Princes actions to the peoples humours workes wonderfull effects without the effusion of bloud This Ireland was commanded by many petty Kings almost every Province had its particular Prince he drew foure of them to his obedience and by the example of his honourable treating of them had drawne all the rest had he not been by his Prelates desired to returne to remedy the troubles which the Wiclifs opinions had raised up in England Whence it may be gathered that had hee not been naturally given to listen unto bad advice and flattery hee would have proved a good Prince The Duke of Lancaster was received in Guascony as the Sonne and Uncle of a King but not as Duke of Aquitany he with much modesty shewed them the donation which his Nephew had given him and did with as much patience endure the not receiving of it He moved that Embassadours mought be sent into England giving them his word that hee would approve of what should bee there agreed upon though to his prejudice the which was done The points which opposed the donative were two The one pertaining to Justice the other to reason of State That which belonged to Justice was the preservation of their priviledges The Kings of England were obliged to keep the Dukedome of Aquitany perpetually united unto the Crowne they had deprived themselves of any power of dismembring it giving it away or of giving it in fee-farme to any whosoever were he or Sonne Brother or Uncle to the Crowne They swore at their coronations to maintaine these priviledges and did authorise them by letters Patents and great Seales Richard had sworne the same and had given them letters Patents to the same purpose but hee had forgot it being very young when he did it The point of State was that the successive Dukes contracting affinity with other Princes which must of necessity ensue as namely with Burgondy France Normandy Brettany Fois Navar Castile and Portugal they should in processe of time divest themselves of all interest and shake off the friendship of England and the subjection thereunto The reason of their priviledge wrought much with Richard but this last consideration broke the necke of all the favours therein intended to the Duke for all that Gloster could do to the contrary who left nothing unattempted whereby he might keep him aloofe off Hee annulled the donation and recalled the Duke receiving him at his returne with more honour then good will This businesse being ended there remained nothing of importance but the providing of himself of a new wife not any daughter being then to be found amongst his neighbouring Princes Navar had daughters and sisters too but Richard did not incline that way The Duke of Gloster had a daughter marriageable nor could any thing more acceptable have befallen the Kingdome but the being his full Cosen-german served him for a justifiable excuse for if bare consanguinity had emboldned the Duke so much to molest him what might he expect from him when hee should bee likewise joyned unto him by so neere affinity as to be his Father-in-law But if this was the cause why he would not marry her he was deceived for this was the onely means to have made the Duke on his side and whereby to have avoided the evill which did befall him But the blinded eyes of humane judgement fore-sees not what 's to come but rather by eschewing meets with those evils which it thought to have left behinde The true cause as I conceive was that as his love was in extremity so was his hatred and that consequently the hatred he bore to Gloster was the reason why hee detested this match not the meannesse of bloud The King of France had a daughter between seven and eight yeares old here Richard pitched his resolution though hee therein met with three obstacles all of them of moment That shee was daughter to a King that was his enemy so yong as that hee was not in a long time to hope for issue by her and that she was formerly promised in marriage to the Duke of Brettanies eldest sonne Hee did not so much reflect upon the first save what made for his advantage for detesting warre with France he could not finde a better meanes to settle a peace between the two Crownes then this For her yeares hee did not much value them since hee himselfe was young enough and also her being promised to Brettany he slighted it since the King of France stood more in need of his friendship then the friendship of any other Hee sent a solemne Embassage to France and though answer was not presently made for time was taken to consider of it the Embassadours returned partly assured of successe the King People and Councell being all of them well inclined to the businesse At this same time the Duke of Lancaster tooke his third wife It so fell out as that he had three sonnes and a daughter by one Catherine Roet the daughter of a King of Armes she was servant to his first wife Bianca and he kept her as his Concubine during the life of his second The desire hee had to make his children legitimate and her good conditions though not nobly borne as he made him resolve to marry her and not unluckily for Iohn the Duke of Somerset who was he alone who of the three brethren had any issue was Great-grand-father by the mothers side to Henry the seventh who put a period to the civill warres of England He did legitimate them and his succeeding marriage by Act of Parliament and by ratification of Pope Boniface the ninth from whom he obtained a Bull to that effect I was not willing to leave out this particular in this place as necessary for what we shall hereafter meet withall The Kings marriage was likewise this meane while concluded and since a finall peace could not bee concluded on in respect of many places which the English pretended unto a suspension of Armes for thirty yeares was covenanted with caution that both sides should peacebly enjoy what at this time they were possessed of A businesse which did so highly incense the Duke of Gloster as the King did divers times feare lest hee might upon this occasion raise a rebellion since the people depended much upon him and were not very well pleased with this marriage nor truce he went in person to the confines of France to receive his wife as likewise did her father to deliver her up unto him Being with much content parted he caused her to be crowned at Westminster not being yet fully 8 years old Shortly after came the Count Saint Paul into England sent by Charles to receive the oath of truce a man of a working spirit and who was husband to Iane Holland sister to Richard by the mothers side The King discoursing with this man complained of the Duke of Glosters contumacie that hee was the onely man who opposed himselfe against the match with France as desirous
head and the corrupted humours of her principallest members That France did afford many advantages to whosoever should assault her as seated in a climate abounding with all good things whereas the sterility of Scotland afforded nothing but inconveniences sufficient to beat backe her assaliants That England could but for a while keepe footing there being to be beaten backe by the two urgent peeces of artillery cold and hunger That wit and valour would there lose the day inforced not by problematicall fables of fatality and destiny but by the reall and apparent necessity of nature since then no invasion was to be feared from thence to what purpose should the enterprise thereof be undertaken if being subdued it would neither cause lesse peace nor more trouble then whilst left at liberty warre might be elsewhere made for being fenced by the situation sterility it s owne and other forces it would alwaies afford occasion of beginning afresh to the end it might never beginne much lesse ever make an end with others That therefore to leave the confines well garded and take in hand what was propounded was the only resolution now to be taken as that which alone was conformable to the justice of the cause the reputation of the King and the reason of armes since England should never thinke to subdue Scotland if she did not first subdue France No sooner had the Marquis expressed his reasons but the Parliament did unanimously agree upon the warre with France so farre forgetting the businesse of the Clergy as no man thought any longer of it The King having created his two brethren Iohn and Humfrey Dukes the one of Bedford the other of Gloster and the forenamed Marquis Duke of Exeter following the wonted course of first denouncing war before the undertaking of it dispatcht away this last Duke together with the Admirall Grey the Archbishop of Dublin and the Bishop of Norwich as Embassadors to France whither they went accompanied with 600. horse and were received with great pompe royally feasted by King Charles who finding himselfe then well disposed would in their presence runne at tilt against the Duke of Alanson The jollities being over in solemne audience they demanded of him the restitution of the Crowne together with such Provinces as did of old belong unto the inheritance of the Kings of England namely the Dutches of Aquitany Normandy and Angius the Counties of Poictou and Vinena with this caution that if he would give unto King Henry his daughter Katherine together with the aforesaid Dutchies and Counties for a portion that then he would lay aside all other pretences but if he did deny this then Henry was resolved to doe what in him lay by force of armes to repossesse himselfe of his right These demands were long advised upon to finde out the marrow of the businesse but the Embassadors standing firme to the conditions agreed upon betweene Iohn King of France and Edwâ—…rd 3. King of England at Bretigny answer was made that a businesse of so great weight was not to be answered in an instant That assoone as it would be maturely discust the King would send his resolution by expresse Embassadors of his owne King Henry tooke this delay as an expresse deniall and sent word unto the Dolphin who had sent unto him a chest of tennis balls as who should say he thought him onely fit for sport that within few months he would requite his present and restore unto him balls of iron for balls of clouts which should be so tossed as France should have small reason to glory in her good walls And losing no longer time he began to raise monies munition victualls artillery and souldiers and hired a great number of ships from Holland and Zealand for his transportation King Charles was this mean while relapsed into his accustomed trances so as the Dolphin understanding what preparations King Henry made did himselfe likewise prepare for warre not forbearing though to send him a solemne Embassy as was by the Councell resolved on by the Duke of Vandosme and Archbishop of Burges Their instructions were to approve of the marriage and to propound in portion certaine territories of no great consequence supplied by a great summe of money upon condition that all other pretences abandoned peace might ensue The King who was at Winchester going to his army when hee understood their arrivall stayed there to give them audience the which he publickly did and after having feasted them at his owne table he by the Archbishop of Canterbury answered them that if the King of France would give unto him his daughter endowed with the Dutchies of Aquitany Normandy and Aniou and Touraine and the Counties of Poictou Vinena together with the rest that the Kings his predecessors had by right of inheritance possessed in France he would accept of her and peace if otherwise he would indeavour to acquire them by force and together with them the Crown which did of right belong unto him This being with much impatiency heard by the Archbishop of Burges who could not hide his anger hee desired leave to speak freely whereunto the King giving way with an inflamed countenance and angry voice hee said That if he did beleeve the King his Master had made him this offer as fearing his forces he beleeved amisse t was the compassion of Christian bloud that had moved him to it that he erred in his presumption to thinke that he alone was able to injuriously oppresse the noblest and most redoubted King of Christendome who by his owne forces and those of his subjects and friends was not onely likely to resist him but to take him prisoner and kill him and to expose such as should follow him to the scorne and fury of the French Nobility he further desired a safe conduct that they might returne without molestation and for ought else they would not trouble him The King who with much patience had listened to what the Archbishop said replied That he was nothing at all affrighted at his anger much lesse at its being sustained by the forces he alledged That his claime was known to all the world and by them themselves though they feigned the contrary That the power of their King was to them as the morning twilight whilst they had not seene the noon-tide of his strength That if Charles had subjects and friends he thanked God he lacked none That he should be consident that ere long the highest Crown of their Country should be forced to bow to him the proudest Miter meaning the Archbishop to bend the knee before him That they should say to the usurper Charles their Master in his behalfe that within three months he would come into France not as into a strangers house but as into his owne lawfull patrimony to vanquish it by the sword not boasting words That they might be gone with this answer which he would give unto them under his hand and seale as likewise their safe conduct the onely thing
for their security On the contrary side the Marishall Tolongonus at his returne found not foretime with so smiling an aspect for beleeving that by Monyes he had corrupted the Captaine of a Fort called la Busiere he was abused through too much beleefe for whilst he went to actuate the bargaine the Captaine having fitly placed two Ambushes brought him together with 11. others into the Castle where taking him Prisoner he at the same time caused almost all those that were without to be slaine and had it not beene for the Imprisonment of the Count de Ventadoure for whom he was changed he had not beene soone set at liberty This Yeare in the Moneth of Iuly was the first Sonne of Charles borne who in his due time succeeded him in his Kingdome by the name of Lovis the 11. a phantasticall Prince and almost ever rebellious towards his Father so as whilst he thought to have beene at quiet being free from the English Warres he gave against his Sons turbulencies which brought him to his end before his time marcerated by jealousy and slaine by suspition His birth notwithstanding so uncertaine are wee of future events brought unto him great cause of joy for the pledge of a Successor increaseth the Subjects love he was howsoever a great Prince who proved successefull in the rules of dissimulation rather borne together with them then learnt of any other Ghirard de Hallian describes him to be malicious wary cruell and full of Cousenage In England this meane while it was resolv'd to give libertie to Iames the first King of Scotland after 18. yeares Imprisonment which caused to the first mover therof since home hatred not love nor Charity had moved him to indevour it instead of gratitude unhappy successe and an ignominous end Robert Duke of Albany Governor of Scotland being dead the yeare 1420. just 15. Yeares after the Death of his Brother Robert the third his Sonne Mordecay succeeded him in the Government one who resembled his Father in the profuse spending of the goods of the Crowne amongst the Nobility to the end that forgetting the Prisoner King they might be content with the present condition and was like the King his Unckle in his Children for having neither ability nor wit to cause himselfe to be obeyed by them he was through desparation and despite reduc'd to ruine at the same time both them and himselfe Of the 3. for 3. they were Walter was the most insolent although they shar'd all alike in haughtines and disrespecting others Pride and the neglect of Inferiors was by them esteemed gravity and what became them and such insolent actions as arise from them proper and naturall to Men of royall Lynage and to generous and magnanimous Hearts Mordecay had often times admonished them but because in stead of reaping fruite therby he was laugh'd at by them he tooke no further care therof placing all his dislikes upon the backe of Patience till such time as the burthen grew too heavy for him to beare He very much lov'd field sports especially Hawking and having one Day an ex'lent Faulkon on his Fist Walter did with such incivility require it on him as he denying it the other snatcht it from his hand wrung off the necke and threw the Carkasse at his feete at which the Father being incensed sayd unto him that since he had in vaine used all meanes possible to bring him to obedience he was resolv'd to find out one whom both his Sonne and he should be forced to obey and he effected his words for a Parliament being immediatly called the Kings freedome was resolv'd upon Embassadors were chosen and sent into England where their request was maturely consulted on those who were against it alleadged that having beene detained so many yeares his Captivity was by him to bee esteemed an injury never to be forgotten and for the which he would take present revenge since England was now busied abroad that being at liberty he would regulate the disorders of Scotland the Governors authority not being sufficient to quench the contentions which Day by Day grew greater among the great ones nor to remedy the Thefts Murders and Rapines which as it were by reprisall was committed by the common People so as since nothing could prove more advantageous for the affaires of England all alteration was pernitious Others being of a contrary opinion affirmed his Captivity was so unlikely to raise in him any such conceits that it was rather by him to be accounted the originall of all his good fortune since that living there safe from his Unckles snares he was falne into the hands of two Kings who proving Fathers to him in education were not therfore much commended by such who preferre what is usefull to what is honest who argue that a worser resolution could not have beene taken then to have perfected wisdome by study and strength by the exercise of Armes in a Prince of so sublime inclinations whilst to do well they should have brought him up in all common vices and have made him effeminate amongst the worst of conversations that to have done otherwise was as much as to expect what befell him who nurs'd up a Snake in his bosome which when it had recover'd his heate slew him that had preserv'd it fitting considerations for Tyrant Princes but not for such as were so given as were these two Kings for if the one by making him Prisoner the other by detaining him had had respect to their owne proper intrests they would have treated him as an Enemy but their having inrich'd him with so vertuous education not to be lost neither by liberty nor Imprisonment was so rare and unparalell'd an example as he beyond all others was ever to acknowledge such The Duke of Glocester who thought there could bee no better meanes then this to joyne Scotland and England and sever it from France concluded his freedome setting a fine upon him of 100000. Marks and giving him for Wife Ioane Daughter to the Earle of Somerset Cousin-german to Henry the fift and Neece to the Bishop of Winchester whom he loved so as having payed part of his Ransome with his Wifes Portion and given in Hostages for the rest the which was afterwards payed by the Subjects in so good a manner as that they seemed not to be therewithall any whit aggreived he went his wayes nobly waited upon to his confines by his ancient friends by his new allyes and richly presented by his Father in Law Being come into his Kingdome he found it like a Ship tossed by the Seas Nothing remaining for maintenance of the Crowne save only the Customes the rest was all squandred away and bestowed upon particular Men by the two succeeding Governours Robert the Father and Mordecay the Sonne to the end that not minding his returne they might adhere unto them to publique grievances private ones succeeded the first complaints were against Walter who was Imprison'd and after him Mordecay and Alexander Iames who was
incommodity had alienated the which if the English had in any sort imitated they had not lost France for Philip was their onely Piller whereupon their Fabricke was to relie but trusting more upon their owne forces then was convenient and being more jealous of him then they ought to have beene they seconded their hatred whilst anger harmefull in government for want of requisite dissimulation causeth irreperable ruine wherein if any one shall thinke that I contradict my selfe since I have else-where beene of another opinion he will be of another mind if hee consider when I treated thereof it was touching the legallity thereof where now 't is touching the expediency by which humane actions ought chiefly to bee regulated Philip sent a King at Armes to give an account of this peace in England changing the wonted stile in his letter which hee sent to Henry for whereas before he stiled the King of France and England his Lord and master in these he termed him onely King of England his welbeloved Cousin The contents thereof was that being overcome by entreaties of the Pope of the Fathers of the Counsell of Bazille of all the Princes of Christendome hee had made peace with Charles to shun the being thought cruell and implacable he desired him likewise to do the like to the end he might be numbred amongst the authors of publike tranquillitie offering to serve him therein The Embassadour was not permitted to see the King but sent backe without any letters what could be said to the greatest enemy was said to him by word of mouth wherein they forbeared not to call Philip perjured traitour and this newes being divulged in the Citie the people not able to revenge themselves of Philip vented their fury upon his subjects who for traffique sake had their abodes in London they slew many of them and would have slaine them all had not the Kings Proclamations withheld them But those who were most rationall and who had not imbrued their hands in the blood of these innocents accused by Philip of hipocrisie in that hee made a scruple to make the peace as having sworne to obey Henry as his King but yet did it when he had received absolution from the Legat which was a tacite kind of judgement which ought not to be made when both parties are not heard An oath is not subject to absolution if there bee nothing of evill therein no evill was in his oath since Henry was not declared nor was not to be declared an usurper save by the reall evidence of a Salique Law They did not accuse the Legats authoritie but his act the which though it were excusable the end thereof being good yet give it for granted that the evill thereof were pardonable in respect of the good that was thence expected what good was there to be hoped for whilst the Swords of such Princes were yet wreaking with blood for France and Burgondy being accorded and England excluded out of the agreement shee was thereby endangered as inferiour in Forces in other too lately united to her destructions But none understood this businesse better then Philip nor did better make it conduce to his owne ends for being scandalized with his fathers death he sided with the English violated the pretended salique Law bereft Charles of his Crowne and Inheritance and gave it to England hoping that the government should be conditionall in her absolute in him and if it be sayd that if he had had any such designe hee would not have refused the Regency when it was offered him I answer that he refused it out of singular wisedome for that being come newly to his estate and finding the people of Flanders contumatious hee would have increased their forwardnesse by living farre from them besides the danger that his command was likely either to cause a breach betweene him and the English who would not be satisfied with his superioritie or else coolenesse in the administration of succour which would not fall out under the authoritie of one of their owne Princes of fortune for that distracted by the regency of France hee could not have made those accusations which hee did finding himselfe afterwards deceived in his first hopes that the English would have beene governed at his pleasure Bedford having alwayes commanded by his owne particuler authority and having so farre revenged himselfe of Charles as that his anger grew now to be somewhat appeased distasted by Bedford and growne greater else-where hee changed his purpose hee chose that King which hee had rejected and rejected that King which hee had chosen So as after the death of 300000. men who all dyed in this quarrell after the destruction of so many Cities hee made peace gaining thereby that which he could never have pretended to much lesse have had from the English one onely thing did not succeed unto him neither did it much import him that as by the degrading of Charles and promoting of Henry the fifth hee added nothing to the claime of England whose pretensions were not grounded upon such foundations so by revoking what hee had done and gainesaying himselfe he brought no prejudice at all thereunto for what remaines he was a Prince worthy of the Cognomen that was given him of God if you will pardon this present affaire and that of his cosen Giacholina Countesse of Bavaria Philip did like unto Rivers overgorged with raine which when floods of waters cease returne to their former channell when his desire of revenge ceased hee forsooke the English and returned unto his owne proper nation and blood and as hee might have done better had hee not violated his plighted faith so if he had not plighted it his vertue had beene the greater but to commit errours being a thing common since there is none that doth not doe amisse not to out doe others in mischiefe is almost a species of vertue The Duke of Bedford dyed 7. dayes before the peace concluded by Philip the one happening the 14. the other subscribed the 21. of September but by him foreseene long before I will not say that his foreseene peace was his death but that it was in part a cause thereof may probably bee conjectured Generous hearts use to bee undaunted in danger but in the change of fortune if they bee not accumulated by adversity they are macerated by vexation his death is to bee numbred amongst the chiefest causes of the losse of France hee was a wise and prudent Prince of long experience in armes and governement inferiour to no Commander in his time hee was obeyed by his owne feared by his enemies in so much as Lewis the eleventh being many yeares after in the Church of Nostre-Dame at Roan where Bedford is buried and being told by some as hee was looking upon his Tombe that that sumptuous memoriall was a great shame to France since it had bin by him so much endamaged that therefore it should bee defaced and his bones throwne out hee nobly answered that
of the other his bad that suffering himselfe to be gulded by a prodigious ambition a usuall disease amongst great wits hee of himselfe did negotiate in an unexpedient and harmefull match and which was likely not to bee denied since that thereby those territories were surrendered which ought not have beene quitted for any whatsoever cause that he did too indiscreetly make use of the Kings favour occasioned by the Queenes more then ordinary inclinations The Parliament was summoned at the Blacke Friers in London wherein treaties being had against the Duke and the Queene fearing least he might therein suffer she thought she might reape some advantage by remooving the Parliament to Lecester but very few of the Nobilitie comming thither she was forced to remove it againe to Westminster where both houses being full the lower house presented many complaints against the Duke whereof some were true and some false The Articles were many the chiefest that hee had treated with the Bastard of Orleans when he was sent Embassadour to Henry to move Charles to make warre with England to the end that hee might make Iohn sonne to the said Duke King by marrying him to Margaret daughter to the late Duke of Sommerset the presumed heire to the Crowne in case the King should have no children Secondly that suborned by the sayd Bastard he was cause of the Duke of Orleans freedome Thirdly that the losse of France and Normandy was happened through his advise which was represented to the King of France by the said Duke of Orleans Fourthly that being sent Embassadour to make peace or truce he had condescended to the surrendring of Aniou and Mayne without the knowledge of the other Embassadours his fellow Colleagues and that being returned to England he perswaded the King thereunto so losing him the inheritance of those countries Fiftly that having at the same time discovered the Kings counsell unto the enemy together with the defects of the Forts and number of Souldiers the English by reason of these informations were driven out of France Sixtly that he had given the like informations to the Dunnesse when he was Embassadour in England seventhly that the King having sent Embassadours into France to treate of peace he was the cause why peace was not made having by way of Anticipation advertised Charles of his advantages Eightly that in the Starre Chamber hee had made his boasts that hee had as much power in the Councell of France as in that of England and that by his power hee could remove whatsoever Counsellors there Ninthly that corrupted by Charles hee had retarded the melitia that was to goe to France Tenthly that in the conclusion of the peace hee had not comprehended the King of Arragon nor the Duke of Britanny both friends to the King so as being comprehended by Charles hee alienated the former and made the other so great an enemy as Giles brother to the said Duke remaining firme in his friendship to England lost first his liberty and then his life His answers to the first three Articles were that hee never had committed nor so much as thought any such thing To the fourth that the businesse of the truce being left to his discretion it could not bee concluded without the surrendring of those states which was but a weake answer since the marriage of the Queene in consideration whereof this surrender was made was not so much as dreamt of by any save himselfe But on the other side it being approved of in Parliament wherein both the houses did joyne in Petition to his Majestie to reward him for this his great good service it followes that either the one Parliament or the other did amisse since the one desired reward the other punishment for the selfe same action the fift sixt seventh and ninth have no proofe at all but the accusers bare narration In the eight he may be convinc't but more of vanitie then of any other errour in the tenth his fault was omission but as it was not excusable in a personage of his condition so it was not to be punished in the highest degree his other accusations contained the topicall faults of favorites which in like persecution are usually alleaged that he had enricht himselfe out of the Kings treasure monopolized things belonging to the Crowne diminished the revenues thereof removed worthy men from the Councell placing such in their roomes as had dependancy upon him that he was the chiefe instrument in the death of the Duke of Glocester which though it were likely enough yet were not their proofes sufficient to condemne him Vpon these complaints he was sent unto the Tower as to be there forth comming till hee should give an account of what he was charged of but being set at liberty about a moneth after the people were thereat so highly incensed that to avoyd sedition it was requisite to take from the Lord Say his place of Treasurer all their places from all his other friends and so banish him for five yeares out of England But being imbarked in Suffolke to goe for France he was set upon by a man of warre belonging to the Earle of Excester was fought withall taken beheaded neare unto Dover in the same ship and his body throwne upon the shore from whence it was taken by one of his Chaplaines and buried in the Colledge of Winkefield in Suffolke This was the end of this man in whom so many causes both of blame and of praise concurring I know not whether hee ought to bee blamed or praised Vices are like Clouds which though they doe not totally obscure the day yet the thicker and blacker they are the more horrid and fearefull doe they make it Vices are not to bee ballanced with vertues no more then is ayre and water with earth and fire yet if amongst punishments the law givers could have taken away the memory of what was good in the guiltie I beleeve they would not have done it If there had beene no other evill in the Duke of Suffolke then the death of the Duke of Glocester whereof the signes are too manifest for him to cleare himselfe 't were sufficient to ecclipse all his other vertues in the estimation of all honest men but bee it as you will his misfortune was very prejudiciall to the King since thereby he was deprived of a servant as necessary for his preservation as by his Councell and valour he was ready to preserve him This chance did much inanimate those who syded with the Duke of Yorke who spared not in what they could to render the King dispised and hatefull they forgot not to inculcate the ignominious losse of France enough to bereave of reputation the most valiant Prince that is much more him who was given to idlenesse and wretchlesnesse that the state was governed by a proud woman the chiefe cause of all their evills Thus said the people should doe well to take example by the government of Ireland where the wisedome and valour of the Duke
Present they had not backs to bear any More This contempt proceeded from the Love they bore to the House of York and their Hatred to the present King The Commissioners for the Assessing and Gathering of the Subsidies wanting means whereby to enforce them knew not what to do for all and every one of these Two Counties agreed in a joyn'd Negative to the Parliament's Decree They went to advise about it with the Earl of Northumberland who wrote thereof unto the King and received answer That the Subsidies were given by Parliament and pay'd by all the rest of the Kingdom and that he would have them of Them without the Abatement of one Peny The Earl calling together the prime Gentlemen of the Countrey acquainted them with the King's answer who believing he had framed it of his Own head broke into his house and slew him together with many of his Servants This being done they chose Sir Iohn Egremond for their Head and appointed Iohn à Chamber to him for Counsellour both which were Seditious men Their conceit was to meet the King and give him Battel in defence of their Liberties the which the King understanding he commanded Thomas Earl of Surrey lately before taken out of the Tower to compel them which he did by Discomfiting them and taking à Chamber prisoner Egremont fled into Flanders to the Dutchesse Margaret à Chamber was hanged upon a high Gallows at York and some others of the Chiefest of them were hanged round about him but somewhat Lower This was the end of this Rebellion Iames the Third King of Scotland and friend to Henry died this yeer who was brought to a miserable Period rather by evil Counsel then evil Nature He had naturally good inclinations but they were poison'd by the practice of a kinde of people which hath always been Ominous and Pestilential to Princes an inconvenience which always hath been and will be whilst the World lasts His thirst after Absolute Sovereignty was as great as is the thirst of one sick of a Burning Fever not to be quenched by all the water of Nilus He valued not Legal authority but sought for that which was not permitted by the Constitutions nor Laws of the Kingdom His ruine arose from hating Liberty in such as gave him Good Counsel and in loving Flattery in those who advised him Ill the which they did not to incur the danger of his Disfavour and so made him fall upon his Own Ruine Amongst the chiefest of his injuries to his Nobility was his breach of Faith so as they not believing any more in him nor trusting him there ensued a Rebellion and wanting a Head for a businesse of so great Consequence they thought to make use of the Prince a Youth of about Fifteen yeers of Age and under the shadow of the Son to send the Father to eternal Darknesse but the Prince being endued with much Worth would not accept so detestable a Charge whereupon they made him believe they would give themselves up to England deprive him of his Birth-right and possibly of his Life so as thus threatned he gave way to their Will Iames this mean while having made means to Pope Innocent the Eighth and to his Two neighbour-Neighbour-Kings of England and France might have been succoured all in good time had he had patience to expect them in the Castle of Edenborough a safe place but he judging Strivelin to be a more convenient place to receive those in whom he enpected from the Northern parts of his Kingdom was in going thither fought withal and beaten whereupon retyring to a Water Mill with intention to save himself in certain Ships which were not far off he was miserably slain and Iames the Fourth his Son by way of Pennance girt himself with a Chain of Iron to which he added one Link every yeer as long as he lived Pope Innocent had dispatcht away Adrian de Corneto upon this occasion for Scotland a man of noble conditions who came to London Two days before the news of this unfortunate accident he thought presently to have returned but was detained by the King enamoured of his good parts which were by Morton Archbishop of Canterbury commended unto him Neither were they any whit deceived for being a man greatly Experienced in the affairs of the world to boot with his Learning Polydore gives him the attribute of the Restorer of the Latine tongue and the most Eloquent next Cicero he came to the highest degrees of Preferment The King gave him the Bishoprick of Hereford which he refusing he gave him that of Bath and Wells and made use of him in all his businesses depending at Rome which made him being promoted to be a Cardinal acknowledge his favours and give him continual Advertisements of the affairs of Italy This man afterwards through ambition of being Pope ruined his Honour his Fortune and Himself it being verified in Him that Learning is unprofitable if the End thereof be not how to lead a good life The reason of his ruine was that Cardinal Alphonso Petrucchio having together with certain other Cardinals his Confederates plotted the death of Pope Leo the Tenth there were Three that were not Of this Confederacy but Knew of it Riario Soderini and this Adrian who not medling in the businesse did notwithstanding Wish it might take Effect for each of them aspired to be Pope Paulus Iovius relating the causes which made Riario and Soderini hate the Pope when he comes to speak of Adrian says But Adrian not moved by Hatred but by a vain Desire of Rule wisht Leo's death because he had conceived a hope to be Pope by reason of the words of a Woman-Soothsayer who having long before this being asked by him told him many things touching his Own fortune and the Publike affairs of the World told him for a truth that if Pope Leo should die an unnatural death an old man call'd Adrian should succeed him famous for his Learning who building onely upon Vertue had without any Help from his Ancestors gotten the highest Ecclesiastical preferments and it seemed all this was found in Him For being born at Corneto a poor Village in Toscany of mean mechanical parentage he by his Learning had arrived at all the preferment of Holy Orders Neither did the Old woman foretel a Falsehood for one Adrian an old Dutch-man son to a poor Artificer famous for his Learning was by much good fortune made Pope after Leo. And a while after he says Soderini by voluntary Exile withdrew himself to the Territories of Fondi but Adrian being fearful and suspitious not trusting to Leo's clemency went from Rome in a Countrey-fellow's habit and not being pursued by any changed from place to place still seeking to hide himself till he died And Guicchiardine speaking more clearly of him says Adrian and Volterra were not any ways troubled save onely that they under-hand pay'd certain sums of money but neither of them daring to trust their Safeties in Rome as neither did
for that the war with Britanny might move some jealousies in him the true Reasons whereof not being known he gave him to understand that that Countrey being Feudatary to him it became him in his reputation to preserve his rights therein amongst which one was that the Heir could not marry without his Consent that the Dutchesse having done otherwise in freely disposing of her self without the Consent of Him her Soveraign it behoved him with his good leave to match her so as might not be prejudicial to his Crown to the which he hoped He would give way as to a thing becoming the reason of State and Justice Henry perceiving that the King of France would have him swallow up a bitter Pill wrapt up in Leaf-gold caused answer to be made to the Ambassadours That Peace ought not to be treated of thereby to make War upon one's Friends that to Demand it was Unjust Most unjust to Grant it He had too much of interest with Britanny to abandon it That the proceedings held by Charles were not like those of a Lord who intends to keep his right of Fee-farm but like those of an Enemy which intends Usurpation That his Correction say it were just and necessary needed not to be imposed by so Unjust means and such Unnecessary Arms against a Maiden That he did not dispute whether it were Charles his Right to marry her as he pleased or no though he thought few Presidents could be given thereof That Britanny's tenure in Fee was not subject to the Justice Laws and Will of the Lord thereof as were Other Common tenures That Gascoigne and Normandy in Former times and Flanders at the Present were not under so Servile a Subjection but say they were Marriages ought to be Free not made by Force the parties not Constrain'd otherwise they would be against the Laws both Humane and Divine and suppose his disposal of her did not contradict the Laws it might yet be averse to the interest of Other Princes who peradventure might be content he should marry her to some Other and not unto Himself As for Flanders he wonder'd so Wise a King as Charles should use such slight Arguments in so weighty a matter that he should term the Oppression of the Prince the People's Oppression the Rebellion of the One the Injustice of the Other that after having so many months detained him prisoner slain his ser vants bereft him of his Son and injuriously put him under their own Government they should pretend by Injuring to be injured being protected and confirmed in their Rebellion by Charles himself A thing which had not formerly happened and which now fell out opposite to the Interest and Dignity of All Princes for in time that might happen to Each of them which now befel This so as all Princes were bound upon such like occasions reciprocally to Help one another the which if it became Others much more did it become Charles who being Soveraign ought to chastise Rebellion in the people not to Authorize and Nourish it He thanked him for his acquainting him with his Secret designes which were So secret as not onely Italy but the whole World knew of them For his ends of Passing into Macedonia to make war upon the Turks they were not onely Christian but Generous so as if in stead of his demanding Peace he would grant his request in accepting of Him for a Companion in so holy an Enterprise he should think himself happie but that his arguments were of too Repugnant a Construction God did not command Evil to be done that Good might come thereof nor that what is offer'd on His Altars should be taken from Another's flock Yet if he thought he might with Justice set upon the Kingdom of Naples and that his pretended right thereunto was good meerly by the Renunciation of the House of Anjou what might He think of himself that was bereft of Normandy Anjou Gascoigne and All France which falling upon his person by natural Inheritance not by Anothers Renounsal was his Legal Patrimony if being instructed by him He should not do the like He would therefore follow his example and run the same carreer he had traced out to him Therefore if he would have Peace he might have it upon condition either that he would Renounce that which by an unjust title he Possessed or else pay such a Tribute as might be proportionable to what he should hold The Ambassadours not expecting such an Answer said They had no Commission to any such purpose but that they were sure their King's Sword was able to defend his Crown from losing any the least of his Flower-de-Luces that for what concern'd his marriage with the Dutchesse he never had any such Thought being already married to Maximilian's daughter To which the King reply'd He lookt for such an Answer and that he would send Ambassadours to him the better to be satisfied therein whereupon he dismissed them and Gaguine stayed in England till he had dispatcht Thomas Earl of Ormond and Thomas Goldenstone Prior of Christs-Church in Canterbury Ambassadours into France for that purpose Charles this mean while labour'd to remove from the Dutchesse Ann all scruples and detestations which withheld her from taking him for her husband He employed people of all conditions Divines Ladies Lords Counsellours and all such as had accesse unto her The Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Orange newly freed from their imprisonment pleaded for him so did the Count Dunois who after Orleans was tane prisoner turn'd again to the King's party The Marshal de Rieux Chancellour Mountalban the Ladies and Gentlewomen that were familiar with her and almost the whole Counsel were his instruments herein Madame de Laval her Governesse and Lady of Honour took more pains herein then All the rest Much ado there was to perswade the Dutchesse to forget how unworthily she had been dealt withal for Three yeers together how the Agreements made with the Duke her father and after with her Self had never been observed that Charles had destroy'd and sackt her Countrey that he was married to the Daughter of the King of the Romanes and the King of the Romanes married to Her So that if the Divines were troubled to remove from her her Scruples of Conscience Madame de Laval was no lesse troubled to rid her of the Hatred she had conceived against his Person She at the last yeelded thereunto upon the remonstrance of Peace the Necessity of embracing it and that there was no other way to compose it then by this Marriage Maximilian being Far off and reduced to such Poverty as in a time of so great need he could assist her with but Two thousand men Charles on the contrary was Neer at hand Powerful and not likely to give over till he had bereft her of her Countrey and brought her to Poverty and Misery the which if it should so fall out Maximilian would no longer care for her whose end was to possesse himself of Britanny
and not barely of her Person that Promises of Marriage yea Marriage it Self were to be dispens'd withal in cases of Necessity that the Pope would not be found difficult herein since Blood War and Desolation would otherwise ensue which by Peace might be prevented and Peace was to be had onely by this Marriage that Maximilian's daughter was no impediment since she was not of Yeers either to Consent or Dissent For her Marriage with Maximilian's Self though Promised yet was it not Consummated the Solemnities used therein were meer Ceremonies invented to dazzle the World they not being valid by whatsoever Law either Canon or Civil And if nothing else would prevail with her the Preservation of her State her 's and Charles his Proportionable Youth and Yeers and her being to be the Chief Queen of the World ought perswade her Weary at last with so many Onsets she gave way though not yet freed of the Scruple of her Promise-breach to Maximilian but he being accused of having failed in his Duty and of not having kept any one whosoever neer her which he would not have done to the meanest Princesse alive she was likewise quitted of That The Ambassadours which were sent to Charles being come to Callis met with the Bishop of Concordia sent from the Pope to reconcile the Two Kings for through the molestation of their Wars Christendom was in great danger of the Turks who made daily further progresse thereinto The Bishop having dispatcht his affairs with Charles who feigned a willingnesse to Peace came to England where he did nothing for the Marriage with Britanny being published the Treaty was broken off and each King sent for his Ambassadours home Henry not in honour able to suffer any longer dissimulation and being by Maximilian promised strong succours from the King of Spain called a Parliament and there propounded war with France not to be made any more by Deputies as was the war of Britanny but by Himself in Person to recover those Provinces lost under Henry the Sixth against a Prince who for his Pride and for his pretending over every one was unworthy of All men's Friendship since having possest himself of Britanny by Force and Fraud and maintained the Rebels in Flanders against their Prince he pretended now to bring Italy to his Subjection that he might aftewards trouble all the Princes of Christendom honesting his thirst after Rule and his conceived Usurpation of the Kingdom of Naples by saying he did it with an intent to carry his Arms against the Infidels on the other side of the Adriatick Sea he told them it would be dangerous to let him advance so much for that England being already girt about with Piccardy Normandy and this new purchase of Britanny it would be easie for him to molest her if suffering her self to be Flatter'd as hitherto she had done she should be abused as she had been that the French forces were not unknown to the English as had been witnessed by their Battels Victories and the Imprisonment of one of the French Kings and if the English had at last had unhappie successe 't was not be attributed to Their Valour but to Civil Dissention which like tempestous Hail had beaten down the Fruit upon the very point of Ripening that his claim to that Kingdom was manifest that Fortune did second Justice and Valour accompany her that Their generous resolution would serve for an Invitation and an Example unto Others to Flanders and Spain for their Own Interests and to Britanny for that being won more by Corruption then by Arms there wanted not such as were evilly affected the People were discontented and the greatest part of the Nobility not willing to subject themselves to a Prince whom they abhorr'd the Pope would joyn with them for detesting to have Italy molested Diversion was that which would free him from Danger All which were thus presented not as the Ground-work but as the Adherences of an Enterprise which was not to be resolv'd on upon hopes of Assistance from Others that England was of it Self sufficient neither did it stand in need of any other Forces then her Own it being to be supposed that by the Death of those Ancient warriers the natural courage of those which Descended from them was not extinct but that they would make it appear to the world they did not degenerate from their Predecessours and though Honour have no reward worthy of her self but Her Self yet it was to be consider'd that this was a War to be made in a Countrey full of whatsoever Nature did afford sufficient to maintain the Publike expence to adorn the Nobility with Lordships Vertue with Employments and to satisfie the Souldier with Booty and Riches Riches which were to be shared out by sundry ways as is the Blood from Vein to Vein to England in general and that those who for the present should contribute towards it were to enjoy in the future aboundant Increase for what they should Now part withal that the war was to be made not as at the First at the expence of the Kingdom but at the cost of such Cities and Provinces as they should Conquer it had been done so Formerly and should be so Now so as they that would contribute towards it he wisht they might do it Readily for he was resolved not to have any thing from the Poorer sort but from such as without any incommodity might expect the Re-imbursing of their Moneys The War with France was with much cheerfulnesse approved of in Parliament They thought the Honour of the King and Kingdom had suffer'd somewhat in the Losse of Britanny But the King's intentions were not such as he made shew of he knew Maximilian's Forces were not to be built upon nor yet those of Ferdinand for the Wars of Granada had exhausted his Coffers and the recouery of Rossillion without Cost which he aspired unto was not to be effected by fighting with Charles but with Seconding him He knew moreover the constitution of France was not Now as it had been Formerly when divided into Two Factions it made way for the advancing of the English Forces it was now United the Burgundian Faction was faln to the ground and the Orleanists depended upon the Regal authority that she hath now brought her self to a custom of encamping Leasurely and to fight no more with Violence but upon Advice so as he should Weary his people Weaken his Forces and Impoverish his Kingdom Feigning notwithstanding the contrary he seemed to Desire what he Detested he so wisely fitted himself for what might happen as satisfying his Honour with the Appearances and Beginning of War he was sure to make Peace when he listed for Charles would be Desirous of it that he might bring to passe his intended Designes and he Himself would Accept of it as not being deceived in his opinion of Maximilian's Impotency and the vain hopes from Spain Yet he was sure to make Charles buy peace Dear who had his minde
the Orleanist thought no lesse a bosome friend then sonne in law to the Duke I know not though what judgement to give herein the tokens of this friendship his alliance set aside being very slight For at Burges he appeared against him and in other places upon other occasions seemed but very meanly to favour him he had quitted his wife the Dukes daughter for some affection he had elsewhere nor would he have resumed her if not threatned to have the treaty of Arras broken besides the Dolphin of his owne nature was not constant in his friendship opiniatred onely in odde fancies not over thankefull to his father and as much ignorant of government as he was presumptuous and headstrong Serres notwithstanding calls him terror of Burgony but without cause for had the Dolphin lived he had runne no danger for in time he might easily have won him by his subtilnesse And though through the antipathy of ambition he appeared against him yet it is not likely that he would have forgone that respect which as to a father in law he owed him This his death was rather thought and assuredly was a great blow to the Dukes fortune to the which he began to give way and retired himselfe to Flanders failing in what hee intended in France The Emperour Sigismond had all this while endeavoured as much as he might the peace of the Church which not likely to effect without the assistance of other Princes for to send their Prelates and Embassadours to the Councell was not of force enough against the stubbornesse of three titulary Popes which required a coactive authority to incline them to reason he resolved to goe himselfe to France whether he came with 800. horse and finding that it was impossible to compasse his designes without the peace of the two Kingdomes he meant to endeavour it And having laid the ground-worke thereof with Charles he procured Embassadors from France to goe along with him to England that he might the better treat thereof in their presence He was received by Henry with all due respects William Count of Hannault came thither likewise in person to the same end and shortly after the Embassadors of many Princes amongst which were those of the Duke of Burgony in greater magnificence then all the rest But the propositions which were propounded to King Henry were far short of what he pretended unto and of his good successe by the which he seemed to be inwardly advised to the contrary He forbare not though in thankes to so great a mediator to send Embassadors to Bavaois where as an introduction to the businesse a truce was propounded together with the ransome of such prisoners as were in England Things which easily might have beene agreed upon had not an accident happened which hindred all agreement the which though it be by Chesnes denyed his arguments for confutation are very weake The Duke of Exceter governour of Harfleur was gone forth with 3000. souldiers to scoure the parts neer about Roan against whom the Constable opposed himselfe with 5000. The French writers say it was Monsieur de Villaquiers and not the Constable and that he had but 3000. men They fought and 300. of the Dukes men were slaine the French say 1800. so as finding himselfe to be the weaker the Duke retired himselfe into an Orchard incompassed with a hedge of thornes where he staied the rest of that day and the next night As he retired upon breake of day towards Harfleur he was overtaken and set upon againe neere unto the City from whence new succours issuing forth he put the enemy to route Villaquiers himselfe being one of those that were slaine But however it were the Constable having for his first enterprise resolved to drive the English out of Normandy he besieged Harfleur and though he saw that this resolution would wholly break the treaty of peace yet was he so desirously confident to winne it that hee would not raise his siege though he was commanded so to doe Whereat King Henry being offended he recalled his Embassadors intended to have gone to the succour thereof himselfe in person and had done so had he not beene by the Emperour disswaded Being then perswaded to send away others in his steade he dispatched away the Duke of Bedford with 200 ships the French authors say 300. and with him many Lords and Gentlemen with whom he arrived there the day of the assumption of our Lady a fatall day aswell to the keeping of Harfleur as it was to the winning thereof for the yeare before the King came thither upon the Eve of that day The City was narrowly besieged by sea and land Vicount Narbonne Vice-admirall of France presented himselfe before it with a great fleet before the Constable came thither hoping alone to have surprised it by taking the defendents at unawares But being discovered and driven backe he was contented to have company in the continuance of the siege he gave many assaults into the Town but little good was done either by sea or land When he discried the English fleete hee prepared for fight and went into the mouth of the River The Duke did not refuse the encounter but sending some of his stoutest ships before to beginne the bickering he with all the rest seconded them resolving either to die or overcome They fought a long while with equall courage and obstinacy tillat last fortune favouring the English the enemies ships which what great what little were in number 500. were all of them almost either taken or sunke amongst which were three great Carrects of Genua which being afterwards sent into England did witnesse the defeate The Duke having reinforced the garrison with monies and men returned home the Constable having raised his siege assoone as the Navy was defeated The Emperour who sufficiently knew that it was lost time to tarry any longer in England touching the matter of peace provided for his departure The King had conferred upon him and the Count Hannault at their first comming the order of the garter and they were installed with extraordinary pompe at Winsor The Count was already gone the Emperour being likewise to be gone the affairs of Germany and of the Councell recalling him the King would waite upon him to Calleis a strait league being agreed on between them which having caused jealousies in divers Princes was the cause why the Duke of Burgony desired to speak with them both before they parted And because the declared war did not permit him to adventure his person to a profest enemy or at least he would have it so beleeved the Duke of Glocester and Earle of Marsh were sent unto him for ostages and he was met and brought to Calleis by the Earle of Warwicke This meane while his sonne Philip Count Caralois having with much honour received the ostages led them to lodge in Saint Omers And the next morning going to give the good morrow to the Duke of Glocester who was standing with his backe
the English and knowing the effect of their arrowes knew how to bee thereby least damnified advised to fight on foote but they were not listned unto so as every one following their owne fancy much disorder ensued Falstaffe at the appearance of this cloud was together with all his men lighted off horsebacke and making one firme body of them fenced them about with the carriages and planted his wonted stakes expecting to be set upon as he was but businesses were so carryed that after much shooting many handy blowes the great number of the enemy vanished some of them being slaine some retiring in good order and some taken prisoners the cheefe that were slaine were the Constable of Scotland and his Brother Mussieurs d' Orvall Chasteau Brune Montpipe Werdusan Duray Grave and some sixscore gentlemen more part French part Gascons the rest almost all Scots the English count 1100. prisoners Dupleix but onely one and he a Scotchman Serres accuses Count Clerement whom he formerly called the Duke of Brabant of want of courage for that frightned at this blow he and his men went their wayes abandoning the besieged which Guitres Gancourt Greiville Villiers La Hile and S. Raigle did not resolving all of them to see the end thereof under the Bastard of Orleans The English came unto the Camp with their expected carriage with their unexpected prisoners because the provisions which they brought consisted much of Herrings it being Lent the French entitle this incounter the Herring day This defeat did much perplex the besieged for all their resolution of well defending themselves for though generous hearts in adversity do not goe lesse in courage yeare they distemper'd by eminent dangers for where courage pretends the two distinct offices of Captaine and Souldiers it pretends ruine for wisedome ought onely to regulate she being the onely lawfull egger on or withholder of what ever generositie or fortitude such qualities as were required in a good Souldier were not wanting in the Bastard of Orleans and the Inhabitants abounded in all such conditions as a Prince can desire in his people in love to him in hatred to their enemies and in resolution amongst themselves rather to suffer the worst of evills then suffer themselves to be governed by forrainers yet wee are neither Numantinians nor Saganthians Christian religion forbids it us but as wee must dye when one Humidum radicale or radicall moisture failes so the yeelding unto others doth consequently follow the want of forces and bad fortune Charles was weake his helpes desperate he wanted Souldiers wanted Captaines a many whereof were slaine in this battell the Citie full of people victuals growne scarce and dangerous it was to expose themselves to the last of dangers the defendants lives was not the onely thing in question but their wives children goods and country to which ones dutie is performed when all is done that may be the surplusse is not generositie but impotency of minde repugning it selfe for all this they could never pitch upon the resolution of yeelding themselves unto their enemy though it were impossible for them to hold out many weekes but no understanding is more speculative then that of Prisoners These were no better shut up in an expectation of speedy death or servitude they bethought themselves to offer up the Citie upon condition that it should be delivered into the hands of the Duke of Burgony for if this offer were accepted of they were to remaine under the command of a Frenchman a Prince of the blood and though an enemy not so of his owne inclination but by passion and this much abated of its first fervency and if it should not be accepted of it was likely by reason of the distaste this refusall would cause in him to procure an alienation in that Duke from the English as though not immediatly yet not long after it did to this purpose Embassadours were sent to the Regent with two propositions the first that the towne of Orleans might bee held as a Neutrall alleadging that it was no reason the jurisdictions of their Duke now prisoner in England should be molested contrary to the articles agreed upon betweene the Crowne of England and him the second that if this might not be granted that the towne of Orleans might be assigned over into the hands of the Duke of Burgony a friend and confederate of England as upon these conditions it should be to the former the Regent answered that the Duke of Orleans was not taken prisoner upon conditions but in the battle of Agencourt wherein there was no treaty neither of life nor livelihood that therefore that which they pretended unto was ridiculous and new since his jurisdictions as those of an enemy and as those which in all actions of enmitie tooke part with Charles were subject to the lawes of Warre and lawfully to be oppugned To the second that England having undertaken this enterprise at a great charge and with the losse of so many great commanders and Souldiers no other body having contributed hazarded or lost any thing therein to require of them to invest a third party therewithall defrauding themselves thereof was an unjust and anindiscreet request and not to be granted this negative displeased Philip but if hee herewithall incited his Councellors to anger who pretended themselves to be treated withall like fooles since that they having framed the net by turning the kingdome of France upside downe others injoy'd the fruit thereof Hee did it against reason for Philip would have done the same Those who accuse Bedford of folly that being able to have wonne Orleans he lost it for not being willing to trust it in a friends hands doe judge by the event after the which any man may be wise A towne abandoned by reason of the Kings impotency without victuals without munition which parlied which offered it selfe a battle formerly lost against all rule or reason and therein the losse of so many Captaines and Souldiers to make Philip more powerfull with whom for past distasts they were to proceede with more caution to open unto him the way of making himselfe master of all such places as could not bee made good to make him Arbitror of France that hee might dispose of it at his pleasure after that he had intended his owne ends added so many Provinces to what formerly possessed by him the English by waging warre with Charles having diverted all his oppositions without the which he could not have inlarged his territories and at this present yeeld up Orleans unto him was to make them be rather reputed weake then wise I deny not but that he might have done better to have yeelded it unto him but am onely thereunto drawne by the event contrary to the preceeding apparances and foresight wherein if a man erre he is not to be blamed for it but if it had beene possible that a contrary event might have shewne us how Philip would have behaved himselfe having gotten Orleans we would
hate the other But since he could make no alliance of more jealousie to France nor of more commodity to the Low-Countreys he sent Anthony the eldest of his naturall sonnes commonly called the Bastard of Burgundy with some others Ambassadour into England to this effect He came with a retinue of 400. horse with rich Liveries and richer furniture He was graciously received by the King The businesse being propounded in Councell none with stood it but the Earle of Warwicke For framing the Rebellion which hee had formerly plotted with himselfe hee conceived this match would be harmfull to Lewis on whom he intended to relie and good for Edward whom he intended to destroy But he having but one vote the Ambassadours request was granted and Edward promised friendship to the friends of Burgundy and enmity to his enemies He presented his sister to the Bastard and other Ambassadors who kissed her hand as their Princesse and presented her with very rich Jewels which she accepted of with termes of gratitude both to her father in law and husband Great were the entertainments that were made Challenges at Tilt passed between the Bastard and the Lord Scales the Queenes brother and between his followers and the English Gentry the which I passe by as not requisite to our story In midst of these revellings came the newes of Philippes death which much grieved the Bastard so as taking leave of the King and of the new Dutchesse of Burgundy and being richly presented he passed over into Brabant and made such a relation to the Duke his brother of his Bride as did very well satisfie him Who as soon as he had appeased the Legeois wherein he spent some time he desired Edward to send her over unto him according to the Articles of the Contract which he forthwith did She tooke shipping at Dover being attended on by 500. horse and accompanied by the two sisters Anne Dutchesse of Exceter and Elizabeth Dutchesse of Suffolke She landed at Slewes and went from thence to Bourges where the marriage was celebrated The Earle of Warwicke could not at length so well dissemble his distasts as that the King did not perceive them But Princes are not wont to give satisfaction to their inferiours especially to their subjects lest they might tacitely confesse those faults into which as being exempt they pretend they cannot fall or else shew some sort of humiliation repugnant to their greatnesse This increased the Earles indignation for surposed ignorance admits of excuse which confest knowledge doth not so as thinking himselfe injured before contrary to all reason and his injury being now doubled by the no account that was made of it he resolved forthwith to doe what he along time before had thought upon And so dangerous resolutions not being to be undertaken without assistance he judged the assistance of his owne brothers fittest the Archbishop of Yorke and the Marquesse When he had begun his discourse and laid open the reasons which moved him thereunto hee made an odious Parallell between Henry and Edward magnifying the gratitude and goodnesse of the former the ingratitude and wickednesse of the other He shewed how that their house had been the forwardest to spend their lives and livelihoods in the service of the Duke of Yorke the father and of Edward himselfe to make him King who had not recompenced them according to their high deserts and yet durst upbraid them with having been the raiser of their house whilst next under God they ought their chiefest honour to Henry that not contented thus to vilifie them he had endeavoured to dishonour their family and render it infamous by attempting to vitiate a daughter thereof He exaggerated the affront about the match with the Lady Bona which would not have been offered to the most contemptible man in the world Moreover that he had no waies excused it unto him but passed it over in silence not weighing that a mans honour ought to be more deare unto him than the apple of his eye or life it selfe Yet that he did not wonder at all this for that Edward judging other men by himselfe he thought other men should make as small account of their honour as he had alwaies done of his promises That his resolution was to doe what possibly hee could to take from him that Crowne which he had placed on his head and place it againe upon Henry a good and lawfull King That since they did partake with him in the injuries they ought likewise share with him in the revenge which would easily be effected if they would chearefully and heartily betake themselves unto it as they ought and as the chiefest of the Kingdome would doe And that he did assure himselfe they should not want assistance from Princes beyond the Seas necessity requiring it This proposition as it was unexpected so was it not at the first accepted of by the brothers But the Archbishop after long disputes giving way thereunto the Marquesse though with much difficulty suffered himselfe at last to be perswaded likewise moved by the tie of blood not any inclination of his owne for he loved Edward and was beloved by him This ambiguity was the ruine of them all for hee not able to deny his brothers nor yet to betray his Prince did amisse on both sides He assisted Edward by not cordially assisting his brother and he betrayed his brother by not heartily betaking himselfe to betray Edward Warwicke having laid this first groud-worke of his ruinous building he pursued the fabricke thereof with the Duke of Clarence for seeing him no waies pleased hee resolved to trie him Hee seemed to be sensible of the coolnesse used by the King of late to the Duke and expected what he would reply But he like a Cornet which with the first breath sends the sound abroad answered It was in vaine to complaine of things ancient and desperate That the King was in his owne nature disobliging and ungratefull and most to such as he was most obliged unto That since he made no account of his owne brothers much lesse would he doe it of other friends That he more valued his wives blood than his owne That he had disposed of three rich heires by marrying them to her sonne her brother and the Lord Hastings Mushroms sprung up in one night not having any consideration of his owne brethren Continuing in such like angry and threatning discourse hee gave the Earle occasion to lay himselfe open unto him who offered unto him his daugher with equivalent portion to those that he had named with numberlesse other promises and hopes The Duke was so blinded with his anger as hee minded not the injury he did unto himselfe that favouring the house of Lancaster the thing now in question hee destroyed his owne When it was more available to him to have his brother King than all the good could derive to him from this his ill taken advice The Earle more blinde than he did not consider the interest of
freedome The death of his two Brothers the extirpation of his Family and the Kingdomes being in the hands of an enemy Prince caused his death Henry Holland Duke of Exceter he who Philip Comines affirmes hee hath seene begging bare Foote and bare Legg'd from doore to doore in the Court of Charles Duke of Burgondy and whose Grandmother was sister to Henry the Fourth being repossest of his goods when Henry the sixt was re-possest of his Kingdome injoyed that happinesse but a small time for at Edwards returne hee was left amongst the dead at the battell of Barnet but comming to himselfe againe hee tooke Sanctuary at Westminster where hoping to obtaine pardon by the intercession of his Wife Anne Sister to the King shee was so farre from intreating for him as that shee desired to be devorced which shee obtained whereupon forsaking the Sanctuary out of disperation 't is not knowne what hee did with himselfe his Body was found upon the shore of Kent no Ship-wrack being discerned The inhumanity of this Anne and the fraud of her Sister Margaret of Burgondy as will be seene in the Reigne of Henry the Seventh afford mee an observation which but upon such an occasion I should not have lighted upon It cannot be said but that the pretence unto the Kingdome was a principall cause of the enmity betweene the houses of Lancaster and Yorke to thinke otherwise were to erre against common sence but I believe that without such respect they had beene incapable of hearty friendship by reason of the difference of their natures derived from their fore-fathers For as all that was good in the House of Yorke was wound up in Edmund Duke of Yorke the first Father thereof so all the bad of the House of Lancaster rested in the person of Iohn Duke of Lancaster the first Father thereof with this difference notwithstanding that whereas the good was intense and constant in Edmund the bad was remisse and inconstant in Iohn the former never did any harme for being naturally inclined to do good it would have troubled him to have done evill to any one the other having ability to do evill and having done evill by a vertuous resolution forbeare to do so but this goodnesse ceased with Edmund those who descended from him being stained with fraud and malice and evill such as it was ceased likewise with Iohn all who descended from him proving vertuous but as Henry the Fourth his onely Sonne may seeme not to merit the name of good having usurped the Kingdome and to secure himselfe therein committed so many excesses so Edward the eldest Sonne of Yorke may seeme not to deserve the name of bad haveing in vertue out done his Father dying gloriously in the battell of Agencourt but for all this the observation is not erroneous for if Henry did usurpe the Kingdome 't was not by consultation or any fancy of his owne for hee had never dreampt thereof had not the people called him thereunto and Richards ill government enforc't him On the contrary Edward Duke of Yorke lost all claime to goodnesse by conspiring against the said Henry to bereave him both of Life and Kingdome not having beene any wayes injur'd by him for all the rest they admit not of exception all the Lancastrians were good those of Yorke bad Edward the Fourth did almost alwayes falsify his Faith the Duke of Clarence first was traytour to his Brother then to his Father in Law Richard the Third a monster in perfidiousnesse and cruelty all of both houses were notwithstanding equally valiant Henry the sixth excepted whose intentivenesse to Divine things tooke from him the thought of humane assaires whereupon as the house of Lancaster lost the Kingdome in him through His too much goodnesse so the house of Yorke lost it in Richard the Third through his height of wickednesse so as it is not to bee wondered at if Henry the Eighth proceeding afterwards from these two Races did in his first yeare proceed so well being begotten by a Lancastrian father and afterwards so ill his mother being of the house of York not that she was bad but by the influence of her bloud Edwards revenge was not bounded with the punishment of the great ones for making enquiry after such as had born Arms against him he caused many of the meaner sort to be executed and not able to inflict the like punishment on them all without the mark of cruelty he taxed them all in sums of Money some more some lesse according to their possessions But the Earl of Pembrooks and the Earl of Richmonds escape did much trouble him as that which did most import him since they were forth-coming and out of his reach He sent over into Britanny and spared neither for promises nor ready moneys to obtain them But the Duke unwilling to violate the laws of hospitality and his plighted faith denied to deliver them upon promise notwithstanding to have such a care of them as that they should not molest him He stood in need of the friendship of England for that Lewis kept him perpetually busied so as it made much for him to have those two Earles in his custodie that he might so hold Edward in hand and in hope and make him depend upon his will and pleasure with firm resolution notwithstanding in commiseration of their misfortunes never to yeeld them up he notwithstanding parted them one from another and took from them such English as waited upon them placing his own servants about them to the end that making them safe Edward might be the more secure by his keeping promise with him and faith with them But Edward not herewithal satisfied foreseeing as it may be thought the evil that was to ensue thereby though not in his life-time sent unto him again under pretence of thanking him but in effect to tie him with a chain of Gold to look well to them he obliged himself to pay unto him a yeerly Pension hoping that the gate being once open to the receiving of Moneys he might easily obtain them by some great sum when his honesty and faith waxen old might be wrought upon by the batteries of Bribery But if he were deceived in the one he was not so in the other for the Pension made him the more diligent in their Custody Charles Duke of Burgondy sent Ambassadours over into England to move Edward to crosse the Seas and make Wars with France that so he might recover those Provinces which not many yeers before were lost by the English promising him to assist him in the recovery thereof Edward was herewithal much pleased he called a Parliament and easily obtained Moneys wherewith he made requisite provisions for a businesse of so great importance But before we proceed any further herein 't is requisite we take a short view of some few yeers past that we may finde the Rise of this Commotion and so the better understand the cause and ground-work thereof There was so great an Antipathy between
hopes of gaining it being lost had it not been that out of ostentation he might say that the Emperour accompanied by all the Princes of the Empire as well Ecclesiastical as Secular could not make him raise his Siege though the Emperours Army was four times as great as his but seeing his Army consumed through long sufferings the death of 4000 of the best Souldiers he had the losse of Farrata the Dutchy of Luxenburg pillaged the Counties of Poictiers and Piccardy burnt the King of England so much desired by him and so hardly wrought thereunto at Calais expecting him and threatning to return he was content to raise it remitting Nuz to the Popes Legat to dispose thereof as the Apostolike Sea should think good Thus having sent the remainder of his people into Lorrein and Bar that by sacking them they might refresh themselves he himself with a very small attendance went to Calais where he was but coldly welcomed as one who was expected in a Warlike not in a Complemental posture They did notwithstanding follow him and were by him led by the way of Bullen to Peron whereinto he suffered but few of them to enter being jealous of the place as if they had been his enemies The Constable had sundry times promised Charles to give up unto him Saint Quintines but not having done it and meaning nothing lesse he now sent to him Lewis Creville with his excuse saying that if he should have delivered it up to him he should have done him a disservice by bereaving him of all belief of his service in France but that now seeing he was joyned with the King of England he durst do it He sent him likewise a Letter of Credit wherewithal to serve himself with the King and to assure him of his best assistance in his behalf this was accompanied with a Writing sealed up wherein he promised to assist and serve all the Confederates of Burgundy namely the King of England against any whosoever none excepted The Constable was by nature perfidious and full of falshood but no ways wise so as it is no wonder if notwithstanding all his cunning he was ruined for evil doings seldom end well especially when craft and treachery are used towards one more crafty and more powerful The Fox loseth all his wiles when in the Lions paws The Constable while he was but Count S. Paul had served Philip Duke of Burgundy and gained the good will of his son Charles whom he governed in all his ways the which Lewis observing he thought to win him over to his side by making him his Constable believing by this new obligation to corrupt his former ancient friendship whilst Charles was confident the Count would never abandon his Cause and both of them were deceived For though he might at the same time have kept his old Master pay'd all Duties to his new one and inhansed his deserts with the one and with the other yet would not his bad inclinations suffer him so to do for instead of being a means of peace and friendship between them he stirred them both up to war and hatred Sincerity and Candor were not merchandise for his Ware-house nor could he have made use of them had he been willing whilest he believed his present greatnesse could not be augmented nor yet preserved but by his nourishing Discord between these two Princes and causing all their actions to have a dependency on him by making himself the Needle of the Dyal which sometimes points to this sometimes to that side He was to blame to justle with two the one of which was not inferiour to him in craft to wit Charles the other surpassing him therein which was Lewis the former was indued wth little wisedom as was he the other with so much as he might have been therein master to them both 'T would be too tedious to number up his disloyalties it may suffice to say that he fomented the War between them that he might necessitate Charles to marry his daughter to the Duke of Guienne If he did it not he threatned him with ruine shewing uuto him Lewis his Forces and if he did it he promised him S. Quintines and to procure the Duke of Britanny and his son-in-law to declare themselves against Lewis whilst Lewis waging War with Charles and being by him egged on not knowing what he did made War against himself by enforcing him to implore their aid against him by a Marriage equally detested by them both The Duke of Guienne dying he continued their Discord lest if they should agree they might discover his evil Offices the one unto the other whereby that might befal him which indeed did and believing that in case of danger his refuge might be with lesse hazard to Charles then to Lewis the former not being so wary as the other he allured him by the promise of S. Quintines the which in time of peace and by the instigation of the said Constable was by Lewis taken from him together with the Town of Amiens He proposed surprisal for the way of delivering it up promising he would suffer it to be taken the which Charles having divers times offered at was continually mockt and deluded and those who went against it were treated ill whereat though Charles was scandalized yet was he forced to admit his excuses he made him believe he had sent to surprise it at an unfitting time that if he had suffered it then to be taken he should have lost all his credit with the King and with France to the losse and prejudice of the Duke of Burgundy Lewis knew part of this dissembling and saw even into his bosom but he knew not how to punish him unlesse he should make an agreement with Charles for the Constable being possest of S. Quintines and having much of his own Patrimonial Lands lying round about it being very well followed well ally'd and of great Revenue he feared he might lose the Fort if he should discover himself to be his enemy But the King of England's coming was his bane Edward believed that S. Quintines the other adjacent places might serve him for places of Gariosn the next Winter the Constables last promise the Writing which was sent and the credit given him by Charles would not suffer him to think otherwise Whereupon he marched towards it and Charles led on the way but when they were neer the place and some of Edwards Troops advanced themselves believing they should have been received in assoon as they were within sight of the Walls the Canon plaid upon them and they might see themselves charged by sundry Troops of Horse and Foot which slew two or three of them This made the King believe he was as indeed he was basely betrayed The Duke not knowing what to say to it went his way the next day for meer shame and left these new people unacquainted with the Countrey abandoned to Fortune in danger of not being able either to serve him or themselves and Edward
pretence lest they might have been gainsay'd he told him he had given up the Lamb unto the Wolf and that he might be sure assoon as he was out of Bretaigne he should be miserably put to death since the King of England could not bear him any such affection contrary to his own pretended end That the King was not so simple as to marry his daughter to an enemy who laid claim unto the Kingdom nor was it likely he could believe that Affinity would root out Jealousies but rather encrease so as it would not make for him to nurse up this Adder in his bosom The Duke listned to these reasons and finding them to be true commanded Peter Landois his Treasurer who by chance was then present to post after the Ambassadours and come what come will to bring back the Earl He found them ready to imbark themselves at S. Malo and the Earl sick of a violent Feaver occasioned by the apprehension of his approaching death He told them the Duke was surprised by their request that every honest man would blame him for it that he could not deliver unto them this Gentleman without a great stain to his reputation that therefore the Duke desired them they would be pleased he might put such Guards upon him the which he promised to do as that he might not go out of that Sanctuary whither by reason of their unadvisednesse he had had recourse the Earl had taken this Sanctuary by the secret means of Peters servants or that if he did he would put him in so safe a place as Edward should have no occasion to fear him The Ambassadours were not well pleased after having found him out and paid for it to lose both cost and labour But they durst not complain thereof the Earls promised imprisonment being of more worth then their charges And though the King was thereat displeased yet the belief he gave to the Kings promise freed him of that suspition which likewise freed him of all other trouble so as according to his humour he gave himself up to all familiarity yea sometimes with such as were far unfitting company for him He invited the Maior and Aldermen of London a hunting he ate and drank with them and at the same time presented their Wives with Venison and Wine to the end that they might likewise recreate themselves the which though it relisht too much of familiarity yet was it not prejudicial since used to such as might be serviceable to him As there is no better means to win upon mens affections then affability so when it falls into excesse it causeth such a loathing as quantity of meat causeth to weak-stomacked people He was not sparing of himself to any whatsoever woman he had three Concubines besides such by whom he had had children 't was usually said when men would be bold with him that the one of them was delightful the other wilde or phantastical the third holy who was so termed because she could not be drawn from forth the Church but when sent for by him But natures too much given to the pleasures of Sense are if they be offended bitter in resentment For example as he was hunting in Warwick shire in the Park of one Thomas Burdet who was servant to his Brother the Duke of Clarence amongst many other Deer he slew a white Buck which Burdet made much account of insomuch as not knowing how otherwise to be revenged he wisht the horns in the Kings belly This wish was adjudged Treason and he together with his white Buck lost his head and all that he had I must spend the yeer 1476 in the misfortunes of Charles Duke of Burgundy since England was then unemployed and his affairs altered the face of businesse amongst Princes Charles answerable to the Agreement made with King Lewis had received S. Quintines Han Bohaine and all the Constables moveable goods together with the shame of having under trust betrayed him his brain full of vast designes bore him to difficult undertakings which chewed by imaginary confidence caused in him such evil digestion as we shall see His first wrath and the first expressions thereof were against Renatus Duke of Lorrein wherein succeeding luckily as in the taking of Nanci and the rest of that Dutchy he was blown up to fresh undertakings Because the Switzers had assaulted Burgundy and had taken many places under Iames Count de Romont Brother to the Duke of Savoy whilst he was at the siege of Nuz he resolved at one and the same time to revenge his own and the others injuries nor could they pacifie him though they offered to renounce all other Confederacies namely that of France for the heavens having ordained him to ruine did obdurate him in the wilfulnesse of his obstinate humours making him deaf to all honourable and advantageous offers He entred their Countrey with Five thousand fighting men he took Iverdon besieged Granson where Four hundred Switzers of the Canton of Berne not able to defend it retired themselves into the Castle they yeelded it up their lives saved but not observing the Agreement Eighty of them were hanged Two hundred drowned and the rest put to ransom whilst Eighteen thousand of the same Nation were come in unto their succour The Duke taking it in disdain that they durst raise their Colours against him set upon them forthwith he lost the Battel his Artillery and Baggage the particulars whereof were by him esteemed at three Millions of Gold in Tapistry Silver vessels and Jewels which for ostentation and pomps sake he had taken along with him This was the first of his three mortal misfortunate blowes which not being accustomed thereto made him fall sick this sicknesse changed his constitution and nature insomuch as where before he drank nothing but water boyled and used Conserve of Rosâ—… to qualifie his natural heat his melancholy had now so much cooled him that his Physitians made him drink lusty Wines with out water and applied Cupping-glasses to his heart to heat hiâ—… and excite blood but what is most remarkable his Senses were hereat so weakned as that his Judgement was disquieted so as the blowe which would have infused understanding into any one not totally void thereof did not so to him who was become in capable of it Gathering therefore greater Forces he went with Eighty thousand fighting men to besiege Morat a Town not very great some two leagues distant from Berne belonging to Couâ—… Romont but usurped by the Switzers The Switzers came to the succour thereof with Thirty thousand Foot and Four thousand Horse accompanied by the Duke of Lorrein they gave Battel and though the Dukes Artillery made very great breaches upon their Battalions yet did they not break not stop thereupon but making good the empty places they passed on cutting in piece very many of his men and making the rest either run away oâ—… drown themselves in the Lake the Duke with much ado saving himself In my Travels thorow those
had not any to intercede for him He left behinde him two children born unto him by the Earl of Warwick daughter Edward Earl of Warwicks and Margaret Countesse of Salisbury both of them born under the like unfortunate Constellation for He lost his head in Henry the sevenths time She hers in Henry the eights King Lewis when Charles was dead thought to make himself master of those States believing he could not meet with any obstacle since all the men of War were almost slain in the three Battels of Granson Morat and Nanci neither had he been deceived if he had persisted in his resolution of marrying that Princesse to the Dolphine his son of working upon her Counsellors by gifts promises and additions of Honours and of winning the peoples good-will by feeding them with hopes of being well treated but his thirsting after this Conquest which to him appeared easie diverted him from the means of coming by it lawfully and was the ruine if not of all yet of his most principal designes Abbeville was the first City which fell into his hands but as of right belonging unto him being one of those which were to be surrendered to him after Charles his death Han Bohin S. Quintines and Peron out of the same reason did the like Arras was by agreement delivered up unto him Heâ—…ine Bullein and Doway yeelded themselves All this progresse of affairs appertained to Picardy In Burgundy he employed the Prince of Orange a man of great power in those parts and Monsieur de Cran with a distinct Army who in a few days brought the County and Dutchy to his obedience Neither did he pretend usurpation in this the Dutchy was the Patrimony of the Crown given in Fee-farm to Philip the bold by his father Iohn the second King of France upon condition it should revert again unto the Crown in default of Issue male such Grants not falling according to the French phrase unto the Distaff And he had some pretences to the County though not from the Crown The Infant Princesse seeing her self thus hardly dealt withal all her Embassies Supplications and Submissions nothing availing her she sent a Dispatch into England to shew to Edward what prejudice he suffered by having the King of France so neer him possest of Abbeville Bullein Hedine Arras and other places upon the Sea neer Callice and in the face of England But though in all reason he ought to have assisted her his private interest made him notwithstanding be a Spectator of all those ruines without budging his Counsellors being almost all of them Pensioners to Lewis preferred private interest before all reason of State Edward though sent Ambassadours to mediate that no more harm might be done a very good means certainly before a Prince hath put on a resolution of War but as ridiculous as unprofitable without a mans sword in his hand The hopes of marrying his daughter the Fifty thousand Crowns which were ready to be paid and his chief men being won by Pensions were the obstacles which withstood all good Resolves Lewis received the Ambassadours courteously and was bountiful to them at their going away so sent them away without any answer the which he said he would send by Ambassadours of his own who a good while after were sent with directions to spin out the businesse upon pretences of having no Instructions working by this means his own desired ends and hindering Edward from doing had he been so disposed what he ought to have done and though many free from corruption advised him to the contrary shewing the damage he thereby received without any hopes of advantage for if Lewis had any minde to make the Marriage he would have sent for the Princesse away after the first yeer according to the Treaty sworn at Picquigny divers yeers being now past and she not sent for yet were they not listned unto Any the least obstacle to boot with the defence made by the Infant Princesse would have been sufficient to have made Lewis keep within his own Precincts and if nothing else his unwillingnesse to see the English in France would have slackned his proceedings and though he invited Edward to passe over into Flanders whilst he busied himself elsewhere and seemed to be content that the English might win Flanders and Brahant for themselves he did it for that he was sure by reason of the many strong places that were there they would make but a slowe and costly progresse and when Edward seemed to accept of this invitation if in stead of such places as he should win in Flanders Lewis would deliver unto him those he had won in Picardy namely Bullein no more was heard of the businesse Edward would willingly have assisted the Princesse if she would have married the Earl Rivers brother to his wife and she needing assistance would have married him but the disparity of their conditions would not permit her Counsellors to suffer her so to do so as Lewis found none that crost his Fortunes nor she any that would assist her in her misery which made her conclude the Match with the Archduke Maximilian son to the Emperour Frederick the third not listning to any other that was propounded to her not to that of the Dolphine for that he was but nine yeers old and she twenty or one and twenty and for that she hated his father not to that of Charles Count d'Angoulesme who was afterward father to Francis the first because Lewis would not consent thereunto being jealous of the Princes of the bloods power not to that of the Prince of Cleve because she liked him not Edward had this mean while prodigiously alter'd his nature from being affable and liberal he became austere and a varitious to the great wonder and worse satisfaction of his people The Laws of England grant many things in favour of their Kings as their penal Laws which the Kings themselves make no use of as being too full of rigour He by vertue of those Laws took such penalties as those that were rich fell into by their not punctual observance of them and making no difference neither in respect of Blood Quality or Title he put the Kingdom into a great fright making them believe he would become formidable for having abated the courage of other men by his Brothers death there was not any one that durst contradict him But the greedy heaping up of Money which he used was so much the more monstrous in him by how much it was contrary to the constitution of his nature so as such a change shewed his death to be at hand Ambassadours were frequently sent from England to France and from France to England the former that according to their Obligation the French might send for the betrothed Princesse the others to excuse their delay laying it upon the Wars of Burgundy and the Low-Countreys in the which all the principal men of the Kingdom being employed she could not be sent for in manner becoming the
but he freed himselfe from any the least signe of guilt and Richard seemed not to valve his Wife least if He should embrue his Hands in the blood of a Lady of so great quality He might yet more incite the Peoples hatred He was contented shee should be committed to the custody of her Husband with order that she should be kept in some private place of her House and that none should be suffered to come to her who might conveigh Letters to her Son or Messages to any Other He also caused William Collingborne who had beene High Sheriffe of Wiltshire and Dorsetshire to be executed for having written by way of jeare That a Cot a Rat and Lovell the Dog did Governe England under a Hog alluding by Cat to Catesby by Rat to Ratcliffe and by the Dog to the Lord Lovell who gave the Dog for his Armes as did Richard the Boare for His and these three were His chiefest Favourites Some were of opinion Hee was put to death for having had Intelligence with the Earle of Richmond and with Marquis Dorset for hee was convict to have proffered Money to a certaine man to carry Letters into Britanny wherein Hee perswaded them to come Instantly and Land at Poole in Dorsetshire whilst Hee assisted by others would raise the People To keepe himselfe from troubles out of Forraine parts and that He might the betteâ—… minde his Home-broyles Richard thought necessary to hold good intelligence with the King of Scotland who often troubling Him with Inroades diverted him from his Home-affaires wherein consisted the preservation of his Life and Kingdome This businesse was treated by Commissioners who agreed upon a Truce for Three yeares each of them being to keepe what they were possest of except the Castle of Dunbarre which was given to King Edward by the Duke of Albany the last time that Hee fled from Scotland which the Scots would have restored And that he might have a double tie upon them he concluded a Marriage betweene the Duke of Rothsay Prince and Heâ—…e of Scotland and his Neece Anne of Poole Daughter to Iohn Duke of Suffolke and his Owne Sister Anne a Lady so affectionately beloved by him as his Onely Sonne the Prince of Wales being dead he made Her Sonne Iohn Earle of Lincolne be proclamed heire to the Crowne disinheriting of meere hatred his brothers Daughters and for that having declared them to be Bastards his Owne title was preserved by the continuaâ—…ce of their such repute All these precautions did noâ—… notwithstanding free his perturbed minde from those furies which leaving their naturall habitation had brought Hell into his Conscience so as though Buckingham were dead and so many others Dead and Banisht yet could not he have any Security his 〈◊〉 commited his deserved Hatred and the Earle of Richmond would not suffer him to enjoy any one houres rest And albeit in his contriving how to usurpe the Crowne hee made no account of Him whilst his brother livâ—…d his minde being then fixt upon Henry that had beene King and was then in Being yet Times and Persons being changed He likewise changed Opinion the one being Dead the other Alive and at Liberty and who was the onely man that with Right and Justice could do that to Him which he unjustly and against all Right had cruelly done to others Hee therefore indevour'd againe to have the Earle in his possession or at least that the Duke of Britanny by bereaving him of his Liberty as he had done in his brother King Edwards time would secure him from the Mischiefe that might ensue by his comming into England and not believing he was likely to obtaine a favour of this nature by way of Friendship much lesse for any Rights sake he grounded his demands upon the basis of Profit and Interest the onely meanes to obtaine ones desire from such as have no feeling of Justice He loaded his Embassadours with Monies and Presents to present unto the Duke together with Them he offered him Richmondshire and all the Revenues of the Earle as likewise all that belonged in England to all those that were fled over to him into Britanny the which being very much would have sufficed to have corrupted any other save Duke Francis the second one of the Noblest and most vertuous Princes that lived in those times as he was held by all men This is Argeâ—…es his relation who affirmes hee hath found among the Records of Britanny the grant of this County together with the Names of the Churches Monasteries and Priories therein but if the Duke should die without heires of his body the Reversion should fall to the King The Embassadours or Deputies as Hee 〈◊〉 them could not have accesse unto the Duke being come to a season that He was beside Himselfe an infirmity He was often subject unto whereupon they made their adresses to Peter Landais who had power to dispose of the Prince and State as He pleased The large sums of English money made him listen to what they propounded his base minde not valuing Honour made him accept of the Offer but not in such manner as it was propounded For He being the man that was to deliver up the Earle the Duke not being in condition either to yeild him or to detaine Him He would have Richmondshire to himselfe whereupon many Messengers were sundry times dispatcht for England which was the Earles safety for these practises being discovered in England and the Bishop of Ely being adveâ—…tised in 〈◊〉 He speedily gave the Earle notice thereof advising him immediately to depart from thence for that He was bought and sold betweene Richard and those who were of chiefe authority in that State so as if He did not sodainely save himselfe He would fall into his enemies hands The Earle received this advertisement when He was at Vennes from whence hee sent 〈◊〉 France 〈◊〉 a safe-conduct which was by the King thereof without delay sent him and it being impossible to save Himselfe and all his Partakers at the same time he feigned to send the Lords that were with him to visit the Duke at Rennes giving order to the Earle of Pembroke who conducted them that when they should be upon the Confines He should immediately quit the Countrey as he did whilst He himselfe feigning two dayes after to visit a friend of his not farre from Vannes got on horse-back waited on onely by Five servants and when He was entred the Wood He put on one of His servants Coates and got by By-wayes out of the State and arrived at Aniou whether the Earle of Pembroke with the rest were but long before come His escape was the easier in that it was not suspected having left above three Hundred English all of His Retinue behinde him in Vennes otherwise it would have gone ill with Him For Peter had already raised people and appointed Commanders over them who were within three dayes to have beene at Vennes to have detained Him hearing by what meanes I cannot
by the Enemy got to S. Malo where they unluckily put four times to Sea and were as often driven back so as they gave over their employment believing the succour they went for would come too Late and that therefore they must look for some from Elsewhere but it was more then needed For the Frenchmen despairing to win the Town gave over the Siege Charles whilst he besieged Nantes had sent Bernard of Aubeny into England to re-assure the King of his desire of Peace and he either believing it or seeming so to do named the Abbot of Abington Sir Richard Tunsdal and the former Ursewick his Commissioners to treat thereof giving them full Authority though the circumstances afforded little hope Which Edward Woodvile Uncle to the Queen a gallant Gentleman perceiving he desired leave to go to assist the Duke with a Troop of Voluntiers with which he would Privately steal over so as the King of France should have occasion to complain of none but of Him It is not known whether the King did Privately give way thereunto or no but in Publike he denied his request charging him not to depart from Court notwithstanding he went to the Isle of Wight where of he was Governour and raised there Four hundred fighting men with which he sailed into Britanny causing thereby such an alteration among those of the Court of France as the Commissioners would have been evilly intreated had not Charles whose conscience accused him seemed to believe that Woodvile was come of his Own head since the Reputation of England and the Need of Britanny required Other manner of aid then Four hundred men The Commissioners having discover'd his minde return'd to England and acquainted the King that Charles his desire of Peace was but counterfeit the better to gain time and to make him lose the opportunity of hindering him from the Usurpation of Britanny Whereupon Henry resolved to Call a Parliament wherein succour being resolved upon he raised Moneys and muster'd Souldiers sending word to Charles that his Kingdom liked not this war with Britanny made by him there having always been an un-interrupted Friendship between that Dutchy and England wherefore they could not now abandon it since their Own commodity was concerned in the Losse thereof that He therefore could not oppose his People as Charles himself might judge that he thought good to give him Notice hereof as well to the end that his Moving or Marching might not be News unto him as likewise to entreat him that he would take away the Cause of his so doing which if he would not he assured him that his succour should onely tend to the Defence of Britanny from whence if the French would withdraw themselves they should not be Pursued by his men nor fought withal Out of Britanny so as their Friendship was not to go Lesse in the said War The Ambassadours arrived when Charles had brought the businesse to such a passe as he needed not greatly weigh the Late resolutions of England having received news of the surrender of Ancenis Fougeres Saint Aibine di Cormier and not long after that the Armies had met and that the Britons were discomfited The French-men thought that the Duke's Army would bend themselves for the Recovery of Saint Albine as they did whereupon following them and coming up to them not far from thence they fought with them and had the Victory they slew the Four hundred English with Woodvile their Commander took the Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Orange prisoners who would not have purchased their Liberties at so Cheap a rate as they did had it not been for their Wives Orleans his wife being the King's sister and Orange's wife sister to the Duke of Burbon for after divers Removals from one prison to another they by the Intercession of their Wives obtained Liberty and Pardon Henry understanding of this defeat sent Eight thousand fighting men into Britanny under the Conduct of the Lord Brook which joyning themselves with the Duke's Forces marched towards the Enemy who knowing they loved not to Encamp themselves but to come to Blowes thought to cool their heat by Intrenching their Army and sallying out with their Light-horse which they did but with more Losse then Gain This mean while Francis the Second Duke of Britanny died leaving Two Daughters behinde him the younger whereof died not many months after and left the Inheritance wholly to Anne but the subversion of her State was caused by her father's death A month before this the Duke was constrain'd to Compound with Charles and subscribe to the Articles of Agreement remitting the Difference to Arbitratours Charles pretended to this Dukedom out of Two reasons by the pretences of Iohn de Brosse and Nicholas of Britanny which were yeelded up to his father Lewis the Eleventh and by the rights of the Viscount of Rohan descended from Mary of Britanny sister to Margaret the first wife of Francis the Second the which right or claim the said Viscount had surrendred up to this Charles and these Two sisters being Daughters to Francis the First would in succession have preceded Peter the Second Arthur and Francis the Second had not Women been excluded from men of Name and Coat of Britanny as were the Three above-named The which being then brought into question made the dispute more intricate though it should not so have done for the Former Two's grant was annull'd in the Abbey de Victoire by a Treaty made with Lewis himself and the Viscount Rohan's relinquishment made by him not that he believed he had any Right thereunto but to please Charles was of no Validity since he descended from Women and the Nullification of such pretences appeared in his Contract of Marriage in the Wills of the Dukes and in the Decrees of the State of Britanny Reasons which though they were all of force enough yet were they not able to weigh against the force of the Weaker for the weakest pretences are sufficient so they have power enough to prove their right by force The King was Young and every one about him pretended to get an Armful of Wood by the fall of this Tree the Sister for her part had already in her conceipt devoured the City of Nantes the Britons who were Partakers pretended to participate therein whilst the rest that saw their fortunes and welfare depend upon the Weaknesse of an abandoned Orphan Maiden and under the Sword of a Powerful King resolved to Declare themselves for him before they were by force Constrained so to do Whereupon the English not able to Save what ran to so Headlong a Ruine returned into England after they had spent Eight months in Britanny and done nothing The Parliament had given certain Subsidies for the payment of these men which were readily paid by all the Shires save York-shire and the Bishoprick of Durham which Two Counties flatly denied to pay any They alleadged that they had suffered great grievances the Last yeers past and for the
France assoon as the War was proclamed this man gave Charles the first advertisement of Perkin Charles sent Him together with another as Ambassadours to Perkin inviting him to come into France and offering to assist him in the regaining of England An Invitation which augmented the hair-brain'd vanity of this Impostor for being chosen by the Dutchesse of Burgundy a wise Princesse to a businesse of this weight received by the Irish undoubted enemies to the House of Lancaster and sent for by a King whose interests were concern'd in His he believed That Fortune never undertook any great businesse without finishing it not minding that Beginnings and Endings conform but Seldom and that Princes preserving themselves by their Own strengths 't is usual with Fortune to ruine such with the more certain praecipice whom she hath by unusual steps raised to the Highest point of her Wheel When he had acquainted those whom he most trusted in Ireland with this Invitation and thereby won more credit with them he went to France where he was by the King received with all honour due to the Duke of York he called him by that Title and according to that degree fitted him with House Servants and Expences and with a Guard of Souldiers under the Command of the Lord Congreshal to make him the more respected Sir George Nevil and Sir Iohn Taylor with above a Hundred other English-men waited continually upon him and the Court it self which follows the Prince's example shew'd him the like respect not but that the greatest part of the Courtiers and especially the King knew who he was but because it was expedient for them not to know him The Imposture was apparent not by his ill governing himself or through any default of his Person for he abounded in Decency and Majestie but by the true story of the true Duke of York by the Unlikelyhood and Impossibility that he should escape the hands of a Crafty Malicious Dreaded Uncle Yet did he not Long enjoy this glory for the differences being ended between the Two Kings it behoved him to be gone Henry would have had him delivered into His hands but Charles esteeming it an unworthy action would not do it He commanded him to depart his Kingdom which he forthwith did for he very much apprehended the being made the Offering in the Sacrifice of this Peace He withdrew himself into Flanders where the Dutchesse and he counterfeited their parts Strangely well he seemed as if he had never been in those parts before and she as if she had never before seen him He feigned to be fled thither as to a Sanctuary under the protection of an Aunt who for the Neernesse of Blood that was between them ought to professe her self his Mother She counterfeited Fears of being Deceived being made cautelous by the example of Lambert Symnel and this might be a counterfeit as well as He She sent oftentimes for him feigning to make an Exact scrutiny at first she seemed to be Doubtful afterwards not Clearly satisfied then more Inclining to Believe well at Last she broke forth into an Admiration and Thanksgiving praising the Divine Providence which had had commiseration on that innocent Blood and had vouchsafed to preserve him so miraculously shewing the wonderfulnesse of his blessings to him She then with much seeming Passion called him Nephew the Bud of the White-rose the Hope of the House of York and the Restorer of the Honour and Justice of England She assigned unto him a Guard of Thirty Halberdiers for his safety Now every one began to think him Really to be what he personated not imagining that a Woman could be capable of so much Cunning insomuch as if he were respected in France as a forreign Prince he was little lesse then Worshipped in Flanders as Nephew to the Dutchesse and almost as much as if he had been her Son This news being brought into England it was there greedily listened after for men do naturally love to believe things unlooked for and incredible Passions augmented this belief in such as were of that Faction in those who desired Novelties in the Discontented as also in those who loved Equity for the Crown had neither belonged to Henry nor yet to his Wife if her Brother had been alive Hereupon arose Whisperings liberty of Discourse and Complaints the present ill Government was in every man's mouth the endlesse Impositions the King 's insatiable Avarice which was the cause of a Shameful Peace after Britanny had More shamefully been suffered to be lost The Nobility were no lesse distasted they were grieved at the small account the King made of them so that All mens conceipts fell upon the same point That God being a just Judge had preserved the True Heir to seat him again in his Throne which had been Twice usurped from him for Henry had no right thereunto of Himself and had Waved his Wives right that he might reign Alone that therefore it was not to be wondred at if after so much injustice God had raised up his Brother-in-law to punish him Nor did this businesse end onely in Discourse for there were some personages of Great quality who would sound the Bottom of it amongst which were the Lord Chamberlain William Stanley brother to Henry's father-in-law he who had assisted him in the battel against Richards and may be said to have made him King the Lord Fitz-water Sir Simon Montefort and Sir Thomas Thwaites these made choice of some people of quality to send into Flanders that upon their relation they might ground their resolutions but of many there were onely Two that would hazard themselves to undertake the businesse which was shunn'd by all the rest for if the businesse should prove fictitious they were likely to lose their Goods and Countrey Robert Clifford and William Barley were the Two both of them of good Families especially the first When they came to Flanders the Dutchesse Margaret received them with much honour and having discoursed long with Clifford that she might the better inform her self of their intentions that sent them she brought him to the sight of Perkin with whom after he had discoursed many days he wrote back into England that he was the Duke of York and that he knew him as well as he knew Himself The King was troubled at these mens going since it could not but produce dangerous consequences but the greatnesse of his spirit being averse to fear he forbare to make any extraordinaty provision against it so not to augment the credit thereof which his seeming neglect might lessen Yet he forbare not to shut up the Ports and to place such guards there as he might know who came in and out endeavouring to discover what correspondency the fugitives had He feared not the Imposture being certainly informed how the Duke of York was together with his brother put to death but it behoved him that Others should likewise be certain thereof wherefore he put as prisoners into the Tower Sir Iames
Tirrel and his servant Iohn Dighton who were the onely Two that remained alive of the Four which were conscious of this cruelty for Miles Forrest the Second rogue that slew them and the Priest that buried them were dead they deposed That Tirrel saw them Dead after they were Smother'd that he made them be buried underneath a stair and cover'd them with a Stone from whence by order from Richard they were afterwards tane and reburied by the Minister of the Tower but in what place they knew not the Minister being Dead But the King not satisfied with these testimonies that he might divert the danger and satisfie the World he bethought himself of some other means whereby he might discover the Impostors condition and descent He made choice of some and scatter'd them thorowout all Flanders directing them what they were to do Those who were not to stay in any setled place were ordered diligently to enquire after his Birth and to give Him daily advertisement of what they should learn which makes men believe he had some glimpse of it before the other who were to make their abode where He was were by his direction to seem as if they were fled away so to shun the danger they should incur if they were discover'd to be well-wishers to his party and to professe they were come to run the like fortune with Him they were as the Other to make Discovery but more particularly to finde out the Designes and Correspondencies they were to grow familiar with those whom Perkin most confided in and to shew them the Vanity of the Undertaking they having to do with a wise King not easily to be beaten without extraordinary Forces that the Dutchesse's favours were not answerable to their need that they wanted assistance and were not certain of what they presumed to be Secure which was the assistance of the party and the peoples inclination both which were unuseful for that such accurate and diligent provision was made that all men would forbear to declare themselves unlesse they might be encouraged by the sight of a Great army which the Duke of York was not likely to shew them no not if all Flanders were to declare it Self for him But their chief care was to sound Clifford by tasting him with fair promises for if they could win Him over the deed was done he being the Cabinet of secret Correspondencies between Flanders and England neither were they much troubled to effect it for being come to the knowledge of this imposture he was wrought upon by them with promise of Forgivenesse and of Rewards proper baits for such a fish Henry this mean while had made all those whom he had sent to be excommunicated in Pauls and their Names to be registred in the Book of the King's enemies according to the custom of those times to the end that no man might suspect them neither did he forbear to sollicite the Confessors of the greatest men that he might learn how they were enclined not weighing the Profanation of Religion and holy things since his particular interest was concern'd though in all Other things he was reputed a Pious Prince At last they came to the perfect knowledge of Perkin's Birth Name Surname Countrey Employments and Voyages till coming to the Dutchesse he was metamorphis'd into the Duke of York they likewise won over Clifford who gave them such proofs of his repentance as the King was therewithal satisfied Perkin's Genealogie was published in the Court and thorowout the Kingdom and Henry not esteeming it fitting that a Mechanick should with such ostentation be protected in Flanders under a false name and which redounded to His injury he sent Ambassadours to the Archduke Philip Maximilian being gone into Germany who were Sir Edward Poynings and Sir William Warham Doctor of the Civil Law The Council gave them audience the Archduke being yet a Childe their Embassie was That Flanders being confederate and in friendship with England the King could not but resent that she should nourish an Impostour who durst call himself Duke of York and pretended unto his Kingdom that such a Belief must needs admit of some Malignity since the Duke of York's death was too manifest to the world which were it not so very Conjecture were sufficient to put it out of doubt the Nature and Craft of Richard the Third was not such as would encourage the Executors of his cruelty to save One brother and murder the Other Mercy was not to be suppos'd in such Rascals and if it were not without Reward and freedom from Punishment Reward was not to be expected from a Childe destitute of Hopes and who getting out of prison had not wherewithal to feed himself but say that meer Compassion had moved them to save him such compassion must be either in One or in All of them it was impossible it should be in One of them and the Rest not know of it and it was incredible it should be in All of them for that three such wicked ones could not so far trust one another as not to live in perpetual Jealousie And give this likewise granted how could a childe ignorant of the ways wanting direction and counsel passe undiscover'd that the Night-guards which are usual in all the streets of London should not stop him should not take him or that some other difficulty should not hinder him 't was impossible a tender childe of Nine yeers old alone in Lord-like looks and apparel could passe on unknown by any Certainly this could not have befallen the True Duke of York much lesse could it have happened unto the Counterfeit whose true name was Perkin that the King knew him well knew his Countrey and his Extraction that the Nurse or rather Mother of this the Dutchesse of Burgundy knew it well enough who emulating the ancient Fables had brought him forth as Iove did Mercury out of her Brain feigned him to be her Nephew given him instructions and taught him how to lye that she could not tolerate that her Neece should reign being joyned to the House of Lancaster her hatred being thereunto such as rather then to suffer her to be a Queen with such a Husband she would bereave Her and her Children of a Kingdom and give it to Perkin begotten by a Jew turned Christian They desired that after the example of the King of France they would chase him out of their Countrey and that if the useful friendship which was between the two Nations should perswade them as well it might to do More they should do like true friends indeed if they would deliver him up into Their Hands The Answer was That they desired to preserve friendship with the King that they would not assist the pretended Duke of York but that they could not hinder the Dutchesse who was absolute in her Countrey from doing what she listed Henry was not pleased with this answer knowing that Princesses Dowagers have not the like Prerogative over the Countreys where they govern
but so full of tricks ambition perfidiousnesse and deceit as nothing but ruine could betide him whereas had he served Burgundy and France with such loyalty as he ought to have done amongst Princes he would have been thought worthy of the title of a Prince and amongst Captains been esteemed one of the chiefest of his time His father had served England and so had he but leaving her in the recesse of her Fortune he became one of Charles his favourites then Count Carolois and was not likely to have fallen from thence but an ambition having brought him to the eminent place of Constable the next man to the King in France Generalissimo of his Forces and at whose command even Princes did obey enriched besides his Office with Pensions and Commands there remained nothing more for him to covet had he not like sick men by longing after what was hurtful for him contaminating his faith and honour put a period to his life and honour In this many erre encrease of honour or riches causes still a thirsting after more such examples have been before and since the Constable and shall be as long as the world endures for the avarice and ambition of such as come to what they formerly were not makes them see amisse and whilst they think to go beyond the period of their Fortunes thinking to transport it from its natural circle to an imaginary one as he who should think to passe from the Sphere of the Moon to that of the Sun for that as it is of a larger circumference so is it of a more elevated and lasting efficacie they in their passage tumble down headlong and break their necks Happie is he who possessing the favour of his Prince with temperance enjoys an alway-permanent Fortune grounded upon the justice and integrity of his own actions and if he prove not as rich as Croesus yet need he not to be ashamed of his riches which if they be but small the greater signe 't is of their being well come-by whilest the Princes favour the testimony of a good conscience and the being able to do good to others are the most glorious and most advantagious riches the world affords In such extraordinary Fortunes 't is better to sympathize with Agrippa and Maecenas then with Sejanus Edwards Ship had cast Anchor in a place secure from all windes save such as blew from Bretaigne which were those alone that were able to split or overwhelm her He enjoy'd his estate with out the disturbance of forreign enemies by means of the new Treaty with Burgundy's enmity did no ways trouble him for though the desire of subduing Lorrein and the humour of provoking the Switzers which cost him his life had not been predominant in Charles yet the interest of Flanders to which Commerce with England was necessary did secure him Scotland was in a condition not to be doubted by reason of the Truce which yet endured of the quality of her present Government and her not being stirred up by France for the most part the first causer of her movings At home he found himself freed of all such as might have harmed him who were come to their ends either by the Civil Sword or by the Hang-man wherein he was not sparing Clemency and faith are banished when Kingdoms are in question and Kingdoms in contention shut the doors upon all vertues as may cause alteration or suspect The life of young Henry Earl of Richmond was that alone which did molest him he could not possibly live content and attend such pleasures as he was naturally given unto so long as this worm did gnaw upon his heart he was the onely remaining relike of the House of Lancaster likely enough to deprive him of his quiet and Kingdom should he not be taken from the world whereby himself his house and children might live secure He esteemed the good offices he had done the Duke of Bretaigne with the King of France sufficient to deserve such a favour he sent unto him three Ambassadours the chief whereof was Doctor Stillington They desired the person of the Earl of Richmond in way of Honesty and affection concealing their cruelty and evil intentions neither could they proceed otherwise with Francis the â—…econd Duke of Bretaigne one of the best Princes that Fame celebrated in those times These made him believe that the King desiâ—…ous to abolish the enmity of the two Factions and quiet such spirits as were affectionate to the House of Lancaster there was no more fitting means to effect this then by marrying the Kings eldest daughter to the forenamed Earl who was Heir to that House They desired him to lend his helping hand to so good a work assuring him that as Bretaigne in former times had found no more advantageous nor more faithful friendship then with England so should she finde it every day more and more by this obligation of delivering up the person of this Prince The Marriage did not at the first appear unto the Duke to be the cause of this their so fervent desire it did not correspond with sense 't was a favour not to be expected from an enemy especially since the Earl himself had never been treated withal therein nor had heard any news thereof before but they reiterating their desires and adding to their efficacie by a great sum of Gold which they presented him withal he was perswaded to let him go But they were not well gone for S. Malo where they intended to take Shipping when the Duke looking narrowlier into the businesse repented the surrender of him Polydore saith that Iohn Chenlettes a very upright Gentleman and therefore beloved of the Duke was the cause of this Argentres says the same but he says he findes it not in the Chronicles of Bretaigne nor knows he from whence Polydore Virgil hath it Chenlettes was in the Countrey when he understood of the Ambassadours coming and the delivery of the Prince so as zealous for his Masters honour he hasted to him to lay before him the blame he was likely to incur by having delivered up the Earl of Richmond after having received him into his protection to his chiefest and most cruel enemy how that the obligations of assisting and giving entertainment one to another was reciprocal amongst Princes that many of his Predecessors had in the like case been received in England and Flanders and had tasted the loyalty and noblenesse of others in like manner as Richmond ought to taste his the which if he should not do his reputation would thereby receive so much the deeper stain by how much his past-goodnesse and greatnesse had been to all men known The taking his Remonstrance in good part answered that this his resolution could not redound to his blame since the Earl was to be the Kings son-in-law and to be readmitted into all his possessions Cheâ—…let replied He was deceived for that the Ambassadours being sure he never would have delivered him but upon fair terms had made this
former Confession the which he likewise did at Cheapside Hee was againe put into the Tower to be better looked unto but hee could not forbeare relapsing into his former errour For growing great with foure of his Keepers who were servants to Sir Iohn Digby Lieutenant of the Tower and making them beleeve he was the true Duke of Yorke he so far prevailed with them as that they perswaded the Earl of Warwick to escape away with Perkin which by their means hee easily might doe when they should have kill'd the Lieutenant and taken from him his Keyes Monies and best Moveables But the plot was discover'd and he againe put over to Commissioners At this time an other Earl of Warwick appeared in Kent in imitation of Lambert Symnell Lambert tooke upon him the person of the Earl of Warwick by the direction of a Priest and Ralph Wilford for so was this second supposititious Earl called by the direction of an Augustine Frier named Patrick but this was soon ended for the Frier puft up with a foolish confidence and beleeving that businesses of this nature ought to be fomented in the Pulpit he by inciting the People destroyed the building before the Ground-worke was lay'd so as they were both taken Wilford was executed and the Frier in respect of his Habit was condemn'd to perpetuall imprisonment This accident gave the King occasion to rid the true Earl of Warwick out of the world whereupon it was thought that Perkins first flight and this his second endeavour to doe the like were wrought by His cunning he giving way to the First that hee might put Perkin to death and stirring up means to plot the Second so to rid his hands of the Earl and Perkin both at once But howsoever it was Perkin being convinc'd of this second busines and judged to die was hanged at Tybourn where by word of mouth hee confest his Imposture The rest who were involved in the same fault suffered likewise with him And Warwick being accused before the Earl of Oxford who for this occasion was made High Constable of England to have conspired together with Perkin against the State and Person of the King being proved guilty by his owne Confession was beheaded upon Tower-hill And thus in him ended the Male Line of the Plantagenets This caused the King to be blamed and hardly thought of as having no reason to condemne him for having been Prisoner from the Ninth yeare of his age till the Twenty-fourth and always in fear of Death he was kept in so great Ignorance that hee did not know a Duck from a Capon and therefore so little capable of the fault that he was altogether incapable to Dream of it and his Confessing it was out of a beleefe he was perswaded to that by so doing he should be pardoned Henry endevoured to lay the cause of this death upon the King of Spaine shewing his Letters wherein he said He could not resolve to marry his Daughter to Prince Arthur since as long as the Earl of Warwick lived he was not certaine of the Kingdoms succession which might be a reason of State but not of Justice in so much as God would not give a Blessing to that match the which that vertuous Princesse Katharine Knew very well for Prince Arthur dying shortly after and shee being repudiated by King Henry the Eight after Twenty yeares marriage she said It was no wonder if God had made her Vnfortunate in her Marriages since they were sealed with Blood meaning thereby the Death of this Earle The King though hee were no longer subject to the Apparitions which the Dutchesse of Burgundy had raised up by her Inchantments in the Transformation of People yet was he not free from Influences common to other men the Plague raged so terribly in London that it forced him to quit the Town and afterwards by reason of its Vniversall dispersing of it selfe over the whole Land to goe over to Callice together with the Queene The Arch-duke Philip hearing of his being there sent Embassadours to him to congratulate his Arrivall and to know if hee would be pleased that he Himself should come to visit him upon condition notwithstanding that he might be received in some Open place not for that hee durst not Trust himself in Callice or in what ever other Towne but for that having refused to speake with the King of France within any Walled place hee would not by this Difference give him any occasion of Offence nor that the example might prove prejudiciall to him in the future for any thing that might happen either with the same King or with any other The Ambassadours were graciously received and the Condition fairly interpreted and St. Peters Church not far from Callice was appointed for the place Hee likewise sent Embassadours to the Arch-duke who appeared at Masse in the midst between them all of them kneeling upon the same cushion As he was comming towards Callis the King went out to meet him and he alighted suddenly from Horse-back as if hee would have held his stirrop the King likewise alighted and having imbraced him led him to the Church which was appointed for their parley The causes which brought this Prince thither were two his own Good nature for that he had offended him by Protecting an Impostour which fault though it was not His he being then a Child yet was it the fault of his Counsell depending upon the Dutchesse Margarets passion so as he omitted nothing whereby to give the King satisfaction the other the Advise of his Father and father in Law who counselled him to make firm friendship with Henry for the advantage of the Low-countries and for his own Safety against the Violences of France but most for that they both hating that King which was Lewis the Twelfth who succeeded Charles the Eighth they hoped for many Advantages by his Friendship The Arch-duke failed not to use all the art he could though by nature he was not given to Dissembling terming him his Father his Protector his Leaning-stock The things agreed on between them were the Confirmation of the former Treaties and two reciprocall Marriages the one of the Duke of Yorke the Kings Second Son with the Arch-dukes Daughter the other of Charles the Arch-dukes Eldest Son with Mary the Kings Second Daughter but all of them being either Children or Infants these marriages ensued not but did evaporate through Time and Interest The Archduke was hardly gone when the King of France sent the Governour of Picardy and the Baylife of Amiens to visit Henry acquain ting him with his Victories together with his getting of the Dutchy of Milaine and his imprisonment of Lodwick Sforza the Duke thereof The Plague being by this time ceased Henry return'd to London wel satisfied with the Testimony he had received of how good esteem he was held by the confining Princes At the same time Iasper Pons a Spaniard born a learned and well bred man came into England being sent by
Pope Alexander the Sixth upon the occasion of the year of Jubile for since they only received the benefit thereof who went to Rome he thought it fit that it should be commuted for by Remote countries the inhabitants whereof could not make so Long a journey in so much as they staying at Home might receive the same indulgences which those did that went on Pilgrimage to Rome if they would give a certain summe of money to be imployed in the wars against the Turks whose advancing Hungary Germany and Italy did much apprehend This man did so wisely negotiate this af fair as he thereby got a great summe of money without any manner of grudging or murmuring save against the Kings Person who being naturally given to Extort from his People it was thought hee would not have suffered these monies to have beene gathered had not he Himselfe had a share therein An opinion which was known to be false in the time of Iulius the Second who making it a difficult busines to grant Prince Henry a Dispensation to marry Katharine who had been wife to his brother Arthur Cardinall Adrian de Corneto who endeavoured the obtayning of it alleadged amongst the rest of the merits of King Henry his Father that he had not pretented to share in the monies raysed by Pons in that kingdom Neither was there any dissimulation used in this by Alexander at least there Appeared none for he propounded this war in the Publick Consistory in the presence of as many Emssadours as were then resident in that Court with designe to set upon the Turkish territories in Three severall places in Thracia by the Hungarians Bohemians and Polanders in Greece by the French and Spaniards and at Constantinople by him Himselfe accompanied by the King of England and the State of Venice and he sent Nuntioes to All Princes that they would joyne their Forces and Monies according to their Abilities in so pious a worke The Answer which the King gave to Pons was That he was ready to Accompany his Holinesse but that it was impossible for him to doe it in that manner the remote Distance of his countrey would put him to Double the charge of any of the rest that the Kings of France and Spaine were first to be made Friends which if it should not be effected all other designes would prove but vain that when they should be made friends 't was they that best might accompany him as being Neerest him which if they should Refuse to doe He would wait upon him Himselfe not considering either Expence or other incommodity upon Condition he might have some Cities upon the Sea-side in Italy delivered into his possession to make use of what ever chance might happen This answer and it may be the Like of other Princes made this undertaking vanish away to Nothing when the Proposition was such as might very well have beene effected Cardinall Morton who was likewise Arch-bishop of Canterbury and Chancellour of England died this year We have spoken of him formerly He was a man of great Integrity yet somewhat given to Gripplenesse which made him be ill thought of for it was beleev'd he had nourished in the King his humour of Impositions But time proved the Contrary and had he left no other laudable memory behind him his being the First agent in the uniting of the two Roses is a merit whereby to render him Glorious to all Posterity Iohn Earl of Lincolne he who was slain at the battle of Stoke left his brother Edmund Earl of Suffolke heir to his Humour and his Misfortune in so much as calling to mind that he was Son to Elizabeth who was sister both to Edward and Richard hee thought he might be as bold under This King as he had been under the Other two his Vncles He had slain a man in such a manner notwithstanding as the Circumstances did not Aggravate the fault Henry gave him his Pardon but so as he was to passe all the course of Law and Justice and to appear before the Iudges and receive Sentence of Condemnation This manner of proceeding against him did so touch him to the quick as reputing the Favour that was shew'd him Ignominy he sodainly left the Land and went into Flanders to his Ant Margaret at which though the King was offended yet was he resolved to apply Lenitive salves giving order to his Agents in those parts to offer him his Pardon at the very First so as he would return knowing that Despair in banisht men begets thoughts in them of Little service to Themselves and of much Trouble to Others It succeeded according to his imagination for accepting the Pardon he returned to England the Dutchesse not opposing him therein either for that she thought his Genius inferior to the Kings or else that she was satisfied that in Perkins publick Confession her name was conceal'd But arrogant and proud natures such as was that of this Earl leading men into Dangers brought this man at Last to his Ruin under Henry the Eighth The match between Prince Arthur and the Infanta Katherine of Spaine which had been treated on for the space of seven years received this year its maturity the King her Father sending her nobly attended into England The tediousnesse of this negotiation proceeded from Both parties for the two Kings being endued with equall wisedome before the establishing of the Affinity would see each others fortune established the Infanta had for her Portion 200000 Duckets without any covenant of Restitution either to Her selfe or her Family and in lieu thereof she had set out for Ioynture the third part of the Principality of Wales of the Dutchy of Cornewall and of the County of Chester and if she should come to be Queene she was to have as much as any other Queene before her had had The marriage was solemnized in Pauls the Bridegroome was Fifteene yeers of age the Bride Eighteene The Festivals being ended they returned to keepe their Court at Ludlow in Wales but their abode there was but for while for the young Prince died there on the second day of Aprill in the yeare 1502. five moneths after he was married having lived 15. Years 6. moneths and 13. Dayes Nothing more is to be said of him Authors write nothing of him since hee lived not long enough to be knowne All that is related of him is That being naturally given to study he was learned beyond his Age and the Condition of a Prince This his death did much molest the King the Infanta Katharine was left upon his hands and if Prince Henry were to marry Another wife he was to find out a second Joynture a thing repugnant to the merit of State and to his Frugall honour whereupon resolving to marry him to the same Katharine he wrote concerning it to Spaine and Rome Ferdinand was contented but he met with Difficulties in procuring a Dispensation from the Pope and in getting his Sonnes Good-will who though he was then but