1590 and continually upon all occasions supported him and the intrest of the Reformed Religion in those Kingdoms so that she was publickly prayed for by the Hugonots as their Protectoresse No sooner was this great Princesse dead whose glory yet will never dye Lib. 129. being accounted by her very enemies the Guisians the most glorious that ever swayed Scepter gloriosissima omnium quoe unquam sceptrum gestarunt foelicissima famina as Thuanus tells us adding many great elogiums of her and conluding none ever was or will be like her of that sex and King James called in to succeed in that Crowne but the French though they had underhand opposed the conjunction of those two Kingdoms all they could having still made use of Scotland formerly in their Wars with England for a diversion to them by setting them upon entring that Kingdom at the back doore betwixt them and as loath allso that such an accession of power should accrew to their old enemies the English yet now they are the first that come with a splendid Embassage to welcome him to his new Crownes This King if he had had as much of the Lions courage as he had of the soxes cunning and Kingcraft as he called it how happy had it bene both for his owne family and his Kingdoms But as he was the occasion of the sad disasters that happend to both as is shewne not only by the Historians but particular Authors in the English tongue Rushworth Welden Osburne c. so I shall now briefly shew how he occasioned many and great irreparable losses to the Protestant intrest abroad especially by his pusillanimity How he perswaded this Republick to a 12 yeares Truce with Spaine and how prejudiciall it was to these Provinces is well knowne How earnestly he was prest to assist his son the Palsgrave both by forreigne Princes abroad and his Parliaments at home I need not mention nor how he spent more in Embassies their traines and Treaties then would have done his worke with men of Armes and traines of Artillery I shall onely speak of that relating to the French Protestants as the proper subject of my discourse When Lewis the 13 set upon reducing the Cautionary Townes which the Protestants had in his Kingdome by the grants of severall Kings as we have said and the distressed sought to the Crowne of England for Reliefe K. James according to his usuall custom onely imployes Embassadors the Lord Herbert once and againe whom the French delayd with words till they had done their worke For knowing King James's temper too well Luynes the High Constable of France Howels Hist of Lewis 13. A. 1621. being appointed to give Herbert audience first sets a Gentleman of the Reformed Religion behind the hangings that being an eare-witness of what past might relate to the Reformists what small grounds of hope they had of having succors from the Crowne of England and then in stead of hearkning to his Embassage in a most insolent manner affronted both his Master and himself with menaces which when he could not brooke but roundly replyed His Master then knew what he had to doe and offered the Constable who was chollerick thereat the satisfaction of his Sword the French Embassador misrepresents what past to K. James and procures Herbert to be called home and the Earle of Carlile is sent in his place to as little purpose as before Nor was this the worst for the Duke of Guise obteined 8 English sayle of men of War to joyne with him against the Rochellers and them of the Religion to distres them by Sea as the Count of Soissons did by Land for which the Duke of Buckingham was after questioned in Parliament and thus the greatest part of the Protestants power was broke downe and had been wholy but that the French had not then time by reason of the Spanish worke in the Valtolin so that a peace was skind over for a small time till they had leisure to open the wound againe and make the poore Patients bleed their last These things caused great complaints of England every where amongst them of the Reformed Religion and occasioned Deodate's saying that King Jame's sins of omission were greater then all his Predecessors sins of Commission Though the pacification was published at Montpellier yet Richelieu being made Minister of State and chief Director of affaires in France A. 1624 he made it his first worke to go on with the designe of destroying the Protestants power in that Kingdome and though the King was against it at first yet the Cardinal carried it on at last so that afterwards he said He had taken Rochel in spight of three Kings meaning his owne England and Spaine For the accomplishing this worke the Eagle-eyed Richelieu foreseeing that England and these States might stand in his way and obstruct him he resolves to charme us both to a compliance For which end France makes a stricter league with these Vnited Provinces affords us 1600000 franks yearly for the two next following to be repaid the two next years after our peace with Spain agrees for ships for their service c. And for England though they knew K. James would not disturb their designes yet not knowing what the Prince of Wales might doe there were meanes used to ingage him by a Match with Henriette the onely Daughter then unmarried of Henry the 4. K. Iames who was desirous to match his onely son Considerably had for 9 or 10 year beene Courting of Spaine to this purpose that so with one he might have the Palatinate restored to the Palsgrave and the Prince of Wales having past through France incognito into Spaine to make love personally to the Infanta and see with his owne eyes if fame belied not her beauty and being there still delayed but not denyed the Spanish desiring to see all the Daughters of France first matcht to prevent an alliance betwixt England and that Kingdome and the busines of the Palatinate still kept in suspence he is commanded home by his Father K. James But having seen the Lady Henriette at a maske in his passage through France under the notion of an English Gentleman and being taken with her beauty more then the Infanta's overtures are made of a Marriage with her and though some in the French Council were rather for her matching to Lorraigne that so those Territories might be gained to France which had been long troublesom to them yet this reason of State of obliging him not to interrupt their designe of ruining the Protestants and prevent his marrying with Spaine prevailed and in 9 moneths time a Match is concluded Richelieu thinking France secure of these two they most feared falls to worke to reduce the Hugonots Cautionary Townes Upon which Soubeze and Blankart goe for England to implore K. Charles his Father K. Iames being then dead his assistance This good King thinks himselfe obliged in conscience and honour notwithstanding his marriage with the King of
whether it be my Melancholly temper only or my fears and cowardise if you please to call it so or my fancy from my observation that the third War as this is with England hath ever proved fatal to the one side as is apparent by many examples or what ever other cause it is I must profess freely that I am of another sentiment this War having so black a visage to mine appearance that I fear we are rather in the midst of a Tempestuous Sea of Troubles then discovering of Land much less a safe Harbour of rest I am not ignorant upon how many pins men hang their hopes Some upon the advancement of his Highness the Prince of Orange hope all will be redrest and well at home and that his relation to the Crown of England and the Elector of Brandenburgh will capacitate him to remedy all abroad Others upon conjectures of his marrying with the Duke of Yorks Daughter or some nearly related to the Crown of England or France which hath been an usual way I confess especially among absolute Princes of accomodating differences Some upon our sufficient numbers of Men and Moneys to defend our selves Othersome upon the Assistance of the Emperor and the German Princes Brandenburgh especially And others upon their opinion that now the Pensionary de Wit and his party are broken so that England can confide more in our friendship that the King will break with France and afford his Nephew and these Netherlands assistance especially because they judge that it is the Interest of England and Germany as well as Spain not to see us fall into the French hands for fear they have only Polyphemus his courtesie to be last devoured But yet all these grouds and divers others which are variously discoursed of prevail not so far with me as that my hopes can ballance my fears For although I grant the strength of the remaining Provinces to be considerable both by Sea and Land and the greatest foundation to build our hopes upon next under God Almighties Protection yet if we duly consider the state and condition we are in there is not that just ground of confidence which may free us from fears as many are apt to imagine He is very short sighted that observes not 1. That there are two different parties amongst us and that a Commonwealth muchless then a Kingdom divided cannot stand 2. That we might do much more then we do or for any thing I yet see will or shall do for our own defence 3. That we are destitute of succours from abroad for the present except from Spain which we may happily pay dear enough for if we should be drawn into a League Offensive and Defensive with them in a long and tedious War And 4. that we are full of tumults and distractions at home which is to me a greater presage of approaching ruine then all our Enemies weapons of War and makes me fear that as tumults was the occasion of our rising so they will be of our ruine Hist Gal. l. 2. And that Priols observation of two only Nations that have stood firm by defection the Helvetians at the rise and the Hollanders at the fall of the Rhine those founding and defending their Liberty by the Mountains their Poverty and Equality these by the Waters their Riches and the States with a Captain General may shortly be contradicted in the latter if we be not more unanimous and perhaps ere long in the former also I grant likewise That it is very considerable to have so wise a Conductor as the Prince of Orange is for his years and one of such near Relation to two such great Potentates as his Uncles of England and Brandenburgh But yet if we rightly consider we cannot but conclude 1. That it must be Power as well as Policy that can relieve us and that in the Affairs of the World Interest is preferred above all Relations the whole World turning upon the Hinge of Self-interest and all Princes States Families and Persons eagerly pursuing that which they apprehend their Interest although often mistaking it and oftner the means to obtain it no wonder if they miss thereof 2. And that his Civil Dignities come rather to him by Popular Tumults than Regular Proceedings Which is found an easie way to rise by but a hard way to stand by yea Morally impossible if not backed by power For as it is with sick Persons so with sick States if all things be not quickly redressed that is grievous to them they presently cry Turn me again and think they have power to undo that which they themselves have formerly done It being a true Character which Livy gives the Common People Lib. 24. Plebs aut humiliter servit aut superbè dominatur 3. And that though the de Wits be dead their party lives and if things succeed not well under his Highness will have no small advantage not only from the horrid murder of those two Pillars of their party but from the declining of Affairs to cry him down with the people and make him an Insignificant Cypher of State 4. And lastly There are so many Papists and other Sects of Religion and Malecontents who watch for opportunities to Flieblow the Common People and set them upon Sedition that I much question whether that fresh gale of Affection to the Prince which hath blown so briskly through all these remaining Provinces will last long For if they see that his Highness cannot make Peace as they expected and they feel more miserable effects of a stubborn and cruel War and be forced to greater Taxes the Common People being always covetous what ever the cause or necessity be and find their Trade still obstructed and Land drowned to the impoverishing both of Cities and Countrey I fear we shall find the People so restless and unquiet that they will neither know what to do themselves nor be willing to be guided by their Governors that do but when Extremities press upon us bring all into Confusion and consequently Ruine For besides the Jealousies which many have of his Highness which Bentivoglio long since foresaw and foretold That these Jealousies betwixt the State and their Stadtholder would become the cause of our Ruine the needy multitude which are alwaies enemies to good order and Government when distressed will seek occasion to prey upon the richer whom they constantly envie And the midle sort which are the true Basis of a State whose principal aime is Liberty and Plenty when they see these indangered grow jealous of their Governours upon whom all misfortunes are constantly laid and seeke to pull them downe and set up themseves one after another to the ruine of all For the pompe of Government so dasles the eyes of those that know not the Weight of it that when there is any seeming access thereto all are apt to contend for it and every one to thinke himself as capable as his neighbor and vy with one another without end till they
he is likely to gain in the greater and essential differences of Religion should he attempt any change therein Surely not much from the Pious and sober party of Protestants for I neither matter nor mention the ruder sort and ignorant rable Nay universall experience hath taught the World that where any kind of Religion is powerfull all force against it is weake and contemptible and much more against the true Reformed Religion as that wise and excellent Historian Thuanus shewes in the Preface to his History The other two are Calv. to his Instit Causaâ—â— to Polybius which is one of those three admirable Dedications to the Crown of France that are worthy to be read by all the Kings and Princes of Europe I might add to these the genious of the English Nation which I know to be zealous in what way of Religion soever they take as hath been observed by severall Authors In times of Popery so addicted thereto that they had given most of their means to the Church Anno 7 Edv. 1.18 Edv. 3.15 Rich. 2. if the Statute of Mortmaine had not prohibited them In the times of Libertinisme when a Republick the Fanaticks were so intoxicated that it was not enough for them to push down the Pope but they would break off all Government for being his hornes Polydor. Virgil. l. 17. and make every thing Antichristian that was not to their humor When the King return'd and Episcopacy with him that Party would not abate the three controverted Ceremonies as a wise and moderate Bishop both foretold and lamented for the universal Peace of the three Kingdoms Surplice Cros and kneeling at St. Brownrig Nay the very common rable would overflow both in drinke and devotion kneel at a pillar and reele at a Post Though I know there are as pious sober and serious Christians of severall perswasions Episcopall Presbyterial and Independants as any are in the Christian Worid but I say this to shew that what way soever they take they are not easily diverted But as groundless jealousie is both uncharitableness and folly so where there is just ground not to be jealous is stupidity It may therefore not be amiss for our further satisfaction to enquire into these Objectors grounds And they are these 1. The increase of Papists at Court especially 2. The Kings countenancing and intrusting them with power 3. His tollerating their Religion 4. Joyning with France against us For the 1 and 2d I can say little of my own knowledge it being many yeares since I saw either England or France But I shall take reports uâ—on the publique faith of England and Holland for this once though it be none of the best security 1. Therefore that Papists increase through the Queens Court the extraordinary correspondence with France the dissentions of the Protestants the Atheisme and irreligion of the Age and other wayes and meanes which might be mentioned is not to be wondred at but rather that there are no more Allthough I am well assured that their number is comparatively small and their Intrest in England and Scotland inconsiderable to effect any change And were they more this will not infer the King is one 2. And much les his countenancing and intrusting them For who ever concluded that the French Kings for their kindnes to Protestants who have served them most faithfully heretofore in their wars were Protestants Or the States Papists for employing the French and others in their Armies A Papist may be a loyall subject a wise Statesman a fit Embassador a good Soldjer and merit his Princes favor though of a different Religion 3. Nor will the Kings indulgence of liberty to those of that Religion conclude more against our assertion then for the States of Hollands being of all the Religions they tollerate or for Amsterdam's being Jewes There may be reasons of State sometimes to connive and sometimes to tollerate that which we neither approve nor would willingly allow even as Moses did divorce to the Jewes Or there may be Articles promises and other engagements upon us whereby we are forced to do that which we would not if free as Joshua to the Gibeonites and our Ancestors to Papists Anabaptists c. who assisted them in the defence of the Countrey against Spaine There are two things doe wonders in the world and are the ordinary pretexts and best apologies for the greatest â—aâ—â—bitances viz v. grot An Jure bel pac l. 1. c. 4. §. 7. l. 2. c. 2. § 6. danger and necessity And yet where these are reall and not feigned they are considered both by God and good men Nature dictates that we should hazard the hand rather then the head and lose a part rather then venture the whole I have for above 20 years observed both where I have lived and where I have travelled that Moderation is rather a speculative notion than matter of practise like a vertuous and beautifull poor Lady that all will commend but none will marry Parties that are under call for it eagerly but when they are upmost neglect it shamefully Seeing then the passions of men and iniquities of the age are so great that I exspect nothing in Religion but either an inquisition or tolleration I am more for the latter and would rather reside at Amsterdam or Constantinople then at Rome or Madrid But to come closer to the particular case If his Majesty therefore had no obligation upon him to do this or were it a liberty to Papists only or a liberty for their worship in publick I should grant the objection was very weighty but it is the quite contrary For he tells the world he was obliged in point of gratitude to the Papists for their service to his Father and to the Presbyterians who had been so instrumentall in his restoration in point of promise allso severall wayes made to them both before and after his returne to his Crowne severall times declaring that he would grant indulgence to them and others of tender consciences And we know that if his Majesty had followed his own inclinations they had been better performed And now that he gives a concession of liberty it is neither soly nor principally to those of the Romish Religion but to all others as well as they and that with this manifest difference that it is to the Protestants publiquely and to Papists in their private houses onely and this revocable at pleasure Declar. March 15. 1672. All though some wise men are of opinion that the King and Rulers will not onely find such ease and safety therein but such eminent advantages many wayes and the people generally such content that it will scarce be revoked 4. His joyning with France against us is matter of Intrest and not Religion And if we judge impartially will no more conclude him a Papist then the Emperor and King of Spaine Protestants because they joyne with us Herein let us eye and owne the Providence of God who
absolute and govern only by an Army like the French Kings by an Army of French men is so ridiculous that I thought it not worthy of consideration Can any man in his wits imagine his Majesty of England so senseless as to give his Crown and Kingdoms to the French King For that is all one with this in effect As for that of Revenge either for Chattam or the affronts mentioned in his Declaration of this War or both I considered his Temper which hath so much Clemency that it rather inclines him to lenity than cruelty and revenge As is abundantly apparent not only by passing but even forcing as I know he did against some adicted to the latter extreme the Act of Indemnity or Oblivion for those many and great injuries he had suffered from his Subjects And his government since in conniving at the violation of such Laws as are thought severe in matters of Religion and indulging liberty therein which hath made some that have sufficiently heretofore cried up Parliaments now run into the other extreme and cry them down as fast and instead of the Parliaments formerly now magnifie the Kings favour and Clemency And yet Kings and Princes are men and men subject to like passions with others liable to suggestions from those about them and tender of their honour as the apple of their eye And therefore I will grant this might come in consideration but not so much I dare say as alone to make a War For the Prince of Orange there was not only near Relation and Affection but Interest also to be considered For the Lovesteyns party having been so cross to England upon his account and the correspondent friendship between us so uncertain without his Headship I verily believe that if what is now done therein had been done timously it had wholly prevented this unhappy War Yea besides the extraordinary affection which the people have for the Prince our very Bores had this Policy and were more than ordinary zealous for his promotion as the best means to procure their peace As to the further interest of the Kingdom of England in regard of their Trade and Naval expences I have expressed my thoughts before in the Preface It is true this War was always intricate and hath proved a Game at Hazard for England beyond not only theirs I believe but all the worlds expectation But yet if it be still notwithstanding cautiously played as they may and so far as I can possibly discern mean to play it they can many ways come to save their stakes at the least if not to win more than we imagine by the War and was far fairer at first than France for winning by the game in all humane appearance as I could manifest by many Arguments But because that concerns them two only and us not at all further than our sufferings I shall wave them at least for the present and proceed For I will not hearken to the curious enquiries of those who would here be asking how I think England will play their game for that let them look to it whom it concerns on all sides as doubtless they will for me to express my private thoughts might do more hurt than good which is the only thing I aim at and what I think the issue will be I shall declare hereafter in my Conjectures But here it will be asked seeing it is Englands interest that we fall not into the hands of France and that the Prince is now promoted will they not make peace with us this Winter I must needs say I fear they will not except we should give them such terms as I see we shall not we thinking our condition far better and they thinking it far worse than really it is For the cause of this as of most Wars is complex as I have shewn so that though two of those I assigned may be past yet the 3d of the Kingdoms interest not They are already too far ingaged in the War and with France The Kings Honour is at the stake and the Kingdoms expectation of another issae than the last War And besides all these how can any wise man imagine now that they are engaged with France and have an advantage against us as well as a Hazard from France that if they know how to secure themselves against the latter as I suppose they do they will let go the former For we must needs think they will be at a certainty on one side or the other and not part with France's friendship till they be sure of our satisfaction What it is they demand or how rightly is not now our design to discourse but only matter of Interest all along And yet I can easily foresee that the danger of our becoming French will be a singular advantage to us as an inducement to them for a more easie compliance with us But at present I see no probability of Peace but that they will go through with the War or continue it so long till they have tryed their utmost to obtain their ends I know there are many wise men amongst us that think the King cannot carry on this War as there was that thought he could not begin it The former they find themselves deceived in and will be so in the latter also I have discoursed this with several in Government who argue that the King hath not money of himself to go through with the War and that he will not convene the Parliament or if he do they will not supply him I grant the first but deny the others For if we rightly consider their defign the Parliament must meet and the representation that will be made thereof and the constitution of the Parliament they will grant him supplies though perhaps not with that facility that they did it with in the former War And therefore let us neither flatter nor deceive our selves with vain hopes herein but rather seek timely to accommodate differences before their preparations in the Spring for I fear the longer we delay and the worse it will be with us Sect. 10. Compliance with England the only means of the Common-wealths continuation HAving thus declared the condition that we are in and that there is no probability of peace we come now to shew the consequences thereof and what is to be done by us to preserve our selves from ruine and destruction And here to my understanding one of these three things must necessarily follow That we must either continue the War against them both or comply with them both or with one of them alone if possibly we can We shall first declare our thoughts concerning these briefly and then shew with which we both may and must comply 1. Then whether we should continue the War against them both And herein would we do as we might and should it may be this were better than to comply with either of them especially if they will impose upon us unreasonable conditions and much better than to comply with them
France's sister to support them And indeed so he was for the Ambassadors and Agents of the Crowne of England had become Caution to those of the Religion for the King of France's performance with them He therfore sends 150 sayle of ships and an Army of 10000 men under the Command of the Duke of Buckingham to take off that odium which was upon him in England for what was formerly done under K. Iames. Who published a Manifesto in the K. of Englands name July the 21. 1627. declaring that though there were other grounds sufficient for a War as the abuse of the English Merchants their ships and goods seized on and the extraordinary equipping for Sea in France yet that the sole cause of the War was the Crowne of France's not performing of Articles with those of the Reformed Religion This expedition and the causes of its miscarriage is writ by a learned pen * Expeditio in Ream Insulam authore Edovardo Herbert Baronc de Cherbury and well knowne from the moderne Histories of both Kingdoms The French and English both proceed the former in carrying on the latter to prevent if possible their designes For which end K. Charles sent the Earle of Denbigh with another Fleet which was able to effect nothing and the Earle of Linzey with the last Buckingham being assasinated by Felton the day before he was to embarke But before Linzey came such stupendous workes were raised of which Bertius hath writ a particular booke and so pallisadoed that the Cardinall sent to the English Admirall that he should have a pasport with 6 of his ablest Commanders to come a shore and view the works and if they thought Rochel relievable he would raise lost Rochel upon which followed the Duke of Rohan and the rest of the Reformists compliance the dismantling of their remaining Garrisons above 40 whereof Mantauban was the last and a peace with England and those of the Reformed Religion in France Since which time what mighty dessignes have been contrived and carried on by the two Cardinalls Richelieu and Mazarine for that Kingdome abroad whose plots they are still pursuing is not unknowne to those that are curiously inquisitive How the former wrought the revolt of Portugal the Rebellion in Catalonia the carrying on the Wars in these Countries to bring downe Spaine set on foot and fomented the distractions of Great Britaigne first by the Scots and afterwards by other means to give England worke at home tamperd with Wallesteyne for betraying the Imperiall Army for whose death he most pastionately wept failing thereby of his hopes of France's speedy comeing to the Empire engaged Sweden to serve their ends in Germany tooke Pignerol to keep Italy in aw Lorraigne is taken the Dukes of Savoy Mantua and Modena are wholly at France's service and the Princes Electors especially the Ecclesiasticall rather courting the favour of that Crown then the Imperiall This was the true State of France at the death of Richelieu in 42 and the King his Master who quickly followed him May 14. 1643. the same day of the yeare his father died and wherein he was Crowned Which I have beene the larger in first because t is for the most part the same now and in severall things greater than then especially by their alliance with England and success against these and the Spanish Netherlands and 2. that it might appeare how far they have overgrowne Spaine in power that so the world may be awakend and see to lop off their superfluous bowes lest they grow in time like Nebuchadnezars tree so great that they overshadow us all For Mazarine succeeding Richelieu as Minister of State who was his onely Scholler that proved his paralel to which two Clergy-men let me say it for it is a truth though I know the Laity may stomack it France owes their present greatnes the first 5 yeares after till 48 that tumultuous Nation was never wiselier governed in the non-age of their Soveraigne and though in the next lustre or five yeares following till 53 they had some aguish fits that shaked them in their civill wars yet they soone recovered thereof and have ever since growne stronger and stronger So that it was high time for the Neighbour Nations no longer to dance after the fidle of France And the States saw this and therefore made peace as I have said but England herein offended againe and prevaricated in the common intrest of Europe Let me shew how briefly because it may satisfie perhaps the curiosity of some that have wondred at it as much as my selfe in regard they have been ignorant of the true grounds thereof When Cromwel the Hanibal of the English Common-wealth and immortal enimie and Terror to Rome came to have the power of those three Kingdoms in his hands he saw it necessary to engage those Nations and imploy his Armies in a forreigne War for without an Army he could not maintaine the power he had got and without imploying them he could not quietly enjoy it Armies being like raised them and besides this necessity of intrest his own inclination strongly carried him and perhaps some extravagant hopes to pull downe the Pope for he once said to Lambert were I as young as you I should not doubt to knock at the gates of Rome before I died Spaine and France both courted him knowing what mettal his sword was made of and his Iron-sides wore of which competition he made his advantage obteining such conditions of France as were a wonder to all that understood the maxims of their Government That which most inclined him to the French was that he judged Spaine and Austria the two strongest Hornes of Antichrist whose fall was come as one of his Prophets whom I could name inspired him and that France might be brought to renounce Rome intending withall to get such places in Flanders and over against the coast of England that he might keep the Dutch in aw and with a few of his Ships command a toll for the passage in the Channel as the Dane did in the Sound A League thereofore is made with France March 23. 1657 for a yeare and renewed the next by Lockard his Ambassador who for his parts and sagacity was so acceptable to Mazarine that he had more acces to him and busines with him then all the Ambassadors at Paris besides These two Cromwel and the Cardinal the stronglier to carry on their designes take in the King of Sweden for a third into their confederacy Christina having resigned that Crowne and wandring about like a blazing Comet and these three Leagued together made the Triumvirate of those times Sweden was to pluck the plumes of the Roman Eagle when he had clipt the wings of his Neighbours that they might not fly upon the prey he left behind Wherein Oliver so concerned himself that when the Dane had got the Dutch for his second he sent Montague to boye up Swedens sinking intrest in the Sound and they were so neere
THE INTEREST Of these United Provinces BEING A Defence of the Zeelanders Choice Wherein is shewne I. That we ought unanimously to defend our selves II. That if we cannot it is better to be under England than France in regard of Religion Liberty Estates and Trade III. That we are not yet come to that extremity but we may remaine a Republick And that our Compliance with England is the onely meanes for this TOGETHER WITH Severall Remarkes upon the present and Conjectures on the future State of Affaires in Europe especially as relating to this Republick By a wellwisher to the Reformed Religion and the wellfare of these Countries MIDDELBURG Printed by Thomas Berry according to the Dutch Copie Printed at Amsterdam ANNO 1673. A Summary of the ensuing Treatise THe PREFACE Wherein the occasion and reason of this Worke. The Authors feares ballanced with others hopes The necessity of unanimity for and duty of selfe defence SECTION I. The rise and State of that great Question viz. whether upon supposal of inability to defend our selves it is our INTREST to be under England or France and the Zeelanders choice of the former 2. Arguments to prove this choice to be agreable to our true Intrest The first whereof is from our Religious concernements Wherein is shewne how great a support Religion is to a State and how greatly it concernes us to secure our Religion 3. The plea of France's granting us the liberty of our Religion considered 4. Objections from the danger of losing our Religion under England from the Kings being a Papist designing to set up Popery the increase countenance and tolleration of Papists as allso from his joyning with France against us and Church Governement by Bishops all answered 5. A 2d Argument taken from Liberty Wherein the different Kinds and degrees of Liberty under all sorts of Governement are declared and the probability of enjoying greater freedome under England than France argued 6. The 3d Argument is the preservation of our Estates in regard of Soldjers violence Governors impositions Publique Debts by obligation and Revenues of the Romish Church 7. The 4th Argument from Trade This viz. Merchandise and Navigation our cheife secular Intrest And friendship with England to secure the same England and we Competitors herein what implyed thereby in point of Intrest and Inference The probability of getting more as allso enjoying the same with greater Peace under France with other Arguments largely debated and the contrary evinced under England 8. Severall other Arguments and enducements to incline us rather for England briefly mentioned With an inference from the whole preceding discourse that the friendship of England is to be preferd before that of France 9. That we are not yet come to that extremity but we may still remaine a Republick in regard of our owne strength and our Neighbors Intrest Englands especially that they had better lose Scotland or Ireland then let the French have these Provinces This War a Game at Hazard Being engaged will goe through and Parliament probably assist therein 10. Compliance with England the onely meanes of the Common-wealths continuation 11. Conjectures of future affaires The motions of the ensuing Summer likely to be quick and great As to this Republick probably England may get a bridle to curb us France the sadle to ride us Colen a Supernumerary girth Munster a bos off the crupper Our condition deplored and consolated A necessary caution for England another for the Orange Family The Authors feares of what will at last befall us The Spanish Netherlands a dying The friendship of England and France sick at heart and cannot live long That of Spaine and England sound at heart and will recover c. 12. France's Ambition Growing greatnes The causes thereof We and England in the fault The Common Intrest of Europe to oppose France particularly declared of the Empire Spaine England Denmarke and this Republick and Hans Townes Yea of Sweden Savoy and Switzerland The ballance of Europe to be held even and by whom 13. The Conclusion of the whole Discourse To the Impartial Reader ALthough in so small a Tractate it may be thought needless to give an account of the occasion thereof yet I think my self obliged for your further satisfaction to do it briefly The Author having been lately in Holland found what the Zeelanders had done in the late Revolutions misunderstood by some and variously censured by others and therefore thought it worth his pains fairly and modestly to vindicate the same And the rather because he foresees various pretexts will be deduced thence and divers interpretations be made thereof which the Author hopes by his declaring the true intent and meaning to free it from That so all those whose Curiosity or Interest leads them to inquire might be acquainted with the true Grounds and Reasons thereof and that neither the propensity of some to the French nor the prejudice and passion of others against the English might make us run blindfold upon our ruine but that we may discern our true Interest and pursue it as occasion shall require For as all affection to that which is not our real Interest so all aversation from that which is is madness and folly which clouds Reason precipitates Counsels runs us upon extreams and drives us into inevitable destruction many times before we are aware I know some will be apt to say What need of this now The Storm is over and the supposition of inability to defend our felves out of doors If I thought so I assure you I should neither trouble my self nor others any further But whether it be my love to the Countrey and desire of the welfare thereof or my jealousie over the Factions of the Rulers and tumultuousness of the people therein or my comparing and estimating our own strength fidelity and courage with our Enemies or my observing that our former Military Discipline which made us renowned and our Countrey accounted the School of War is in a great measure if not utterly decayed and lost or my hearing how old Officers and Forein Forces have been slighted and such preferred as are unexperienced for conduct and untried for courage or the difference I have observed in the valour of a poor and rich people Poverty always stirring up and whetting Valour out of hopes to better their condition whereas riches makes men fearful of losing what they have and so falling into a worse As may be observed not onely in different people as between the Northern and Southern Nations but also in the same yea in our selves For when poor in our Wars with Spain De Mor. Gern §. 29. we made good the old Character which Tacitus gives us Omnium harum gentium virtute prâ—ecipâ—i Batavi c. Of all the German Nations or People the Batavians were cheif for valour but now that we are grown rich we are affraid to adventure either our Persons or Estates and readier to open our Gates then shut them against our Enemies Or
that were formerly good passengers now turning Pilots in a Storm through their continuall contentions and unskilfulness shipwrack the Common-wealth whilst they sincerely desire and endeavour to save it I shall therefore conclude that although we have a good Head yet except the members be at unity and unanimously resolved to give assistance to their Head and Governours it is in vaine to thinke we can be secured from such potent enemies except any be so mad as to expect miracles or that the Princes name or waying of his Flag upon our Towers can defend us For his marrying his Highness the Duke of Yorks Daughter we may speak of it here and those in England of the King of Sweden and both be mistaken I can see little certainty thereof and therefore can say less therein but this I can say that if a Relation would effect our desires there is that which is very near already yea which many perhaps will thinke too neer if it conduce no more to the procuring our Peace For our assistance from the Emperor and Germain Princes which is so much talkt of the Brandenburgs especially if I were assured they designed to serve us and not themselves of us I should have more hopes then I have I know the Germains are a great and warlike Nation and that none almost have warred with them that have not repented it And when we see them warr with France though they directly assist us not further such a diversion to our enemie will be a considerable advantage to us But at present we see no more of their intentions than to defend themselves The Emperor is not onely continually kept waking by the Turk but at present diverted also by the distractions of Hungary And the fears of Poland will necessitate Brandenburg to have an eye to Prussia The Princes of the Empire are many and divided several of them declaring for France others wavering and waiting opportunity to close with the prevailing side which makes their Counsels slow and more subject to be discovered the raising men and bringing them together more difficult the commanding of them more lyable to discord which hath often proved fatal in their Armies and the providing for them very uncertaine And I might ad hereunto for it is well knowne that some of the Germain Princes have so run out their revenues that though they have men far more then their proportion yet have not money to pay the half of their rate So that it is well if what was said of old of the Britains prove not true of the Germans Tacitus in vita Agricolae Dum singuli pugnant omnes vincuntur As for the Interest of England which we think should incline them to hinder rather than further Frances growing greatness and consequently to Peace with us I shall only say this That as we allow all men liberty to judge of their own Interests so must we much more to Kings and Rulers And it is but reasonable to think that they understand their own Interest better then we that are strangers to their designs except we think of our selves as the Persians who say that they have two eyes and others but one I may think that the same Reason of State should prevail now that did formerly with the English in the first War To humble us but not ruine us and shall make it apparent that they cannot rationally have a thought of our ruine without thinking to follow after yet circumstances are so different and the passions of men so various that I am not certain to what extent and degree of Humiliation they measure their Interest or how far England is ingaged with France for effecting of this We may think and the English Nation may be jealous as I know they are that France will couzen them at last and serve them now as Comines tells us they have formerly l. 3. c. 8. l. 4. c. 9. Bodin de Rep. l. 5. c. 1. When usually they beat the French in their Wars but then what they had got by their Swords they lost by their Treaties even as Bodin tells us the French were serv'd by the Spaniards but if they will adventure that who can hinder them Should I speak my private apprehension 't is briefly this England hath been long jealous of the growing greatness of this State by Sea and find it an error of Policy in former Governors to suffer us to arrive at this height of contesting with them From whence they have met with several inconveniences in regard of Trade and also been put to vast expences to maintain constantly a Fleet to cope with us These things they would willingly ease themselves of which they know cannot be done but by the Sword The first War which was occasionally begun was no time to effect their designs in regard the Kingdom was harrast and exhausted by a long Civil War and Oliver the Protectors cheif design was to settle himself and therefore made Peace The second War advantaged them nothing for the French countenancing us though secretly in League with them before the War was ended they were not able to effect what they designed having lost their opportunity which they had after the first battel in their hands That being often verified of the English which was said of Hannibal by whom matters not for the Learned Historians Livie and Plutarch differ therein Vincere scis Hannibal victoria uti nescis A Peace is concluded at Breda but the War had a sting in the tale of it the work at Chattam Maâ—et alta mente repostum and makes them more eagerly wait for an opportunity both to revenge themselves and pursue their former designs And now France taking occasion to quarrel with us they take the opportunity to oppress us and bring us under that they may free themselves from those present inconveniences in Trade and Expences and will see how they can make it with France for the future They know well that if we be broken there is no Nation else is able to match them at Sea and being in an Iland fear not invasion by Land Forces I might parallel this with the Peloponnesian War the cause whereof was the Athenians growing greatness and particularly in Power at Sea Lib. 1. upon whom therefore the Lacedemonians made War as Thucydides tells us who hath accurately writ the History thereof And yet though Interest be the moving cause of most Wars Hist lib. 3. c. 6. what ever the pretext be for Polybius hath long since taught us to distinguish these two by sundry Examples yet I am far from asserting it alone a justifieable cause of any War If any desire satisfaction what is I refer them to Grotius de Jure Belli Pac. lib. 2. cap. 1. 22. seqq for my design permits me not such a digression These thoughts of the present Interest of England leads me to conclude 1. That in their League with France they have made provision for these so that
if the French prevail they shall have such Maritime places as may be a real security to them in these particulars 2. That they will never suffer France if they can possibly hinder it to have all these Maritime Provinces entirely For if our might alone be such an eye-sore to them how much more if it should be joyned with that of France 3. That they will not desist till they have tried their utmost to obtain these ends which they account their Interest having now the advantage of Alliance with France their joynt Power and Prevalency and our present Weakness and Distractions So that I cannot flatter my self so much as to hope That either the Princes Relation to His Majesty can procure or Money purchase our Peace with them so long as they see any probability of effecting their designs But if any hath more certain grounds of hope which are not yet discovered to the World he needs not lose his time in perusing this Treatise It is but my losing a few spare hours in composing and the Printer a small sum in publishing this amongst those many Pamphlets which daily flie abroad through all corners of the Countrey For I profess this once for all That I pretend not to know or if I did should I discover any Intrigues or Mysteries of State nor desire to pry into the Arcana Imperii but let them silently rest in the bosome of those who sit at the Helm of Government or to make any unworthy reflections upon any Friends or Enemies French or English But only as one standing upon lower ground to take the height of the Tower of Interest which is gazed upon by all but through passion and prejudice rightly measured by few Whether I have mistaken it with the multitude time will discover and let others judge by the following Discourse which I fore-fee will meet with as many Censures as I have Hairs on my Head though I value them all less than the least of them my Conscience bearing me witness that I have published the same with a sincere affection to the Reformed Religion and welfare of these Countreys Nov. 30. 1672. J. H. Sect. 1. The rise and state of the Question viz. Whether upon supposal of inability to defend our selves it is our Interest to be under England or France and the Zeelanders choice of the former HE is a Stranger to us and our Affairs who knows not that the late Revolutions among us and particularly at Vtrechts betaking themselves to the French for protection were attended both with great consternation and various deliberations as is usual in such disasters When therefore misery and destruction was approaching as a violent torrent that bears down all before it Self-preservation being the Fundamental Law of Nature every Province City and almost Village began to consider what they should do to preserve themselves from being drowned in the overflowing deluge Some were of opinion that the remaining Provinces were of sufficient strength to defend themselves and therefore lookt no further Others were of a contrary judgment and therefore thought it better upon reasonable terms to put our selves under a Forein Power as Vtrecht had done then to be conquered by the Sword And herein also mens judgments were divided some thinking it better to be under the French others to be under the English Those of Holland as was commonly reported were more inclinable to the former in regard of their near approach to them in Vtrecht and especially out of an opinion which many have entertained That the Interest of Holland being principally that of Trade by Sea was more competible with that of France then England Insomuch that many believe if the advice of Monsieur Pompone of the Kings sending Charte Blanche had been followed the Cities of Holland had at that time several of them imitated the example of Vtrecht those of Zealand were generally inclined to the English But as opinions are usually both bred and brought up by Passions so here it was manifest That the excessive hopes of the former made them for absolute defence and the excessive fears of the latter for absolute resignation In such cases there are two ways have always been found safest and best for accommodation viz. A due examination of the Grounds of those Passions and a just temperament or comprehension of the diversity of Opinions Which here so happily fell out that it was resolved upon and declared by many in Zeeland first That they would use their best endeavors to defend themselves and secondly if they found themselves unable they Would then resign to the English Hereby shewing that they neither did through vain fears wholly despond of their own strength nor through flattering hopes were wholly fearless of their Enemies They would try and use the best means they could to stand of themselves according to their hopes and yet also provide against the worst of their fears which was their fall by absolute conquest For the manner of doing this I shall neither accuse nor defend it though the Magistrate led not the Van of Consent according to his place and dignity Plut. l. de fort yet he followed close in the Rear And though it was done hastily yet why may not a hasty Pen sometimes be as happy as Apelles his Pencil which in Passion being thrown on the Picture better portrayed the Horses foaming then all his premeditated Counsel and Art It is enough to me and to my purpose that what was done is agreeable to the true Interest of the Countrey which I hope to make apparent in the following Discourse But before I do that give me leave to premise a few things which tend to the clearing of the Matters in question 1. That we only suppose this inability for the present to satisfie the curiosity of the World which never think their teliscope long enough to see to the utmost end of Interest For we shall afterwards make it apparent that we neither are as yet come to that extremity through Gods mercy nor need to fear we shall be reduced to it if we be not awanting to our selves 2. It is above all to be understood that this resolution is absolute for Self-defence and conditional only for Resignation It is an approved maxim which every wise man lives by Alterius ne sis si tuus esse possis which holds good in Societies whether lesser of Families or greater of Cities and Provinces as well as private persons If any can be free it is folly to think they will be subject to another 3. This resolution being conditional upon the supposal of evident inability to defend our selves it is not to be imagined that it should take place upon every Danger or Alarm of War especially so long as Holland and Freesland are able to defend themselves States as well as Persons may be dangerously sick and yet recover Differences may be accommodated with our Enemies or assistance may be afforded us from our Friends the Scene of War may
rather than inches who matters no more engagements dispensed with by his Holines than we doe our Almanacks out of date I should be glad to be informed what we could doe in the case more then cry and complaine to God Allmighty For I doubt they will seldome doe that which Maximilian the first did frequently Deus aeterne nisi vigilares quà m malè esse mundo Morn Myster Iniquit quem regimus nos ego miser venator ebriosus illè ac sceleratus Julius Nay if Governors thinke themselves obliged in conscience and honour to keepe conditions yet it is well known how generally they are influenced by their Clergy so that in all dubious cases and the application of generall rules to particular practises it cannot be exspected but judgement should be given on the Papists side and that the Grandees of the Church should beare them out in it and Jesuits and others Zelots applaude their practises 4. The Papists must have publique places for their Worship not only in all Cities but Villages as we may see in the Articles propounded by the French Now there being by far too few Churches or places for publique Worship in most of our populous and enlarged Cities allready it will not be possible for a great part of our Religion to enjoy the publique Ordinances of God but many will run into profane courses most grow ignorant and careles what Religion they are of and their posterity absolute Papists By which meanes the number of the Reformed decreasing and Papists increasing where at first there was but onely one Church for popery they shall then take more and so continue to inlarge themselves and straten us Nor let any judge these as onely jealousies and feares For if they begin allready to incroach as it is credibly reported from severall places they command and breake Articles heerein when not onely the commands of superiors but common policy requires a most religious observance thereof what shall we thinke they will doe hereafter If they will not now out of hopes to win those to them which yet stand out much les will they when there is no more hope of gaining thereby 5. When popery is the Religion of our Governors who have the disposall of preferments and profits to allure men to their Religion We shall find by wofull experience what by education converse marriages dignities and other worthy advantages many of the ignoranter and looser sort of Protestants will change their profession I say not Religion for that such never had and turne Papists Who is such a stranger in the world as knowes not that by such artifices they have more weakened the Protestants in France than by all their wars and contests with them In so much that of late yeares some wise men of the Reformed Religion there have bene so fear full of its being utterly supplanted that they have required their children by their last will and Testament to leave that Kingdome and setle themselves in these Countries 6. Let the best he supposed that any rationall man can imagine yet will it be bad enough For if the Papists have the Civill power to back them allthough the wiser and better sort it is not to be doubted will be civill yet the the ruder sort will be intollerably insolent And this begins to appear in some places allready where the Popish Inhabitants are more insufferably insulting spightfull and injurious than the French themselves And if they doe this so early while things are doubifull and the issue of the War dubious what may we expect when they are in their high Meridian of succes and glory 7. And lastly if any one thinkes that these are onely needles feares and groundles surmises I shall desire them to peruse the French Embassadors Speech to the Emperors Council Gremonville where he will find this Argument of Religion insisted on to divert the Emperor from our assistance which is well retorted by the ingenious Answerer thereof And inform themselves how fast the Jesuits and other Zealots for the Romish Religion fall off from the House of Austria and Spaint to France in regard of their inability to carry on their designs of the Universall Popish Monarchy and the hopes they have of France's potency to effect it And then let them judge if there be not sufficient ground for all that I have said and much more that might be said upon this Subject Sect. 4 Objections from the danger of losing our Religion under England from the Kings being a Papist designing to set up Popery the increase countenance and tolleration of Papists as also from his joyning with France against us and Church Governement by Bishops all answered But now on the other hand it is by some objected against the English 1. That the King is a Papist in heart and designes to set up the Popish Religion First what the King is in his heart and what he designes is onely knowne to God Almighty who is the searcher of hearts That he is a profest protestant is well knowne And allthough I will not sweare for him nor any man alive that he will not change his Religion yet to me it seems very improbable upon the following grounds 1. He that would not in his minority when under his Mothers education in France K. Charles I. Letters but followed his Fathers instructions of being obedient to her in all things excepting the matter of her Religion I cannot thinke will now in his maturity 2. His withstanding so many temptations wherewith he was environed so long a time together during those many years of his exile wherein neither the friendship of Papists nor unkindness and hard measure he met withal from Protestants could move him Militiere's Victory of the Truth and Bp. Bramhalls Answer makes me think him much more immovable now he is free from those Who that knows those times knows not what designs the Papists had upon him What Perswasions and Arguments they used both by word and writing What Promises they made him of assistance to recover his Kingdoms What Arguments of Interest they prest him with which are usually more prevalent with Princes than the intrinsick Arguments of Religion And if he stood unshaken in all those boysterous blasts shall we thinke he will fall in a calme 3. His rescuing his youngest Brother the Duke of Glocester out of his Mothers hands when her designes appeared for perverting him in his Religion is an evident proofe of the realty of his Profession If any one say it was his Interest for regaining his Kingdoms I say 4. And is it not his Interest also for keeping them Did he gaine them so quickly or are his three Kingdoms so little worth that he should easily hazard them Kings are wiser then to venture their Crownes upon every idle Priests pratles If there were any stronger Arguments now then formerly either for the Popish Religion or from his Interest we had some reason to be jealous that he might change
freedom is accordingly to be accounted of And here liberty is come to maturity and if she be modest and keep within her bounds and fall not into wanton licentiousness ravishes the eyes of all spectators filling their mouthes with her praises and their mindes with admiration But it is high time that we hasten unto the third particular proposed which is the accommodation of these to the subject matter we have in hand First then it is well known that there is a very vast difference in the liberty of the Subjects of these two Crowns The common people under the King of England have 1. A part in the legislative power which is the chief authority in all Governements For the Commons make a third State in all the three Kingdoms and have their representatives freely chosen by themselves in all Parliaments which are the true Conservatories of publique liberty and particular propriety Whereas the common people in France either never had this priviledge or if they had have long since lost it That they had it formerly Francogallioe c. 10.11.15 Derepubl l. 2. c. 6. §. 6. Hottoman endeavours to prove which Arnisoeus denies and answers his reasons nor that only but all mixture in the French Monarchy either with Princes of the Blood Peers or any other State whatsoever But whatever was the Governement under the two first lines of the Kings of France it is generally agreed that in the beginning of the third under Hugh Capet who cantond out France about the yeare 990 the peoples liberty was devoured by the Dukes and Earles of the Provinces and the Monarchie allmost turned into a Toparchie by reason of their hereditary right Which the after Kings soone perceiving to be too great a ballance to the Crowne broke down by degrees and so became the only Atlas's that have ever since sustan'd that Government For the Assembly of the three Estates which were the only bulwark of the publick liberty that was left undemolished by despotical powers if they ever had any share in the legislative lost it long before Capets time for from Charles the great the Kings Edicts have past for Laws and being discontinued in their Wars with England and their remaining power whatever it was broke down by the policy of Lewis the eleventh they were finally laid aside by Lewis the last And although Philip the fourth fixed that Court of Judicature at Paris that was formerly ambulatory and usually accompanied the Kings Court which became a pattern to the rest of their Provincial Parliaments yet both that and these have only the name and shadow not the nature and power of the Parliaments under the Crown of England The Members being neither chosen by the people nor representing them but Lawjers that usually either purchase these places of the Crown or pay an annual pension for the same having no legislative power nor indeed any other but derivative from the King and alterable at his pleasure They tell the Academy of Paris Guagnin in Ludovic 12. se à Rege jussos promulgare leges quas ipsi visum fuerit ferre Apud illum authoritatem esse c. But these things are so well known that I will not stand to alledge Authorities to prove them although if it were necessary I could bring as many as would fill the page even to ostentation But let us briesly run over the rest Those 2. under the Crown of England have the election of Magistrates generally in Corporations and some under Officers in the Country which cannot be removed without due process of Law 3. Have a share in the Judicature by the Juries in England for matter of fact together with the Kings Judges for matter of Law and their last appeal to Parliaments 4. The original power of raising Taxes For the proposal and grant must come from the Commons and the other two States only consent 5. The liberty of bearing Arms. Whereas in France all Promotions Governments Judicatures and Taxes are in the Kings power who permits not the vulgar use of Arms or a standing Militia in his Kingdom but only such as are in his pay and thereby entirely at his devotion So that there is no Communalty that lives more happily than that of England nor none more miserably than the poor paisantry of France 2. Hence we may infer a fair probability of enjoying more liberty under the Crown of England than France I know our freedom will not necessarily follow from the premises for that which is legal will depend upon such conditions as shall be either previously agreed upon or after consented unto yet I leave every one to judge which is likeliest to grant us the best not only for our Religion but liberty in our Persons Priviledges and Estates as also whose Government is most likely to defend the same and make us thereby also actually free If it be argued that the French King may give us more liberty than his other Subjects and the King of England less The reply is easie that we reason not from the power of either or what they can and may do but what in all appearance they will do Although those that hold it for a fundamental in the French Government that whatever is conquered by them or acquired must be incorporated with the Kingdom of France and that this is as indispensable for the body politick as the Salick Law is for the head scruple much whether the King de jure can make us freer than the rest of his Subjects But we neither desire to dispute the Prerogative of Princes much less of such a mighty Monarch nor indeed are we of their opinion herein and therefore take it for granted that he as well as the King of England may grant us as full and ample liberty as He shall think fit in His Royal pleasure We only profess our fears what he will do and such as are rational and becoming men not groundless fancies or frivolous reports which are the usual Bugbears that affright only fearful women and children 1. We cannot flatter our selves into hopes that our condition should be better than either of those two Kings which soever we submit unto natural Sujects If it be equal it is well and all that we can rationally expect And therefore we judge that England will easier be induced to this which is ordinary unto that Government than France to indulge us of extraordinary favour unless we had merited such a priviledge as to be made an exception from the general rule And that Governors under them will willingly and readily maintain that which they are accustomed unto but very hardly such immunities as transcend the bounds which are set to others 2. The many examples we have before us of such Countries as France hath gained keeps our fears continually waking For by whatever Title they have been acquired we find them all generally in the same condition Whether by right of donation as Daulphiny and Provence or purchase as Berry Montpelier
Authority will ever take away our Estates except we forfeit them through misdemeanors but when the Sword brings such a Commission I would gladly know who dare deny it And whether the poor man then that hath all his money in his purse-pocket be not both fafer in his person and more secure of his Estate than the rich Merchant whose bags and warehouses are filled with his wealth Craesus was rich even to a Proverb yet shewing to Solon all his Treasures Solon told him that if any came with better iron than he wore they would be master of all that Gold Now in regard of plundring depedrations and all manner of violence by Souldiers both to our persons and estates I think we are far more secure from the English than French And for this I shall appeal to the Common experience of all ages and places where their Armies have come which bear witness to the great exorbitances of the latter more than the other in the violation both of womens chastity and mens estates and frequent desolations by fire and sword Yea I will make their own Historian Comines judge of the controversie who having shown how unjustly great ones govern and the innocent people are opprest Lib. 5.6.18 both by them and the Souldiers whose flagitious lives petulant carriage and violent rapines are intollerable professes that he mentions these things for France's sake which of all the Principalities he had known was most afflicted with them Whereas on the contrary he says England excel'd them all in these three particulars respect to the common good the peoples freedom from injury and the little spoil their Souldiers and Armies made in their Wars the last whereof he repeats and enlarges a little after in the same Chapter 2. But we will suppose the best in all uncertainties and therefore hope we shall escape all plundering and violence from the Souldiers in a time of confusion and make no doubt thereof in a setled condition But yet we know we shall not escape paying such Taxes as indeed justly deter us both in regard of their greatness and also the arbitrarines of their Imposition In both which we know no people in Europe more miserable than France nor none happier in the contrary than the Subjects of the Crown of England Which partly occasioned that known saying of the Emperour Maximilian the first that he was Rex regum the King of Spain Rex hominum the King of France Rex asinorum and the King of England Rex diabolorum For he could have nothing but what the Germain Princess consented to Spain only what the Laws allowed him France all that he pleased and England nothing that pleased not the people As touching their greatness 1. I willingly grant that Subjects must afford their Soveraigns assistance and in times of extremity and utmost dangers it is hard to determine how far their power may not lawfully be extended Secondly I know that the grandeur of the French Court is great Politiicke Weegschaal l. 3. c. 3.4 5. which is lately shown us in our own Language That their Armies are often numerous and some always necessary both for defence of the Government from their domestick enemies and of the Frontiers from foreign in the adjacent Countries And that these require vast sums to support them Yet notwithstanding thirdly Moderation ought to be used so that the common people may enjoy the fruit of their labours But to shew how far the Government of France hath been from this would be an endless work We should but tire our selves to read what their own Historians have related and be weary with the rehearsal of the many tumults and rebellions that have arisen from their gabels It would fill any one with sorrow to hear of the great complaints and out cries that the people have made in former Ages and fright us to hear those of the present which yet their Governors are so used to that they count them but the old fa fa of France and oppression the sin of the old World What remorse of Conscience several of their Kings have had for their extortion is well known to those that have read their Histories Some in their life time as Charles the eighth some at their death as Philip the fourth who remitted the Taxes he had unjustly required and commanded his Sons to ease the people But above all Lewis the eleventh who resolved to reform but it was too late and therefore charged the Dauphin against that oppression he had practised And indeed it was highly necessary for he had reduced the common people to such poverty that many of the Farmers were forced with halters about their necks to draw their own Plows except they would steal and once for all stretch both themselves and ropes on the Gallows But I should not once mention any of these things if I thought it not better for us both to know and believe them before hand than experience them afterwards to our cost For I fear if we come once under the French there will be no end of paying contributions until we be brought into the condition of the Andrians of old Plut. in vita Themistocl ex Herodoto who when Themistocles demanded money telling them he had brought two Goddesses to require it perswasion power answered that they had two great Goddesses also who taught them to deny it which were poverty and impossibility And then the Hollanders may do that living Procopius decad 6. lib. 6. which Saladinus the Emperor of Asia did dying shew their winding sheets and say These are all the rich Hollanders have left But should we part with some of our Estates though it were a good share so we were sure to enjoy the rest it was less matter but when we are always obnoxious to an arbitrary power still to be squeased like Spunges at the pleasure of others we can scarce call any thing our own and are rather procuratores than Domini divitiarum I know well that some of the French Kings Sueton. in vita Tib. Bussieres Hist Franc. L. 15. have like good Shepherds fleeced not flead their flocks according to Tiberius his saying Boni pastoris est pecus tondere non deglubere especially Lewis the twelfth who therefore as the Jesuite well observes had no rebellion in all his raign which is a rare blessing as he says and extraordinary in that Realm And the great wisdom and generosity of his present Majesty puts me out of all doubt of his elemency but a good a great a wise Solomon may have a Reboboam to his son and successor whose little singer may be heavier than his Fathers loyns By which example in Sacred History we are shown that what ever Prince will force his Subjects to open their purses to his pleasure shall quickly find their hearts shut and though for the present they may supplicate and outwardly seem to adore him as the Indians their dieties ne noceant yet they hate him worse
freedom that will to remove formerly and that hath made so small an alteration as to the ballance of Trade that it is inconsiderable For if I make my calculation right there is not much difference of the English here and the Dutch in England Others argue we are Corrivals for Trade that is the Mistress we both Court and therefore one must marry it But this is but a toyish Sophism when men will compare Commerce to a Mistress that one only can marry For 1. The world is wide enough and the Sea large enough for both Nations to exercise their skill and industry 2. If we think to betroth all Trade and ingross it to our selves alone other Nations will come in and forbid the banes as well as England as I shall shew hereafter 3. If we two could so happily agree and so settle Commerce as it might perhaps be setled we might bid fair for carrying it or at least for retaining it betwixt us And so far as my short sight can reach this seems to me the mark aimed at on both sides by those who have the direction of affairs which I do not despair to see effected Seeing then we are in as much danger that I say not more to lose that part of Trade we have as to gain more by our contesting I hope all rational men will grant it our Interest that England and we so compound for it that each of us may have what Gods blessing and justice and equity gives to eithers industry And this I am sure was the wisdom of former times I have shown it already in part on our side and could much more largely both for us and the English In Queen Elizabeths time we were not grown up to our present greatness In King James's time who all the world knows was no Martial man but in his temper as well as motto truly pacifick the Cautionary Towns that England possest in these Countries were A. 1616. ransomed and we grew up to that greatness of being an equal match for them in power at Sea And this the English account the great error of Political Interest although they must needs acknowledge it but fair and honest dealing King Charles the First that Prince of blessed and immortal memory seeing how he grew up not only kept a fair correspondency with us but having experience how cross Parliaments were to the Court so that no o War could be carried on did by a fair correspondence keep friendship with us and not only so but married his eldest Daughter to the Prince of Orange for this reason of State amongst others For being jealous of this Common-wealth's favouring that party in his Kingdoms which was then called by the Court Puritans and seeing the growing greatness of this State by Sea did for these two reasons of State engage the Prince and this Common-wealth by that Marriage And this was also the reason of State in Oliver's time when Peace was made that we must accord for our mutal Trade How it hath been since we all know and therefore I need not mention it And this is the first weapon our enimies use which you see if we measure rightly is too short to touch much less mortally to wound the truth of that cause that we maintain Yet we must do our Adversaries right the wiser sort of them upon the supposal of equal powers as we have formerly been and which is that I have hitherto spoke of are for peace and judge it the Interest of both Nations but they think our coming under France will render England so unequal and inferior a match for us that we cannot in all humane appearance miss of marrying our beloved Lady Trade and clearly carrying her from our Corrival And I confess ingenously if there be any thing of moment to be said for France 't is this 2. Therefore our Adversaries are for France because thereby we should be able to beat England out of their Trade and so become masters of the whole or the greatest part at least of the Sea negotiation Now because they so much triumph in this though before the victory we will examin it thorowly and see what probability there is of obtaining the greatest part of Trade by this means 1. We grant that England and this Republick being about an equal match at Sea the accession of France would clearly make us an overmatch for England if all was true which they suppose 2. But therein is their mistake that they take these two things for granted which are both false First that these Maritime Provinces should entirely become French And secondly that all other Nations will stand neutral so that we shall have no more to do but France and we entirely to deal with England alone Now how far this is from truth we shall make abundantly apparent and by ballancing of powers how little probability there is of these their designes becoming practicable and such as will effect their desires 1. Hereby they suppose a War and such a long and tedious one as perhaps we may not live to see ended For we cannot rationally imagine the English such tame animals that they will easily part with their Trade but must suppose they will set all at stake before that jewel of the Land be lost Now let us but calmly consider how destructive such a War will be to our Trade and what advantages they have above us of subsisting under a long War some of which we have before mentioned and I do believe no wise man will think this our Interest except there was a greater likelihood of a sudden subduing them then is rationally to be exspected as we shall presently make apparent Now on the contraty if we come under England there is no fear of a War with France at Sea that Kingdom being so much inferior in maritime power to either of us and much more to both And should we have a Land-war with France yet that is more eligible for us than one by Sea in the opinion of all wise men as we have formerly shown and shall have occasion hereafter more fully 2. A War with England being supposed as it must for we must either say we can and will have the Trade alone or the greatest part thereof invitis Anglis or we say nothing to the purpose the readiest way to see what probability there is for conquering them and consequently carrying the Trade will be first by ballancing of powers and then by some other Consideratitions The former of these we shall do with respect to Zeeland and then with respect to other Nations For the first it must be considered that Zeeland hath expresly decare that they will not come under France but that if they cannot defend themselves they will then submit to England It is true as I have said it is the interest of these maritime Provinces to keep their League but if their enemies Sword cuts it assunder and they will not venture the loss of their Religion and Liberty
is to have such neighbors But otherwise England is nearer us than France and can easilier come to our assistance For the French have not only a long march but through part of the Empire which is their enemie and so liable to obstruction As to the Prince of Liege or Archbishop of Colen Duke of Newburg and others that have permitted this passage they may pay dear enough for it hereafter as their subjects are paying for it at present even to the French themselves Who are so weary of their Company that I perswade my self they will be the first that will endeavour to drive them out when they shall find an opportunity But we are not affraid of all our Adversaries weapons and therefore will enforce their Argument by supposing all they can desire That France will keep these conquered Provinces and in all probability make new acquests by subduing of the Spanish Netherlands So that if we be not subject to him we shall never be at quiet but they will continually be as Thorns in our sides 1. And why may we not as well suppose that if we be under him we shall never be at rest for others For no Potentate in Christendom hath more jealous eyes upon him nor likelier to be continually imployed in Wars Now what will changing help us if we better not our condition For we may easily foresee that if we come under France we shall have England and Spain against us by Sea as we have said and the Germans and Spanish Provinces by Land and so shall be in the same condition though not by the same enemies that we are now ground like Corn betwixt the Mil-stones Yea it is more than probable that knowing the ticklish condition and mutinous temper of the French Nation he will bring his Wars into these Countries and their consines and so we shall again become the Cock-pit of War for all Europe 2. I doubt not but he will attacque the Spanish Provinces and seek to connect them with his conquests and then incorporate all with France But it is uncertain what time this may require before they be all under his power We know not the Articles between the two Crowns nor are we sure that England and Austria will see this work Many things may fall out which no mans eye can foresee The King of France is mortal and may die and the Dauphin young and so uncapable to carry on such mighty designs Or he may meet with a check in his enterprises and be stopt in his further progress of glory France is harrast and weary of Wars may fall to their former mutinies The King of Spain may grow more potent England Sweden and the Cantons of Switzerland may think themselves concerned as well as the Empire and Spain to stop the growing greatness of France The Spanish may divert him in Catalonia and else where Sickness and mortallity may seize upon his Armies Factions in his court discontents in the Country tumults in his Kingdom and many other Accidents may happen to call him off us or at least necessitate him to give us reasonable conditions and confine him to his own Kingdom So that 't is madness to avoid a present mischief to run our selves upon certain ruine 3. If we had the friendship of England we might soon be in a capacity to defend our selves against France and need not fear the power of their Arms. I do not say that we alone are able to recover at present what we have lost without the assistance of others But that these remaining Provinces are able to defend themselves and either let go the other or in time possibly regain them as we shall shew hereafter Fourthly For his Allies they need not fright us For all friendship of the World and especially publick proves often times like winter brooks which run freely when we have least need of them but fail us in drought when we want their Water If the fortunes of France should once decline we should see those that now adore them readily renounce this their idolatry and not only confess their former fault but help to turn the Wheel about and bring them under whom they now exalt And thus we see what small grounds there are of enjoying such great Peace under France as our Adversaries flatter themselves withal and would perswade the World of which will never find credit with wise men who are used to judge by Reasons of State and not by the vain arguments of fancy 4. The fourth argument for France is their having the upper Provinces already which are of such concernment to the Nether that they affirm we cannot want them and therefore we must call in France that he may have them all that so they may be joyned under one Head We cannot want them say they 1. For our Security and 2. for our Commerce Let us therefore examine these things and having so done we shall give a release to your patience in this great Argument of our Adversaries concerning Trade First that we cannot want them for our Security is apparently false Nay upon a Politick account we had better part with them though not in point of Honour and Religion 1. They were a continual charge to those inferior Provinces which yet was willingly born in regard of their being an out Sconse to us which many supposed sufficiently strong for our defence Which yet others have always doubted of and now we find they had sufficient reason Seeing then some of them willingly deserted us and others slightly defended themselves and us consequently and thus laid us open to the invasion of our enemies if we let them go and they suffer thereby they may thank themselves and we must otherwise secure our Country 2. I wonder men should think they can secure us when we see the contrary by our experience Nay indeed this was the great mistake that had like to have ruined us all For we relying on them was unprepared for our own defence whereby the whole was greatly endangered Yea so greatly that if the French had fallen into Holland when they came to Vtrecht I tremble to think what work they might have made amongst us 3. It was apparent that the boundaries of the Common-wealth was too great and our Garrisons too many to defend against such powerful Armies Which at the same time are not only Masters of the Field but able to assault what Places they please This War being far different from our former with Spain or less Potentates wherein we had an Army to ballance theirs for relief of such Garrisons as were at any time attackt by them And this the Author of the Interest of Holland hath long since well observed and experience now shews us Wherein I dare be his second against any combatants that dare encounter him 4. Let any man but recount our Garrisons with their greatness and compute what number of men is requisite for their defence and he will soon see whether I have not clear
into her hands as she was offered the absolut protection of these Provinces But that is not so clear to me nor will be so I think to others who rightly consider the circumstances of those times for we must not judge by the following wherein this Common-wealth grew up beyond all expectation under such Wars as many feared would have been our destruction But yet though she refused for several reasons both of Conscience and State mentioned by Cambden in her Annals A.D. 1575. yet it plainly appears by the forementioned places in Thuanus that rather than the French should she would have done it And could she have foreseen what we have known I am apt to think she would have adventured it although I must tell you it would have been a great venture Spain being both so potent at that time and spightful against her as was quickly after perceived by the Spanish Armado in 88. and besides the enmity of Spain she had thereby incur'd the envy of France infallibly and was uncertain not only of success in the War but of what support of men and money especially the Dutch should be able to contribute for the carrying on the War which was easily foreseen would be long and bloody Nor can any one think that England is not sensible of the danger they are in if we be under France that either considers the Reasons of State or obeserved that which was obvious to every eye and that is how the English was startled at the progress of France What posting was made too and again Was not the Lord Vicount of Hallifax hasted over when they feared their approach to Vtrecht And hearing it was over was not his Grace the Duke of Buckingham the Lord Arlington with several other Commissioners posted after At which time having the honour to wait on my Lord of Hallifax and telling him the Town talk of the D. of Buckingham c. coming through the Fleet and being gone to the Hague he could scarce credit it having not had the least notice thereof they coming away in such haste for fear the French should overrun all And no wonder if we consider the Consequences thereof for England which are so great that they had better lose either Scotland or Ireland And if any English think I overlash I shall desire them first carefully to compute these several particulars and then censure 1. The loss that the King will have in his Customs and the Kingdom in their Trade which neither of those Nations can compensate 2. The constant charges of maintaining a Navy which that Kingdom must be at to maintain their traffick far greater than will secure them against either of those Kingdoms 3. The great injuries they are always liable unto from such potent enemies by Sea as the French and Dutch conjoined more than from the other by Sea and Land 4. The Wars that are likely to fall upon them in a few years both by Sea and perhaps Land also which would prove far heavier than either of those Kingdoms can make with them 5. The hazard they run of being baffled and beat out of their Trade by such a War It is true this is not so easie as many of the Dutch imagine as I have already proved nor yet so difficult much less impossible as perhaps some of the English may fancy I shall not now stand to draw these out of their close order into an open yet if any of the English think me weak in this I have a Reserve which I think will sufficiently secure me from being routed It will be said to me why then should England commence this War Truly let me say it freely for I know it that the scale of War very hardly cast that of peace and the difference was so small that it came upon two or three grains only I have weighed this as exactly as I possibly could first distinguishing pretexts from real causes and then distinctly considering these one by one There were these 5 variously discoursed of His Majesties designing to introduce the Popish Religion to alter the government of those Kingdoms to revenge himself upon us to advance the Prince of Orange and the Interest of the Kingdom of England For the two first which made the loudest noise in some mens mouths I soon found them frivolous and only calumnies cast out by his enemies at home and abroad to make the King odious and his People jealous As to that of changing Religion I have formerly shewn and I think sufficiently that he neither will nor can if he would effect it As for the 2d I considered the Kings years as being past any such youthful and vain ambition his being destitute of a Child that can challenge the Crown his former miseries and sufferings by War and his wisdom too great to set upon a design so wholly impracticable especially in England and Scotland For by the constitution of his Kingdoms though he have the Militis for the execution of the Laws authority without power being a vain scare crow and insufficient to suppress the audacious exorbitances of the multitude yet the people have the purse to ballance that power and whence then would he pay his Armies Nor let any one stop me with saying the Long Parliament contested with his Father for the Militia for that was only temporary they challenging it only for that time of the danger they apprehended in the Kingdom and not as their constant right and not belonging to the Crown as may be seen by those who will rightly read their Declarations which they published to the world concerning that War collected and printed together by Husbands at London 1642. And besides this a Parliament in being though not sitting which hath some kind of radical power though not to be exerted but when legally congregated But suppose them dissolved it being in the Kings power to do it at his pleasure yet hath he not the City of London on his back and both Kingdoms about him to oppose him especially considering that the jealousie of Popery would be taken into the quarrel And what Ministers of State durst suggest such designs they know well the maxim of the Commons and their practice as the great means of preserving their freedom is to ruine such as would infringe their Liberty And that they are so jealous of and zealous for their rights herein that some of them still have the courage and resolution to venture their own heads to break the necks of such men and such defigns as would prejudice their Priviledges I have observed in the Histories of former times and in my own time also that there were seldom any of the noblest Stags of State how much soever imparked in the Kings favour and how strongly soever impaled with power but if the Commons of England singled him out and set upon him though he might hold them at an abay for some time yet they still hunted him down at last And for the King to think of making himself
we are like to do if we come not to a compliance with England To make these apparent to any wise man would be the lighting a Torch to the Sun Although I know the quite contrary is cast out among us by the friends of France who would perswade us that the French seek only to humble us and the English to conquer us But we know the minding of men is but shooting at random and that he that means to come near the truth must have his eye upon the mark of interest which cannot lye as men do frequently for it If any be so foolish as to be enchanted with such Syrens songs as are daily sung amongst us and have more regard to publick news than the interest of Nations they may go on I cannot hinder them but let me tell them that I fear they will find at last the Poets fiction a real truth and if they stear their own course meet with the Seamens fate in the Fable be sung a sleep for a time that so they may be afterwards with greater facility drowned and devoured 3. Because there is no other way or humane means lest us so far as I can discern of the Common-wealths continuation And this is the conclusion that follows clearly from the premises For if we be unable to withstand them both or satisfie them both we must either break their confederacy and have the help of one of them or the Republick will be ruined It will here be demanded seeing it is both Englands interest and our own to accord why do we not then come to a compliance I will tell you why Because we judge our Condition better and they judge it worse than really it is and therefore stand upon greater terms than we will give them We think things will go better with us in time and they think they will grow worse We flatter our selves with vain hopes and rely upon Brandenburgs Assistance Spains breaking with our enemies the Parliament of Englands not supplying that King to carry on the War and the like when they know the quite contrary in all humane appearance â—or perhaps we are afraid to irritate France if we should make overtures to England and England will not give such an umbrage of jealousie to France as to tamper with us except they be first assured from us of satisfaction But cannot the effecting this be put into the hands of his Highness and a few others as it was lately to be privately transacted by them Here then it is that the shooe pinches We are a popular State the people still think till an enemy comes they can defend themselves and therefore our Governors dare not adventure to tender England such satisfaction as for ought I see they will have lest they either should not be able to perform it or if they do should lose themselves with the people And therefore I foresee the War will be continued till we be reduced to that condition that we shall be necessitated to give them both their demands by publick transaction or at least that way break with one of them And on this foundation I shall now proceed to guess at that which I think is most likely to befal us Sect 11 Conjectures of future affairs The motions of the ensuing summer likely to be quick and great As to this Repulick probably England may get a Bridle to curb us France the sadle to ride us Colen a supernumerary girth Munster a boss of the Crupper Our condition deplored and consolated A caution for England and the Orange family The Authors fears of what will at last befal us The Spanish Netherlands a dying The friendship of England and France sick at heart and cannot live long That of Spain and England sound at heart and will recover ALthough I have sometimes spent almost whole nights at gazing on the Stars and could perhaps erect an Astrological Scheme as well as another yet I never used that way nor never shall for guessing at faturities because I know it is vain to think we cam spell Gods providence by their mystical hieroglyphick Yet let me say it without vanity I do believe I have made as many conjectures concerning Kingdoms States and particular places as any man of my quality in Europe not by any enthusiastick spirit of prophecy or by Astrology from the Stars but reasons of State their interest and the fundamental maxims of their Government sometimes out of curiosity only and sometimes for other ends but such as are honest I assure you for none are either better or worse by it but only my brothers and my self The reason why I adventure to do this publickly now is that I may awaken us out of our security and that we may look about us and see if possibly we can prevent those things which it is very probable are coming upon us Only I desire to do it modestly as it becomes every Christian and neither on the one hand to pretend to that certainty as if we were of Gods Council no on the other hand to fall under Christs rebuke for not discerning the signs of the times Matth. 16. which are both theological and political but I am now only treating of the latter and to that I shall confine my discourse Now that we may be quickned to defend our selves comply with England and free the Spanish Netherlands from their fears and our selves from the neighbourhood of the French there this being one Reason of State why we formerly made peace with Spain lest we should be in continual danger of annoyance from France and also render their maintaining their Conquests among us more difficult by their being kept unconnected with that Kingdom I shall now proceed to the Conjectures I have made not with an Astrological confidence but a Christian allowance of divine providence which strangely alters times and seasons puls down one and sets up another confounds the wisdom of the wise brings to nought the counsels of Achitophels and turns the great designs and preparations for War into a happy compliance and peace as he pleases and all in infinite wisdom though we cannot discern it the knowledge of Gods providence even when past or present and much more when future being to David and therfore far more to us Too Wonderfull for us Psal 139. so high that we cannot attaine unto it and so deepe in the great waters that the footsteps thereof are not to be traced and knowne So that we may well say as of old Psal 77. Dei sapientia hominum stultitia regunt mundum First then if we awake out of our security and looke up in the morning of the yeare we must needs conclude of foule weather the ensuing Summer the skie is so red that we may easily perceive it portends blood and the lowest region is so lowring that we may easily discerne that a tempestuous storme is a gathering except we be so besotted as the foolish Jewes of old with security that
the last And rightly because who knows what God may doe and whether he may not recover him though the disease be desperate Having spoke our thoughts concerning these united we shall now speak of the Spanish Provinces I have as much smattering skill in Physick I confess as would serve me to make Charon a fraight of old Wives yet am I far from being arrived at the confidence which I have observed in Vrinal-Doctors And yet for once I will adventure to try the little skill I have with those State-Mountebanks that are so secure concerning the Spanish Netherlands For my part I have shak't their Water again and again and can find nothing but symptoms of death I shall onely premise that I shall not with an Emperical confidence tell you the time Kingdoms and States as well as private persons sometimes languish out rather then live their last But that they are so sick that I see no hopes of their recovery if this War continues And I will tell you my feares for the ensuing Summer 1. The incredible preparations that France makes this Winter both of Men and Money as if they would set all at stake for carrying on the following Summers Wars 2. The Empire 's Army is overmatcht with Turens They know that we are not in a capacity to recover the Cities we have lost and that they cannot conquer those that remaine so that their Armies cannot be designed either for strengthning their owne Garrisons or forcing of ours Except they will spend a Summers Expedition upon some inconsiderable out Garrisons which I cannot imagin 3. I have looked round about in Europe where this storme should fall and can see no place it hovers over except those Provinces and our selves 4. I consider the eminent advantage France hath at present by their friendship with England which I feare he will take 5. Allthough I doe not thinke France will prevaile by all his endeavors with England to breake with Spaine yet I thinke England will either be employed in doing their owne worke or not so quickly breake with France to stop his carriere in over-running those Netherlands 6 We shall either have the Wars continue or a Peace If the former as they are though England helps not therein for they profes in their Declaration to maintaine the Treaty at Aken yea though they would hinder it yet I doe not see how they can practically if they have not prevented it before-hand by their Treaty nor we to be sure the Wars continuing If a Peace be concluded we shall be forced to forsake them this being the main ground of the quarrel For if we would have helped France to have ruind them we might have been quiet for some time at least but because we had rather quench then set our neighbors house on fire lest ours follow in the flames France hath fallen upon us and shall we not then thinke that he will cudgell us into such conditions It is true indeed if England and we come to understand one another and our joynt intrest better we may succor them for some time but that 's not my supposal of the Wars continuing as they are which in that case implies a strange complication of diseases which to me who knows not their Treaty seems incurable 7. And where else they should have assistance to save them if France will fall upon them I see not For the Empire cannot it is well if they can save themselves Spaine is at a great distance May make perhaps some diversion in Catalonia or some small from Millan c. But what 's that to save those Provinces 8. We must therefore consider if they can stand on their owne legs so as to withstand their enimies power and not to be throwne downe thereby And here we shall find the number of Spanish inconsiderable the Dutch very wavering and uncertaine Some Popish Zealots thinking France can best carry on their designes others betwixt hopes and feares wishing they might see an issue and others plainely despairing of resistance desiring they were over Their Cities great and untenable severall of them requiring allmost as many to man them well as they have Spanish in the Countrey If they can make good Bruxels Antwerp Namur and Oostend for some time to see if the affaires of Europe may not alter it is all I expect But what shall become of the whole Countrey and the rest of the Cities Descriptio Lovani Bruges Mechlin Gant Lovaine c. Some of them as large as most Cities in Europe Three Noblemen An. 1427. as Guicciardine tells us with great charges had five of the greatest Cities on this side the Alpes measured and found but 18 Rods or Perches difference Of which Lovaine and Gant the greatest Paris within the Walls and Liege alike Colen the least But neglecting to mention the just measure Guicciardine tells us they are 6 Italian miles within and above 8 without the walls And though this be enough yet I must needs thinke them more For having had the curiosity to measure one of them for all I found it upon a warme walking within the Walls three full hours by my watch And besides this Paris and Liege are most populous Colen next but these of the Netherlands least so that I leave any rationall man to judge what number of men they require to maintaine them for I will not now stand to make that calculation Now if he takes these two great Cities he is in the heart of Brabant and Flanders so that all the rest will fall of themselves I conclude therfore that except the treaty between France and England secure them which is unknowne to me or that God in his all-wise Providence make some wonderfull chang in the scene of affairs in Europe the Spanish Netherlands are lost Having therefore thus tolled their passing bell we will leave them to Gods mercy and the King of France's clemency and hast us out of them to France and England And here many perhaps will thinke me litle better than madd to cross the current opinion of Christendom when I say that the Friendship of France and England is sick at heart and cannot live long and the contrary of that betwene England and Spaine But I matter not that other men have their way of making their measures and I have mine And indeed I thought to have communicated it but this worke having allready exceeded my intentions and that would be a great digression I would onely tell you my grounds or reasons for the present why I thinke so and may happily make a particular discourse of the other hereafter How France and England came to be so great friends as to agree to commence and carry on a War thus far against us is not now mine enquiry but to shew there is no such ground to dispaire of complianee with England notwithstanding their present league with France is my designe And for this end I shall first shew that though this friendship is faire
London had to fomer those jealousies that that Common-wealth had of this that it was the Kings cause which this Republick by meanes of the Orange Family had espouses and what assistance Spaine which first publickly acknowledged that Common-weath would afford them c. And when we were both engaged how the Spanish drew their Forces towards our Frontiers as if they also would fall upon us and when we declined withdrew them againe to encourage us both to continue the War And in our second War if France had not a great hand both in contriving and continuing it wisemen are much deceived and the French misrepresented to the World By what inducements they perswaded both sides to a willingnes to that War I list not mention nor is there much necessity thereof they being so well knowne to severall of both Nations What a hand they had in its continuation we may easily perceive if we recollect but what passed therein When the English in the first Battel had bearen us France being onely a Spectator to ballance England becomes our Second and Monsieur the Kings onely Brother and his Lady Englands onely Sister were not permitted to use any publick expressions of joy by Bonefires or otherwise for their Brother the Duke of Yorks Victory over Opdam Their Fleet under de Duke of Bauford shall come to our assistance which occasiond the dividing of the Englishe's by which meanes and Monks precipitancy who would needs fight contrary to the advice of the cheif and best Commanders in the Fleet as Ascough told us in the Hague the English are beaten by us And to boye up England againe a private League is made betweene the two Crownes as I have formerly declared from an honourable Author So that these tricks of State are usuall though not discerned by every eye nor dare I censure them allwayes for sinfull except I see manifestly foule play because I know not the Reasons of State which are the Grounds of their proceedings Having thus shewne and I thinke sufficiently that the friendship of England and France is sick at heart I shall now proceed to shew that it cannot live long but if France goes on will and must die quickly 1. Englands intrest will perswade them to this which they cannot but discerne clearly prompts them to put a stop to France's progres If any think that they are so blinded with Passion That to be revenged of us they will ruin themselves I am not of their opinion for many Reasons which I think I am cleare in allthough I shall not mention them now but onely appeale to the issue whether they or I be in the darke and deceived 2. The many tricks that France playes them some whereof I have hinted and severall others might be mentioned That I know they have attempted but been disappointed in cannot but alienate the English from them 3. A Treaty being the game as I have said we shall play at which the sooner and better for us I foresee plainly that such Cards will be played as will make it apparent that the Pack was neither fairly shuffled nor delt and that the French meane to play at la bete with us both and if we continue to play shall come to losâ—ing loadam at last So that though the French have more of Clubs and Spades in their hands by which they hope to win the Diamonds we shall have more of the Hearts between us and so perhaps save some of our stock at the stake 4. If England come to receive satisfaction the spirit of the Nation will turne the scales For suppose that should be now Lib. 6. c. 2. that Comines tells us was heretofore which yet is sooner said than proved yet we must needs thinke that if France deales unfairely with them they will not onely have a faire occasion to desert them but the King and his Court the Parliament and People will be more irritated against them then they are now against us as is usuall in such cases and be readier to joyne with us and fall upon them then they were to joyne with them against us for the conservation both of their Religious and Civil Concernements 5. The Necessity of keeping up the ballance between France and Spaine will necessitate England to breake with France or at least hold them to keepe more within their bounds as we shall more fully shew hereafter 6. Nay the very defence of these Countries which we thinke they seeke to ruine will cause them either to bring France to a peace with us or themselves to help to defend us against them For they will never suffer France to have them all no nor the greatest part of these maritime Provinces nor the strongest as Holland if they can possibly hinder it though they may permit them some part of the Superior for having themselves a share of the Inferior as I have formerly shewne So that our intrest is so far Englands and is the greatest security we have next to Gods protection and our owne strength that we shall not be wholly overrun and brought under the French Yea this is so highly their concernement that I perswade my selfe if all the strength of the 3 Kingdoms under the Crowne of England and all the power of Spaine with them can hinder it France shall never gaine them or if he doe never quietly posses them And these things I thinke are sufficient to free us from our foolish feares of England and to perswade us to a compliance with them seeing we are both so greatly concerned to comply We shall now proceed to shew the quite contrary of the friendship between Spaine and England that it is sound at heart and will recover Wherein we need not be so large because that which shews that the friendship of France and England must die proves that of England and Spaine will live That this friendship is sound on the side of Spaine none questions this being the great motive though not the onely I confess that hath kept them from breaking with France And that it is allso so on the side of England I thinke is as cleare to those that considers 1. Their declared intention of maintaining the Treaty at Aix la Chapelle or Aken in their Declaration of this War 2. Allthough a provisionall clause unles provoked to the contrary in the close thereof gives them a latitude of breaking with Spaine yet notwithstanding they have been provoked severall wayes by them as all know that have observed the War yet they will not breake with them we see which is a cleare demonstration their friendship is firmer then we imagine 3. The importunities of France which we know have been great that England would engage with them against Spaine allso hitherto we see have prevailed nothing therein 4. The assurance we know England hath given the Court of Spaine both there and at Bruxels concerning the Spanish Netherlands makes us not doubt of their intentions allthough we doe of France's by reason both of
their preparations and opportunities as we have formerly shewne But if France should fall upon them as we have reason to feare that will prove both our Assertions the stronglier making the friendship of England and France die immediately and that of Spaine and England quickly recover And if this save not those Provinces for the present there 's nothing so far as I see under Heaven that can as I have formerly said We perceive then the pulse of this friendship beates both strong and orderly enough to secure us from all feares of its dying le ts visit the patient once more and we shall find no further need of such Physitians advise as the Author of la France Politique in his Avis important à l'Angleterre pag. 471. and that the distemper was onely a fit or two of an Ague the last Spring and therefore so far from being dangerous that it may prove rather physicall according to the Proverb An Ague in the Spring is Physick for a King And that the Body Politick of Spaine in their friendship with England is recovering as well as the King of Spaine personally is recovered 1. If we consider the Common intrest of Europe wherein the English not onely are but allso profes themselves concerned And for this I need not any other proofe but the Triple Alliance * Jan. 23. 1668. and the Declaration of this War both which whosoever reads must needs acknowledge this for truth 2. The great Intrest of Trade which the English have in the Spanish Dominions The very effects the Merchants had standing out there were computed at the beginning of this War at sixteen Millions And can we thinke the King will easily forgoe his Customs and the Kingdome their Commerce with those Dominions Which in my calculation is equall with that they have with all Europe besides 3. We know that they have lately made a peace in the West Indies and how peremptory they are in the observance thereof so that the Governor of Jamaica upon complaints of him was sent prisoner to London clapt up in the Tower c. And shall we thinke then that they will breake into War at home 4. England cannot but be sensible of the greatnes of France and cannot be so senseles but they must needs thinke that it is their concernement that he grow not so great that he become their Master allso at last And the whole World knowes that Spaine not onely hath been now for many yeares the ballance for them but still must be so upon the Continent or none The Princes of the Empire being now so divided between the Imperiall and French Crowne What wise man therefore can thinke now that Spaine declines but that the Empire and England are highly concernd to support them And shall we thinke then that in stead of this either should help forwards their downfall For my part were there no other reason of state but this I should not fear Englands breaking with Spaine and especially now that they see what progres France hath made amongst us 5. This hath been a fundamental Maxim in the Governement of England to keep the ballance even betwixt the two Crownes of Spaine and France ever since Lewis the Elevenths time who seised on Burgundy which was formerly the usual Confederate with England against France In place whereof Austria first and after Spaine obteining the rest of the Provinces that were under Charles last Duke of Burgundy by marriage of his daughter England after still had an eye to them in reference to France And when the Civil Wars in these Provinces broke out and England was jealous of France's being our Protector Q Elisabeth would not permit it still having respect to the House of Burgundy as Thuanus and Cambdâ—n in the forecited places shew And thus you have my Conjectures with such Reasons of State whereon they are grounded as are publick and may therefore be publâ—shed I having industriously declined all reflections on private Transactions Treaties and Articles whatsoever that so no side may have any just occasion of being offended with my writing Sect. 12. France's Ambition Crowing greatnes The cause thereof We and England in the fault The Common Intrest of Europe to oppose France particularly declared of the Empire Spaine England Denmarke and this Republick and Hans Townes Yea of Sweden Savoy and Switzerland The ballance of Europe to be kept even and by whom To those that know the World the ambition of France cannot be unknown Le ts but look a litle about us and we shall see the French Intrest is every where driven on To set this forth in its right-colors would require Volums rather then Pages We shall therfore doe as the Painter that instead of drawing the Giant at length drew onely his Thumb or as Geographers that set forth great Countreys in small Maps And for this we shall not looke far backwards to former times but onely our owne since France recovered of those strong Convulsions by the Civil Wars and Dissentions in Mazarines time in the minority of his present Majesty And we shall find sufficient to awaken the most part of Princes and States in Europe to looke to themselves The Invasion of the Spanish Netherlands the taking the French Comte though after restored to the Spanish and Lorreigne which they still keepe the engageing a strong party of the Electors and Princes of the Empire for their Intrest the worke they have made in Poland and Hungary that that Crowne might be at their disposal and this diverted their taking the Swede off the Triple Alliance and obliging him to give the Emperor worke in Germany and Brandenburgh in Prussia with a great sum of Money some say and Print allso 60 Tun of Gold or 600000 l sterling the endeavours they have used with Portugal to give Spaine a diversion though that Kingdom is not in a capacity to serve their designes the worke allso they have made in Italy their intresting themselves in all Treaties allmost in Europe the Pensions they allow to Ministers of State in most Princes Courts and many other wayes they take to enlarge their Empire Those that are desirous to see their designes may consult the late Author of La France Politique ou ses desseins executez à executer And especially the ingenious discours of the Baron of Isola in 's Bouclier d'Estat de Justice Article 6. where he shows France's aspiring to the Vniversal Monarchy and by what maxims and means they advance apace towards it and as their ambition is great so their pretentions are boundles Who knows not how they pretend not onely to the Spanish Netherlands but the whole Empire Des justes pretentions du Roy sur l'Empire par le Sieur Aubery Advocat au Parliament aux conseils du Roy. Printed at Paris 1667. And there are Aubery's or at least Advocates enow in Paris to draw up pretensions to the Crowne of England and so of one Kingdome and State after another according as their Swords
in their exorbitant designes Who from the beginning of the Reformation under Francis the first Henry the 2d and Francis the 2d had growne to that strength and greatnes that they grew formidable to the Crowne of France And notwithstanding the Massacre of Merindel and Chabries A. D. 1545. and the 8 several civill Wars that was made against them by Charles the 9 and 3 by Henry the 3 the great Massacre at Paris 1572. yet God so blest them and multiplied them that in the yeare 1560 there was reckoned above 1250 Churches of them and by their severall capitulations with the two forementioned Kings at the end of their civill Wars and the Connivance of Henry the 4 formerly Head of their party they got 300 at least Garrisons and forts for their defense which he used to call the Common-wealth of Rochel that and Montauban being their principall places of strength From whom they obteined severall immunities but especially that of the liberty of their Religion which he confirmed to them by the ratification of the severall concessions of his Predecessors in the Edict of Nantes 1598 passed in the Parliament of Paris February the 25 in the following yeare Allthough the promulgation thereof out of respect to Cardinal Medices was deferd till March the 2. 1599. Which he then vehemently prest begining his speech with a strange prodigie that had fallen out betwixt Himselfe and the Duke of Guise 26 yeares before who being about to play at tables in the presence of many Nobles there appeard drops of blood which though once and againe wiped off yet new still were perceived and none knew whence there being not any in the roome that bled which he then declared for a sad omen of much blood that should be shed betwixt them two which having accordingly happend to his great grief he desired to take away all further occasions of their civill Wars by publishing that edict c. which may be seen in Thuanus Lib. 122. This great King by name and merit having fought 140 battels and skirmishes with his owne hands beleagured 300 Cities and forts was no sooner shine by the dagger of that Rascally villane Ravillac in the midst of his greatest glory and designes But his Son and Successor Lewis the 13. confirmes the same May the 22. 1610 wherein he acknowledges that Experience having taught the Kings his Predecessors that the fury and violence of Armes had not onely been unprofitable to draw their subjects to the Romane Church but was rather hurtfull which made them have recourse by a more happy Counsel to mildnes granting them the exercise of the Reformed Religion they professed in whose imitation his father Henry the 4 had made the Edict of Nantes to reconcile all his loving subjects the observation whereof had setled and assured quiet amongst them which had ever since continued without interruption And declares that though that Edict be perpotual and irrevocable and by that meanes hath no need to be confirmed by any new declarations yet to the end his subjects may be assured of his love and intention to have the said Edict inviolably kept being made for the good and quiet of his subjects therefore it is ordained by him with the advice of the Queen Regent Princes of the blood c. that the same be kept inviolably and those that shall infringe it severely punished as troublers of the publick peace of the Kingdome c. Yet notwithstanding all this the King being provoked by them is induced much against his inclination to War against them whom he declared Rebels 1621. and tooke many of their cautionary Townes from them yet this was at last composed and they reserved Rochel and severall other places still for their defence But afterwards at the instigation of Cardinal Richelieu not out of any zeale for his Religion being called the Hugonot Cardinal but of Policy to free France from their feares of the Protestant party at home with much regret the King makes War against them againe 1625. and sent to the States for Twenty sayle of Men of War according to the late Treaty which was assented unto though with great reluctancy and they was sent under Admiral Hauthain which were especially instrumentall of ruining the Protestants power at Sea and of Rochel aftewards and consequently all the power that party had left under the Duke of Rohan with nere 50 places for their Protection All their Cautionary Townes being dismantled and they having no other shelter but the shaddow of the Almighty and their Kings clemency left them to flie unto for their defence So that as I wish we had otherwise imployed our power so I pray as Schookius * Imperium maritimum c. 27. in our first War with England Deum rego fillis nepotibus non imputet quae a parentibus facta fuerunt that God may not lay this sin to our charge The Protestants having thus made their last will and Testament whereby the Crowne became sole heir and executor of all they had Lewis the last thereby became the greatest Monarch since Charles the Great his predecessors having reduced the many Provinces dismemberd from France by Hugh Capet into one entire body and he all the parts thereof to the entire subjection of the Crowne and that Kingdome at liberty to look abroad and carry on their designes where they please having for this end gained 3 keys to their neighbor Kingdoms Pignerol to enter Italy Brisack Germany and Perpignan Spaine We have seene how we have gon against our intrest in overdoing our worke le ts now see how England have been no les guilty in not doing their duty wherein they have not onely been greatly awanting to themselves but more to the Protestant intrest in Europe The Protestants in France having by Armes Treaties Concessions and Confirmations of severall Kings obteined that strength which we have declared There could be nothing more clearly the intrest of all those of the Reformed Religion and especially their Neighbors then to support them in their just rights Which Queen Elizabeth and her Council so well understood that though she had assisted these Provinces both with money and men considerably whereby she had drawne upon her a War with Spaine which was very costly to her and allso occasioned the Rebellion in Ireland which to reduce stood Her and her Kingdom of England in 4 yeares time no les if we take Morisons accompt then 1198000 L. Sterling yet she neglects not to supply Henry of Navar against the Guisian league and faction for the support of the Protestants with 101560 franks for the Baron of of Donna to raise an Army in Germany A. D. 1587 for his service and 71165 besides 20000 she spent in sending 4000 men under the conduct and command of the Lord Willoughby A. 1589. and 33333 to levy an Army under the Prince of Anhalt Camdeni Annales 1590. for the service and as much money she lent Navar himselfe the following yeare
an engagement that they had certainly fought had not the English espied an Advice-Yacht coming towards them which bringing them newes of the Protectors death they hoyst up failes and returnd home France was to pull downe Spaine by Land with his own forces and such as the Protector could spare Which Lockard the Embassador there commanded Who having beene more used to fight in the field then play the pioneers with their spades were not so much esteemed at first by the French till the sight with Don John of Austria's Army which came to relieve Dunkirke wherein they behaved themselves with that gallantry that Don John cryed out he was beat by raging wild beasts rather then men and that great Soldjer the Prince of Conde hath often said since that he never saw the like action as was that day performed by the English Shortly after Dunkerke yielded and was put into the English hands The Protector was to bring downe Spaine by Sea which he said he would do or he and his should live on bread and water Intending allso to carrie on the designe which Sidney Rawleight and several of the wisest men of the Indies but as she had too many irons in the fire to carry on that worke so how he miscarried in it is sufficiently knowne And indeed he had broke Spaines Naval power much more then he did allthough he did a great deale at Tenerif and elsewhere had it not been for a small accident that happend which was this Admirall Blake who still principled his seamen in those Confusions and frequent Revolutions of Government that the Fleet served no Parties nor Persons but the English Nation having brought some of his great ships before Tunis batterd down the Castle and compeld them to his termes for which extraordinary service he expected the reward of gratitude at least In stead thereof by his next Advice from England he hath a pardon sent him for endangering the Fleet in such an attempt without order c. Which so stuck on the stomack of that stout and sturdy Stoick that afterwards the Spanish Fleet coming on the maine Ocean off Cadiz He reading his Commission and finding it onely for fighting them in the Mediterranean would not fall on them though the Commanders Sollicited him promised to answer it for him c. onely was willing to fight if the Spanjards begun but though the English provoked them to it and affronted them all they could yet the wary Spanjard was wiser then to ingage and so saved themselves at which Oliver stormed not a litle but Blake cared not much the Admirall heereby crying quits with the Generall Thus you see what great things a little blind zeale may doe And indeed it is not so much to be admired at in him he having had such an enthusiasticall heat as all know that knew him well nor can we wonder so much if his head sometimes run round who was so continually wrapt up in such whirlepooles of affaires as he was perpetually plunged in though to miscarry in so great a concernment for the Protestant Intrest was a capitall crime in him above all others who designing to pul down the Pope * Grotius de jure bel pac l. 2. c. 22. voluntatem implondi vaticinia sine Dei mandato non essè causam bellit by bringing downe Spaine set up France to ruine the Protestants throughout Christendome Thus Ludit in humanis divina potentia rebus But these three lived not long to goe on with these designes and indeed it was well for the world they did not Oliver went first at which Mazarine was secretly glad saying when the newes was brought him as he was at play there 's then a fortunate foole gon But this was but to trample upon a dead lion whom he so ridiculously feared before that his greatest Confidents made themselves privately merry therewith Knowing how uncivily for this he put the King of England out of France and the Duke of Yorke allso notwithstanding his service and the Cavalries acclamations of vive's to him and curses of the Cardinal Yea how after his death he feared his shaddow for in the Isle of Fesant 59 at the interview of the two Kings and their Courts where the marriage was made and peace concluded betwixt them which Mazarine had reserved for his owne glory and the King of great Britaine being there received by Lewis de Haro at first with the height of a Spanish complement in the depth of the mire and treated after with all civility yet the Cardinal though courted by the Duke of Ormond durst not speake with him for feare of Lockard that was present at the Treatie But though the crafty Cardinal was no coward yet thus fearefull and timorously was he cautious for Him whom I know he hated above all Mortals and that Common-wealth above all people in the world as I can many wayes make apparent if it was of any importance to the publick But to be briefe Olivers other two Consorts followed after him quickly and these three Conquerors being cut of by death who kept all Christendome in aw whilst they lived the world had a little quiet till France got a horseback again in Flanders But betwixt and that time was that great change in England by the wonderfull providence of God in the restoration of his Majesty by which meanes the French got Dunkirke again into their hands and were therby capacitated the better to carry on their worke against these Countries Atwhich the French made themselves merry and some say abusively by having Dunkirke drawn with a purse hanging over it The English stormed and some swore Oliver would have sold his great nose rather then Dunkerke Yea this still sticks on many of their stomachs I remember at my last being in England in 66 and seeing Clarenden House and wondring a little why it was situated so neer the roade which made it both unfree and molested with dust and critising upon some other things the Oratory especially that the Chancelor that was the eldest Son of the Church of England should make his Chappel as a wag writ of Emanuel Colledge's so awry Just North and South yea verily when I came above on the leads I was so pleased with the pleasantnes of the prospect that I thought for that it might compare with any House I had seen knowing no place in England except above Greenwich that I thought comparable to it upon which the domestick had the confidence perceiving me a stranger to tell me I could not thence see Dunkirke for the Commonality had Christened it and made Dunkirke the Godfather calling the House after its name But though I confess it was against the Common Intrest of Europe that it should fall to the French againe yet whether it was against the Intrest of the King of England and that Kingdome is not so cleare to me I will onely say this that I know a person hath weighed that so well that I shall carry this
outwardly each for their own ends yet that it is not so cordiall and firme as many amongst us feare it is And to say the truth the consideration hereof was the first dawning of hopes I had for the Protestant Intrest and the good of these Countries Now allthough I could mention some more private expostulations and perhaps some of their Articles allthough I could by no means ever procure from either side the knowledge of them all yet I thinke it not fit to mention these but such things onely as are publick and others as well as my self may know if they use their eye-sight and observation Let us then omitting all secrets and mysteries of State which yet are the best grounds to make a judgement when certainely knowne we will onely mention such things as are publickly apparent but being not considered in subordination to Reasons of State were unusefull to the most for the end I have observed them When all Europe stood in doubt what England would doe and all men on their tiptoes with expectation to see whether War or Peace betwixt that Kingdome and these Countries upon the Smyrna's Fleet returne the doubts of many were then decided The Saturday morning early after the fight the Fiscale sent his footman to tell me they had fought with some generalls thereof and that the Fleet was before the Land I must confes I stood amazed at Holmes's furious folly who had orders onely to bring them up not to commence a War the Declaration thereof being not published allthough to those that would not submit to such orders it was all one in effect though not in formalities which are the greatest plea that I know of that the English have for that Action Upon this I began to consider the Reasons of State as to England both domestick and forreign For I reasoned thus if this friendship be so firme that England will goe through with France in all their great designes I must make other measures then I had formerly done But still finding all Reasons of State against this and those jealousies of changing Religion and the Government in those Kingdoms frivolous as I have demonstrated I found allso thereby stronger grounds of hope for the Protestant Religion and the common Intrest of Europe and that it was onely a temporary friendship out of some particular peake or designe against these Provinces which would have an end when satisfaction therein was given to that Crowne Whilst I am busy in ballancing all the Reasons of State for those Kingdoms and likewise for their Intrest abroad as comprehensively as I could the Protestants Intrest the Triple Alliance the greatnes of France the danger of England c. comes the English Declaration of War to mine hands but without a particular date contrary to practise but wisely to colour what Holmes had done Which having diligently perused what I desired first to see I found last to my great satisfaction and that is that they would support the peace made at Aix la Chappelle or Aken and notwithstanding the prosecution of this War will maintaine the true intent and scope of the said Treaty and that in all their Alliances which they have or shall make in the progres of this War they have and will take care to preserve the ends thereof inviolable unles provoked to the contrary Whereby I was fully confirmed in my former opinion so that I will now proceed to relate such things which have publickly past in the management of this War that are sufficient I thinke to enduce those that are unprejudiced though perhaps not to convince the obstinate to be of the same opinion with my selfe and that the friendship of England and France is not so firme as they have feared Premising that though all States as Gamesters must and will be cautious in their playing their parts yet there appeared still more then ordinary jealousies of each others friendship all along in the management of this War 1. It is observeable that though France is the Principall in the War yet they were so diffident of England that they would have them first to begin it that so they might see them certainly engaged against us 2. When they are both engaged they trust not one another without great Hostages as it were on both sides the French Squadron of Ships with the English and the Duke of Monmouth with the body of an Army with the French 3. That body of the English which doubtles should have remained together under their owne generall Officers conjoyned with the French Armie we know was not trusted by the French so to doe but were mingled here and there under the principall command of the French Generalls 4. The Fleet wherein the English had the principall share of power and command onely faced ours at first in point of Honour yet attacqued them not though they had the wind whereby they might easily have done it at their pleasure and also to their Advantage but stood over againe to the English coast Which fooles thought was want of valour but wise men will judge it reason of State that they might stay and observe what succes the French had by Land And had not we fallen upon them for Reasons of State in those circumstances and Government of these Provines that are well knowne I thinke they would have done as litle as they could for France to have fought us to this day 5. After that fight though they knew severall of our Ships were laid up and some thousands of men called out of the Fleet yet notwithstanding all the Summer after for many weeks they attempted nothing against us with their Fleet. Intending doubtles to doe their owne worke as they then saw France did theirs 6. How the English were startled at the French's coming to Vtrecht was very apparent which we have formerly mentioned 7. Why might not England as well as the rest of the World thinke that Wesel Rijnberg Skenker-sconse and the rest of our strong out Garrisons might give the French sufficient worke and the French on the contrary who had laid their traines before hand know that when they came to fire them there was no feare they would mis and they should faile of having those places Yea why may they not designe by this meanes to breake both our powers so by Sea that they may rise up to contend with either of us I am sure these things are very usuall with Princes and States and examples of this kind are infinite Why may we not then thinke that England might hereby designe to breake France's power by Land and France Englands power and ours also by Sea How often these two Crowns have played such like games with one another formerly when England had sooting in France is apparent from the Histories of both Nations But we will speake of that which more nearly concerns our selves and within our own knowledge In our first War with England I observed what influence Don Alonzo the Resident for Spaine at