antwerp then the King of Spain 's 112 The Duke of Espernon rendred suspected to the French King p. 157 He discovereth the practises of the Guises 165 Eude Earl of Paris made King of France instead of Charls the Son of Lewis 42 Eumenes his stratagem to preserve his life 65 The Excommunications of the Pope invalid 171 The Expences of divers Princes and States in their Wars and Buildings and other occasions 113 F FAbius Ambustus the Roman Ambassadour the occasion of the war between Brennus and the Romans 210 Fabius Maximus the
considerable advantage 98 XXIX That there was just occasion given for the intercepting the Spanish money sent into Flanders 105 XXX That the Spaniard is generally supposed to be more powerful then really he is 110 XXXI The nature and condition of the Spanish people 115 XXXII The false commendations given by divers Authors unto Spain 117 XXXIII That the King of Spain 's wars with the Low-Countries have depriv'd him of that benefit which he might have reaped if they had not been so much impoverished 123 XXXIV That it was no point of Policy in the Spanish King not to grant liberty of Conscience to his subjects in Flanders 128 XXXV That it redounded not so much to the Spanish Kings honour as he imagined to enter into a League with the Princes of Italy the Duke of Lorrain and the House of Guise against the Lutheran Princes 136 XXXVI That many Princes have been less to blame for entring into a League with the Turk then the King of Spain for his League with the Guisards 139 XXXVII That Princes oversights are never forgotten after their deaths however their vertues may 142 XXXVIII The likelyhood of the downfal of the Duke of Guise his faction 145 XXXIX That it is but uncertain trusting to the friendship of Rebels 148 XL. The French King vindicated from divers things laid to his charge 151 XLI The King of France his killing of the Duke of Guise justified 160 XLII How the Kings of France have from time to time raised the revenues of that Crown 166 XLIII The commendations of Henry the third of France from divers eminent Authors XLIV To what a vast power and authority the Popes of Rome are advanced from a small beginning with their deceits and cruelties 172 XLV VVhat losses and injuries Princes have sustained by submitting to the Pope's authority 179 XLVI Queen Elizabeth unjustly accused by the English fugitives to the King of Spain for overcharging her subjects with unaccustomed subsidies and taxes 183 XLVII The Spanish King blamed for giving too easie credit to the reports of the English fugitives 189 XLVIII Certain objections against the Queen of Englands putting the Scottish Queen to death answered 191 XLIX VVhether it be allowable for Subjects to take up Arms against or put their Princes to death 202 L Of the proceedings of divers Princes toward those that have fled unto them for succour 208 LI. That Embassadors violating the Laws of Nations or of Arms have oft-times been rigorously dealt with 210 LII That neither the death of the Scottish Queen nor any other occasion could warrant the King of Spain's invading of England 215 LIII That it is no easie matter for the King of Spain to conquer England 218 LIV. The Popes and Emperours machinations against the Lutherans make them so much the stronger 224 LV. The cruelty of Princes to their subjects proveth most commonly prejudicial to themselves 229 LVI Many motives of Rebellion and Discontent among the K. of Spain 's subjects threatning inconveniences to him the like whereof have fallen upon Princes in former ages 238 LVII That many famous and learned men have favoured wrong causes for reward or preferments sake 241 LVIII That the K. of Spain 's best friends may be easily won to for sake him or at least to stand Neutral 243 LIX Several Emperours of the House of Austria set forth according to their true qualities and conditions 249 LX. That there is as just cause to fear France if that Kingdom grow too powerful as Spain it self 257 LXI That the Low-Countries joyned together under one Form of Government would grow very formidable 258 LXII How powerful the Switzers are grown since they have Incanton'd themselves 260 LXIII How expedient a Confederacy with the Low-Countries is in reference to a falling out either with France or Spain 261 In the Supplement I. IOhn de Soto Secretary to Don John de Austria removed and John de Escovedo put into his room p. 2 II. Antonio Perez commanded by the K. of Spain to poison Escovedo 3 III. Several questions discussed concerning Escovedo 's murther and first whether the K. commanding Escovedo to be murthered may not worthily be accounted a murtherer 4 IV. The second question whether Antonio Perez obeying the Kings command be not guilty of Escovedo 's death as well as the King 10 V. The third question whether the King being found a murtherer deserveth not to be deposed or excommunicated better then the K. of France deserved to be deprived of his life for murthering the Duke of Guise 13 VI. The fourth question whither this excommunication and deposition may be warranted by the example of other Prince 14 VII VVhether wilful perjury and breaking of Laws be punishable with deprivation in a Prince and whether subjects may lawfully resist such a Prince 17 VIII That the Nobility of Aragon have from the beginning bound their Kings strictly to the maintaining of their priviledges 22 IX That Subjects may seek remedies against such Princes as will not do them Right and Iustice. 26 X. The K. of Spain 's actions much aggravated in respect of those which the K. of France hath been charged with 27 The Table A ADrianus the Emperour's vast Armies and strength in war p. 74 Albertin Coraza made lord of Padua p. 53 Alexander the Great the pattern of a valiant Prince p. 5 Not superiour to divers of-the Roman Captains p. 232 233 Alexander King of Epirus his opinion concerning Alexander the Great 's victories p. 74 Pope Alexander the third's prastises against Frederick Barbarossa p. 177 Alonzo King of Aragon adopted by Joan Queen of Naples p. 55 Alphinus King of the Scots and Picts openly beheaded p. 214 other examples of the like nature p. 215 Cardinal Allen compared with Richard Shaw and John Petit p. 189 The ambition of the Earl of Anjou 's wife set him on to get the Kingdom of Naples p. 258 Amulius his cruelty to his Brother Numitor and his children p. 89 Anjou quitted by the King of England p. 45 Don Antonio justifieth his Title to Portugal by several arguments p. 60 Anthony Montefeltro made Duke of Urbin by the Emperour Lewis 53 Appius his severity hurtful to the Commonwealth 233 The Arch-bishop of Toledo rebelleth against the King of Aragon p. 16 and is aided by Alonzo K. of Portugal ib. Aristides the pattern of a just Magistrate 5 Armies going far from home meet with many occasions of destruction p. 70 71 Artevild Agricola and Besconius the chief Ring-leaders of the Gantois Rebels 230 231 Astyages seeketh the destruction of his Grand-child Cyrus 87 88 89 Attila the Scourge of God 5 Augustus the pattern of a fortunate King 5 The Duke of Aumale chosen head of the faction of the Guises 159 The House of Austria their Original from Hapsburgh p. 17 Their Greatness Tyrannie and Oppression p. 17 18 The continuance of their Greatness 50 The Author a voluntary Exile in the time of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 His Credit with Great men
Buckler of the Commonwealth 5 Ferdinand King of Spain layeth claim unto the Kingdom of Naples p. 56 57 He excuseth the breach of the League between France and Spain p. 98 His ingratitude to Gonsalvo 238 Flanders distressed by plurality of Religions 6 Flemmings that they had just cause to rebel against Spain p. 16 17 The Flemmings and French more boldly then justly accused of rebellion 2 Earls of Foix heretofore of great power in France p. 37 The Earldom of Foix given to the Earl of Candale by the King of France 38 France divided into many opinions p. 6 France hath in former times rebelled against their Kings p. 19. The principal Kingdom of Europe for antiquity good Laws c. p. 19. Not subject to the Roman Empire p. 35 36. Hath been dispos'd of by Will and Testament as well as other Nations p. 35 36 Anciently divided into four Kingdoms p. 53 Cannot be lawfully Excommunicated by the Pope p. 248 249 France and England 195 Francis the first of France entreth into a League with the Turks 139 Francis Sforza is won by promises to take part with Philip Maria Duke of Milan 242 Frederick King of Naples entertained by Lewis the French king 95 Frederick Duke of Austria unlawfully chosen to the Empire 251 The Emperours Frederick the second and the third oppose the Pope and are excommunicated p. 174 Frederick the third freed from the Castle of Vienna by George king of Bohemia 252 The French king's prodigality in spending the Revenues of the Crown excus'd p. 168 His imputed wantonness proceeded from corrupt education 169 G GAleotto Malatesta made Lord of Armino Pescaro and Fano by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Gantois rebel against Lewis the last Earl of Flanders p. 229 They take Bruges and put the Earl to flight 230 Gargoris king of Crete his several cruelties to his Grandchild Atis 89 90 Gaston Lord of Bearn maketh the Earl of Foix his sole Heir 37 Gavel-kind a Law peâ—uliar but to some parts of Kent 29 Germany pestered with sundry religions 6 A German Writer's testimony alleg'd concerning the vices of Mary Queen of Scots 190 191 Geytel de Veronio hath la Marca given him by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Golden Bull forbiddeth the choosing of above four Emperours in one House 254 Gonsalvo beateth the French out of Naples 57 Government strangely interchanged amongst several Nations 9 The Government of the Low Countries taken upon him by the Duke of Alenson 106 Great to whom given as an attribute or Sir-name 8 Guicciardine as well a Lawyer as Historian 30 Guido Earl of Flanders denied his liberty by the King of France 123 Guido Polenti made Duke of Camerino by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Duke of Guise chief head of the Leaguers in France p. 20 His proceedings and policies p. 21 His subtle practices against the French King p. 157 He is murthered in the Kings presence 158 The Guisards of France condemned of ambition and treason p. 140 141 The probability of their ruine p. 144 145 Their rash proceedings after the Duke's death p. 146 147 Their accusations of the French King refuted 151 152 H HAnnibal the pattern of an expert General p. 5. His praise p. 69 His oversights ibid. He fights the Romans with a very inferiour number 78 Harold 's injuries to William Duke of Normandy the occasion of his invading England 220 221 The Emperour Henry the third restoreth Peter King of Hungary his enemy to his Kingdom 95 Henry the second King of England his humiliation to the Pope for the death of Thomas Becket 180 Henry the third King of England sollicited by the Pope to aid him against Conrade the King of Sicily p. 55. 56 His complaint against Pope Innocent to the General Councel at Lyons 180 181 Henry the fifth King of England his Title to the Crown of France p. 29 The Frenchmens objections answered p. 30 31 32 c. His success in France 10 Henry Base Brother to Peter King of Castile aided by the Kings of France and Portugal p. 15 He driveth his Brother from the Kingdom 60 61 Henry Earl of Richmond recovereth the Kingdom of England 221 222 Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour his eyes plucked out by William King of Sicily 209 Sr Henry Cobham 's opinion concerning Henry the third King of France 189 170 Hephestion the pattern of a faithful Counsellor 5 Herculâ—s the Chastiser of Tyrants and Defender of the weak and helpless 108 Hugh Capet by what means he attained the Crown of France p. 25. His practises imitated by the Duke of Guise 150 Hugh Pudley Bishop of Durham his great riches 185 The Hugonots subversion endeavoured by the Guisards 158 165 I AJacobin Fryar murthereth King Henry the third of France 159 Jamâ—s king of Aragon and Sicily leavâ—h his kingdoms to his second Son Alphonsus 39 James Prince of Scotland detained prisoner by Henry the first king of England 209 Jealousie the overthrow of divers great Princes 238 Imbert leaves the Dolphiny to Philip de Valois 50 The great Injuries done by the House of Austria to other Princes 254 255 Interviews between Princes many times dangerous 209 Joan Queen of Sicily adopteth Lewis of Anjou 54 John king of England first an enemy afterwards reconciled to the Pope p. 178. He enjoyeth all the Benefices Bishopricks and Abbeys of his Realm p. 187 He is questioned by the French king for the death of his Nephew Arthur p. 199 And forfeits his Estates in France for not appearance 199 John Balliol 's Title to Scotland preferred before Robert Bruce by Edw. the first king of England 196 The Italian Princes hardly able to help the Spaniard 138 Pope Julius cited by the Colledge of Cardinals to appear at the Councel of Pisa 206 Justifiers of bad causes for gain or bribery 189 Justinian the Emperour his ingratitude to Narses 238 K KEmitius king of Scotland by what means he prevailed with his Nobles to fight against the Picts 50 L LAdiflaus king of Hungary dissembleth his grief for the murthering of the Earl of Cilia 161 A League with Turks more allowable then with the Guisards of France p. 140 141 Leagues may be broken upon just cause given p. 98 And are usually broken upon advantages p. 98 99 101 The League between the Pope Spain and Venetian against the Turk 137 The Leaguers in France their proceedings and policy 19 Lewis the Meek his war against Bernard king of Italy unjust p. 28 His cruel usage of him 163 Lewis Do-nothing deposed by the Nobles of France 41 Lewis Oultremer condemned for his discurtesie to Richard Duke of Normandy 97 Lewis the Emperour his humanity to Frederick his Competitor 200 Lewis the eleventh king of France payeth a yearly revenue to the king of England and his Counsellors p. 43 he chose rather to satisfie the demands of his Nobles then to hazard a war with his subject 236 Lewis king of Bohemia brought up by the Marquess of Brandenburgh in all kind of delights 169
of them knew that whatsoever he did was to win time to work his will and purposes yet because they got much by their dissimulation they dissembled their knowledge and never acquainted our King with his secret intentions The same Lewis besides this manner of entertaining of our Ambassadors used when there was any great matter in debate and contention betwixt us and him to receive all Ambassages that were sent unto him and never to answer any of them but alwaies promised to send other Ambassadors after them who should bring his answers and give our king such assurance of all things whereof he had occasion to doubt that he should have no longer cause to be discontented and when it came to the sending of such Ambassadors because he would be still assured to gain time he sent such personages as never had been in England before to the end that if his former Ambassadors had promised any thing that was not performed or begun any Treaty that was not finished the latter should not be able to make any answer thereunto but enforced to desire some time and respite to acquaint their Master therewith and to crave and have his resolution therein Further you may remember that it hath been already said that the Almighty to the end that Kingdoms should remain still under their natural Princes or being transferred from one Nation to another should at length return unto kings of their own Nation who indeed are more fit to govern them of his infinite goodness toward man doth usually send a peaceable Successor after a Warlike Prince in whose time the conquered recover either all or part of their losses which by his heavenly will and pleasure hath hapned in England as well as in other places For we have had such Princes as did as well lose what their Predecessors had conquered or recover what some of them lost We won in the time of Richard the first the Kingdom of Cyprus and sold it presently We enjoyed by reason of the marriage with the daughter and heir of VVilliam Duke of Aquitane and wife unto Henry the 2. that Dukedome better then 300 years and at the last lost the same by negligence We possessed the Dukedome of Normandy 350 years and lost it in the time of Charls the 7. We subdued Scotland in Edw. 1. time and lost it not long after We conquered Ireland better then four hundred years since and yet retain it VVe ruled in Flanders for a while and were driven out of Flanders after a small while Briefly it is written by some that Brennus who first took and conquered Rome was an Englishman and that he continued his conquest but a very short time And as we have had good fortune against others so others have not wanted good success against us for the Romans conquered us the Saxons subdued us the Danes ruled us and lastly the Normans had the upper hand of us of whom our Kings are lineally descended and in whose race they have continued better then 500 years Again it is usual betwixt Princes when they are wearied with long tedious chargeable and dangerous wars to desire peace and to yeild to the same upon reasonable conditions and in consideration of their troubles endured in wars of their charges sustained thereby and of their subjects impoverished by the means thereof to take long times of Truce and surcease from wars within which time it is not lawful to do any act of hostility And this occasion hath also restrained some of our Princes for attempting any thing against France although they had great desire to recover their right in France Moreover it hath now and then hapned that when we have been determined to prosecute our right we either have been diverted by the entreaty of other Princes who have been mediators for peace betwixt France and us Or hindred by the departure of such Conâ—ederates from our part as promised to aid and assist us in our enterprises Or drawn from them to defend our selves at home by reason of the sudden invasions which have been made by the Scots upon England at the intreaty and perswasion of the French which hath been the usual policy of the Kings of France to turn the wars from themselves upon us alwaies retaining the Scots for their friends and confederates for no other purpose but either to help them when we came into France or to make war with us when we intended to have carried our Forces thither Again either by the weakness or by the corruption of our Council we have as hath been said been so over-reached by the Frenchmen in all such agreements as we have made with them that when we have won the whole we have been contented with part and when as we might have had mountains we have vouchsafed to accept mole-hills yea we have bound our selves to relinquish our Right to renounce our Titles and give over all our Interests So at what time Prince Edward married Isabella daughter of Philip sirnamed the Fair we resigned the Dutchy of Guyenna So Edward sir-named Long-hands acquitted the French King of all the right he had to the Crown of France to the Dutchy of Normandy and to the Earldoms of Anjou Mayne Tourrain and Poictou So Edward 3. having taken King Iohn of France prisoner at Poictiou and retained him four years prisoner in England took certain Towns and Countries in France for his ransome and surrendred the residue of France into his hands to be held by him and his heirs for ever and with express condition never to lay any claim thereunto thereafter These agreements have been another cause why we have repressed our desires and not prosecuted our rights Lastly when we conquered France and had continual wars therewith the Realm was not then as it hath been of late years united void of dissention free from civil wars in the hands and under the government of one King and not divided dis-membred and possessed with divers petty Princes who either for alliance with us or for some quarrel betwixt them and the French Kings were alwaies ready to aid and assist us So we had help somtimes of the Duke of Burgundy of the Earl of Anjou of the Duke of Britain of the Earls of Foix of Flanders of Holland and of Arminack and somtimes of the kings of Navar and of the Emperors of Germany which helps of late years failing us and the reasons already mentioned have occasioned our weak slender and slack pursuit of the Title and Interest which we pretend unto the Crown of France Now to the second Point of this fourth Point wherein I should spend so much time and overweary you with too long impertinent discourse iâ— I should relate unto you the time and manner how and when we lost Normandy Aquitania and every other member of France and therefore it shall suffice to shew you how and when we had conquered almost all France in a few years we lost again all in a very
Iulius Caesar. So did Peter King of Castile murther Rubaeus King of Granado for the greedy desire which he had of the infinite Treasure which Rubaeus brought into Castile with him So did Ptolomy imprison Antiochus who trusting him rather then his Brother Seleucus whom he had many ways and times grievously offended fled unto him from the heavy displeasure and persecution of King Eumenes So briefly did Henry the fifth King of England detain Iames afterward King of Scotland prisoner many years who flying from the unnatural persecution of his Uncle who had deposed his Father and usurped the Crown was driven by tempest into England These Examples varying much from the former And these Princes observing a quite contrary course unto that which the before-named Kings observed maketh this question very doubtful Whether it be lawful and commendable in Princes to receive and harbour another Prince who flyeth unto him for succour But if humanity deserveth always more commendations then cruelty if it be true that the Poet saith Turpius ejicitur quam non admittitur Hospes If Princes were first ordained and instituted to yeild relief to as many as were distressed If God most commonly blessed them who yeilded such relief and contrariwise punished those who exercised no kind of humanity towards them Briefly if wiser Princes have received them then have rejected them this doubt is easily dissolved and this difficulty quickly removed Now that humanity which is incident unto men is to be preferred before cruelty which is proper unto bruit beasts is a thing so apparent to common sense that I hold him for senseless that doubteth thereof and what is he who blameth him not for incivility who having received his friend into his house and being very well able to relieve him excludeth him without any occasion of discontentment offered by him Or who is so ignorant that knoweth not there is nothing more answerable unto the principal cause and motive of the first institution of Kings then it is to succour as many as have need of their help And our Chronicles do testifie that God plagued the posterity of Henry the fifth for his extremity used unto the poor distressed Prince of Scotland and the French Histories do declare that God never prospered Lewis sirnamed Oultremer King of France because he had dealt discourteously and unkindly with the Infant Richard Duke of Normandy whom he had received into his safe custody and protection And to be short the wisdom of those Princes who have harboured their Neighbours and Allies are commended beyond all measure by the Writers who mention them whereas their folly is reprehended and their cruelty blamed who rejected those of whom I lately made mention and all histories shall sooner perish then their infamy be forgotten But to reconcile the contrarieties of the precedent examples and to clear the difficulty of this question I think it not amiss to descend from the general argument to a particular supposition for so the controversie will soon be determined Suppose therefore for example sake that the Kings of France and Spain being in fast League of friendship together there ariseth a variance betwixt the Kings of France and Navarra from this variance they fall to wars of these wars follow the overthrow of the Navarrois after that overthrow he flyeth unto the King of Spain for refuge May the Spanish King in this case receive and harbour him To this demand it is not possible to make a good and an absolute answer unless the cause of the Wars betwixt France and Navarra and the kind of Alliance betwixt France and Spain be well and sufficiently known for the nature and quality of the one and the other may make the receipt and entertainment of the Navarrois lawful or unlawful If the French King had just occasion to war against the Navarrois because he was wronged by him or by some of his and the League betwixt Spain and France bound the Kings of both places not to receive one anothers enemies but that the one should hold him for his foe which was or is adversary to the other Then doubtless except the King of France of his part had first committed some Act contrary and repugnant unto the conditions of the Alliance whereby the same was broken and violated the Spaniard could not lawfully receive the Navarrois But contrarywise if the aforenamed Wars were unjust and the League not so streight as Alliance which are both offensive and defensive are then might the Spaniard without breach of his duty harbour the Navarrois especially if the French King had before the receipt violated the conditions of the League for as Bonds and Obligations betwixt private men tye not the Obligee to other things then are mentioned in the conditions so Leagues betwixt Princes do not prohibite them to do any thing that is not expresly or by implication forbidden by the Articles of those Leagues Besides as the world is now adayes Leagues are of no longer continuance then there is some profit or commodity arising or proceeding from them and as soon as the breach of them may be certainly and assuredly profitable and advantagious unto the breaker they are not so religiously observed as they have been in times past but some colour or other is presently pretended to justifie their unlawful violation You have heard what a strait League was concluded betwixt the French King and Ferdinando King of Spain touching the Kingdom of Naples and also what occasion was taken to break the same as soon as Gonsalvo surnamed the great Captain had the French General at an advantage But I think I have not as yet acquainted you with the colour and pretence which was used to excuse the breach thereof the which because it now cometh fitly to the purpose I purpose to declare unto you Ferdinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain being accused by the French King that they had unlawfully broken the League of Friendship which was straitly concluded betwixt Spain and France against all enemies whatsoever that should attempt any thing against the Kingdom of Naples being equally divided as you have heard betwixt the two Crowns alledged for their excuse that amongst other Articles of their League and Agreement this clause was inserted That they should not be bound to any thing that might be prejudicial unto the See of Rome and that therefore the Pope having required them as Sovereign Lord of that Kingdom to succour the distressed Kingdom of Naples they could do no less but yeilded unto his request and with this Cautele contrary to their former promise made unto the French King the said King and Queen entred into confederacy and league against France with the Pope with the Venetians and with the Duke of Milan and the Duke of Ferara would not openly enter into this League but cunningly and with an Italian devise and subtilty he suffered his Son to serve the Duke of Milan as his Lieutenant
by the on-set which he gave upon France and by the great Power and Authority which he had even then in Italy that he went about to make himself Lord of the most part of the world And seeing that Francis the first King of France had lately won Milan from the said Emperour they entred into League with the French King against Charls the fifth as secretly as they might possible You have heard before how Leo the tenth taking the kindness shewed unto him by the Emperour at the Diet of Worms very kindly was moved thereby to leave the French party and to become one of the Emperours Faction Now you shall hear how Pope Paulus the third having the Cardinal Farnesius for his Embassadour with the said Emperour and finding that his Majesty had proclaimed a Diet to be held at Wormes touching the deciding of certain matters and controversies of Religion took it in so evil a part that the Emperour would intermeddle with the hearing of spiritual causes the cognizance whereof belonged unto the Pope that he commanded the said Cardinal to depart from the Emperors Court without taking leave of his Majesty and to leave the Cardinal Marcello Corvino in his place which was an indignity never offered unto any Prince unto whom either the Embassadour or his Majesty bear any love or affection This evil conceit of the said Paulus Tertius towards the same Emperour was encreased by three special Causes The first because the Emperour to strengthen himself against the above named French King had lately entred into League and Alliance with Henry the eighth King of England who was then fallen from that obedience which the See of Rome looked for at his hands The second because Caesar had so quickly forgotten the wrong done unto his Aunt lately divorced from the same King The third because the Emperor would neither sell unto him the Dukedom of Milan nor make his Son Pier Lewis Duke of Parma and Placentia I might proceed in the recital of many other Examples like unto these but from these you may sufficiently gather that the wisest both Popes Emperors and Kings that ever lived of late years have made it a matter of small or no conscience to break their Leagues for very small occasions especially if they found that any King or Emperour by reason of their League presuming to finde no resistance able to withstand his intent and purpose went about to incroach upon other Princes and to make himself Lord of the world You may also perceive by the mutability and inconstancy of the Princes of Italy and of their falling from France to Spain and again from Spain to France how greatly they fear the greatness of the one or the other in Italy how ready they have been to supplant him that waxeth great amongst them and how careless negligent and secure they are now since they notwithstanding not as their predecessors always did before them the aspiring Ambition of the Spaniard Moreover these Examples may teach you what opinion was conceived of Charls the fifth what jealousie and suspition other Princes had of him and what an high and aspiring mind he carryed The which having left as an Inheritance to his Son with a number of precepts forged in so dangerous and ambitious a conceipt no marvel though he do somewhat imitate his Father But great marvel it is why the Princes of our Age do not foresee and fear in him the same minde the same desire the same ambition and the same purposes which were in his Father But the more careless other Princes are herein the more commendations our Gracious Soveraign deserveth who for better then these thirty five years hath as I have said often and cannot say too often mightily crossed his endeavours without the help of any other that ever would vouchsafe to joyn with her Majestie in so honorable an Action Neither may it be imputed to her Highness as a fault that she hath forgotten the ancient league which was betwixt the house of Burgundie and her Predecessors but rather as he amongst private men is highly commended who forsaketh his dearest friends in their unjust causes and when they go about to oppress and overthrow their Neighbours so her gracious Majestie is worthy of everlasting praise and fame because it hath pleased her Highness to prefer the justice and equitie of good causes before the iniquity of any League or confederacie Besides since that the League that was betwixt England and Burgundy was as it may be gathered by the Chronicles of both Nations rather with the people subject unto the Princes of Burgundy then with the Princes themselves her Majestie continuing in Amitie with the States and People of the United Provinces and being ready to do the like if the like occasion were offered with the other of the seventeen Provinces doth not any thing in the prejudice of the Antiquitie of that League but as her Predecessors have done before her as namely Edward the third and Richard the second her Majestie hath thought it meet and convenient to stand with the poor and afflicted people against the unkind and unnaturall crueltie and oppression of their Soveraign The which action being most commendable and such as might be approved by infinite Examples they do her Highness great wrong who not considering the indignities wrongs and injuries done unto her by the late house of Spaine and not remembring the first occasion of displeasure between the Crowns of England and Spain to have risen from Spain blame her Majesty as the first breaker of that ancient League These men besides many other things which are already refuted or remain to be fully answered hereafter in their several and fit places more maliciously then wisely object unto her Majesty that about the year 1569. her Ships intercepted 59 chests full of Ryals of Spain amounting unto the sum and value of eight hundred thousand Ducats which were sent unto the Duke of Alva out of Spain to pay his souldiers withal the which wrong gave as they affirm the first or greatest occasion of breach of amity and friendship betwixt Spain and England For by the intercepting of this money the Souldiers were disappointed of their pay and the Kings credit and authority was greatly impaired and weakened in the Low Countries But those men neither consider that Spain had long before this time offered great wrong unto England nor remember that when the Spaniard complained unto her Majesty hereof that it was wisely and sufficiently answered That her Majesty understanding that the said money was sent to pay certain debts of the Spanish Kings which he owed unto divers Merchants of Genova who being well able to spare the same and her Highness having urgent occasion to use so much thought she might be so bold as the Spaniard had been to borrow the said money for a small time paying them as he did some yearly consideration for it Which Answer might well have contented the King of Spain
since the said Merchants at no time had any cause why they should not credit her Highness as well as him Nor did they weigh the violent and extraordinary dealing of the Duke of Alva who as soon as he heard the news of the intercepting of the said money commanded all our English Merchants that were then in Antwerp or elsewhere in Brabant and Flanders to be detained as prisoners seized upon their goods and Merchandizes and willed that the English house should be kept by a Guard of High-Dutchmen and presently wrote unto the King his Master to detain all our Merchants in Spain and further knowing that there were divers English Ships in Zeland laden with Cloth and other Merchandize of great worth and value he caused them likewise to be stayed and neither they nor our Merchants in Brabant Flanders Zeland or Spain were dismissed before the king of Spain was fully satisfied which might easily be done the very Cloth it self which was transported out of England into those Countries being almost worth the sum that was pretended God knoweth how truly to be taken away from the Spâ—niard For although we should grant that this money was wrongfully taken and detained by her Majesty yet the order which the Duke of Alva took for the recovery thereof was not to be justified He ought first to have acquainted his Master with the taking thereof Then an Embassadour should have been sent from him into England to demand restitution thereof And lastly if her Grace had denied the restoring of the same or not sufficiently satisfied the taking of it the course which was taken had not been amiss But here the Cart went before the Horse and judgment was given before the Cause was heard Now because our Merchants lived quietly in the Low Countries as well before as after the taking of this money because they enjoyed their Priviledges as largely as ever they did because we had daily Traffique with Spain and the Kings Embassadours remained then and many years after in England All which are Arguments and probable Conjectures that there was peace betwixt us and Spain the intercepting of this money will still seem unlawful unless it be shewed that the Spaniard hath given her Majesty some just occasion of discontentment before the time of taking thereof Truly it cannot be denied that our Merchants had Traffique as it is said in Spain and elsewhere under the Spanish Dominions but not for any love to our Prince or Nation but in regard of the great benefit that they brought unto the King and to his Countries which could not well stand or at the least wise as late experience hath shewed flourished as they did without them Witness the misery of Antwerp at this present the poverty of Burges and the calamity of many other Towns both in Brabant and in Flanders which as long as they were haunted and frequented by Englishmen yeilded to few Towns and Cities of Christendom for wealth and prosperity Witness again Middleboroug Vlushing Amsterdam and other Towns in Holland and Zeland which before the departure of our Englishmen from those Towns which are now under the King of Spain and before their Traffique in Holland and Zeland had not the tenth part of the wealth or resort of Merchants thither which they have at this present in so much that many Towns in these two Provinces are of late years made larger yea twice as big as they were wont to be Witness lastly the great wealth power and strength which the States of the United Provinces are grown unto since they have cast off the yoke of Spanish Tyrannical Government entred into strait League with our most gratious Queens Majesty and hath had Traffique with her loving Subjects for which the small aid which they have had from us small indeed in comparison of their great charges and with the yearly Revenues which they gather by the resort of Merchants thither it is seen of late that they are become so mighty as that for provision of Wars for strength by Sea for Munition for all kind of furniture for Wars both by Sea and Land and especially by Sea they may almost compare with the mightiest Prince in the world Have they not of late years boarded the Spaniard did they not when he sent his Invincible Army into England stand us in great stead Have they not won many Towns which were lost and betrayed in the time of the late Earl of Leicesters being there when they had far greater help and countenance by us then they have had of late Briefly have they not and do they not carry themselves so of late years that it may not only grieve the Spaniard but also all the Princes of Christendom that he hath given them so just and good occasion to know and to use their own strength For if the chiefest Towns of France which are grown to such an humor and liking of encantonizing themselves as it hath been thought meet to publish many reasons in print to shew the great inconveniences and difficulties which they should incurre and find in so doing if I say these Towns should enter into consideration of the wealth and prosperity of the said States and their Subjects and after due examination of their happiness follow their examples and so in time cast off the yoke servitude and obedience which time out of mind they have owed and most dutifully shewed unto their Kings would it not be a very ill president a dangerous imitation and a most pernicious example Should not other Princes have just cause to suspect and fear the like change and alteration in their kingdomes And were it not greatly to be doubted and feared that other Subjects would be as ready as forward as desirous as they of liberty of alteration and of a new kind of Government Nay was there not a time when almost at one time all the Subjects of Europe not seeing so much as they may now see jumped so well in one desire to free themselves from their subjection unto Kings and Princes as that all Kings and Princes were enforced to joyn together in strength and in good will to suppress them The danger therefore of this inconvenience only being well and wisely considered all the Princes of Europe have great occasion to be offended with the Spaniard who by his unjust severity hath in some manner endangered all their States and royal Principalities But hereof more conveniently hereafter in another place Now again to my purpose The Subjects of the United Provinces travell dayly into Spain they carry thither and fetch thence many commodities they only abstain from carrying and bringing of things necessary and profitable for the maintenance of Wars May any man considering the premises and seeing how they and the Spaniards fight dayly one against another at home and within their own Countries say truly that there is no War betwixt them No verily it is not the entercourse of Merchants nor the residence of Leaguers and Embassadours that
Again this was no direction but an admonition no counsel but a request and such a request as might rather have honoured then disgraced him For had it not been a great glory and commendation unto him not onely to have listened but also to have submitted himself unto the motion and final judgment of so many Honourable and Princely Intercessors Was it think you a dishonour unto Alphonsus King of Castile and to Garsias King of Navarre that they referred the contention betwixt them for the bounds and limits of their Kingdoms unto the judgement and decision of Henry the second King of England Wise Princes rather then they will enter into wars or being at wars continue therein do usually commit their controversies sometimes to the determination of their equals and sometimes to their far inferiours and although the cause be far greater and of more weight then the controversie betwixt the Spanish King and his Subjects was yet they have been content to stand to their doom and judgement The contention betwixt Artobazenes and Zerzes was one of the most famous and intricate questions that hath been betwixt Prince and Prince Artobazenes challenged the Kingdom of the Medians because he was the first begotten son of his father Darius and Zerzes thought himself worthy to be preferred because his Father was but a private man when his Brother was begotten and a King whenas he begat him and therefore his Fathers private Patrimony belonged in his opinion unto his Brother but the Kingdom was his own Inheritance the rather because Artobazenes came not onely of a private man but also of a Mother and Grandfather by the Mothers side which were not Princes whereas both his Mother and Grandfather had kings to their Fathers This contention by mutual consent was referred unto the Uncle Artipherus who after due examination of the Cause gave the Kingdom unto Zerzes and this judgement hath ever since remained and been held for a lawfull sentence and notable president to be imitated in the like occasion even in these dayes There are few or no Historiographers of France England or Scotland that mention not the notable controversie betwixt Iohn Ballioll Robert Bruse and Iohn Hastings Husbands unto the three Daughters of David King of Scotland and Co-heirs of that Kingdom after the death of their Brother Alexander and by common consent of all Historians this rare and strange contention was referred unto Edward the first King of England who chose forty or some say eighty the one half English men and the other half Scotish-men who having throughly discussed every mans right gave sentence for Iohn Balliol who discended of the eldest Daughter of the King of Scotland which Award was confirmed by the King The Chronicles of Flanders and our Histories testifie that Henry the second and Philip King of France and after them Philip sirnamed The Fair and the Flemings his subjects after they had been over-wearied with a long continuance of most cruel and sharp wars the first two compromitted their difference unto their Archbishops and the later unto men of meanner condition and yet both the first and the last stood unto their Arbitâ—ement I could alledge many other Examples to this purpose but they would rather dilate thâ—n discuss my purpose and therefore that which hath been said shall suffice for the confutation of part of this last Reason And the rest shall be confuted more conveniâ—ntly in another place Then to the third Error Seeing that his purposes failed him in Flanders that the Hollanders were continually secured against him by the Queen of England that the Princes Cities Protestants increased daily as well in number as in power and authority he thinking that it would redound greatly to his glory honour and reputation to professe himself to be head and Protector of the Holy League which was intended to be made against all Princes or any other whatsoever professing Lutheranism entred into League with the Pope the Princes of Italy the Duke of Lorrain and the House of Guise with express condition that he as head and they as principal Adherents should labour travel and endeavour to the uttermost of their power to subvert all those which made profession of a contrary Religion unto theirs To sound the depth of this Alliance and to understand whether the same shall be profitable or glorious honest or commendable for him it shall be very expedient to enter into a particular consideration of the powers qualities conditions and means of every one of these Allies For although some or most of them have been spoken of before when we handled their abilities and means to hurt and annoy him yet it shall not be now amiss to declare what strength and sufficiency they have to help and further his intents and purposes The Pope as Christs Vicar the Holy Father of the Church the lawfull successor of St. Peter and the chief Protector of the Roman and the Catholick Faith for all these are his Titles that he challengeth as proper and peculiar to himself will think that his sacred Holiness is greatly wronged if I should not vouchsafe him the first place in this Alliance For albeit he very seldom entereth into League with Princes that are of less might then himself yet be his confederates never so great let their charges never so much exceed his and their Armies be they by Sea or by Land far excel his as well in number as in valour yet he claimeth a Prerogative to be chief Patron of the confederacy and Umpier and Arbitrator of all conâ—entions that may arise thereof The most famous Enterprise that hath been of late years was the Attempt made at Lepanto against the Turk by Pius Quintus King Philip that now is and the Venetians For the performance whereof the Spanish King and the Seigniorie of Venice were at far greater charges imployed more Gallies and greater Forces then his Holiness and yet the Reverend Father by reason of his usurped prerogative must needs have the honor of the first place in that League and whatsoever debates or difference fell out in any thing concerning the said League the same was to be referred unto his Holiness and to receive no other end then such as he should decree and determine For fear therefore of his heavy indignation I will not presume to defraud him of his honour The Princes of Italy shall have the second place and the Peers of France the last It shall be easie for any man to make conjecture and give his judgement of the Popes power and puissance that will consider that his City of Rome which is the chief seat and the greatest part of his strength retaineth not so much as the bare shadow of her ancient vertue that she loseth her Reputation Prosperity Peace and Dignity as soon as she beginnineth to be troubled or molested with the factions and partialities of the contentious Ursini and Colonesi two notable Families of
unto his Majesty in the year 1575. to negotiate a general peace betwixt the King and his discontented Subjects as well Papists as Protestants This Ambassador in the preamble of his Speech to the King used these words We thank God that it hath pleased him so highly to favour us as to send us a King that both will and can hear himself the wants and complaints of his Subjects and order and redress the same according to his good pleasure and the laudable course of Justice For if our Writers have imployed their Labours in writing to blame and reprehend those Kings which hear not but by the Ears of others which see not but by the Eyes of others and speak not but by the Mouthes of others We have most great occasion to think our selves very happy and blessed unto whom God hath sent a King so gentle and so loving unto his Subjects as that he will hear all our causes and controversies himself and a King of so rare and excellent Wisdom as that he is able to decide and determine our Contentions This commendation given him by Seigneur Darennes far exceedeth Sir Henry Cobhams because he was the Ambassador of a Prince that was in League with the late King and the Siegneur Darennes of a Prince that not long before had born arms against this King And Sir Henry might speak for favour but the other spake as he thought because it appeareth by the rest of the speeches which he used in the same negotiation that he neither would or could dissemble And because this praise and commendation was given by an Enemy rather then by a friend it cannot but be void of all partiality assertion or flattery Thus you have heard the French Kings Vertues and his Imperfections the Leaguers folly and the Spanish Kings indiscretion Now it resteth to declare unto you his further error which although it be the last yet it is not the least and I fear me I shall have occasion to enlarge my self more of it then I did of the other three It is not unknown unto all or most part of the World that the King of Spain too much crediting the light and false reports of certain English Fugitives did once attempt and doth still intend to invade and subdue England This attempt and this intention although it seemeth to be grounded upon good reasons and to be allowed by the wisest Councellors yet I will shew that it was neither begun with wisdom nor is continued with any great discretion To shew this it shall be needful to examine all and every of the causes which moved him to undertake this attempt and purpose The causes are many and some of them are already sufficiently declared others rest first to be discovered and then then to be confuted It hath already been shewed that for succouring of France for aiding of Flanders for intercepting his money and for favouring and furthering of Don Antonio his resolution to recover the Kingdom of Portugal the Spanish King had no just occasion to be offended with the Queens Majesty It remaineth to prove that the Popes Excommunication That the false and sinister reports of the English Fugitives the death of the late Queen of Scots OF the sending away of his Ambassador with some small disgrace out of England giveth him no just occasion to trouble her Majesties quiet and peaceable Government All this being proved his indiscretion shall be made appear by three principal Reasons The first because he took no good course for the accomplishment of his enterprise The second Because that although his course had been good yet he neither was nor is able to subdue England And the third Because albeit he should chance to conquer our Realm yet he could not hold the same long The order whereunto I have tied my self requireth that I begin with the Popes Excommunication And for the better clearing of this point it were necessary to shew what Authority he hath to excommunicate But this is a matter that requireth a whole and large Volume and therefore I have thought good not to medle therewith but to refer you for your better instruction unto the large Apology which Marsilius Paturius wrote above 266 years ago in the defence of the Emperor Lewis of Baviera against the Pope that would not admit or allow him for Emperor There you shall see that the Pope although he were Christs lawfull and indubitate Vicar a point which never was nor will be proved yet he hath no more Authority then Christ himself had There you shall read that Christ came not into the world to Rule that he took not upon him to Command Princes but that both he himself obeyed and taught his Apostles to obey Princes There you shall understand that Saint Paul the Apostle Saint Peter and other of Christs Disciples obeyed the Civil Magistrate and submitted themselves unto Temporal Government There briefly you shall learn that not Clergy man ought to meddle with Temporal matters And that the Pope hath no more Authority to pardon sins or excommunicate any man then other Inferior Priests and Ministers have All this being true as in that Apology you shall finde it learnedly substantially and sufficiently proved not by humane Reasons which may be erroneous but by sacred Scriptures which cannot be controlled your own discretion may sufficiently warrant you that this Excommunication can be of no great force And yet because many of our Countrimen attribute too much unto the Popes Authority and cannot be perswaded but that he came unto the same directly and holdeth it immediately from Christ. I will shew you as briefly as I can how the Pope of Rome attained unto that great Authority which he now enjoyeth It appeareth by Du Haillan in the French Chronicle that in the time of Charles the Great the Popes of Rome had no power or authority in Rome it self they medled but onely with matters of Religion with Ecclesiastical Discipline and with points of Divinity It appeareth also by Platina Dr. Illescas and Robert Barnes three notable Writers of the Popes lives the first being an Italian the second a Spaniard and the third an Englishman that many years after Christs passion and after St. Peters death they were cruelly massacred and martyred by the Emperors of Rome It is also notorious and apparent by the testimony the same Writers and of many more that they were wont to be chosen approved and confirmed by the Roman Emperors insomuch that he was not held for a lawful Pope which had not the Emperors approbation Briefly you shall find in the Histories and Chronicles of France that three Popes being chosen at one time they came into France the Kings whereof were then also Emperors to excuse themselves and their election because it was made without the consent or privity of the Emperor and to stand to his opinion that then was Emperor which of the three should be Pope but now there is a great alteration and a marvellous change
lay and inflict upon him The Pope sendeth two Cardinals into England before whom the King sweareth that the Murther of the Archbishop was undertaken and performed without his consent and privitie And yet because he confessed that in his wrath and anger he had spoken some words that might perhaps embolden the Malefactors to committ the same he could not be Absolved before he promised to give the Cardinals so much readie money as would maintaine 200. soldiers for a year in the Holy land and also that all his Subiects should have libertie to appeale from his Courts unto Rome a great punishment for a small offence For what a trouble and grief was it thinke you unto the Subjects of this Realme to have all causes carried unto Rome where they spent their travel and their money many years before they could be ended and received no indifferent Iudgment because their Contentions were for the most parâ— as you shall heare with Italians who found better favour either for money or for love then our Countrimen which were meer Strangers unto the Judges But these griefs are nothing in respect of those which we endured in the time of Henry the third the which were so grievous that the King together with the Clergie and Nobility complained thereof unto the generall Councell which was held in Pope Innocent the third his time at Lyons They complained first that the Pope not being contented with his Peter-pence did newly exact new contributions of the English Clergy and still intended to extort more and more from them contrary to the ancient Customes and Liberties of England Next that the Patrons of Churches when they fell void could not present fit Clerks unto them as by grant from the Pope they might do but their Churches were collated unto Italians who understood not our Mother tongue and therefore could not instruct their People whose Soules for lack of discipline and good instructions perished Thirdly they complained that the Pope imposed upon their Churches more Pensions then he had formerly promised to take of them and leavied divers taxes within this Realme without the Kings knowledge or consent Fourthly and lastly that Italians succeeded unto Italians in the best Benefices and Ecclesiastical livings of England Of which followed these Inconveniences First there was no Hospitality kept for the releif of the Poor Next the word of God was not preached to the edifying of mens Soules their divine Service was not celebrated to the comfort of mens consciences and lastly churchâ—s were not repaired to the benefit of their next Incumbents It was further shewed that the Clergy of England was enforced to maintain and arme some Ten Souldiers others five and others fifteen to bee sent with sufficient Armor and horses to serve the Pope in what place soever it pleased him Again it was declared that although there was an Ancient priviledg in England that no Legate should come into the Realme unless the King required and allowed him yet they came continually one after another and the later still exceeded the former in troubling and overcharging the Realme Moreover it was proved that besides the Popes Tributes and Subsidies Italians held Benefices in England to the yeerly value of 60 Thousand marks and transported out of the kingdom tâ—e most part of that money to the great impoverishment of our Country Neither were these griefes so lamentable but that it grieved all estates in our Country much more that our best wits for lack of such preferment as was due unto Learning were fain to leave the Universities and to betake themselves unto Mechanical Trades and such Occupations as were not fit for men of their Gifts and capacities whereby our Realme was almost induced unto a very Barbarisme The Ambassadors that made this complaint were men of great dignity mature Judgment and of exceeding great learning But what could they prevaile in a Councell where the Popesâ— Faction was so strong that at the very self same time he deposed the Emperor Frederick and sent away our Ambassadors greatly discontented For he gave them a chargâ— streightly to command all Bishops in England to set their hands and seales to that detestable Charter which King Iohn made to the Pope for a yeâ—rly pension to be paid unto the Sea of Rome unto which commandement all the Bishops more indiscreetly then wisely shewed themselves most obedient But the King protested that although the Bishops had bowed their knees unto Baal yet he would stand stoutly in the defence of the Liberty of his Realme and would never pay any yearly pension unto Rome under the name of a Tribute I might here take occasion to tell you how this Tribute grew but you must remember that I have already touched the same somewhat in all that may be said in the behalf of the Pope and for the maintenance of that Pension it hath been lately confuted in a leamed Treatise called Anti-Sanderus I might also proceed in declaring other inconveniences which our Realme hath endured by our voluntary subjection unto the Pope But these may suffice to commend those our Kings for their wisedome and magnanimitie which cast off that yoke amongst whom there are none that deserve greater commendation then the Queens Majesty that now raigneth and her Noble Father and godly Brother For some of their predecessors indeed permitted not the Pope to overcharge their Subjects but they have discharged them of all kind of Grievances which he was wont to put them unto and have both wisely and boldly excluded him and his Authority which he wrongfully usurped Whereat both his Fatherly reverence and our Romish Sâ—ctaries so much repine that they cry out with open mouth that it is against all Reason all Divinitie and Scriptures that secular Princes should have and arrogate unto themselves any manner of Authority in Ecclesiastical causes This and the Substraction of such Taxes and Impositions as the Sea of Rome was wont to impose upon the Englâ—sh Clergie are the true and only Causes why the Pope thundereth his Interdictions and Menaces against our Gracious Sovereigne and her kingdom although he pretendeth that her dissent and diversitie from his Religion only moveth him to excommunicate her Majesty You have heard sufficient Reasons to justâ—fie the taking away of those duties and services And the same might be warranted by the Examples of many Forreine Examples who upon the like occasion have done the like But I may not handle every matter that is worth the handling in this discourse which already is grown to be far large then I thought it should have been And yet considering the Impudency of our Adversaries in denying all kind of Authority unto Temporall Princes in spiritual Causes and for satisfying you somewhat in that point who especially Charged me to yield you some satisfâ—ction therein I will in few words and by a few Examples fetcht from the holy Scriptures prove unto you that this her Majesties proceeding in Ecclesiasticall Causes is waranted by holy Scriptures
quiet Government at home to confer the necessities of her Predecessors with the urgent occasions that her Grace hath had to use much ready money they shall finde that her Ancestors never had so just occasions of necessary expences as her Majesty had of late years yea almost for the whole time of her reign For albeit her Majesty hath not had continual open Wars as some of them had yet her charge hath been nothing inferior unto theirs For first Wars are now adays as I have said far more chargeable then they were wont to be Then her Grace hath had no other Princes to contribute towards her expences as her Predecessors had Next her Loans to foreign Princes as to the Kings of France of Navar of Scotland to the late Duke of Alencon and to the States of the Low Countries have been very great And lastly her charges both by land and Sea could not chuse but amount yearly to infinite sums considering how many times her Highness hath been constrained to send her Navy to the Seas and her Land Souldiers forth of the Realm Besides her Predecessors charges were for the most part voluntary being undertaken to conquer and not to defend their Realms to get other Princes Dominions and not to conserve their own to revenge forein injuries and not to repulse domestical invasions briefly their Wars were for their own profit and hers for her Subjects benefit considering therefore that whatsoever her Grace hath levied not granted unto her by her Parliament without any contradiction without any accusing her of Prodigalâ—ty wâ—thout any such exception taken against her demands as hath been taken against other her Predecessors without any suspition of hâ—r evil Government therefore without any consigning the managing and government of the same unto others then unto them who by her Majesties appointment have the custody thereof it is a manifest argument that her Subjects were always most willing to yeeld to all manner of contributions that her Highness in her Princely Wisdom and Discretion did take to be necessary for the defence of her Realm And if these malicious Accusers would look upon the governments upon the Exactions upon the extortions of such Princes in whose Realms they either live by Alms or wander up and down as Vagabonds their own consciences if at least they have any would condemn them of malice of untruth or of gross ignorance for the wisest amongst them may and are well able to make large volumes of such Subsidies Taxes Impositions and Grievances as are levied in France Italy Spain of which the hundreth parts are unknown much less practised in England and this must needs appear to be most true and manifest since it cannot be denied that in some Dukedoms of Italy the Circuit of which is not comparable unto one Shire of England the yearly Revenues of the Duke far exceed the Revenues and Rents of the Crown of England Moreover if it may please this Viperous generation of Fugitives to call to mind the Interest that Princes have in their Subjects Goods and the great power that is given unto kings in the Old Testament over the Lands and Possessions of as many as live under their Obedience and also to remember that Princes the longer they live the more absolute Imperious and self-conceited they are in the Execution of their Government and the more Experienced in their proof they must rather commend then condemn her Majesty whom neither continuance of time nor fulness of Authority nor presumption upon the good Wills of her people nor confidence upon the Equity of her Cause nor the consideration of her Subjects weal wholly depending upon her welfare nor briefly the remembrance of her gentle and sweet-Government hath ever imboldened to be over-chargable unto the Realm or over-burthensome unto her Subjects This grievous accusation is more truly then briefly refelled Now leaving the rest of these Fugitives suggestions unto another place wherein I shall have occasion to handle them more fitly I will end this point with condemning the King of Spain for being too light in crediting these Rebels in two principal points For first he ought to have considered that neither the vain Pamphlets disspersed by his lying Ambassador Mendoza nor the malicious book written by Cardinal Allen was able to alter remove or shake the natural and dutifull affections of our English Subjects they were too well acquainted with the Ambassadors old and inveterate malice with his hostile practices and his desperate intents They knew the Cardinal to be a Religious Fugitive to sell his tongue and the use thereof for money to be like unto Richard Shaw that was hired to preach at Pauls-Cross and there publickly to justifie the wrongfull usurpation of Richard the third to resemble the Duke of Buckingham who neither feared nor blushed to commend the same cause for just and most lawfull in the Guildhall London to imitate Iohn Petit a Preacher of France who for a far less bribe then a Cardinalship allowed approved and commended in Pulpit and in writing the most horrible murther committed by the Duke of Burgoigne on the person of the Duke of Orleans And lastly to follow his example who without all example was not ashamed to write a large volumn against the late king of France and therein to deduce many reasons many causes for and by which he maintained that the said King might be lawfully deposed and another set up and established in his place Secondly he might have considered that those Fugitives are for the most part peevish and discontented Schollers fitter to mannage a Pen then a Lance to dispute of Philosophy then to discourse of War to be partial in their own conceits then to be prodigal in their assurance briefly to be ready to say more then they know especially when they are either assured or in good hope by saying much to obtain much he might have remembred that Iohannes Viennensis sent into Scotland by Charles the sixth of France although he was a man of great experience a Captain of long continuance aud one that by his long abode in Scotland knew England and her Forces far better then our Fugitives do deceived his King at his return out of Scotland in reporting unto him the strength of our Nation he had fought with many of our Armies had seen 60000 Footmen 8000 and Horsmen of ours in the Field was of opinion that our Country was easie to be conquered within the Realm howsoever it prevailed and conquered abroad And lastly he both knew and signified unto the king that the Duke of Lancaster was absent in Portugal with the Flower and chief Youth of England These reason moved the French king to determine to invade England presently to carry an huge Army to Sluce in Flanders to assemble all the Nobility and Peers of his Realm for that voyage and to proâ—â—se unto himself an assured victory against England But what event had this Journey What effect followed of this perswasion The
king hearing that the Duke of Lancaster was returned out of Portugal and that in England fâ—r greater Forces were prepared to resist his invasion then Iohn of Vienna had mentioned withdrew his Forces from Sluce unto the places from whence they came and as the Spaniards would cover their dishonour received in their attempt against England by the Duke of Parma his not joyning with them in convenient time as it was decreed in Spain before they departed out of Spain so they laid the fault of not proceeding in the journey upon the Duke of Berry who knowing the Forces of England as undoubtedly the Duke of Parma did far better then those that took upon them to make report thereof came not unto the French king at Sluce until the dead of Winter when it it was too late to depart thence to invade England And as the Frenchmen falsly charged the Duke of Berry that he had received Bribes of the king of England to divert his king from his intended enterprise against England So the Spaniards more indirectly then justly blame the Duke of Parma that in consideration of some reward either received or promised from us he held not his promise to joyn his power with the Spanish strength against us And lastly as of the French vain enterprises and all the preparations thereof there came nothing else into England but certain great Tents and lodgings of Wood capable as their Authors report of all their kings huge Army So of the Spanâ—sh invincible Navy and of their mighty Army nothing was seen in England but the spoil of their strong Armado and the flags of their tallest ships which were brought to Paulsâ—Cross â—Cross and there shewed unto the People as notable monuments of their wonderous overthrow Now followeth the death of the Queen of Scots a Queen in whom God had joyned some vertues with many vices a happy Queen if she had not been too much affected unto the Pope of Rome too much lead and counselled by the Spanish King a Pope and a King that have overthrown more noble Families in England France Flanders and Scotland then they have true and good Noblemen within their Realms and Dominions Of this Queen because she was nobly descended and the mother of a most noble King I forbear to set down what Buchanan hath written And yet because her Majesty is charged to have done her to death wrongfully I cannot but relate what another reporteth of her Another that was neither an Englishman nor a Scot but a German Another that writeth of her as Cornelius Tacitus doth of his Emperors Sine ira studio without hatred or affection for she was unto him as those Emperors were to Tacitus neither known for any good turn that ever he received of her nor hated for any wrong that ever she did unto him This Queen saith my Author being weary of her second husband whose life was often sought and at length unhappily shortned not long after his death married James Hepborn Earl of Bothwel whom during her Husbands life she had used most fumiliurly Certain Noblemon of Scotland being greatly moved with the indignity of so wicked a deed and desirous to revenge so horrible a Parricide raised an Army against the Queen and forced her to resign her Kingdom unto her young Son But they confined her unto a certain Island whence escaping the next year by corrupting her Keepers and the Hamiltons Forces which fought in her defence but overthrown by the Lord Protector of Scotland she meaning to go unto her Mothers friends into France took her journey by England where she was detained and when as certain Treasons intended by the instigation of the Pope against the Queen of England her State for the delivery of the Scottish Queen and establishing her in both Kingdoms were revealed and discovered she was more straightly kept and lookt unto until at length because she had used many means to deprive the Queen of her life she was condâ—mned to death in the year 1586. by the Lords and Commons of the Parliament House and executed the same year accordingly Against this Sentence and his execution there are made these exceptions First it is said That the late Queen of Scotland being an absolute Prince as well as the Queen of England could not be condemned to death by her because Par in parem non habet potestatem Next it is alleadged that if a Prince should so much forget himself as not onely to pronounce but also to execute a sentence of death upon his Equal over whom he hath no manner of Jurisdiction or Authority other Princes will be greatly offended with this Sentence and never endure that it should be put in execution To these Reasons there is added a Third That since there is no Law as yet written to punish a Prince with death they think it unlawful to make new Laws new Statutes for the punishment of a Prince and in case it were lawful it is not known who should make these Laws who should adminster them who should execute them and therefore sithence there is no law against Princes there can be no great punishment inflicted upon Princes and because there was never any custom known or practised to proceed so severely against Princes Lives it must needs be against all good Custâ—m to call their Behaviour in question or their Lives into danger The favourers of this cause proceed further and look upon the malice and wickedness of Subjects who as soon as they begin to hate their Prince unjustly and for no occasion would quickly by themselves or by other Princes by open violence or by secret conspiracies be rid of their Princes So say they would it come to pass that by whom Princes ought to be preserved by them they should perish and by whose help they mould be delivered against all others through their hatred they should be destroyed by themselves The Patrons and Advocates of this Queen bring another reason to confirm their opinion For say they if a Prince fall willingly into another Princes hands or if it happen that flying from his malicious Subjects or from his foreign Enemies or being driven by Tempest or other casualty into one Kingdom when he meant to go into another or that being in the field one Prince is detained by another the detainer that shall not ransom but execute such a Prince shall break and violate the Laws of Arms of Humanity or of Hospitality Lastly the Laws of Nations require that Princes Ambassadors even in the hottest broils and most bloody contentions that are betwixt Princes shall have free ingress and egress into and out of the Kingdoms into which they are sent But if the Laws permit or rather command Ambassadors who do but represent the persons of Princes to be free from all dangers what honest or just pretext can there be to violate or wrong their Lords and Masters For it is against all reason against common practâ—ce and experience to spare the
partakers of it foolish in a King and Capital in a Subject Eumenes was King but of a poore Castle and yet he would not accknowledge mightie Antigonus for his Superior Pompey was a Subject and yet he could not endure any one man to bee above him Caesar a Citizen of Rome and yet he could not brooke an equall And the late Prince of Orange a Prince of no great Power or Wealth and yet he held himself for as absolute a Prince as the mightie Monarch of Spain This again is proved by a notable example of the Emperor Charles the 4. who coming into France in the time of Charles the 5. King of France to end all debates and quarrells betwixt him and our King was mett upon the way by the French King which is a ceremony observed by them who acknowledge themselves to bee inferior unto him whom they meet but the Emperor as soon as they were mett would have yeilded the highest place unto the King and accepted it not without great ceremony and it was written that it was given him but of Curtesie a Curtesie usuall among Princes aswell as amongst private men for as private men in their own houses and at their own Tables will of Curteâ—ie sett meaner men then they are before themselves so Princes when strange Kings come into their country will preferr them before themselves It is ceâ—tain that the Emperor precedeth of right all the Princes of Christendom And yet when Francis the first King of France was brought from Pavia where he was taken Prisoner into Spain at their fiâ—st meeting the Emprror and he embraced one another on horseback with their Capps in their hands and in covering their heads there passâ—d great ceremony betwixt them each of them striving to bee the last that should bee covered and after that they had talked a while they both covered their heads at one very selfesame time And after that there was a new strife betwixt them for the right hand This again is proved by the Emperor Sigismond who when hee would have made the Earle of Savoy as you have heard upon an other occasion Duke at Lyons hee was commanded by the Kings Attorney not to attempt any such thing in France aswell because it was thought that being in an other Kings Country he lost his Authority and Power to create a Duke as for that it seemed unto the French King that he was not to suffer him to use any Royall Authority within his dominions The Queen of Scotts therefore when shee was in England was inferior unto the Queens Majesty and this inferioritie is proved by three other principal Reasons The one because there is an inequalitie betwixt Kings one of them being better then an other The other because she was her Majesties Vassall and the third because she was deposed and so no longer a Queen First for the inequality it is certain that the Kings of Spain and of France be both resolute Princes and yet France challengeth precedency before Spain for five principal causes The first because the consent and opinion of the learned is for France and not for Spain The second because the French Kings have a long time had the honor to be Emperors and not the Kings of Spain The third because the French Kings have been called most Christian Kings these many hundred yeares and Ferdinando the fift was the first and that but lately that was called the Catholick King of Spain The fourth because at the Feast of St. George in England France even in Queen Maries time was preferred before Spain The fift because the house of France is more ancient then that of Spain which raigned long before the Castle of Hapsburg was builded The sixt and last because the book of ceremonies which is kept at Rome preferreth France before Spain Next to France is England as appeareth by the same book which putteth England in the second place and Spain in the third Again those Kings are best which are Crowned and by the same book it is evident that France England and Spain only have Crowned Kings Next it seemeth that the meaner sort of Kings also strive for Precedency and one of them will be accompted better then another For it is written that Matthew King of Hungary thinking himself better then Ladislaus King of Bohemia when they met once together Matthew went bare-headed and tyed about the head with a green Garland because hee would not put off his Capp unto the Bohemian but have him put off his unto him which the King of Bohemia perceiving deceived his expectation by tying his own Capp so fast unto his head that when they met hee could not put it off and so the Hungarian being bare-headed saluted the Bohemian that was covered But to leave these Inequalities and to come unto the second point which being proved it must needs follow that the Scottish Queen was farr inferior unto our Queen uâ—â—o whom shee owed honor homage and obedience Many of our Kings have challenged the Soveraignity over Scotland but none prosecuted the same more eagerly then Edward the first who because hee would be sure that his right thereunto was good caused all the Monasteriâ—s of England and Wales to bee searched to see what evidences or bookes he could finde in them to prove his Title The King found in the Chronicles of Mariamis Scotus of William of Malmesburg of Roger of Hoveden of Henry of Huntingdâ—n and of Radolph of â—ucet that King Edward his Predecessor in the yeare of our Lord nine hundred and ten subdued the Kings of Scotland and Câ—mberland and that the Subjects of both these kingdoms in the nine hundred and eleventh year chose the said Edward for their Soveraign Lord. He found further that Adeslaus King of England subdued in the yeare nine hundred twenty six Scotland and Northumberland and that the People of both Countries submitting themselves unto him swore unto him both fidelity and homage Hee found again that King Edgar overcame Rinad the son of Alphinus King of Scots and that by that victory he became King of Four kingdoms namely of England Scotland Denmarke and Norway He found also that St. Edward gave the kingdom of Scotland to bee held under him unto Malcolm son unto the King of Cumberland and that William the Conqueror in the sixt year of his raigne conquered the said Malcolm and took an oath of homage and fidelity of him The like did William Rufus unto the same Malcolm and unto his two Sons who raigned one after another Besides it appeareth unto the said Edward that Alexander King of Scotland succâ—eded his brother Edgar in his kingdome with the consent of Henry the first King of England that David King of Scots did homage unto King Stephen and William unto King Henry the second unto Henry the third unto King Richard and unto King Iohn It appeared again by the Chronicles of St. Albans that Alexander King of Scots in the thirty year of King Henries
purpose before the meeting in such manner that they may see and hear one another but not come so near together that the one may hurt the other But Ambassadors are safe in their enemies Countries why then should Princes be in danger in their Neighbors Dominions The Answer is very easie â—ecause Ambassadors are not spared either for their own sakâ—s or for their Masters but because that without them there would never be an end of Hostility nor any â—eace after Wars Neither is the name or person of an Ambassador so inviolable either in peace or in the time of War but that there may be both a convenient time and a good occasion to punâ—sh an Ambassador For to omit that Olaus and Euetus killed the Ambassador of Illalcolnius King of Scots as Hector Boetius recordeth that Teaca Queen of Selavonia slew a Roman Ambassador as Polybius reporteth that the Athenians caused King Darius his Ambassador to be thrown and drowned in a deep Well as Herodotus testifieth and that William King of Sicily plucked out the eyes of Henry Dandelo Ambassador unto him from the Venetians as Illescas writeth because these and the like examples are manifest Presidents of barbarous cruelty rather then of Justice and Equity I will shew you by a few examples that an Ambassador hath been and may as often as the like occasion happeneth be lawfully punished or sent out of the Realm wherein he remaineth as an Ambassador Titus Livius writeth that when Brennus had found Quintus Fabius Ambustus fighting in the Camp of the Clusians against him he sent presently as Herald of Arms unto Rome to demand him to be delivered into his hands as a Breaker of the Laws of Arms because that being sent from the Romans as Ambassador unto him he returned not home as soon as he had done his Ambassage but remained still in the Clusians Camp and because the Romans did not deliver unto his Messenger the said Ambustus he left the siege of Clusius and conveyed his invincible Army unto Rome and therewith spoiled and sackt the City Adrian the fourth Pope of Rome sent his Chancellor Rowland and Cardinal Bernard unto Fredrick the Fourth who used such unreverend speeches unto the Emperor that the County Palatine of Vitilispatch not brooking the indignity that was offered unto his Master drew his sword and had not the Emperor staid his hand he had slain the Ambassador in his presence and the Emperor was so moved with indignation to see his insolent carriage and behaviour that he presently commanded him to avoid out of his Court and not to stay so long as to dispatch his necessary business The Romans when Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and Caâ—us Flaminius were Consuls delivered Lucius Martinus and Lucius Manlius into the hands of the Carthaginians to be used at their pleasure and discretion because they had beaten their Ambassadors Edward the Second King of England amongst others sent a French Gentleman Ambassador into France whom the French King had not the Queen purchased his pardon had excommunicated as a Traytor because he presumed to serve his enemy for an Ambassador unto him Francis the First King of France sent Caesar Fregosus and Antony Rincone Ambassadors unto the Great Turk Charls the Fifth his Soldiers took them upon the River of Poe in Italy and presently slew them both The French King complaineth that they were wrongfully murthered the Emperor justifieth their death because the one being a Genouis and the other a Milanois and both in some manner his Subjects they feared not to serve the French King his enemy Henry the Eighth King of England commanded a French Ambassador to depart presently out of his Realm for no other occasion but for that hâ— was the professed enemy of the Sea of Rome The Seigniory of Venice understanding that certain Traitors who had revealed their secrets to the Turk were fled to hide themselves to the French Ambassadors house at Venice sent certain Offices to search the Ambassadors house for them and when the Ambassador forbad and refused to suffer those Officers to enter into his house the Senate made no more ado but sent for certain peeces of great Ordnance out of their Arsenal whereby they would have beaten down the house had not the said Ambassador as soon as he saw the same Ordnance yeelded the Traytors to their mercy and discretion I might alledge many more Histories to this purpose but I should be over long and tedious And yet I may not omit these two following because they are worthy observation and make more for my purpose then all the rest In the year 1544 the French King sent certain Ambassadors unto Charls the Fifth to Spires sending an Herald of Arms before with Letters unto the Emperor and unto the Princes Electors in which he required a safe Conduct for his Ambassadors The Herald is staid by the Cardinal Gavilla and made to deliver him his Letters and to shew the cause of his coming further he is commanded to keep his lodging and that no man should be suffered to speak with him and within four days he is willed to depart and take heed that he presume not to come within the Emperors Dominions another time without his leave he was now pardoned rather of lenity then of desert because he had broken the Laws of Arms And as concerning his Letters it was told him that the King his Master had so deserved of the Emperor and all the whole state of Christendom that the Emperor neither could nor would receive them This answer was given unto him written in French and certain Soldiers appointed to bring him to the Borders of France The second example is of a Bishop who in the year 1302 being sent Ambassador unto the French King from the Pope practised certain Treasons in France against the King whereof he is accused arraigned in the Court of Parliament at Paris and being found guilty is committed unto prison But he is delivered out of prison at the Popes request and both he and the Popes Nuntio are commanded to avoid the Realm The Pope excommunicateth the King for proceeding thus against his Ambassador and the King to requite him with the like courtesie commanded that no more money should be carried out of his Realm to Rome By these examples I may boldly infer two necessary Consequents the one that if Ambassadors fail in their duty or fall into these follies which I have mentioned they are either punishable or may be sent away in disgrace The other that the Spanish King hath no just cause to be offended with our Queens Majesty for the sending away of Dâ—n Bernardine Mendoza his last Ambassador in England For although he fought not in any Camp against her Majesty as did Ambustus against Brennus yet he perswaded divers of her Subjects to bear Arms against her although he used no uncivil and unreverent speeches against her Majesty as the Cardinal Bernard did unto the Emperor Fredrick yet he did both backbite and
slander her unto her Subjects and unto other Princes although he did not beat her Ambassadors as Martinus and Manlius did the Carthaginian Ambassadors yet he did both vilifie and discredit her Ambassadors abroad spared not to speak evil of her best and wisest Councellors at home although he was not an Ambassador of a professed enemy to the Sea of Rome as was the French Ambassador residing in England in Henryâ—he â—he Eighth his time yet he was an Ambassador of a professed enemy unto her Highness because he was his Ambassador who was in league with the Sea of Rome Briefly although he denied not to deliver Traitors unto hâ—r Majesty as the French Ambassador did at Venice yet he not onely received but procured her many Traitors and both counselled and encouraged them to commit sundry Treasons against her Majesty The premises being therefore duly considered why might not her Majesty imitate Charls the Fifth who hardly admitted the French King Lerold to his presence because his Master was his professed Enemy Why might not her Grace command the Spanish Ambassador to depart out of her Realm since he had lived many years in England not as a Mediator but as a Perturber of a peace not as a friend to her Estate but as a debaucher and corrupter of her loyal Subjects not as one that desired her welfare but endeavoured to procure her overthrow Why might not her Highness send him away in peace who as long as he lived in her Realms would continually have interrupted her peace Might the King of France arreign and condemn a Bishop for practising Treason against his person might he commit him to prison and after his deliverance profess open enmity against the Pope his Master against the Pope that had or at lestwise challengeth some authority over him and might not her Majesty do the like unto a Spanish Gentleman a meer Lay-man not so priviledged as a Prelate not so favoured in Law as a Bishop briefly not so worthy of favour or compassion as was a Popes Legate a Legate either equal or as the days were then and are in some places yet not inferior to a Prince It was Mendoza that misled the Scottish Queen it was he that drew Francis Throgmorton into dangerous Treasons it was he that had secret Intelligence with Babington and his Complices it was he that encouraged Morgan and Paget abroad it was he that studied night and day to procure us Enemies at home Briefly it was he that spared no labour no money no expences whereby he might either openly or secretly endanger our State He lived not many months but years in England without bringing so much as a Letter from his Majesty unto her Majesty without performing any Function belonging to an Ambassador And how lived he Not in Court but in the City not in open view of the World but in secret corners not as an Ambassador but as a Spy And when was he dismissed Not so soon as he was found to have committed one action of hostility but after that he was admonished not once but many times to leave off his Treachery not when he was suspected but after that many Traytors had confessed that he was not only privy but principal unto their Treasons Breifly how was he dismissed Not with a crimination and threatning as was the French Herald but with faâ—r words and a kindly farewel not with a Troop of Soldiers to conduct him to Sea side but with a company of Gentlemen to associate him to the place where he took shipping not to pass with danger through the Country that hated him for his Treasons but to be conveyed without danger unto the Country that loved him for his Treachery intended against her Majesty To be short not slightly sent away in disgrace but then commanded to depart when as his Master would not vouchsafe audience unto a wise and discreet Gentleman sent by her Majesty unto him to signifie his demeanor and his carriage Well he is gone out of England and whether Into France And to what place in France To Paris And what to do there To persevere in his malice against England to confer with the English Traytors personally with whom he talked before by Letters to confirm the Guisards in their Treasons to dispose the French Leaguers to favour and further his Majesty against us and our friends Briefly so to behave himself that without him neither whole France nor rebellious and obstinate Paris had held out so long as it did against the late and present French king for the people of Paris are as a Spanish writer reporteth of them proud rich and rebellious which humor this Ambassador nourisheth in them and when they were most hardly besieged there were five things as the same Author writeth that made them hold out First The valour and courage of the Duke of Nemours Governour of the Town Secondly the presence of the Popes Legate Thirdly the Alms and Liberality of this Embassador Fourthly the perswasions of the Preachers Fifthly the news that were daily sent to the Town by the Duke of Mayne and published by Mendoza and other Princes Thus it appeareth that he was a notable Instrument of Rebellion and a fit man to be imployed in factious services For as God hath deprived him of his sight and made him blinde so he intended to deprive others of their senses and to blinde their fight and judgement to the end they might not be abe to see and discern the hidden projects of his conspiracies But of him enough Now again unto the Queen of Scots It appeareth that being culpable she might be arraigned and being found guilty she might be condemned But the manner of her arraignment and of her condemnation seemeth very strange unto as many as hear of it and â—is repugnant unto the Laws and Customs of England observed in the Trial of meaner Subjects It seemeth strange that her Majesty should be a judge in her own cause in a matter of Treason and especially against a Princess And of this strangeness many of the Scotish Queens Favourites take such hold as they hold it for a matter without Example without any former Presidents But if it might please these her Favorers to consider that although it be a certain rule in Law that no man shall be a Judge in his own cause yet the Preheminence Excellency and Prerogative of Kings and Princes is and hath alwayes been such that they may Judge and determine in any causes that concern themselves For Tiberiâ—s Caesar sate Judge in his own cause in dividing certain Inheritances with him was substituted one Parthenius Caesars servant Marcus Antonius the Emperor judged that the goods of Valerius Nepos were lawfully devolved and as it were confiscated unto the Exchequer And Quiltilian testifieth that he pleaded a cause for Queen Berenne whereon she her self sat as principal Judge What Scholar hath not read the Orations of M. Tullius Cicero made in defence of Quintus Ligarius of Deiotarius of Marcus
the King of Spain not just occasion to invade her Highness Realms The causes then of this invasion are unjust now followeth the course a course not beseeming a Prince of his might of his years of his long continuance and experience in the exercise and administration of a kingdom For first his years are fitter for peace then for war for rest and quietness then for troubles and unquietness and many wise and mighty Princes either before or as soon as they came to his years have given over the World resigned their kingdom and spent the residue of their time in Monastical idleness I read that Sigisbert Etheldred Elured Constantine and Inas King of England that Charls the Fifth and Uladislaus kings of Bohemia Constantine king of Scotland and Amadeus Duke of Savoy before they came to the Spanish kings age renounced the world to live unto God in houses of Religion I record oftentimes the notable exploits the marvellous victories and the rare and admirable vertues of Pompey of Alexander of Antiochus of Theodosius and of Charls king of France who were all as you have heard sirnamed the Great and I find that they were all so far off at his age from seeking new occasions of Wars of new Conquests that either all or the most part of them commended their souls unto God and committed their bodies unto the earth before they attained his years I remember all this and in remembring it I think that it pleased the Almighty to take them out of this world so soon as they were no more fit and able to conquer in the World thereby giving to understand unto their after-commers that in their youth they may lawfully attend upon Conquests upon Arms upon Wars as occasion shall be presented unto them but that in their elder age they ought to have their thoughts their cogitations and their eyes fixed upon no other things then upon the conservation of their kingdoms the wealth of their Subjects and the health of their own souls For when private men much more Princes attain unto threescore and odd years it is high time for them to amend their lives and to reconcile themselves unto God because their strength faileth them their vital spirits decay and the hour of death approacheth Here you see one great over-sight in his course now followeth another Wise and discreet Princes most commonly before they enter into dangerous and long Wars appoint and compose the Quarrels and contentions which they have with their Neighbors or with any other Princes that are able to cross their Enterprises It is written of Iulius Caesar of whose commendations all Histories are plentiful that when he was fully resolved to war with the Veyans he sent a Gentleman accustomed and acquainted with the natural disposition of those people to contain the Inhabitants of the River of Rhine in their duty and obedienâ—e and to take order that the Gascoines should not in any wise help or assist his enemies The Romans being entreated by the Spaniardw with whom they were in league to succor them against the Carthaginians denied them such aid as they demanded because that the Frenchmen at the sametime warred in Italy Richard the first king of England being determined to make a voyage into the Holy Land for relief thereof and fearing that either the King of Scots or his Brother Iohn might at the instigation of the French king trouble and disquiet his Realm in his absence would not undertake that journey before he assured unto himself the king of Scots and his Brother by many gifts and rewards and also bound the French king by vow and oath to attempt nothing against his kingdom before that fifty days should be expired after his return out of Syria And that victorious king of Franceâ—who â—who passed triumphantly from the beginning of Italy unto the end thereof without striking a stroak would not adventure to enter into Italy before he had made a very fast ane strong League of Amity and Friendship with Fardinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain and before he had purchased through Bribes and Corruption the assured friendship of the king of England and had also accommodated and appeased all causes and occasions of contentions and variance betwixt France and the Emperor Maximilian It seemeth the Spanish king either regarded not or remembred not these examples because that intending and fully resolving to invade England he made the French king his enemy rather than his friend from whom he might receive far greater annoyance and disturbance in his intended purpose and enterprise then from any other Prince in Christendom But the Catholick kings Councellors perswade him that he and his Confederates are well enough able of themselves not onely to withstand but also to subdue and subjugate all those Princes which are not in league with him and that the next way to recover his own patrimony in the Low Countries was to distress and destroy England first which being once happily effected he should finde it very easie and nothing at all difficult to master his Subjects and inforce them by open violence to receive both him and his Religion he must therefore bend his whole â—orces against Englaâ—d against England that hath highly offended him and that may easily be subdued because he shall finde many there who being weary and discontented with the present Government will be ready to entertain his Armies and immediately will joyn their strength with his Forces But not to stand long upon the confutation hereof let these grave Councellors or these discontented Fugitives unto whose perswasions both the Spanish King and his wisest Councellors give too much credit tell me whether ever any Prince had or may desire to have a better opportunity or an easier means to invade and conquâ—r England then Lewis Son unto the King of France had who was not onely called into the Realm by the Barons with a faithful assurance of all the best help and furtherance that they could yeeld him against King Iohn but also was comforted and accompanied with all the good wishes and blessings that the holy Father of Rome could bestow upon him and wanted not the many Forces and continual Supplies which the mighty Kingdom of France was able to afford him And yet how speeded this valiant Lewis What success had his ambitious Enterprise Forsooth he prevailed for a time won to day and lost to morrow and in the end was glad to return from whence he câ—me with far greater shame then honour But what need I speak of matters beyond mans memory worn out of remembrance and reported by antient Historiographers when as the success of the late Spanish Fleet may serve to admoâ—ish a wise Prince how to trust the vain reports of lying Fugitives and how to make great preparations against a mighty Kingdom in hope of assistance within the Realm Was there any man that gave them succour either of Men or Victuals Was there ever an Haven that was either able or willing
himself Monarch of all the world all the Princes of Christendom fearing his over growing greatness began to consult and take advice how they might bridle his ambition and hinder the proud and insolent projects of his aspiring and imperious minde But the Princes of Germany who had greatest occasion to fear him most were the fiâ—st that bended all their thoughts and all their cogitations to move the rest of the Princes and Potentates of Europe to joyn with them in League and Amity against him Then were there sent Ambassadors unto the King of England France and Denmark Then were there Letters written unto the Swiâ—zers Then were Letters dispatched to the Duke and Seigniory of Venice to desire help against the Emperor and to distract the Venetians from the League of Amity which they had with him and to intreat both the Venetians and the Switzers not to suffer any Forces to pass by their Dominions which should be sent out of Italy unto Caesar. Then did as many Princes as were not in League with the Emperor shew themselves forward in this honourable Action and those who for their Leagues sake could not openly assist the Confederates against Caesar exhorted others to joyn with them against him and to make them more able and willing to enter into the action they lent or paid them great sums of mony which they owed unto them Then since it behoveth Princes in wisdom and policy to keep their next neighbours as weak as they may since the Spaniard before the king of France changed his Religion pretended to war against him for no other causeâ— but to inforce him thereunto and now continueth his Wars and aiâ—ing his Rebels although the French king is of himself become a Catholick which proveth manifestly that it was not Religion but ambition that moved him to aid and assist those Rebels since it is apparent to the World that he onely disturbeth as I have said the peace and quietness of all the world and causeth the Turk to insult as he doth upon Christian Princes since both Othon the Third and Conrad the Emperors Laws injoyn all Princes as it hath been shewed upon other occasion to bend their Forces and to bandy themselves with main might against such a Prince and such a disturber of common peace as the Spaniard is I see no reason why the Princes of Christendom as well Friends as Foes unto him should not all joyntly and with one consent inforce him to contain himself within his bounds and limits and to succour and assist him against the common Adversary of Christian Religion who of late hath given the Christians no small overthrow The Popes of Rome were wont when Christendom stood in no greater danger of the Turk then it doth at this present to send their Ambassadors from Prince to Prince to reconcile them if they were at variance and to exhort them to imploy the uttermost of their powers against the professed Enemy of Christendom It is written that Paulus Tertius a Poâ—e that was ninety years old when he departed this world not long before he diâ—d considering the great danger and peril that was likely to fall upon Christendom by reason of the pride and ambition of the great Turk and the unnatural discord and dissention that was betwixt â—rancis the first and Charles the fifth sent his own Nephew the Cardinal Fernese unto them to make a friendly composition and agreement betwixt them The like Atonement might the present Pope make betwixt the French king and the Spaniard who hath now no other pretence to fight against France but that the king thereof although he is become a Catholick yet he remains Excommunicate a pretence both vain and frivolous because the kings of France and the Peer thereof and also all his Officers cannot be lawfully excommunicated by the Pope as it may appear by the priviledges granted unto divers kings of France by many Popes as namely by Martin the third and fourth Gregory the eighth ninth tenâ—h and eleventh Alexander the fourth Clement the fourth and fifth Nicholas the third Urban the fifth and Boniface the twelfth The which Priviledges are to be seen in the Treasury where the kings Charters are usually kept And when the Pope shall interpose his Authority many other Princes shall likewise labour to make them friends as of late years the King of Denmark was a Mediator of peace betwixt him and our gracious Sovereign And if when this motion shall be made unto him he will neither regard the Authority of the Intercessors nor respect the manifest eminent danger of Christendom but still continue and follow his ambitious nature and unchristian course then will it be a sit and convenient time to implore and imploy the aid and assistance of his near and dearest friends against him then because â—insmen forsake even the next of their own blood when they will not yeeld unto reason and friends many times fall unto variance when they are put in mind of old quarrels and antient injuries it will not be amiss to revive the memory of old and new wrongs and indignities offered by the house of Austria unto their Neighbors their Allies their Kinsmen their Friends and other Princes that now either fear or favour them Then would it be shewed that all the Emperors and Princes of that Family have neither regarded consanguinity of blood or alliance of Friendship nor the wealth of their Subjects nor the bonds of Equity and Reason but have always preferred their private gain before the Commonweal their own interest before their â—â—insmens and Friends commodity and advantage their own will and pleasure before all Law and Justice briefly their subtil devices and deceits before plain dealing and sincerity Then to begin with the infancy of their Family it would be made known that when they were but poor Counts of Hapsparge they encroâ—ched upon their Neighbours they wronged and oppressed the simple and well-meaning Switzers over whom they tyrannized so long that at length by common consent and by a general Revolt against them both they and their Officers were violently driven out of the Country Then would it be declared that Rodulph the first Emperor of their House obtained the Empire by plain deceit and cunning and so carried himself therein that he sought his own commodity more then the wealth of the Empire and shewed many evident signs and arguments of loathsom and detestable ingratitude For whenas the Empire had been void almost Twenty years and divers Compeitors affected the same as Henry of Thyringia and VVilliam Earl of Holland Alphons King of Castile and Richard Brother unto the King of England and all those Corrivals had almost wasted themselves and their friends in seeking for the place and in maintaining themselves therein The Electors being over-wearied with the length and troubles of this tedioâ—s Competency sent Conrade Archbishop of Coruge unto Othagarius King of Bâ—hemia to pray him to accept the Empire but he thinking himself not sufficient
and death over their subjects yet he is to be accompted a Tyrant that causeth any of his Subjects to be done to death without having deserved to lose his life and this authority given them by Law and common consent of their subjects tendeth to no other purpose nor respecteth any other end then that sin may be punished and malefactors not permitted to live both to the scandal and detriment of well doers If therefore Escovedo committed no offence worthy of death the King had no power no warrant no authority to take away his life his offence therefore must be known the nature quality and circumstances thereof well examined and duly considered and according as his crime shall fall out and prove to be great or small pardonable or capital so shall the Kings actions seem punishable or excusable All that Antonio Peres his Book chargeth him withal is that he had secret intelligence with the Pope the King of France and the Duke of Guise wherein he was set on by his master Don Iohn de Austria who was the King's Lieutenant General and by vertue of this office represented the Kings own person and was armed with his authority if not in all things yet in as much as concerned the execution of his charge and commission The question then must be whether the Secretary unto such a Lieutenant performing that which is commanded by his master may be taken and condemned for a Traytor Treason hath many branches and is of divers kinds and it would be tedious and troublesome to make a recital of them all And it shall suffice to declare whether any of the actions specified in this accusation be within the compass of Treason He wrote Letters to whom To the Pope Why He was no enemy but a friend to the King of Spain What was the tenor and contents of this Letter Nothing else but that it might please his Holiness to recommend one Brother unto another Why That was an office of kindness and not of treason And for what purpose desireth he to have him recommended Forsooth for the employment in the service and enterprise that was to be made against England Why that service liked the King and proceeded first from him it tended to his benefit it was to be undertaken in revenge of his supposed wrongs against his enemy and all this is no treason And for whom wrote he For Don Iohn de Austria his Kings Brother the Pope's Darling and Turks scourge the Princes of Italies Favourite the Queen of Englands terror and the whole Worlds wonder But he wrote without the King's privity How shall he know that Had he not good cause to think that all that he did was done with the King's counsel and consent Had he not eyes to see and ears to hear and discretion to consider that whatsoever was done against England should be both grateful and acceptable unto the King I but he might think that the King would not be content to have his Brother made a King Why He was his Lieutenant already and so next to a King He had done him great service and was to do him more and so deserved no small recompence he had the Title of a Duke but no Living fit for a Duke the vertues and valour of a King but no possibility to be a King but by his Brothers favour and furtherance briefly he desired that honour and Escovedo perhaps thought the King meant to prefer him to that honour the rather because the King might be led to advance him to a Kingdom in his life time by his fathers example who prefers his Brother Ferdinando to the Empire before he died himself why then be it that he was either deceived in his cogitation or beguiled with the love of his Master or went further then he had warrant to go why lawful ignorance extenuateth the gravity of and as to annoy a Princes enemy so to pleasure his friend was never punishable or at any time accounted treason But when the enterprise against England failed he solicited the Pope for the Kingdom of Tunis but how Not to have it without the Kings good leave and liking And when made he that motion Even then when the Princes of Italy and the wisest Counsellors of Europe stood in fear of the common enemy doubted that Tunis might be recovered by the Turk and therefore thought it meet to have so valorous and victorious a Prince there as was Don Iohn de Austria who having the Kingdom in his own right would be the more willing and ready to defend it and was this desire an offence Or could this motion be counted treason He might have remembred that Don Iohn de Soto was removed from serving Don Iohn de Austria because he furthered him in the like enterprizes But he saw him preferred to a place of greater honour and commodity which gave him just occasion to think that the King rather liked then disallowed his actions Thus you see there is no desert of death in practising with the Pope Now it remaineth to consider how this dealing in France with the King or the Duke of Guise may be justly esteemed a crime capital It appeareth that the French King was then in League with the Spaniard whose Ambassador was then residing in his Court and Ambassadors are not permitted to remain but where there is a League of Amity betwixt Princes The Guisards affection hath been declared to have been always greater towards Spain then towards France And the enterprize of England might seem unto Don Iohn de Austria very difficult yea impossible without some favour without some help from France if then to favour this enterprize he had some secret intelligence with France is he therefore blame-worthy Or hath it ever been counted a fault in a servant or Lieutenant to seek all lawful and honourable ways to bring to pass his Masters desire and purpose Do Princes prescribe unto their Lieutenants or Ministers all that they can do to compass and effect their designs Do they not rather give them a few short Instructions and leave it to their discretion and wisdom to foresee and use other means to further their intentions Is not this the reason why they make choice of wise and discreet men for such employments Is not this the cause that when they send young Noblemen either to Wars or Ambassadors or to forraign Governments they are ever accompanyed with grave and wise Counsellors Briefly Is it not this that moveth them to command that their young Lieutenants Ambassadors or Governours shall do nothing without their Counsellors I know that it is very dangerous to be employed in Princes affairs Danger in conceiving a message and Danger in delivering the same and danger in reporting an answer thereunto And yet be it that a messenger conceiveth not a business rightly that he delivereth not his will and pleasure as he should do and that he faileth in report of his answer to whom he is sent yet he committeth not a
his Apol. The Spanish King 's right to the Indies The Spanish Kings title to the Dukedom of Millan Guicciard lib. 14. Vie de Fâ—ancois pâ— Guicciardin The Spanish Kings Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy Dâ— Com. De Com. How the Spanish King retaineth all those States which he now possesseth Titus Liv Corn. Tac. Polibius Appianus Alexand. Tit. Liviuâ— Plut. in the life of Eumenes Plut. in the life of Theseus Idem in the life of Romulus Holinshed Polid. Virg. Tiâ—us Liv Guicciard lib. 15. Polid. Virg. Hect. Boâ—t Holinshed Appianus Alexand. Tit. Livius Historia Pontifical de D. Illescas Neustra Tho de Walsingh Justinus Vida de Paulo 3. de D. Illescas The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Turk The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the French King Bodin Tit. Livius lib. 33. Tit. Livius lib. 9. Monsieur de la Nove en le discourse politiques Plutarch Du Haillan Andreas Friccius de Repub. Polib l 1. The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Princes of Germany The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Pope of Rome The Spanish Kings opinion proceeding with the Venetians the rest of the princes of Italy The Queen of England is the mightiest enemy that the Spanish King hath Da Hailan Plutarch Man cannot prevent what God intendeth Herodotus lib. 1. Just. lib. 43. Tit. Livius Herodotus lib. 3. Just. lib. 44. The justification of the Queens attempts against Spain and Portugal Guicciard lib. 10. Machiavel in his discourse upon Tit. Livius That it is lawful for a prince to receive succour another Prince flying unto them for refuge and relief Du Haillan lib. 24. Vida de H. 3 Holinished Du Hailan Polid. Virg. Holinshed Bible in 2 Kings Chap. 12. Illescas vidâ— de Alexandro 6. Biondo lib. 16. Du Haillan lib. 9. Piero Mexias vide Macrino Du Haillan lib. 1. Jul. Caesar lib 3. Terapha de Regibus Hispan Justin. lib. â—7 Holiâ—shed Polid. Virg. T. Walsing in his Neustria Du Haillan That leagues are no longer inviolable then until there is some advantage given to break them Guicciard lib. 5. â— 2. Polid. Virg. lib. 19. Hect. Boet. lib. 7. Idem lib. 9. Idem Princes for lawful occasions may have bin offended with their confederates and leave them Illeseas vida de Sexto 4. Idem vida de Julio 2. Idem vida de Leon. 10 Idem ibid. Paulus Jovius l. 26. Idem vida de Clement 7. Idem de Paulo 3. Holinshed Pol Virg. Du Haillan Dinothus de bello Belgico Czsars Commen◠〈◊〉 That the intercepting of the Spaniards money sent many years ago into Flanders gave him no just cause of quarrel against England Dinothus de bello Belgico Dinothus de bello Belgico The Spâ—â—niaâ—d is not so strong as men â—â—pose him to be The Spaniard is not so wealthy as he is taken to be Paul Jovius Comines Guicciard Paul Jovius Illescas Dinothus Paul Jovius Tho. Wals. Idem Math. Paris Dinothus M. Ant. Arrayo David Chytâ—aeus Munsteri Cosmog Vasoeus Vide de Elutherio Functius lib 1. Nic. Gyesâ— Polid. Virg. lib. 4. Rob. Barns in vita Pontiâ—icum pag. 68. Guicciard lib. 10. 5. 18. Nic. Giles Munsterius Vide de Marq. de Pescara Holin shed Dionthus de Bello Belgiâ—o Silâ—a 〈◊〉 aei The fiâ—st 〈◊〉 of the Spanish King in governing the Low◠〈◊〉 by Spaniards The Spaniardsâ— Error in not graâ—ting Liberty of Conscience unto his Subjects in Flanders Memories de France Caâ—ion Sleidanus Herodotus Holinshed Pol. Virgil Boetius Annales Flandriae The King of Spains third Error in entring into League with the Guisâ—rdâ— Mar Antonio Arrogo That the Pope is not able to yeeld the Spaniard any great help De Comines Guicciardine That the Princes of Italy cannot greatly respect the Spâ—niards That the Spaniards can neither have prâ—fit nor hâ—nour by the Leaguers Du Hatllan Finis coronat opus Four causes proving the Spaniards indiscretion in entring into League with the â—â—isards Fama crescit eundo Plutarch in his life Guicciardine Aâ— unknown Author in Italian Du Hailan Pedro Corneiodâ— la ligay Consideration Francâ—seâ— A French discoursâ— written by an unknown Author Du Haillan Carion De Comines Du Haillan Carion Objection Answer Hâ—linshed Pol. Virgâ—l Guiâ—ciardine That the Spaniards can have no good assurance of the Leaguers firm friendship A Book written in Latine as it is supposed by the Arch-bishop of Lyons The same Authors accusations refuted Oâ—jection Answer Declaration del Estate de France en temps les Roys Henry 2 Francis 2 Charles 9. Objection Answer That the French King had just cause to kill the Duke of Guise Caesar Comment Tresor deTresoâ—s Declaration del Estate c. Quosemel est imbuiâ— recens c. Negotiation de la pax del an 1575. That the Popes excommunications are not to be feared nor a lawful cause to invade England The Popes means to grow up to authority The great wrongs losses and Indâ—gnities which England sustained by Acknowleding the Popes Authority Temporal Princes intermedling with speritual matters warranted by the Scriptures The Spaniards indiscretion in crediting our English Fugitives The late Scotish Queens death gave the Spaniard no just occasion to invade England Six Arguments in the bâ—half of the Scottish Q. used by her friends to provâ— that she could not lawfully be condemned by our Queen The Answer to the first Argument The Queen of Scots is inâ—erior to the Queens Majesty That the Kings of Scotland owe homage unto the Crown of England for Scotland The answer to the third Objection Quo semel est imbuâ—a recens c. Sanguis Martyrum semen Ecclesiae Pidaces Herodotus Pastoralis De officio Delegati Gloss Pastoralis Felinus in Eccl. n. 6. L. 1. idem Pompon C. 2 Felinus in Eccl. n. 6â— Qui resistit 11 quest 3. Bald. Barroll Lucias F. Bald. de fid mis. Abb. Fe. ex parte de test Abb. Fe. Fel. Glossa Jason n. 32 Autent de Monarchis in principalibus Fel. in Ep. 1. de prob n. 6 7 Bodin de Repub. Specul l. 2. de actione seu pet 93. n. 3. Fel. in cap. Pastoralis Speculum l. 5. de Legibus S. 6. n. 29 Jason in leg mil. n. 7. Bald in anth sacr puber in 3. coll Advertisement de Seignior Vasc. Fign
and good Fathers 7 The Soveraignty of the Kings of England over Scotland proved by Records p. 195 The Scots objections answered 197 Spain 's large Dominions abroad how it became united with the House of Austria 54 The Spaniard 's policy commended and admired p. 2 The Spaniard censured p. 3 The Spaniards and French compared with the Romans and Carthaginians p. 76 The designs of the Spaniard against the person and state of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 By what means his power may be diministed p. 240 241 Oftner conquered then any Nation of Europe p. 219 The twelve Kingdoms of Spain united in Ferdinand and Isabel 54 The Spanish King's Title to the Indies p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Milan p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy p. 63 By what means he preserveth his Dominions p. 63 His proceedings with the Turk p. 71 With the French King p. 73 With the Princes of Germany p. 79 With the Pope p. 80 With the Venetians and the rest of the Princes of Italy p. 81. With the Queen of England p. 82 Supposed more strong and wealthy then he really is p. 111 His Errours in Governing the Low-Countries p. 125 His League with the Guisards condemned p. 136 137 140 141 His intention to invade England proved vain and indiscreet p. 171 172 c. His light credit to the false reports of English Fugitives p. 171 183 The Tyranny and Cruelty of his Government 237 The Count of Saint Paul proclaimed Traytor by Lewis the eleventh 165 Subjects frame their lives and manners to the example of their Princes 8 Subsidies and Taxes levied by former King of England 184 185 186 Succour refus'd to divers Princes out of politique interests 96 Suchin made Vicount of Milan by Pope Benedict the twelfth 52 The Earl of Surry 's resolute answer to the Iudges 184 Switzers defrauded of a debt due from France p. 42 To what height they are grown from a low beginning 260 T TEacha Queen of Slavonia causeth a Roman Ambassadour to be slain 209 Temporal Princes to intermeddle in spiritual affairs 182 Theodorick the first of France deposed by the States of the Realm 41 Theseus his policy to augment the City of Athens 65 Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury slain by four Assassinates 179 180 Titus the delight and love of the people 5 Towns not well inhabited a main cause of penury among the Inhabitants 6 Trajan the pattern of a good Emperour 5 The Treason of the Duke of Bourbon renders him odious to a Spanish Grandee p. 139 He is proclaimed Traytor by Francis the first 165 Turain quitted by the King of England 45 The Turks aid implored by divers Christian Princes 139 The Turkish Monarchy strengthned by the divisions between France and Spain p. 2 And by the sloth and amâ—bition of Princes and States in several ages 11 12 V VAsoeus his immoderate commendations of Spain refuted 118 119 The Venetians break their League with the Spaniards upon the not delivering of Brescia 100 J. Viennensis his faâ—se relation of Scotland to Charls the sixth King of France 189 190 The Violent proceedings of the Catholique Princes against the Protestants p. 226 227 Makes their party so much the stronger 227 228 The Virgin of Orleans her proceeding in France 49 50 Pope Urban gives the Kingdom of Sicily and Dukedoms of Pulia and Calabria unto Charls Earl of Argiers and Provence p. 53 Afterwards to Lewis K. of Hungary 55 The Duke of Urbin and Andrea Doria take part with Charls upon hopes of preserment 242 243 W WArs waged upon very slight occasions p. 147 148 Upon Injuries offered to prevent greater mischiefs 148 The Earl of Warwick 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 William K. of Sicily plucketh out the eyes of Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour 209 William Gonzaga made Lord of Mantua and Rezzo by the Pope 53 Womens Rule and Government rare 〈◊〉 Cardinal Wolfey 's power with Henry the eight the French King and the Emperour p. 43 His policy in entertaining Henry the eight with all delights 189 Z THe Zeal of the French king to the Roman Catholique Religion 151 160 Table to the Supplement ANtonio Peres forsaketh Spain to live in England p. 1 He writeth a Book called The Fragment of History ibid. He imparteth the transactions between John de Austria and the Pope and Duke of Guise unto the K. of Spain p. 3 He poysoneth Escovedo ibid. Aragonian kings subject to the constitutions of the Country 21 22 c. THe Duke of Britany commandeth Bavilion to murther the Constable of France 10 C CArdinal de Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 Clisson high Constable of France preserved by Bavilion 10 Craesus spared by Cambyses his servants who were commanded to kill him 11 The Prince of Conde an enemy to the Duke of Guise 's party p. 28 He turneth Protestant and freeth Charls the ninth out of prison D THe Danish King not to make war without consent of the States 21 The Pope's Delegate in some cases above the Popes Legate 11 Diego de Meneses unjustly executed by the Spanish King 27 E THe Emperor may be convented by his own subjects before the Pope 25 Escovedo made Secretary to Don John de Austria in the room of John de Soto p. 2 The Duke returning from Spain leaves Escovedo 〈◊〉 him where he is poisoned p. 3 Several questions cleared concerning this fact 4 5 F THe French King deserved to lose his Crown for the murther of the Guises 13 G GHilmesa freeth Antonio Peres out of prison 4 The Duke of Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 H HArpagus saveth Cyrus notwithstanding Astyages his command 11 Hector Pinto a Fryar poysoned by the Souldiers of Castile 27 Henry Perera unlawfully executed by the Spanish King 27 I IAmes de Moronack beaten to death with Souldiers 27 Indignities offered by subjects to their Princes no unusual thing 22 The Inquisition used against all sorts of offenders as well as heretiques 23 John de Soto Secretary to John de Austria p. 2 John de Escovedo put in his room 2 Don John de Austria concludeth a great League of friendship with the Duke of Guise 3 L LAws to be observed by Princes as well as Subjects 21 22 M MOntmorency and Chastilian take part with Vendosm and Conde against the Guises p. 28 Montmorency made Constable of France ibid. N THe Names of several plotters against the life of Q. Elizabeth 23 De la Nuca executed by Alonzo de Vargas at the command of the King Of Spain 16 O OAths not grounded upon a just cause bind not 24 P PEdro Escovedo accuseth Antonio Perez of his fathers death 3 4 Perjury excludeth a man from all preferment 18 The Polish King not to make war without leave of the States 21 The Pope plotteth to make Don John of Austria King of England p. 2 Next to make him King of Tunis ib. Princes deposed or excommunicated for Murther p. 14 15
the one because it is as you think very troublesome and vitious and you commend the other because it was as you suppose very peaceable and vertuous But if it may like you to confer the one with the other you shall find them both in like manner reprehensible and with equal measure laudable For first you are to remember that all Kingdoms and Common-wealths represent in outward shew and appearance the figure of a humane body and have as our bodies have their times of health and their times of sickness their seasons of prosperity and their seasons of adversity sometimes they flourish with wealth and plenty other times they languish in want and penury And as in all Ages as well as in ours mens bodies have been disquieted altered distempered yea and destroyed with burning Agues Pestilent Fevers contagious Plagues and other mortal Diseases so in other times as well as at this present Common-wealths and Kingdoms resembling therein as I have said our natural bodies have suffered distemperatures alterations changes and subversions by intolerable exactions domestical dissentions forrain wars and other such like inconveniencies as trouble the present Estate of Christendome Cast your Eye upon all the same Regions which are now under the general name Christendom and see whether in the very Age or immediately after the Age of those vertuous and good Princes of whose glorious Titles Histories make mention they felt not in like manner as we do the heavy hand of Gods Indignation Who either to plague and punish the sins of the Fathers in their Children or to make us know and remember that our Princes although they are constituted and appointed in higher degree then we yet they are subject both to his Will and Pleasure and to our imperfections and vices as well as we sendeth us most commonly a wicked or foolish Son to rule over us after a good and wise Father So he sent as we may read in holy Scripture Roboam after Solomon Manasses after Hezekias Iehohaz after Iosias Iehoram after Iehosaphat Ahaz after Iotham So sent he as we read in prosane Histories Nero after Augustus Dionisian after Vespasian and Commodus after Marcus Aurelius All bad and wicked children to Rule and Govern after their good and vertuous Fathers So sent he as we find in our English Chronicles King Iohn Edward the Second Richard the Second and Third and Henry the Sixth That their Jurisdiction Wickedness Folly and Cruelty might not only succeed but also illustrate the Wisdom Goodness Prudence and Lenity of their Predecessors for as white appeareth more clear and bright being placed nigh unto black so vertue is more commendable when it is conferred with vice and the profits arising thereby are more esteemed when the incommodities which always accompany vice and wickedness do immediately or not long after succeed them And surely as God herein sheweth his Might and Omnipotency so he maketh us also see hereby his Divine Wisdom and heavenly Providence For since he hath distinguished Region from Region some by Rivers others by Seas some by Mountains and others by Desarts And in these Regions he hath made the people of divers natures and of sundry humors some inclined to Peace others given to War some to be ruled by gentleness and others not to be governed but by rigor and cruelty For the conservation of this distinction and for the preservation of these people he hath found it good and expedient to set over them Princes of divers Qualities and sundry Natures that agreeing with the Subjects in exterior dispositions the inward affection may not always be perverted by outward inequalities And because in his unspeakable Wisdom he knoweth that if he should give unto every Kingdom a continual Race of conquering and vertuous Princes neither the Rivers nor the Seas the Mountains nor the Desarts should contain or restrain their unbridled Ambition from molesting and invading the Regions which are nigh or far from them whereby the distinction which he hath set amongst them might be utterly subverted It hath seldom pleased him to bless any one Kingdom with two Princes of like minds or of like vertues Hence it cometh that as in Rome they had their Pompey in Macedon their Alexander in Persia their Cyrus in Egypt their Antiochus and in France their Charles which for their continual and happy Conquests were surnamed the GREAT So in the same Kingdomes aswell as in others they have had their Princes who for their Pusillanimity Losses and ill Fortune might worthily be baptized by the Surnames of Weaklings and Unfortunate Hence it cometh that the Empire of the whole world passed from the Chaldeans to the Medes from the Medes to the Persians from them to the Graecians from the Graecians to the Romans from the Romans to the French-men and from the Frenchmen to the Germans Hence it cometh that Italy hath triumphed over France France over Italy England over Scotland and Scotland sometimes although very seldom over England Hence it cometh to be short that what the Fathers have got the children have lost what the Conquerors added to their ancient Kingdoms their Successors either cowardly or negligently voluntarily or forcibly suffered to be distracted and dissevered from their Kingdomes And as the Empire passed from Nation to Nation so their calamities and the happiness accompanying the Empire and the Emperours also went from people to people for there was never Conquerour that commanded not the conquered to be obedient unto his will and pleasure nor Nation subdued which did not accomodate himself and his nature unto the disposition and commandment of the Subduer Then if the Conqueror was weak and gentle the conquered lived in ease and pleasure if severe and cruel they wanted no manner of rigor or cruelty if poor and needy they supplyed his wants and penury if wanton and leacherous they satisfied his lusts and appetite If covetous and an Extortioner they were subject to Taxes and Subsidies if unjust and unrighteous they suffer wrongs and injuries briefly if any way ill given or ill disposed they seldom gave themselves to vertue and goodness Such therefore as was the Conqueror such were the conquered and whatsoever it pleased him to prescribe that they were inforced to perform His manner of attire was their fashion in apparel his Will served them for Lawes his new Ordinances altered their old Consututions his meanest Subjects commanded the best of their Nobility and his strange and forraign Language became their natural and Mother tongue It they had Lands his Courtiers enjoyed them if Daughters his Favorites married them if Wives his followers deflowred them if riches his Souldiers shared them if Servants his Slaves commanded them Since then many Nations have been subdued and men of divers natures have subdued them Since conquests have been from the beginning of the world and conquerors have always commanded in the world Since Force hath ever been an enemy unto Justice and Equity never bore sway where Arms swayed all
England but because England holpe France in their wars against them What pretence had they to conquer Scotland but that Scotland succoured England Why hindred they the Switzers going into France with intention to conquer France but that they thought it a better morsel for themselves What colour used they to overcome the residue of the world but sometimes a pretence to defend their Confederates sometimes a shew to maintain the liberties of their Neighbours sometimes a feigned and hypocritical zeal of Religion when as indeed they oppressed them whom they pretended to defend brought into bondage for whose liberty they would seem to fight and were in all respects as irreligious as they whose Religion they seemed to condemn So to be short they cunningly enlarged their Confines by seeming to be careless of Conquests made themselves Monarchs by pretending to suppress Tyrants and did wrong unto all men by bearing an outward shew to suffer no manner of injury to be done unto any man This cunning in aspiring unto Forrain Dominions begun in the Infancy of the Romans prosperity continued in the riper years thereof and practised even until their declining Age was not only proper unto them but passed as their Empire did from them unto other Rulers by what name or title soever they were called taking advantage of the time omited no means to attain unto their desires and purposes Though therefore the name of Rebels in all Ages hath been odious their Cause was never unjust and the voluntary Aid given unto them never was honourable unto him that aided them yet the Chronicles not only of our Nation but also of other Regions Realms and Dominions are full of Examples of many Princes not inferior to the Princes of our Age be it in Might in Power in Authority or in Goodness who rather regarding the propagation and increase of their Dominions then the conservation and maintenance of their Honours did as our Princes do now not only receive their Neighbors Rebels into their protection but also use them as means and instruments to molest and persecute their Neighbours by whose decay and downfall they might rise and aspire unto higher Authority Neither hath the League of Amity the bond of Kindred and Parentage the duty of children to their Parents the affection of one Brother to another moved Princes to withdraw their helping hand succor and assistance from those who being tyed by all or some of those Bands rebelled against their Sovereigns Iames King of Scotland being not only in League with Henry the seventh being King of England but also by Oath and Homage bound unto him as his Vassal did not only favour and receive into his protection a young Man named Perkin who was suborned by Margaret Dutchess of Burgondy to call and carry himself for one of the Sons of her Brother King Edward but also married the said Perkin unto Katherine Daughter unto Alexander Earl of Huntley and his own neer Kins-woman and with him and for him invaded England Here you see the Vassal favour and succor the Rebels of his Sovereign and the neer Kins-woman conspire against her Leige Lord and King Richard Earl of Poictou because his Father Henry the second denyed him that Honour although by the death of the young King Henry he was become his eldest Son to marry him with the French Kings Sister Alice and to declare him immediately for his immediate Successor became the French Kings Man to serve him against his Father Robert Son unto William the Conqueror having tasted the sweetness in Commanding others so far that he loathed to be commanded by others Rebelled against his Father and was aided and succoured in his Rebellion by the French King Henry Son unto Henry surnamed the Grosse because his Father was Excommunicated by the Pope and as an Excommunicated person was not in his opinion to hold and sway the Empire was not only animated by the Pope to Rebel against his Father but also assisted by him until he took his Father Prisoner Here you see the Sons Rebelling against their own Fathers protected and succoured by them which either were or should have been Friends and Confederates unto their Fathers Henry base Brother unto Peter King of Castile knowing that his Brother for his evil and licentious life was generally hated of all his Subjects Rebelled against him and with the help of the Kings of France and Portugal deprived him of his Life and Crown Here you see the Brother bearing Arms against his Brother ayded by two Kings who should rather have favoured a Lawful King then an Usurper The Marquess of Villona and the Archbishop of Toledo both neer Kinsmen unto Ferdinando and Isabel King and Queen of Aragon and of Castile Rebelled against them both and received aid and succour in their Rebellion from Alonso King of Portugal Here you see the Kinsmen Rebelling against their own blood ayded by their Sovereigns Kinsman and Conâ—ederate And seeing all this how can you marvel that in this Age against the corruption whereof you and others inveigh most bitterly Princes ayd the Rebels of other Kings betwixt whom there is no manner of Alliance Or if there be any the same is long since dissolved and resolved into hatred and enmity For albeit the King of Spain Married the Sister of the Queen of England and of the late French King by which Marriages he was Allied unto both in League of Friendship and Affinity Yet you know and shall hereafter see that many occasions besides the deaths of his Wives have changed his love into hatred and his good will into malice So that it is no marvel since every injury asketh a revenge every enemy seeketh all means possible to hurt and annoy his Adversary and every Prince can be content to take such advantage for the enlargement of his Confines and for the maintenance of his Estate as the time and opportunity doth or shall yeild him If the Spaniard who hath purposed in his heart to devour and swallow up the Kingdom of France useth the Rebellion of the Guyzards for his best means and instruments or if the Queen of England who findeth no better ways to keep the Spaniard from invading and subduing her Realms and Dominions then to busie and to find him continually occupied in defending or in recovering his own doth succour his pretended Subjects of the United Provinces for indeed they are not his Subjects and vouchsafeth daily to send them such supplies of Men and Money as seem most necessary for their defence The Third Point whereat they wonder dependeth somewhat upon this Point which is Why the Flemmings being always reputed a fearful and timerous Nation And the Frenchmen having at all times most worthily carried the names of the most Faithful and Loyal Subjects of Europe the one in hatred of the Spaniard Rebelleth against the Spaniard and the other at the Instigation of the Spanish King beareth Arms in his behalf against their natural Leige Lord and Soveraign But if it
with all utmost extremities But if they do what remedy is there or who can gainsay the Conqueror Courtesie is commendable in all men and especially in Princes who are to extend the same at all times when it is demanded in good manner and by men worthy of mercy and compassion And such was the lamentable estate of Charles the Sixth who had at once many miseries heaped upon him by the heavy wrath of God as namely wars within his Realm rebellion of his own Son against him revolt of his Subjects and distraction of his wits and so it was extream cruelty to adde affliction to the afflicted Indeed mercy is to be extended to persons worthy of commiseration and Lunatiques are by all men to be pitied and in regard hereof the King of England whereas he might have destroyed the whole Realm of France burned the Cities wasted the Countries led away the people in captivity taken their goods to his own use bestowed the Nobilities and Gentlemens Lands upon his own Subjects altered the Lawes of the Countrey changed the Government thereof deprived the most part of them of their lives and seated his own Subjects in their possessions he suffered them to live at liberty to enjoy their ancient possessions to maintain and use their own priviledges to dwell in their wonted habitations and to continue in all respects as free as they were before they were conquered And whereas he might have made the King prisoner carryed him with him into England and to have placed another to govern for him especially he being not in case to rule and govern by himself He was so far from so doing that he suffered him to enjoy the Kingdom whilest he lived and by taking his Daughter to wife transferred not only the French but also the English Crown unto the issue of her body a thing to be greatly desired of that Father whose Son by reason of his disobedience deserved not to succeed him a thing practised by all men that have had the like children a thing far beyond the custom of Frenchmen themselves who in the like cases have not used the like clemency and moderation For over what Enemies had the French-men ever the upper hand whom they used not most cruelly What barbarous cruelty exercised they in Italy and especially at Naples where their Tyranny in Government their extremity in polling their insolency in mis-using the common people was such that in one night they were all slain and in hatred of them and their posterity the wombs of all Neapolitan women that were suspected to be with child by French-men were ripped up and the children pluckt out and likewise murdered with their Mothers What cruelty purposed they to have practised in England at what time Lewis the Dolphin of France was called into England by the Barons who bare Armes against King Iohn Intended they not to have destroyed the most part of the Realm Purposed they not to have killed the very Barons themselves who were their friends and confederates Had they not executed this their purpose if a noble French-man who was in England had not as well in hatred of their intended cruelty as in commiseration of the poor English Nobility revealed upon his death-bed their barbarous intentions To be brief what severity used King Lewis surnamed for his lenity towards others Lewis the M E E K against Bernard his own Nephew and rightful heir to the Crown of France as we have shewed in the second point which we handled whom he not only deprived of his right but also held him a long time in Prison and condemned him to lose his eyes which were accordingly pluckt out of his head and his cheif Counsellours endured the like punishment Of which both he and they complaining not without just occasion were so far from finding such compassion and remedy as they deserved as that a new Edictment was framed both against him and them Now with such Adversaries with men of such cruelty with such as had oftentimes falsified their faith and broken their promises what wise Prince would ever have used greater lenity more mercy or better Justice then the King of England shewed them Especially considering the immortal hatred deadly malice and long emulations competentions quarrels and contentions that have been alwayes betwixt England and France The fifth Objection that they make against this Contract is is That the Kingdom of France cannot be given unto any man by Will or Testament Which priviledge seemeth unto me very strange because I find by report of probable Histories that the Kingdomes of Spain England Aragon Scotland Poland and other Countries have been given away by Will and Testament and therefore if the French-men will challenge an Immunity contrary to the custom of other Countries and repugnant to the Law of all Nations they must shew how they came by such a Priviledge and why they should not follow the customes of other Kingdomes For whosoever will alledge an exemption from the due observance of the Law must make it appear at what time for what occasion and by whom he or his Predecessors obtained the same that the quality of the Giver and the consideration and cause of the Grant being duly examined and discreetly considered the strength and validity of his exemption may be well and perfectly seen I know that there are many degrees of Princes and that some Kings are in some manner subject unto others from whom they receive Lawes and by whom they and their Kingdomes are ruled and directed So hath Scotland been ruled by England so hath Denmark acknowledged the Empire so hath Sicily obeyed Rome so hath the Pope challenged power and authority over the Empire But all Histories agree in this that although of other Kingdomes some be subject to the Pope others unto the Emperour yet the Kingdom of France is and alwayes hath been most absolute neither depending upon the Emperour nor being in any respect subject unto the Pope That the Emperour hath no authority over France was shewed when as Sigismond the Emperour would have made the Earl of Savoy a Duke in Lyons for then the Kings Officers withstood him therein and forced him to his great grief and in a great fury and anger to depart thence and out of all the dominion of France before he could use in that point his Imperial power and authority And that the Pope hath no manner of Authority Prerogative or Preheminence over France it appeareth by the confession of all Canonists who have written and do write of the Popes Prerogatives For albeit they make the Empire and almost all the Kingdoms of the world in some sort subject unto the See of Rome yet they confess the King of France to be so absolute that he acknowledgeth no Superior but God and that there is no other Prince but he unto whom some Pope or other hath not either given or confirmed his Estate and Kingdom It must needs
General with 150 men at Armes A few more Examples like unto this will give some better light unto the obscurity and doubtfulness of this question and therefore I will afford you some such examples Edward the third King of England espying a time of great advantage to invade Scotland because he might be the less blamed if he should take the same occasion publikely protested that he was not in League with the Scot because the League betwixt them was fully agreed and concluded upon in his minority and while he being under Age had not the capacity to perceive the disadvantage and great harm that grew unto him by the same League The Scots and Picts being in League with the ancient Britanes and spying a convenient time to molest them whilest Maximinianus the Emperour was absent invaded the Realm and pretended that they were not bound to the League concluded betwixt them and Maximinianus if he were once out of the Kingdom The same people notwithstanding their League invaded the Brittanes another time saying that the League was at an end by the death of Placitus the Roman Lieutenant who had concluded the same League The Brittans in the time of King Arthur entred into League with Lothus King of the Picts and bound themselves to receive Aludred a Pict for heir and successour unto King Arthur but when Arthur was dead contrary to the Convenants of this League they made Constantius and not Aludred their King and being accused of the said Picts for breach of the said League they answered that the League betwixt Lothus and Arthur was fastened unto this condition that as soon as the one or the other dyed the Subjects of neither of them should be tyed any longer thereunto adding further that it stood not with policy to admit a Stranger to bear rule and government over them The examples are infinite that might be alledged to this purpose but these few may suffice to shew the proneness and ready good will of Princes to falsifie their Faith and to colour the breach thereof with some reasonable shew and pretence when they found it not commodious or convenient for them to hold every Covenant and Article of their Agreements Now having seen by this that hath been said already that Leagues are lightly broken it resteth for the better strengthening of my purpose that I declare unto you by such examples as shall presently come unto my memory what occasions one Allie hath taken to be offended with another and how upon such occasions offered of great friends they have become mortal enemies For hereby you shall see that since Princes are most commonly led and ruled by examples insomuch that they hold all things to be well done which not being apparently unjust or dishonest are done by example that our Queen notwithstanding the ancient continuance of the League that hath been between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy of which the King of Spain pretendeth himself to be lawful Heir may most lawfully fall from the same and by many and infinite Presidents justifie the receipt of the King of Portugal and the aid given unto him I find many causes in such Histories as I have read which have moved princes who were conjoyned together in a very straight League of Amity and Friendship to fall at variance and either to war one upon another or to associate themselves each one with the Foes and Adversaries of the other Iulius Caesar although the Romans were in League with the people which were anciently called Lingones yet he held them yea and used them as Enemies because they aided the Helvetians which are now called Swizzers with corn and other provision Other Princes have taken occasion of offence against their Allies and Confederates because they have fallen to Agreement with their common Enemies and Adversaries without their consent of privity So was Pope Sextus the fourth highly displeased with Ferdinando King of Naples because he not making him privy thereunto had agreed all matters of variance and controversie betwixt himself and Laurence de medicis and the City of Florence So did Lewis the twelfth of France justly complain of Pope Iulius the second because at what time France stood in most need of him he compounded the differences betwixt the Church and their common Enemies and for this injury offered unto him published bills and books of greivous complaints against him saying that he was worthy to be deprived of his Popedom Illescas in the life of Pope Leo the tenth reporteth That the Venetians being in League with the King of Spain against the French King departed from their Alliance with the Spaniard and allied themselves with the French King for no other occasion but because Prospero Colona one of the Captains of the Spanish Army did not presently give unto them Bressia which he had taken from the French King and should as it seemed have been restored unto the Venetians as soon as it was taken Sometimes it falleth out that many occasions meet at one time to move a Prince to relinquish and leave the side and party of his confederate Many causes enforced Pope Leo the tenth to leave the French King and to join with Charls the fifth First his unsatiable desire to recover Parma and Placentia The pity he took of Italy to see what misery it endured under the French Thirdly The good will he had to gratifie the Emperor for the great love which he shewed at the Diet holden at Wormes unto the See of Rome Fourthly his indignation and displeasure conceived against Monsieur Lotreth Governour of Milan because he did not only molest and trouble the poor Millanois with a thousand vexations and grievances but also gave all the Benefices Bishopricks and other Ecclesiastical Livings within the Dukedom of Milan without the Popes leave and licence And further because he had had given commandment that no man should appear upon any Citation sent from Rome nor should go thither to follow any Suit or Process begun or moved there And lastly the remembrance of those injuries which were done by the King of France unto his Predecessors and especially unto Peter and Laurence de Medicis his Father and his Brother Here you see the Pope whom the rest of Italy most commonly followeth partly moved with a just hatred against the Frenchmen and partly fearing their overgrowing power in Italy to prevent the hateful increase of their greatness leaveth them and joyneth himself unto their enemies Now you shal see another Pope named Clement the seventh and with him also the Venetians finding that Charls the fifth with whom Leo the tenth allied himself against the French King yeildeth not accordingly as he was bound the investiture of the Dukedom of Milan unto Francis Sforza who promised to give him for the same six hundred thousand Ducates and to marry with whomsoever it should please him and also to hold the Dukedom at his devotion And further conjecturing
that the Princes are not overwise and discreet which labour all the daies of their lives to Conquer and subdue Forain Kingdoms For after that they have attained the desired Fruits of their desired Labour and Travaile what have they gotten worthy of their painâ—s and charges They have added somewhat to their former Reputation They have increased their yearly Revenues of their Crown They have as it becometh good Husbands augmented the Talent which God bestowed upon them And what is all this but a thing that glistereth and is no Gold a shew of Reputation that is no true Glory and a Representation of great profit than can have no long continuance For if this happie and glorious Conqueror shall leave his natural Country and govern in person his new Conquered Kingdome what sorrowes what inconveniences what troubles dangers and vexations will follow thereof His natural Subjects will complain that they are forsaken and the â—onquered will not long like of his Government The former will find Fault with his Deputies and the later will desire his room rather then his presence The one will not think him worthy to enjoy his own and the other will esteem all that he getteth theirs because they presume that it is gotten with the goods and wealth of the Country which they call theirs So he becometh a stranger unto his own and being daily amongst his own his own will not know him And that which is most greivous if his own chance to rebell as many have done in their Soveraignes absence he is fain to imploy strangers to suppress them And if his Strangeâ—e happen to revolt he muâ—t either make a Butchery of his own to subdue them or lose in a few daies that which was gotten in many years I shall not need to stand upon the proof hereof I have cleared that by many examples in the beginning of this discourse And therefore I will now come unto the second Error not inferior but rather greater then the fiâ—st It is an usuall Policie amongst Princes when they have given their loving Subjects just occasion of discontentment to yeild them some manner of satisfaction whereby their alienated mindes may be Changed and their natural Affections enforced to return But the King of Spain being neither mindful of his Policy nor careful as it should seem to maintain and keep his own having alienated the hearts and estranged the Affections of his kinde and tender Subjects by an indiscreet toleration of bad and leud Officers is so far from pacifying their Wrath as that he provoketh them unto further Anger and discontentment by refusing to condiscend unto a most reasonable Requâ—st which not they alone by their Ambassadors but also other Princes for them make unto him For after that the Low Coâ—ntries by the example of the Kingdoms of Poland Swedland Denmark France Scotland and England together with the Common-wealth Dukedoms Principalities Counties Palatinates and other Dominions and free cities of Switzerland Savoy Wittenberge and other Provinces of Germany fell from Popery unto the profession of Gods true Religion they desired of their King that they have liberty of conscience and without danger of a Spanish inquâ—siâ—ion profess that Religion wherein they were fully resolved to live and die But the King thinking it not convenient or beseeming the Royall Majesty of a Prince to yeild unto any extraordinary Petition were it never so humble or reasonable of his Subjects refuseth to satisfie this request For which his refusing as many asâ—favor him or his cause alleage these reasons First that Men of two Religions can hardly live in Peace and quietnes together in one Estate Secondly that these suppliants have been and are still the cause of all troubles and seditions in the Low-Countries Thirdly that he had faithfully promised the Popes holiness never to entertaine or maintaine any other then the present Roman Religion within any of his Kingdoms or Dominions Fouâ—thly that such a toleration as was demanded by his Subjects cannot be warâ—anted by the example of any Kâ—ngs or Princes of later or former times Fifthly that the King of France and the Queen of England having had the like motion made unto them by their natural and most loving Subjects could never be moved to condiscend to their humble Petitions And lastly that it was not seemly for his Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to yeeld or not to yeeld unto his Subjects especially since he both held and knew himself to be very well able to enforce his rebellious and heretical Subjects to submit themselves unto the profession of that Religion which his Subjects in Spain and in other his dominions do profess These are in briefe all the reasons that ever I could heare alledged by any man for the justification of his refusal and to the end that his error may not be coloured or maintained by the shew and shadow of these simple reasons I will briefly confute every one of them in order True it is that there is no streighter tie no surer stay no stronger hold to coâ—joyn and knit the hearts of Subjects together then is the conformitie and unitie of religion and that the readiest way to sever and separate their Affections is to set them at strife and variance for Religion In regard whereof diverse wise men and grave counsellors have advised their Kings to take heed that no kinde of heresie creep into their kingdoms to resist the first beginniâ—g of any heresie whatsoever and to foresee that no new opinion enter into the hearts of their Subjects and if any by chance happen to finde never so small entrance to labor by all meanes possible to remove the same For variety of opinions easily ingendred findeth meanes to increase without great difficultiâ— and having once penetrated into the interior cogitations of mens hearts so ravisheth their senses blindeth their eyes and obscurâ—th their judgements that they can neither see nor discerne the truth from falshood nor the light from darkness but so cleave and hold fast on their opinions that they will almost as soon and as willingly depart from their lives as from their heresies But if by reason of not opposing and withstanding the beginning and increase of opinions the number of Subjects professing a Religion contrary to their Kings be once grown to be equall or greater then the multiâ—ude of those which agree with him in opinion there are but two waies to reforme and order this disorder The one to command as Dagabert King of France did that all they that profess not the same religion which their King doth shall by a certain time appointed depart out of his Realme and that those who remaine within the limits of his kingdome beyond the day prefixed shall be held as Enemies unto the State and therefore be reputed 〈◊〉 worthie of present death The other to permit them to continue in their Country and to enjoy liberty of conscience The which way because it draweth nighest unto humanitie seemeth unto
maketh any such vow or promise first it had been very good that he had never made it and next it were very convenient never to put the same in execution bâ—cause the sin that hurteth but one man alone is much more tolerable then that which may endanger many This promise therefore if it were never made but suggested requireth no performance and if it were once made it likewise ought not to be performed because it is impossible and cannot be maintained without great effusion of blood without hurt unto many and prejudice unto a whole estate From this promise therefore unto tâ—e fourth Reason a Reason almost as easie to be refuted as to be repeated For the Emperor Constans maintained the Corps and Colledge of Arrianus not for any affection that he baâ—e unto them but because he thought it part of his charge and duty to conserve and preserve the life of his Subjects Theodosius sirnamed the Great who was always a most moâ—tal enemy unto their opinion did likewise permit them to live in company with his other Subject And Valens and Valentian whereof the one wâ—s an Arrian and the other a Catholick suffered men of both Religions to live under their Government The Emperor Ferdinand granted leave and liberty unto his subjects of Silecia and Lituania which are Provinces of Bohemia to change their Religion And not long after him Maximilian the Emperor licensed them to build Churches after the manner and fashion of Protestants Besides the Pope himself the Dukes of Mantua Ferrara Florence and Baviera together with the Seigniory of Venice suffer Iewes to live in their Country And the Kings of Poland and Moscovia vouchsafe to suffer a number of Tartarians and Mahometists to lead their lives in their Countries Imitating therein the example of Constantine the great who after that he had established Christian Religion in Rome excluded not any Pagans and Infidels out of Rome In the Kingdom of Poland the Greek and Roman Religion was at one time a long whiâ—e professed And now there are many Lutherans Catholiques Anabaptists and Calvinists Lastly it cannot be denied and this methinketh should move the King of Spain most of all that his Father Charles the 5 after that he had fought a long while with the Princes of Germany which professâ— Luâ—herasme being aided in the same Warrs by the Pope and all the Princes of Italy granted at the length that Peace unto the Protestants which is called the Peâ—ce of Aubspurge Considering therefore that al these Popes Emperors Kings Dukes Princes and Barons having no less regard then the King of Spain of their Soules health hoping to have no worse part then he in the kingdom of Heaven did permit do yet permit the professed and sworn Enemies of Christ and of his Gospell namely the Jewes to live nay to be born and to enrich themselves within their kingdomes Dominions and Principalities What Shame Dâ—shonor or prejudice can it be unto the King of Spains Catholick Majesty to give leave unto his loving and trustie Subjects to adore and worship the same Goâ— which he himself honoreth and reverenceth in such forme and manner as they desire I know not what should be the cause that he who is so desirous in all other things to follow his Fathers 〈◊〉 Examples and Counsells doth not vouchsafe to imitate him in this Toleration which will be acceptable unto his Subjects answerable â—nto their desires agrâ—eâ—ble unto Gods word and very proâ—itable for the Advâ—ncement of his own reputation It is to come unto the fift Reason because the Queen of of England and the King of France will not yeeld unto any such Toleration in theâ—r several kingdoms Alaâ— neither the example of the one nor the other can serve to strengthen his cause For he hath not the like Authority in Flanders as they have in France and England They are free and he is bound They are tied to no conditions and he is fastened unto many and especially unto these not to break their ancient Priviledges nor to innovate any thing without the consent of the States of the Country by whom he is to be directed in all matters of great counsel and importance Besides there must needs follow farr greater Inconvâ—nience unto him then unto her by denying Liberty of conscience unto their Subjects For his are so many that require the same that above 30000 departed at â—ne time out of Flanders because he refused their humble Request and the number of Traditioners in England is so little that all that were of any note and name amongst them were heretofore and are at this present reduced into one little Island nay into no great house of a little Island But the late King of France who was esteemed one of the wisâ—st Princes of Europe would not in any wise suffer two Religions to be professed in his kingdom but because he would plant one onely there he made wars a great while against his own subjects destroying their houses wasting their Fields ruinating their Cities and Massacring their persons But who gave him Counsel so to do Was it not the King of Spain or his Pensioners And what advantage got he therefore Truly no other but the ruin and desolation of his Country And what end had he of his war before he died Forsooth such an end as made him to repent that ever he undertook those wars And what continuance had these wars Certainly they lasted above thirty years and the Protestants are now stronger then ever they were And what issue is come of these French troubles Undoubtedly the issue was such that whereas the Realm was divided but into two Factions a little before the Kings death there were three and of those three the last was most unjust pernitious and execrable For in the same one Papist killed another the son bore Arms against the father the brother against the seed of his mothers womb and the subjects being in their opinion of a good Religion against their King whose Religion was as good or better then theirs It is not then the French kings examples that moveth him It beseemeth not his Catholâ—ck Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to grant or what to deny to his subjects This is the last and in effect the best of his Reasons For it is usual amongst Princes and therefore no shame to crave counsel advice and direction one of another in matters of great weight and moment and happy haâ—h that Prince been alwayes accompted who could and would follow such advice as hâ—s faithfull Friends abroad gave him Thence it cometh that Princes send Ambassadors one unto another that they crave conference one with another that they have oftentimes Interviews and solemn Meetings and according to this custom he either dissembleth egrediously or meant truly that the Ambassadors sent by the Emperor the Queen of England and other Princes of late years to Cullen should have ended all contentions and controversies betwixt him and his Subjects
sent presently Ambassadors unto Rome to pacifie the Pope by making his kingdom Tributary unto him and by promising to hold the same of him to take him for his Superior and to bee obedient unto all his commandements The good old man presently changeth his mind pacifieth his own wrath and of a deadly foe becometh the Kings great friend insomuch that he revoketh whatsoever was before decreed excommunicateth the King of France for robbing the Patrimony of the holy Church and commandeth the English Subjects to return presently unto the dutifull obedience which they owe unto their King Is there any Man so ignorant within this Realme that hath not oftentimes heard how many times the later Popes of Rome have sent not only secular Men but Seminary Priests into England to murther our gracious Soveraign There are some Widowes and Orphans within this Kingdom who lament even at this day the death of their husbands and of their Parents which have lost their lives because they would have deprived our mercifull Queen of her life at the Popes instance and instigation It were to be wished that poor France had not lately felt the great miseries which follow after the Popes heavie indignation It should not have lost within the space of 15 years 14 hundred thousâ—nd men not Strangers but naturall French men it should not have lost in so small a time above 142950. French Gentlemen it should not have lost in so unhapy a time their late King the first King that ever was murthered by his owne Subjects in France it should not complaine that the Father had killed the son the child hâ—s parent the brother the seed of his mothers Wombe and the kinsman the next of his owne kin briefly it should not be pestred and plagued with such unnatural Subjects as delight in the slaughter of their owne Country men as comment and approve of the wicked horrible and most odious and detestable Murther of their owne Leige Lord and Soverraigne Now seeing that either the Approbation of murther as in the Emperor Phocas or the Allowance of unlawfull usurpations as in Charles the great or the Toleration of wicked Rebellions as in Henry the son against the Emperor Henry the Father or the maintenance of wrong Titles as in King Pipin of France or the practise of subtile and devillish devices as in the before mentioned Popes hath caused the Advancement of Popes It must needs follow that they have not lawfully attained unto the Authoritie which they now challenge But to omit all that might here be conveniently spoken against the Succession of Popes against their Authoritie their Pride their abuses and the Iniuries offered unto all Nations that either voluntarily or forcibly have lived under their obedience To leave to tell you how many Catholick Princes they have excommunicated as Hereticks how many Seditions Tumults and Wars have been raised in the world by them and in the defence of their causes To leave to declare unro you how â—thany religious Princes and Kings have nothing esteemed their excommunications how many had good occasion to commend and bless them briefly to avoide that prolixitie which could not be avoided if I should enter into this discourse I will onely signifie unto you the great Wrongs losses and Indignities which our Realme alone hath received by receiving the Pope and his Authoritie for of a brief declaration hereof will follow this great benefit that when it shall appeare as it may appeare unto as many as will vouchsafe to reade the before named Marsilius Pativius that their Authoritie is usurped and that by receiving and acknowledging the same our Realm fele many inconveniences and many Miseries from which it is now freed no man should think her Majestie to be Lawfully excommunicated whome the Pope hath anathematized for not reverening him and his Authoritie whom her Predeâ—effors long since rejected There was a time when as our Kings blinded with the same zeale and affection which now possessâ—th the hearts of those Princes which are wholie devoted unto the Popes holiness honored him as those Princes now do then there was no Realme comparable to ours neither for number nor for beautie of religious houses There was no Country that yeilded greater Obedience unto the Sea of Rome no people that was more readie to receive and entertaine the Popes Legats to honor and reverence them and to fulfill and accomplish whatsoever they required at our hands This great zeale and obedience of ours whereas it should have purchased us especiall favors for he that loveth most ought to be required with most love procured us in time great hatred for no Nation had the like injuries offered unto them as were proffered unto us Whence this hatred proceeded I shall not need to relate our Hâ—storiâ—s ease me of that labour and paine and the manifold Abuses which are suffered will manifestly prove the same There is nothing that derogateth more from the Majesty of a King then to be ruled by Forrein Laws nor any thing that grieveth or offendeth Subjects so much as to be drawen from home into remote and far distint places to prosecute their Right and Suits in Law The first is odious because it disgraceth the Country whose Prince endureth that Jndignitie and the last is grievous because it is both troublesome and chargeable In the time of our Superstitions and foolish zeale unto the Sea of Rome Thomas Archbishop of Cant. was slaine in his Cathedrall Church by William Tracey Reynold Ursin Hugh Marvell and Richard Britton who thinking it noâ— convenient that a proud Prelate should prefer the Popes Commandment before our Kings Authoritie and being grievously offended with the great Indignities that were offered unto our King and his kingdom for his superstitious and contentious Bishops sake came out of Normandie of purpose to end by his death those troubles and vexations from which they thought that our Realme could not be freed so long as he lived The King whenâ—this Murther was committed in England was in Normandy where hearing the News thereof he greatly lamented his death Clothed himself in Sack-Cloth confessed himself unto Almighty God and protested before his divine Majestie that he neither was guilâ—ie or privie to the Archbishops death unless he might be held for guilâ—ie which had just occasion not to love him over well besides Henry the second for he was then King having for this Bishops sake tasted somewhat of the bitter fruits of the Popes Indignation and fearing that when his death should be known at Rome he should incurr his further displeasure sent presently certain Ambassadors unto Rome to excuse him and to signifie his Innocency unto the Pope but his Holiness would not admit them unto his sight untill that certaine of his Cardinals told him that they had express commission from their King to signifie unto his Holiness that he would stand to the Popes and his Cardinals Iudgment and undergo what Penance soever it should please him and them to
Raigne married Margaret his Daughter at Yorke and then and there did him homage for his Kingdom Lastly it appeared by the Popes Bulls written into Scotland that the Kings of Scotland were excommunicated by divers Popes because they would not obey the Kings of England their Lords and Soveraignes Buâ— against all this and whatsoever else may be said by us to fortifie and defend our Title the Scots make three principall Objections The first that their King never did homage unto us but for the Countries of Northumberland Cumberland Westmerland and Huntingdon the which they confess they held of our Kings and by their grant and guift The second that Edward the third being chosen Arbitrator of the great and notable contention that was betwixt Iohn Baliâ—l and Robert Bruce for the Kingdom took the two Competitors aside and sounded which of them would take the kingdom to hold it of him which when Robert whose Title was as they thought best refused to do and Iohn was content to performe hee wrongfully pronounced Judgement for Iohn Baliol and so extorted this Homage by Fraud and Corruption The third that the Estates of the Realme never acknowledged this Homage but were so farr from yeilding thereunto that the Nobility of Scotland deprived Iohn Baliol of the Crown and gave the same unto Robert the first because he submitted himself and his Kingdom unto King Ed. The three Objâ—ctions may not be unanswered and therefore unto â—very one of them in Order True it is that a King may hold his Kingdom of no Superior and yet owe Homage for some Member thereof unto another or some Principality that hee holdeth of an other and he shall still nevertheless remaine a most absolute King For who will deny King Edward the third of England to be either absolute or Soveraigne King of England although he swore Homage and Fidelity unto King Iohn of France for Gascoigne and other Dominions which he held of him in France Or who will take the Emperor Chales the fift not to bee an absolute and Soveraign King in Spain or other his Dominions and Kingdomes because hee sometimes owed Fidelity and Homage unto the French King for the Dukedome of Burgondy Bâ—t the case is altered in the King of Scots because hee did Homage both for these Countries and for his Kingdom And this is no good Argument The King of Scots did Homage unto England for certain English Provinces held of England therefore they did not Homage for Scotland But the second Objection is of better weight and yet may bee thus answered I might here oppose the Credit of an English man against a Scots credit and desire to have Holinshed and Thâ— Walsingham speaking for us to be as well believed as Hector Boetius and George Buchanan would bee credited when they speake for Scotland But you shall heare this Objection confuted by an Italian namely by Pelidore Virgil a man of more indifferency of less partiality and perhaps of better Judgement against whom if it be be said that he was either hired to write our History favorably or that he could write nothing of us but what he had from us I â—nswer that there was never any man justly condemned upon a bare and light suspition and I eftsoones say as I once said before that where a matter cannot be proved but by domestical witnesses there such a proof is both allowable and lawfull Then to refell this Objection I say out of Polid. Virgil that Kâ—ng Edward pronounced not Judgment for Iohn Balioll because he promised to hold Scotland in homage of him but because he came of the eldest Daughter of King David and Robert Bruce of the Second I strengthen my saying by these Arguments First it is said that King Edward very wisely when as this great conâ—ention was referred unto his Audience and determination he called together as Hector Boetiâ—s himself writeth the learnedst men of England and of Scotland he sent the State of the Question into France whence he received Answer that Iohn Baliolls Title was the better And because he might be suâ—pected if he should examine the matter alone and give sentence himself he chose 12. English men as Boetius saith or 20. as Holinshed reporteâ—h and as many Scots as English men whom he made Judges of the controversie and they when they had throughly discussed both conpetitors Rights gave Judgment for Iohn Balioll which Award was confirmed by the King Then whenas the King had seen so many Evidences and proofs confirming his Right and Title unto the Soveraignity of Scotland as are before mentioned is it likely that he who had Right to that which he demanded would condition with the Competitors in such manner as is objected Lastly although he had made Iohn Baliâ—ll to enter into such a condition and to binde himselfe thereunto this cannot help the Scots for that it is lawfull for any Man to Claime his Right at any time and to tell him that is likely to detaine and withstand his Right that he shall not have his lawfull Favor unlesse he will be content And this is most lawful in a cause of Contention betwixt the Soveraigne and his Vassal because the Soveraigne must require Homage at his hands and the Vassal is not in some Mens opinion bound to do him homage unlesse it be required The third Objection is Answered with as little difficultie as the rest For the chief Peers of Scotland acknowledged Obedience and homage unto King Edward They consented unto the delivery which Iohn Balioll made unto our king of his kingdom they required our king to be bound as he was in an hundred thousand Marks to deliver the kingdom to thier king again within two moneths and they appointed certain principal Noblemen to receive and keep the Revenues and Profits of the Crown to his use whom King Edward should declare to have best Right thereunto Againe Iohn Balioll was not deprived of his Crown by the States and Nobility of Scotland as Bucanan reporteth but was enforced as Hector Boetius restifieth to resigne all his right in the Crown unto King Edward and to relinquish and give over his kingdom and at the same time all the Nobility of Scotland did swear homage and Obedâ—ence unto our King and Boetius hath nothing to say 〈◊〉 their defence but that our King enforced them thereunto As though it were not lawfull for the Superior to constraine his Vassals and Subjects in case fair means cannot prevaile with them by violence to acknowledge their duty and service unto him But it pleased the Almighty to punish the Scotish disloyalty Inconstancy and Rebellion they revolted often They broke their promise many times They thought it lawfull to delude us with fair words and to deceive us with vaine promises But the eternall who hateth deceivers and deceitfull dealings so prospered all our Attemps against them that our King for a while left them destitute of a King caused them to swear and submit themselves unto some of
to harbour their Ships their Ships that needed both harbour and reparations Was there any friend either within the Country or nigh unto the Country would bestow a little fresh water upon them for lack whereof many of their people died Was there ever a Priâ—ce or Potentate that would suffer them to repair either broken wind-shaken or Sea beaten Ships within his Dominion Brieflâ— was there any man that would furnâ—sh them with Masts Saâ—ls Cables and other things nâ—cessary for want whereof most of their Navy perished I will tell you a thing which may be strange to others but no news to you and yet worthy to be told because it is meet that it should be known unto all men When the report was certain in England that the Spanish Fleet and Forces were at hand instead of lamentatâ—ons weepings out-cries which things in time of sudden accidents are common and even used amongst valiant people the Queens Majesties ears were filled with Prayers Petitions and Motions sometimes of one Shire sometimes of another most humbly beseeching her Highness to give the Spaniards liberty to land with their Forces and them leave to encounter with them alone I my self do marvel and I think as many as shall hear it will marvel thereat that in men of one and the same Religion there should be divers opinions and different Judgements in matters concerning the advancement of their Religion Yet I know and you shall understand that the English Catholicks which are out of England and those that live within the same Realm were not all of one opinion of one minde when the Spaniards were coming for England for the one sort wished them all manner of happiness and prosperity and the other prayed to God not to prosper their journey much less their Attempt and besought the Queens Majesty to place them in the foremost Range and Ranck against the Spaniards and where they might endanger themselves most and do her Highness most service not because they were weary of their lives but for that they thought it most honorable to die in the defence of their Country and that God would never forsake them in so just a cause This may serve to shew that the Spaniards had and may have very small hope to finde any manner of aid within England And yet to clear this point the better may it please you to remember that when the report of the Spaniards coming began to be certain all those which we call Papists and our Adversaries term Catholicks at least the better sort of them were conveyed to several houses far distant the one from the other and there kept not like Prisoners but like Gentlemen of their calling and all the Nobility was commanded to repair to the Court of which commandment their followed two commodities The one That the Catholicks being under safe custody there was no man of account to sollicite the Subjects to Rebellion the other that if any small or great number had been disposed to rebell there was not any man of worth to be their Head And it hath seldom been seen that Rebels ever durst adventure to shew their evil inclination or adventuring had at any time good success without having some man of special accompt and authority for their head But Ireland and Scotland may be thought to favour the Spanish King and undoubtedly he hath been made beleeve that in either of those Realms he shall finde faithful friends and such as will adventure their lives to do him service Truly Ireland hath been a long time subject to the Crown of England but always divided into two Factions the one of civil and discreet people the other of wilde and savage men the first sort true and faithful Subjects unto their Soveraign and the other prone and ready to spurn against their Superiors but not able to do any great hurt no more then the Banditti of Italy which may rob a house spoil a little Village and set fire on a Castle and run away by the light when they have done and yet to be sure that no great annoyance should come from Ireland to England the best part of the Nobility of the Country was likewise called to the Court the strongest Holds were committed to the custody of faithful keepers and to hold them in better obedience there was sent over such a Lord Deputy as was well acquainted with their Customs practised in the Country and very well beloved of the people As for Scotland although the Kings thereof have always been for these many hundred years in firm league and amity with the Kings of France and of late years have had some occasion of extraordinary great love and friendship with the house of Guise the House that hath been as you have heard the onely upholder and maintaâ—ner of the Spanish Fact on in France yet because the present King of Scotland hath been nourished up from his infancy in the same Religion which the Queen of England professeth and for that he is bound unto her Highness for divers favors and courtesies shewed unto him in the time of his distress and necessity he is very well affected unto the State of England and desireth nothing more then the welfare of that Country the health and safety of the Queens Majesty and the reign and overthrow of all her Enemies which desire he signified unto her Majesty at such time as she thought she stood in need of his help offering to come in person to aid her Grace against the Spainards wiâ—h the greatest power he was able to make The Venetians brag of the strength of their City because it is distant five miles from any land and defended by a little natural Bank from the violence of the Sea How may England therefore boast of her strength since she is severed above thirty miles at the least from any other Nation not by a little Bank but by a great Sea especially if â—reland and Scotland be under her subjection and in League with her and also if the Maritine forces of the United Provinces be always ready to joyn with her against all her enemies It is not the happy success of one Battel nor the mighty or innumâ—rable forces of one Aâ—my that must or 〈◊〉 subdue England but he that will undertake to conquer our Realm must first overthrow our invincible Navy and then encounter with our strengths by Land and not obtain one onely but many Victories against them a matter in my simple conceit almost impossible especially for the King of Spain For besides that Fortune is seldom or never so constant or prodigal of her favours that she vouchsafeth unto any man any long continuance of desired happiness this impossibility will easily appear unto him that shall call to remembrance what hath been already said touching the Forces of England and Spain But the Romans first then the Danes next VVilliam the Conqueror Lastly Divers English Princes pretending right unto the Crown of England have with very small difficulty and with