eight Sols daily The Governor of them is the Duke of Chaune who is also the Lieutenant or Deputy Governour of the whole Province under the Constable their Captain Mr. Le Noyre said to be a man of good experience and worthy his place This Citadel was built by Henry 4. as soon as he had recovered the Town from the Spaniards anno 1597. It is seated on the lower part of the City though somewhat on the advantage of an hill and seemeth in mine opinion better situate to command the Town then to defend it or rather to recover the Town being taken then to save it from taking They who have seen it and know the arts of fortification report it to be impregnable Quod nec Joâ—is ira nec ignâ—s Nec poterit ferrum nec edax abolere vetustas Nor am I able to contradict it For besides that it is a skill beyond my profession we were not permitted to come within it or to take a survey of it but at a distance As soon as we approached high unto it one of the Garrison proffes'd us the Musket a sufficient warning not to be too venturous So that all which I could observe was this that they had within themselves good plenty of earth to make their Gabions and repair their breaches With the same jealousie also are the rest of the Forts and Towns of importance guarded in this and other Countreys no people that ever I heard being so open in shewing their places of strength and safety unto strangers as the English For a dozen of Ale a foreiner may pace over the curtain of Portsmouth and measure every stone and bulwark of it For a shilling more he shall see their provision of powder and other munition And when that is done if he will he shall walk the round too A French crown sathometh the wals of Dover Castle and for a pinte of wine one may see the nakednesse of the blockhouses at Gravesend A negligence which may one day cost us dearly though we now think it not For what else do we in it but commit that prodigall folly for which Pltarch condemned Pericles that is to break open all the palâ—s and inclosures of our land to the end that every man might come in freely and take away our fruit at his pleasure Jealousie though a vice in a man towards his wife is yet one of the safest vertues in a Governor towards his fortresse and therefore I could wish that an English man would in this particular borrow a little of the Italian Besides these souldiers which are continually in garrison for the defence of the Citadell there are also 300 which keep watch every night for the defence of the City The watchmen receive no pay of the King but discharge that duty amongst themselves and in turns every house finding one for that service twelve nights in the year The weapons which they use are pikes only and muskets there being not one piece of Ordinance all about the Town or on the wals of it The Governor of this Town as it hath reference to the King is a Bailly who hath belonging to him all the authority which belongeth to a siege Presâ—dial Under him he hath a Lieutenant generall and particular seven Counsellors a publick Notary and other inferior Officers and Magistrates As it is a Corporation the chief Governor of it is a Maior and next to him the Eâ—sohevins or Sheriffs as protectors of the inhabitants and their liberties besides those of the Common-councell Another circumstance there is which 〈◊〉 this Town of Amiens which is that it is a Visdamate or that it giveth honour to one of the Nobility who is called the Visdame of Amiens This title at this time belongeth to the Duke of Chaune Governor of the Ciâ—adell together with the Lordship of Piquigni both which he obtained by marrying the daughter and heir of the last Visdame of Amiens and Lord of Piquigni anno 1619. A marriage which much advanced his fortunes and which was compassed for him by the Constable Luynes his brother who also obtained for him of the King the title of Duke his highest attribute before being that of Mr. de Cadinet by which name he was known here in England at such time when he was sent extraordinary Embassador to King James This honour of Visdame is for ought I could ever see used only in France True it is that in some old English Charters we meet with this title of Vice-dominus As in the Charter of King Edred to the Abbey of Crowland in Lincolnshire dated in the year 948. there is there subscribed Ego Ingulph Vice-dominus but with us and at those times this title was only used to denote a subordination to some superior Lord and not as an honorary attribute in which sense it is now used in France Besides that with us it was frequently though falsly used for Vice comes Between which two offices of a Vicount and a Visdame there are found no small resemblances For as they which did gerere vicem Comitis were called Vicecomites or Vicounts so were they also called Vidames or Vicedomini qui domini episcopi vicem gerebant in temporalibus And as Vicounts from officers of the Earls became honorary so did the Vidames disclaim their relation to the Bishop and became Signieural or honorary also The Vidames then according to their first institution were the substitutes of the greater Bishops in matter of secular administration for which cause though they have altered their tenure they take all of them their denomination from the chieftown of some Bishoprick Neither is there any of them who holdeth not of some Bishoprick or other Concerning the number of them that are thus dignified I cannot determine Mr. Glover otherwise alled Somerset Herald in his Discourse of Nobility published by Mr. Milles of Canterbury putteth it down for absolute that here are four only viz. of Amiens of Chartres of Chalons and of Gerberey in Beauvais but in this he hath deceived both himself and his readers there being besides those divers others as of Rheimes Mans and the like But the particular and exact number of them together with the place denominating I leave to the French Heralds unto whose profession it principally belongeth CHAP. III. The Church of Nostre Dame in Amiens The principal Churches in most Cities called by her name More honour performed to her then to her Saviour The surpassing beauty of this Church on the cut-side The front of it King Henry the sevenths Chappel at Westminster The curiousnesse of this Church within By what means it became to be so The sumptuous masking closets in it The excellency of perspective works Indulgences by whom first founded The estate of the Bishoprick THere is yet one thing which addeth more lustre to the City of Amiens then either the Vidamate or the Citadel which is the Church of Nostre Dame A name by which most of the principal Churches are known in France There have
the younger brothers of England would think the contrary To conclude this generall discourse of the Normans I dare say it is as happy a Country as most in Europe were it subject to the same Kings and governed by the same Laws which it gave unto England CHAP. II. Dieppe the Town strength and importance of it The policy of Henry IV. not seconded by his Son The custome of the English Kings in placing Governours in their Forts The breaden God there and strength of the Religion Our passage from Dieppe to Roven The Norman Innes Women and Manners The importunity of servants in hosteries The sawcie familiarity of the attendants Ad pileum vocare what it was amongst the Romans Jus pileorum in the Universities of England c. JUne the 30. at 6 of the clock in the morning we landed at Dieppe one of the Haven-towns of Normandy seated on an arme of the Sea between two hils which embrace it in the nature of a Bay This secureth the Haven from the violence of the weather and is a great strength to the Town against the attempts of any forces which should assault it by Sea The Town lying within these mountains almost a quarter of a mile up the channell The Town it self is not uncomely the streets large and wel paved the houses of an indifferent height and built upright without any jettings out of one part over the other The Fortifications they say for we were not permitted to see them are very good and modern without stone within earth on the top of the hill a Castle finely seated both to defend the Town and on occasions to command it The Garrison consisteth of 60 men in pay no more but when need requireth the Captain hath authority to arme the Inhabitants The present Governour is the Duke of Longueville who also is the Governour of the province entrusted with both those charges by Lewis XIII anno 1619. An action in which he swarved somewhat from the example of his father who never committed the military command of a Countrey which is the office of the Governour and the custody of a Town of war or a Fortresse unto one man The Duke of Biron might hope as great a curtesie from that King as the most deserving of his Subjects He had stuck close to him in all his adversities received many an honourable scar in his service and indeed was both Fabius and Scipio the Sword and Buckler of the French empire In a word he might have said to this Henry what Silius in Tacitus did to Tiberius Suum militem in obsequio mansisse cum alii ad seditiones prolaberentur neque duraturum Tiberii imperium si iis quoque legionibus cupido novandi fuisset yet when he became petitioner to the King for the Citadell of Burg seated on the confines of his government of Bourgogne the King denied it The reason was because Governours of Provinces which command in chief ought not to have the command of Places and Fortresses within their Government There was also another reason more enforcing which was that the Petitioner was suspected to hold intelligence with the Duke of Savoy whose Town it was The same Henry though he loved the Duke of Espernon even to the envy of the Court yet even to him also he used the same caution Therefore when he had made him Governor of Xainroigne and Angoulmois he put also into his hands the Towns of Metz and Boulogne places so remote from the seat of his Government and so distant one from another that they did rather distract his power then increase it The Kings of England have been well and for a long time versed in this maxime of estate Let Kent be one of our examples and Hampshire the other In Kent at this time the Lieutenant or as the French would call him the Governor is the Earl of Mountgomerie yet is Dover Castle in the hands of the Duke of Buckhingham and that of Quinborough in the custody of Sir Edward Hobby of which the one commandeth the Sea and the other the Thames and the Medway In Hampshire the Lieutenant is the Earl of South-Hampton but the government of the Town and Garrison of Portesmouth is entrusted to the Earl of Pembroke neither is there any of the leâ—st Sconces or Blockhouses on the shore-side of that Countrey which is commanded by the Lieutenant But King Lewis now reigning in France minded not his Fathers action when at the same time also he made his confident Mr. Luines Governor of Picardie and of the Town and Citadell of Amiens The time ensuing gave him a sight of this State-breach For when the Dukes of Espernon Vendosme Longueville Mayenne and Nemours the Count of Soisons and others sided with the Queen Mother against the King the Duke of Longueville strengthned this Dieppe and had not Peace suddenly followed would have made it good maugre the Kings forces A Town it is of great importance King Henry IV. using it as his Asylum or City of refuge when the league was hottest against him For had he been further distressed from hence might he have made an escape into England and in at this door was the entance made for those English forces which gave him the first step to his throne The Town hath been pillaged and taken by our Richard the first in his war against Philip Augustus and in the declining of our affaires in France it was nine monthes together besieged by the Duke of York but with that successe which commonly attendeth a falling Empire The number of the Inhabitants is about 30000 whereof 9000 and upwards are of the Reformation and are allowed them for the exercise of their religion the Church of Arques a Village some two miles distant the remainders are Papists In this Town I met with the first Idolatry which ever I yet saw more then in my Books Quos antea audiebam hodie vidi Deos as a barbarous German in Vellejus said to Tiberius The Gods of Rome which before I only heard of I now saw and might have worshipped It was the Hoaste as they call it or the Sacrament reserved carryed by a couple of Priests under a Canopie ushered by two or three torches and attended by a company of boyes and old people which had no other imployment Before it went a Bell continually tinkling at the sound whereof all such as are in their houses being warned that then their God goeth by them make some shew of reverence those which meet it in the street with bended knees and elevated hands doing it honour The Protestants of this Bell make an use more religious and use it as a warning or watch-peal to avoid that stâ—eet through which they hear it coming This invention of the Bell hath somewhat in it of Tureisme it being the custome there at their Canonicall houres when they hear the criers bawling in the steeples to fall prostrate on the ground wheresoever they are and kisse it thrice so doing their
for above 70 years been troubled with a blindnesse in the eyes of his soul Thou fool said our Saviour almost in the like case first cast out the beam out of thine own eye and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote out of thy brothers eye The next morning July 3 I left my pilgrims to try their fortunes and went on in our journey to Paris which that day we were to visite My eyes not permitting me to read and my eares altogether strangers to the French chat drave my thoughts back to Roven and there nothing so much possessed me as the small honour done to Bedford in his monument I had leasure enough to provide him a longer Epitaph and a shorter apologie against the envie of that Courtier which perswaded Charles the VIII to deface the ruines of his Sepulchre Thus. Sa did the Fox the coward'st of the heard Kick the dead Lyon and profane his beard So did the Greeks about their vanquisht host Drag Hectors reliques and torment his ghost So did the Parthian slaves deride the head Of the great Crassus now betrayed and dead To whose victorious sword not lâ—ng before They would have sacrific'd their lives or more So do the French assault dead Bedfords spright And trample on his ashes in despight But foolish Curio cease and do not blame So small an honor done unto his name Why grievest thou him a Sepulchre to have Who when he liv'd could make all France a grave His sword triumph'd through all those Towns which lie In th' Isle Maine Anjoy Guyen Normandie Thy father 's felt it Oh! thou worst of men If man thou art do not endevour then This Conquerour from his last hold to thrust Whom all brave minds should honour in his dust But be not troubled Bedford thou shalt stand Above the reach of malice though the hand Of a French basenesse may deface thy name And tear it from thy marble yet shall fame Speak loudly of thee and thy acts Thy praise A Pyramis unto it self shall raise Thy brave atchievements in the times to come Shall be a monument above a Tombe Thy name shall be thy Epitaph and he Which once reads Bedford shall imagin thee Beyond the power of Verses and shall say None could expresse thy worthes a fuller way Rest thou then quiet in the shades of night Nor vex thy self with Curio's weaker spite Whilest France remains and Histories are writ Bedford shall live and France shall Chronicl ' it Having offered this unworthy yet gratefull sacrifice to the Manes of that brave Heros I had the more leasure to behold Mante and the Vines about it being the first that ever I saw They are planted like our Hop-gardens and grow up by the helpe of poles but not so high They are kept with little câ—st and yeeld profit to an husbandman sufficient to make him rich had he neither King nor Landlord The Wine which is pressed out of them is harsh and not pleasing as much differing in sweetnesse from the Wines of Paris or Orleans as their language doth in elegancy The rest of the Norman wines which are not very frequent as growing only on the frontiers towards France are of the same quality As for the Town of Maâ—â—e it seemeth to have been of good strength before the use of great Ordinances having a wall a competent ditch and at every gate a draw-bridge They are still sufficient to guard their Pullen from the Fox and in the night times to secure their houses from any forain burglary Once indeed they were able to make resistance to a King of France but the English were then within it At last on honorable termes it yeelded and was entred by Charles VII the second of August anno 1449. The Town is for building and bignesse somewhat above the better sort of Market Towns here in England The last Town of Normandy toward Paris is Pontoyse a Town well fortifyed as being a borderer and one of the strongest bulwarks against France It hath in it two fair Abbies of Maubuissen and St. Martin and six Churches Parochiall whereof that of Nostre dame in the Suburbs is the most beautifull The name it derives from a bridge built over the river of Oyse on which it is situate and by which on that side it is well defended the bridge being strengthned with a strong gate and two draw-bridges It is commodiously situate on the rising of an hill and is famous for the siege laid before it bâ— Charles VII anno 1442. but more fortunate unto him in the taking of it For having raised his Army upon the Duke of Yorks coming to give him battail with 6000 only the French Army consisting of double the number he retired or fled rather unto St. Denis but there hearing how scandalous his retreat was to the Parisians even ready to mutiny and that the Duke of Orleans and others of the Princes stirred with the ignominiousnesse of his flight began to practise against him he speedily returned to Pontoyse and maketh himself master of it by assault Certainly to that fright he owed the getting of this Town and all Normandy the French by that door making their entrie unto this Province out of which at last they thrust the English anno 1450. So desperate a thing is a frighted coward This Countrey had once before been in pâ—ssession of the English and that by a firmer title then the sword William the Conqueror had conveiâ—d it over the Sâ—â—s into England and it continued an Appendix of that Crown from the year 1067 unto that of 1204. At that time John called Sans terre third son unto King Henry II. having usurped the estates of England and the English possessions in France upâ—n Aâ—thur heir of Bretagne and son unto Geofry his elder brother was warred on by Philip Augustus King of France who sided with the said Arthur In the end Arthur was taken and not long after was found dead in the ditches of the Castle of Roven Whether this violent death happened unto him by the practise of his Uncle as the French say or that the young Prince came to that unfortunate end in an attempt to escape as the English report is not yet determined For my part considering the other carriages and virulencies of that King I dare be of that opinion that the death of Arthur was not without his contrivement Certainly he that rebelled against his Father and practised the eternall imprisonment and ruine of his Brother would not much stick this being so speedy a way to settle his affaires at the murder of a Nephew Upon the first bruit of this murder Constance mother to the young Prince complaineth unto the King and Parliament of France not the Court which now is in force consisting of men only of the long robe but the Court of the Pâ—iâ—rie or 12 Peeres whereof King John himself was one as Duke of Normandy I see not how in justice Philip could do lesse then summon him an
were rung more closely nor with lesse confusion Thus having given your Lordship a brief view of the course of our Voyage I shall next present you with the sight of such observations as I have made upon those Islands at my times of leasure and that being done hoise sail for England CHAP. I. 1 Of the convenient situation and 2 condition of these Islands in the generall 3 Alderney 4 and Serkâ— 5 The notable stratagem whereby this latter was recovered from the French 6 Of Guernzey 7 and the smaller Isles neer unto it 8 Our Lady of Lehu 9 The road and 10 the Castle of Cornet 11 The Trade and 12 Priviledges of this people 13 Of Jarsey and 14 the strengths about it 15 The Island why so poor and populous 16 Gavelkind and the nature of it 17 The Governours and other the Kings Officers The 18 Politie and 19 administration of Justice in both Islands 20 The Assembly of the Three Estates 21 Courts Presidiall in France what they are 22 The election of the Justices 23 and the Oath taken at their admission 24 Of their Advocates or Pleaders and the number of them 25 The number of Atturneys once limited in England 26 A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey TO begin then with the places themselves the Scene and Stage of our discourse they are the only remainders of our rights in Normandy unto which Dukedome they did once belong Anno 1108. at such time as Henry I. of England had taken prisoner his Brother Robert these Islands as a part of Normandy were annext unto the English Crown and have ever since with great testimony of â—aith and loyalty continued in that subjection The sentence or arrest of confiscation given by the Parliament of France against King John nor the surprisall of Normandy by the French forces could be no perswasion unto them to change their Masters Nay when the French had twice seized on them during the Reign of that unhappy Prince and the state of England was embroyled at home the people valiantly made good their own and faithfully returned unto their first obedience In aftertimes as any war grew hot between the English and the French these Islands were principally aimed at by the enemy and sometimes also were attempted by them but with ill successe And certainly it could not be but an eye sore to the French to have these Isles within their sight and not within their power to see them at the least in possession of their ancient enemy the English a Nation strong in shipping and likely by the opportunity of these places to annoy their trade For if we look upon them in their situation we shall find them seated purposely for the command and Empire of the Ocean The Islands lying in the chief trade of all shipping from the Eastern parts unto the West and in the middle way between St. Malos and the river Seine the only trafick of the Normans and Parisians At this St. Malos as at a common Empory do the Merchants of Spain and Paris barter their Commodities the Parisians making both their passage and return by these Isles which if wel aided by a smal power from the Kings Navy would quickly bring that entercourse to nothing An opportunity neglected by our former Kings in their attempts upon that Nation at not being then so powerfull on the Seas as now they are but likely for the future to be husbanded to the best advantage if the French hereafter stir against us Sure I am that my Lord of Danby conceived this course of all others to be the fittest for the impoverishing if not undoing of the French and accordingly made proposition by his Letters to the Councell that a squadron of eight Ships viz five of the Whelpes the Assurance the Adventure and the Catch might be employed about these Islands for that purpose An advice which had this Summer took effect had not the Peace between both Realms been so suddenly concluded Of these four only are inhabited and those reduced only unto two Governments Jarsey an entire Province as it were within it self but that of Gueruzey having the other two of Alderney and Serke dependant on it Hence it is that in our Histories and in our Acts of Parliament we have mention only of Jarsey and of Guernzey this last comprehending under it the two other The people of them all live as it were in libera custodia in a kind of free subjection not any way acquainted with Taxes or with any levies either of men or money In so much that when the Parliaments of England contribute towards the occasion of their Princes there is alwayes a proviso in the Act That this grant of Subsidies or any thing therein contained extend not to charge the inhabitants of Guernzey and Jarsey or any of them of for or concerning any Mannors Lands and Tenements or other possessions Goods Chattels or other moveable substance which they the said Inhabitants or any other to their uses have within Jarsey and Guernzey or in any of them c. These priviledges and immunities together with divers others seconded of late dayes with the more powerfull band of Religion have been a principall occasion of that constancy wherewith they have persisted faithfully in their allegiance and disclaimed even the very name and thought of France For howsoever the language which they speak is French and that in their originall they either were of Normandy or Britagne yet can they with no patience endure to be accounted French but call themselves by the names of English-Normans So much doth liberty or at the worst a gentle yoak prevail upon the mind and fancy of the people To proceed unto particulars we will take them as they lie in order beginning first with that of Alderney an Island called by Antonine Arica but by the French and in our old Records known by the name of Aurigny and Aurney It is situate in the 49 degree between 48 52 minutes of that degree just over against the Cape or promontory of the Lexobii called at this time by the Mariners the Hague Distant from this Cape or Promontory three leagues only but thirty at the least from the nearest part of England The aire healthy though sometimes thickned with the vapours arising from the Sea The soil indifferently rich both for husbandry and graâ—ing A Town it hath of well-near an hundred families and not far off an haven made in the manner of a semicircle which they call Crabbie The principall strength of it are the high rocks with which it is on every side environed but especially upon the South and on the East side an old Block house which time hath made almost unserviceable The chief house herein belongeth unto the Chamberlains as also the dominion or Fee-farme of all the Island it being granted by Queen Elizabeth unto George the son of Sir Leonard Chamberlain then Governour of Guernzey by whose valour it was recovered from
good that change For when Meroveus the Grandchilde of Pharamond so he is said to be by Rusener as eldest son of Clodian the son of Pharamond but Paradine the best Herald of all the French speaks more doubtfully of him not knowing whether he were the son or next kinsman of Clodian and others whose authority I have elsewhere followed make him to be the Master of the Horse to Clodian whose children he is said to have dispossessed of the Crown and transferred the same unto himself The reason of the name I could not learn amongst the people That is to say not such a reason of the name as I then approved of my conceit strongly carrying me to the Bellocassi whom I would fain have setled in the Countrey of La Beause and from them derived that name unto it But stronger reasons since have perswaded the contrary so that leaving the Bellocassi near Baieux in the Dukedome of Normandie we must derive the name of La Beause and Belsia by which it is severally called by the French and Latines from the exceeding beautifulnesse of that flourishing Province that which the Latines call Bellus in the Masculine and Bella in the Feminine Gender being by the the French called Bell and Beau as it after followeth Picardie is divided into the higher which containeth the Countreys of Calice and Bologne c. That Picardie is divided into the higher and the lower is a Truth well known though I know not by what negligence of mine they are here misplaced that being the lower Picardie which lyeth next the sea containing the Countreys of Calais and Bologne with the Towns of Abbeville and Monstreuille and that the higher Picardie which liethmore into the Land in which standeth the fair City of Amiens and many other Towns and Territories else where described Both these were born unto the King by Madam Gabriele for her excellent beauty surnamed La Belle Madam Gabriele is brought in here before her time and bâ—ing left out the sense will run as currently but more truly thus Both these were born unto the King by the Dutchâ—sse of Beaufort a Lady whom the King c. And for the children which she brought him though they are named right yet as I have been since informed they are marshalled wrong Caesar Duke of Vendosm being the eldest not the younger son And as for Madam Gabriele she was indeed the King best beloved Concubine one whom he kept not only for his private chamber but carried publickly along with him in the course of his wars Insomuch that when the Duke of Biron had besieged Amiens being then lately surprized by the Spaniards as before was intimated and was promised succours by the King with all speed that might be the King at last came forwards with Madam Gabriele and a train of Ladies to attend her which being noted by the Duke he cryed aloud with a great deal of scorn and indignation Behold the goodly succours which the King hath brought us A Lady in great favour but in greater power to whom the character was intended which by mistake is here given to the Dutchesse of Beaufort though possibly that Dutchesse also might deserve part of it When the Liturgie was translated into Latine by Doctor Mocket Not by him first translated as the words may intimate it having been translated into Latine in Queen Elizabeths time But that Edition being worn out and the Book grown scarse the Doctor gave it a Review and caused it to be reprinted together with Bishop Jewels Apologie the Articles of the Church of England the Doctrinal points delivered in the Book of Homilies with some other pieces which being so reviewed and published gave that contentment to many sober minded men of the Romish party which is after mentioned In the Relation of the second Journey I finde no mistakes requiring any Animadversions as written in a riper judgement and with greater care because intended to a person of such known abilities Nor was I lesse diligent in gathering the materials for it then carefull that it might be free from mistakes and errors not only informing my self punctually in all things which concerned these Islands by persons of most knowledge and experience in the affairs and state of either but with mine own hand copying out some of their Records many whole Letters from the Councel and Court of England the whole body of the Genevian Discipline obtruded on both Islands by Snape and Cartwright the Canons recommended by King James to the Isle of Jarsey besides many papers of lesse bulk and consequence out of all which I have so enlarged that discourse that if it be not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it comes very near it Certain I am that here is more delivered of the affairs of these Islands and on their accompt then all the Authors which have ever written of them being layed together can amount unto For in pursuance of this part I have took a full survey of those Islands which I went to visit together with such alterations in Religion as have hapned there both when they were under the Popes of Rome and the Bishops of Constance as since they have discharged themselves from the power of both The Reformation there being modelled according to the Genevian Plat-form occasioned me to search into the beginning growth and progresse of the Presbyterian government with the setling of it in these Islands together with the whole body of that Discipline as it was there setled and some short observations on the text thereof the better to lay open the novelty absurdity and ill consequents of it That done I have declared by what means and motives the Isle of Jarsey was made conformable in point of discipline and devotion to the Church of England and given the Reader a full view of that body of Canons which was composed and confirmed for regulating the affairs thereof in sacred matters and after a short application tending to the advancement of my main design do conclude the whole Lastly I am to tell the Reader that though I was chiefly drawn to publish these Relations at this present time for preventing all impressions of them by any of those false copies which are got abroad yet I am given to understand that the first is coming out if not out already under the Title of France painted out to the life but painted by so short a Pensil as makes it want much of that life which it ought to have By whom and with what colour that piece is painted thus without my consent I may learn hereafter In the mean time whether that Piece be printed with or without my name unto it I must protest against the wrong and disclaim the work as printed by a false and imperfect copy deficient in some whole Sections the distribution of the books and parts not kept according to my minde and method destitute also of those Explications and Corrections which I have given unto it on my last perusal in this general Preface
and prudent woman p. 204. CHAP. II. Two Religions strugling in France like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca The comparison between them two and those in the general A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France in Policie Priviledge and Revenue The complaint of the Clergy to the King The acknowledgment of the French Church to the Pope meerly titular The pragmatick sanction Maxima tua fatuitas and Conventui Tridentino severally written to the Pope and Trent Councell The tedious quarrell about Investitures Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites The French B shops not to medle with Fryers their lives and land The ignorance of the French Priests The Chanoins Latine in Orleans The French not hard to be converted if plausibly humoured p. 216. CHAP. III. The correspondency between the French King and the Pope This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England An English Catholicks conceit of it His Holinesse Nuncio in Paris A learned Argument to prove the Popes universality A continuation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns Their present estate and strength The last War against them justly undertaken not fairly managed Their insolencies and disobedience to the Kings command Their purpose to have themselves a free estate The war not a war of Religion King James in justice could not assist them more then he did First for saken by their own party Their happinesse before the war The Court of the edict A view of them in their Churches The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England Their Discipline and Ministers c. p. 229 CHAP. IV. The connexion between the Church and Common wealth in generall A transition to the particular of France The Government there meerly regall A mixt forme of Government most commendable The Kings Patents for Offices Monopolies above the censure of Parliament The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes The Kings gifts and expences The Chamber of Accounts France divided into three sorts of people The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France The Kings power how much respected by the Princes The powerablenesse of that rank The formall execution done on them The multitude and confusion of Nobility King James defended A censure of the French Heralds The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants Their priviledges gibbets and other Regalia They conspire with the King to undoe the Commons p. 246. CHAP. V. The base and low estate of the French Paisant The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes The suppressing of the Subject prejudiciall to a State The wisdome of Henry VII The Forces all in the Cavallerie The cruell impositions laid upon the people by the King No demain in France Why the tryall by twelve men can be used only in England The Gabell of Salt The Popes licence for wenching The Gabell of whom refused and why The Gascoines impatient of Taxes The taille and taillion The Pancarke or Aides The vain resistance of those of Paris The Court of Aides The manner of gathering the Kings moneys The Kings revenue The corruption of the French publicans King Lewis why called the just The monies currant in France The gold of Spain more Catholick then the King The happinesse of the English Subjects A congratulation unto England The conclusion of the first Journey p. 258. GUERNZEY and JARSEY OR THE SIXTH BOOK The Entrance 1 The occasion of c. 2 Introduction to this work 3 The Dedication 4 and Method of the whole The beginning continuance of our voyage with the most remarkable passages which happened in it The mercenary falsnesse of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of warre p. 179. CHAP. I. 1 Of the convenient situation and 2 condition of these Islands in the generall 3 Alderney and 4 Serke 5 The notable stratagem whereby this latter was recovered from the French 6 Of Guernzey 7 and the smaller Isles neer unto it 8 Our Lady of Lebu 9 The road and 10 the Castle of Cornet 11 The Trade and 12 Priviledges of this people 13 Of Jarsey and 14 the strengths about it 15 The Island why so poor and populous 16 Gavelkind and the nature of it 17 The Governours and other the Kings Officers The 18 Politie and 19 administration of justice in both Islands 20 The Assembly of the Three Estates 21 Courts Presidiall in France what they are 22 The election of the Justices 23 and the Oath taken at their admission 24 Of their Advocates or Pleaders and the number of them 25 The number of Atturneys once limited in England 26 A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey p. 292. CHAP. II. 1 The City and Diâ—cesse of Constance 2 The condition of these Islands under that Government 3 Churches appropriated what they were 4 The Black Book of Constance 5 That called Dooms day 6 The suppression of Priors Aliens 7 Priours Dative how they differed from the Conventuals 8 The condition of theâ—e Churches after the suppression 9 A Diagram of the Revenue then allotted to each severall Parish together with the Ministers and Justices now being 10 What is meant by Champarte desarts and French querrui 11 The alteration of Religion in these Islands 12 Persecution here in the days of Queen Mary The Authors indignation at it expressed in a Poeticall rapture 13 The Islands annexed for ever to the Diocese of Wâ—nton and for what reasons p. 313. CHAP. III. 1 The condition of Geneva under their Bishop 2 The alteration there both in Politie and 3 in Religion 4 The state of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither 5 The conception 6 birth and 7 growth of the New Discipline 8 The quality of Lay-elders 9 The different proceedings of Calvin 10 and Beza in the propagation of that cause 11 Both of them enemies to the Church of England 12 The first enrtance of this Platforme into the Islands 13 A permission of it by the Queen and the Councell in St. Peters and St. Hillaries 14 The letters of the Councell to that purpose 15 The tumults raised in England by the brethren 16 Snape and Cartwright establish the new Discipline in the rest of the Islands p. 327. CHAP. IV. The Discipline Ecclesiasticall according as it hath been in practise of the Church after the Reformation of the same by the Ministers Elders and Deacons of the Isles of Guernzey Jarsey Serke and Alderney confirmed by the authority and in the presence of the Governours of the same Isles in a Synod holden in Guernzey the 28 of June 1576. And afterwards revived by the said Ministers and Elders and confirmed by the said Governours in a Synod holden also in Guernzey the 11 12 13 14 15 and 17. days of October 1597. p. 338. CHAP. V. 1 Annotations on the Discipline 2 Nâ—place in it for the Kings Supremacy 3
crest-faln and at once lost both their spirits and their liberty The present Norman then is but the corruption of the Antient the heir of his name and perhaps his possessions but neither of his strength nor his manhood Bondage and a fruitfull soil hath so emasculated them that it is a lost labour to look for Normans even in Normandy There remaineth nothing almost in them of their progenitours but the remainders of two qualities and those also degenerated if not bastards a penurious pride and an ungoverned doggednesse Neither of them become their fortune or their habite yet to these they are constant Finally view him in his rags and dejected countenance and you would swear it impossible that these snakes should be the descendents of those brave Heroes which so often triumphed over both Religions foiling the Saracens and vanquishing the Christians But perchance their courage is evaporated into wit and then the change is made for the better Ortelius would seem to perswade us to this conceit of them and well might he do it if his words were Oracles Le gens saith he speaking of this Nation sont des plus accorts subtils d' esprit de la Gaule A character for which the French will little thank him who if he speak truth must in matter of discretion give precedency to their Vassals But as Imbalt a French leader said of the Florentines in the fifth book of Guicciardine Non sapeva dove consistesse lingegne tanto celebrate de Fiorentini so may I of the Normans For my part I could never yet find where that great wit of theirs lay Certain it is that as the French in generall are termed the Kings Asses so may these men peculiarly be called the Asses of the French or the veriest Asses of the rest For what with the unproportionable rents they pay to their Lords on the one side and the immeasurable taxes laid upon them by the King on the other they are kept in such a perpetuated course of drudgery that there is no place for wit or wisdome left amongst them Liberty is the Mother and the Nurse of those two qualities and therefore the Romans not unhappily expressed both the conditions of a Freeman and a discreet and modest personage by this own word Ingenuus Why the French King should lay a greater burden on the backs of this Nation then their fellowes I cannot determine Perhaps it is because they have been twice conquered by them once from King John and again from Henry VI. and therefore undergo a double servitude It may be to abate their naturall pride and stubbornnesse Likely also it is that being a revolting people and apt to an apostasie from their allegiance they may by this meanes be kept impoverished and by consequence disabled from such practises This a French Gentleman of good understanding told me that it was generally conceited in France that the Normans would suddenly and unanimously betray their Countrey to the English were the King a Catholick But there is yet a further cause of their beggerlinesse and poverty which is their litigiousnesse and frequent going to law as we call it Ortelius however he failed in the first part of their character in the conclusion of it hath done them justice Mais en generall saith he ils sont scavans au possible en proces plaideries They are prety well versed in the quirks of the Law and have wit more then enough to wrangle In this they agree exactly well with the Inhabitants of our Country of Norfolk ex infima plebe non pauci reperiuntur saith Mr. Camden quin si nihil litium sit lites tamen ex ipsis juris apicibus serere calleant They are prety fellowes to finde out quirks in Law and to it they will whatsoever it cost them Mr. Camden spake not this at randome or by the guesse For besides what my self observed in them at my being once amongst them in a Colledge progresse I have heard that there have been no lesse then 340 Nisi prius tryed there at one Assizes The reason of this likenesse between the two Nations I conjecture to be the resemblance of the site and soil both lie upon the Sea with a long and a spacious Coast both enjoy a Countrey Champain little swelled with hils and for the most part of a light and sandy mould To proceed to no more particulars if there be any difference between the two Provinces it is only this that the Countrey of Normandy and the people of Norfolk are somewhat the richer For indeed the Countrey of Normandie is enriched with a fat and liking soil such an one Quae demum votis avari agricolae respondet which may satisfie the expectation of the Husbandman were it never so exorbitant In my life I never saw Corn-fields more large and lovely extended in an equall levell almost as far as eye can reach The Wheat for I saw little Barley of a fair length in the stalke and so heavy in the ear that it is even bended double You would think the grain had a desire to kisse the earth its mother or that it purposed by making it self away into the ground to save the Plough-man his next years labour Thick it groweth and so perfectly void of weeds that no garden can be imagined to be kept cleaner by Art then these fields are by Nature Pasture ground it hath little and lesse Meddow yet sufficient to nourish those few Cattel they have in it In all the way between Dieppe and Pontoyse I saw but two flocks of Sheep and them not above 40 in a flock Kine they have in some measure but not fat nor large without these there were no living for them The Nobles eat the flesh whilst the Farmer seeds on Butter and Cheese and that but sparingly But the miserable estates of the Norman paisant we will defer till another opportunity Swine also they have in prety number and some Pullen in their back sides but of neither an excesse The principall River of it is Seine of which more hereafter and besides this I saw two rivulets Robee and Renelle In matter of Civill Government this Countrey is directed by the court of Parliament established at Roven For matters Military it hath an Officer like the Lieutenant of our shires in England the Governor they call him The present Governor is Mr. Le duc de Longueville to whom the charge of this Province was committed by the present King Lewis XIII anno 1619. The Lawes by which they are governed are the Civill or Imperiall augmented by some Customes of the French and others more particular which are the Norman One of the principal'st is in matters of inheritance the French custome giving to all the Sons an equality in the estate which we in England call Gavelkind the Norman dividing the estate into three parts and thereof allotting two unto the eldest brother and a third to be divided among the others A law which the French count not just
the later French writers for those of the former age savour too much of the Legend make her to be a lusty Lasse of Lorrein trained up by the Bastard of Orleans and the Seigneur of Baudricourte only for this service And that she might carry with her the reputation of a Prophetesse and an Ambassadresse from heaven admit this and farewell witchcraft And for the sentence of her condemnation and the confirmation of it by the Divines and University of Paris it is with me of no moment being composed only to humour the Victor If this could sway me I had more reason to incline to the other party for when Charles had setled his estate the same men who had condemned her of sorcery absolved her and there was also added in defence of her innocency a Decree from the Court of Rome Joane then with me shall inherit the title of La pucille d' Orleans with me she shall be ranked amongst the famous Captains of her times and be placed in the same throne equall with the valiantest of all her sexe in time before her Let those whom partiality hath wrested aside from the path of truth proclaim her for a sorceresse for my part I will not flatter my best fortunes of my Countrey to the prejudice of a truth neither will I ever be enduced to think of this female warrier otherwise then of a noble Captain Audetque viris concurrere virgo Penthesilea did it Why not she Without the stain of spels and sorcerie Why should those acts in her be counted sin Which in the other have commended bin Nor is it fit that France should be deni'd This female souldier sinâ—e all Realms beside Have had the honour of one and relate How much that sexe hath re-enforc'd the state Of their decaying strengths Let Scythia spare To speak of Tomyris th' Assyrians care Shall be no more to hear the deeds recited Of Ninus wife Nor are the Dutch delighted To hear their Valleda extoll'd the name Of this French warrier hath eclips'd their fame And silenc'd their atchievements Let the praise That 's due to vertue wait upon her Raise An obelisque unto her you of Gaule And let her acts live in the mouthes of all Speak boldly of her and of her alone That never Lady was as good as Jone She died a virgin 't was because the earth Held not a man whose vertues or whose birth Might merit such a blessing But above The gods provided her a fitting love And gave her to St. Denis shee with him Protects the Lillies and their Diadem You then about whose armies she doth watch Give her the honour due unto her match And when in field your standards you advance Cry loud St. Denis and St. Jone for France CHAP. III. The study of the Civill Law revived in Europe The dead time of learning The Schools of Law in Orleans The oeconomie of them The Chancellour of Oxford antiently appointed by the Diocesan Their methode here and prodigality in bestowing degrees Orleans a great conflux of strangers The language there The Corporation of Germans there Their house and priviledges Dutch and Latine The difference between an Academie and an University I Have now done with the Town and City of Orleans and am come unto the University or Schools of Law which are in it this being one of the first places in which the study of the Civill Lawes was revived in Europe For immediately after the death of Justinian who out of no lesse then 2000 volumes of law-writers had collected that bodie of the Imperiall Lawes which we now call the Digests or the Pandects the study of them grew neglected in these Western parts nor did any for a long time professe or read them the reason was because Italy France Spain England and Germany having received new Lords over them as the Franks Lombards Saxons Saracens and others were fain to submit themselves to their Laws It happened afterwards that Lotharius Saxo the Emperour wh 〈…〉 gan his reign anno 1126. being 560 years after the death of Justinian having taken the City of Melphy in Naples found there an old copy of the Pandects This he gave to the Pisans his confederates as a most reverend relick of Learning and Antiquity whence it is called Littera Pisana Moreover he founded the University of Bologne or Bononia ordering the Civill Law to be profest there one Wirner being the first Professor upon whose advice the said Emperor ordained that Bononia should be Legum juris Schola una sola and here was the first time and place of that study in the Western Empire But it was not the fate only of the Civill Laws to be thus neglected All other parts of learning both Arts and languages were in the same desperate estates the Poets exclamation of O saeclum insipiens infacetum never being so applyable as in those times For it is with the knowledge of good letters as it was with the effects of nature they have times of groweth alike of perfection and of death Like the sea it hath its ebbs as well as its flouds and like the earth it hath its Winter wherein the seeds of it are deaded and bound up as well as a Spring wherein it reflourisheth Thus the learning of the Greeks lay forgotten and lost in Europe for 700 years even untill Emanuel Chrysolaras taught it at Venice being driven out of his Countrey by the Turks Thus the Philosophy of Aristotle lay hidden in the moath of dust and libraries Et nominabatur potius quod legebatur as Ludovicus Vives observeth in his notes upon St. Austine untill the time of Alexander Aphrodiseus And thus also lay the elegancies of the Roman tongue obscured till that Erasmus More and Reuchlyn in the severall Kingdomes of Germany England and France endeavoured the restauration of it But to return to the Civill Law After the foundation of the University of Bologne it pleased Philip le bel King of France to found another here at Orleans for the same purpose anno 1312. which was the first School of that profession on this side the mountains This is evident by the Bull of Clement V. dated at Lyons in the year 1367. where he giveth it this title Fructiferum universitatis Aurelianensts intra caetera citramontana studia prius solennius antiquius tam civilis quam Canonicae facultatis studium At the first there were instituted eight Professors now they are reduced to four only the reason of this decrease being the increase of Universities The place in which they read their Lectures is called Les grand escoles and part of the City La Universite neither of which attributes it can any way remit Colledge they have none either to lodge the students or entertain the Professors the former sojourning in divers places of the Town these last in their severall houses As for their place of reading which they call Les grans escoles it is only an old barn converted into a School by the
Bishop of it was one Firminus a native of Pampelune in the Kingdom of Navarre who suffered Martyrdome under the Emperour Diocletian To him succeeded another Firminus to whom the first foundation of the Church is attributed The present Diocesan is named Franciscus Faber his intrade about 6000 crownes a year Chanoins there are in the Church to the number of forty of whose revenue I could not learn any thing neither could I be so happy as to see the head of St. John Baptist whis is said to be here entire though it cannot be denied that a piece of it is in the holy Chappell at Paris besides those fractions of it which are in other places CHAP. IV. Our Journey down the Some and Company The Town and Castle of Piquigni for what famous Comines censure of the English in matter of Prophecies A farewell to the Church of Amiens The Town and Castle of Pont D' Armie Abbeville how seated and the Garrison there No Governour in it but the Maior or Provost The Authors imprudent curiosity and the curtesie of the Provost to him The French Post-horses how base and tired My preferment to the Trunke-horse The horse of Philip de Comines The Town and strength of Monstreville The importance of these three Towns to the French border c. JUly the 30. we took boat to go down to Abbeville by the river of Some a river of no great breadth but deep and full the boat which carryed us was much of the making of those Lighters which live upon the Thames but that is was made more wiâ—ldie and fit for speed There were in it of us in all to the number of 30 persons or thereabouts people of all conditions and such with whom a man of any humor might have found a companion Under the tilt we espied a bevie of Lasses mixt with some young Gentlemen To them we applyed our selves and they taking a delight to hear our broken French made much of our company for in that little time of our abode there we had learned only so much of the French as a little child after a years practise hath of his mothers tongue Linguis dimidiata adhuc verba tentantibus loquela ipso offensantis linguae fragmine dulciori The Gentlewomen next those of Orleans were the handsomest that I had seen in France very pleasant and affable one of them being she which put my Religion to the touchstone of kissing the crosse of her beads Thus associated we passed merrily down the streame though slowly the delight which our language gave the companie and the content which their liberal humanity afforded to us beguiling the tediousnesse of the way The first thing we met with observable was the Town and Castle of Piquigni The Town poor and beggerly and so unlikely to have named the Province as Mercator would have it besides the disproportion and dissimilitude of the names The Castle situate on the top of the hill is now a place of more pleasure then strength as having command over an open and goodly Countrey which lyeth below it It belongeth as we have said to the Vid 〈…〉 te of Amiens and so doth the Town also This Town is famous among the French for a Tradition and a truth the Tradition is of a famous defeat given unto the English near unto it but in whose reign and under whose conduct they could not tell us Being thus routed they fled to this Town into which their enemies followed with them intending to put them all to the sword but at last their fury being allaied they proposed that mercy to them which those of G 〈…〉 ad did unto those of Ephraim in the Scriptures life and liberty being promised to all them which could pronounce this word Piquigni It seemeth it was not in those dayes a word possible for an English mouth for the English saying all of them Pequenie in stead of Piquigni were all of them put to the sword thus far the Tradition The Truth of story by which this Town is famous in the writers of both Nations is an enterview here given betwixt our Edward IV. and their Lewis XI upon the concluding of their nine years truce A circumstance of no great moment of it self had not Philip de Comines made it such by one of his own observations Upon this meeting the Chancellor of England being Bishop of Ely made an oration to both Kings beginning with a prophesie which said that in this place of Piquigni an honourable peace should be concluded between the two Kingdoms on this ground which himself also is the only man that relateth he hath built two observations the one I have not the originall by me That the English men are never unfurnished with Prophesies the other That they ground every thing they speak upon Prophesies How far those times were guilty of that humor I cannot say though sure I am that we are not the only men that were so affected Paulus Jovius in some place of his Histories I remember not the particular hath vindicated that quarrell for us and fastned the same imputation on the French So true is that of the Tragedian Quod quisque fecit patitur authorem scelus repetit And now being past Piquigni I have lost the sight of the Church of Amiens The fairest Fabrick and most rich to see That ere was guilty of mortalitie No present Structure like it nor can fame In all its bed-rols boast an equall name Let then the barbarous Egyptians cease So to extoll their huge Pyramides Let them grow silent of their Pharus and Conceale the other triumph of their Land And let the Carians henceforth leave to raise Their Mausolaea with such endlesse praise This Church alone doth the 〈…〉 much excell As they the lowest Cottages where do dwell The least of men as they those urnes which keep The s 〈…〉 st ashes which are laid to sleep Nor be thou vext thou glorious Queen of night Nor let a cloud of darknesse mesk thy light That renewnd Temple which the Greeks did call The worlds seventh wonder and the fairest of all That pile so famous that the world did see Two only great and high thy same and thee Is neither burnt and perisht Ephesus Survives the follies of Erostratus Only thy name in Europe to advance It was transported to the Realm of France And here it stands not robb'd of any grace Which there it had nor altred save in place Cast thy beams on it and t will soon be prov'd Thy Temple was not ruin'd but remov'd Nor are thy rites so chang'd but thou'lt aver This Christian is thy old Idolater But oh good God! how long shall thy decree Permit this Temple to Idolatrie How long shall they profane this Church and make Those sacred wals and pavements to partake Of their loud sins and here that Doctrine teach ' Gainst which the very stones do seem to preach Reduce them Lord unto thee make them see How ill this building and their
Of these Alliances the first were very profitable to both Princes could there be made a marriage between the Kingdoms as well as the Kings But it is well known that the affections of each people are divided with more unconquerable mountains then their Dominions The French extreamly hating the proud humor and ambition of the Spaniard and the Spaniard as much loathing the vain and unconstant lightnesse of the French we may therefore account each of them in these inter-marriages to have rather intended the perpetuity of their particular houses then the strength of their Empires and that they more desired a noble stock wherein to graft posterity then power The Alliance with Savoy is more advantagious though lesse powerfull then that of Spain for if the King of France can keep this Prince on his party he need not fear the greatnesse of the other or of any of his faction The continuall siding of this house with that of Austria having given great and many impediments to the fortune of the French It standeth so fitly to countenance the affaires of either King in Italy or Germany to which it shall encline that it is just of the same nature with the state of Florence between Millaine and Venice of which Guicciardine saith that Mantennero le cose d' Italia bilanciate On this reason Henry IV. earnestly desired to match one of his children into this Countrey and left this desire as a Legacy with his Councell But the Alliance of most use to the State of France is that of England as being the nighest and most able of all his neighbours an alliance which will make his estate invincible and encompassed about as it were with a wall of brasse As for the Kings bastard Brethren they are four in number and born of three severall beds The elder is Alexander made Knight of the Order of St. John or of Malta in the life time of his Father He is now Grand Prior of France and it is much laboured and hoped by the French that he shall be the next Master of the Order a place of great credit and command The second and most loved of his father whose lively image and character he is said to be is Mr. Cesar made Duke of Vendosme by his father and at this time Governour of Britain a man of a brave spirit and one who swayeth much in the affairs of state his father took a great care for his advancement before his death and therefore marryed him to the daughter and heir of the Duke of Mercuer a man of great possessions in Britain It is thought that the inheritance of this Lady both by her Fathers side and also by the Mothers who was of the family of Martiques being a stock of the old Ducall tree is no lesse then 200000 crownes yearly both these were borne unto the King by Madam Gabriele for her excellent beauty surnamed La belle Dutchesse of Beauforte a Lady whom the King entirely affected even to her last gaspe and one who never abused her power with him So that one may truly say of her what Velleius flatteringly spake of Liviae the wife of Augustus Ejus potentiam nemo sensit nisi aut levatione periculi aut accessione dignitatis The third of the Kings naturall brethren is Mr. Henry now Bishop of Metz in Lorreine and Abbot of St. Germans in Paris as Abbot he is Lord of the goodly Fauxbourg of St. Germans and hath the profit of the great Fair there holden which make a large revenue His Bishoprick yeeldeth him the profits of 20000 Crowns and upwards which is the remainder of 6000 the rest being paâ—ned unto the Duke of Lorreine by the last Bishop hereof who was of that Family The mother of this Mr. Henry is the Marchionesse of Verneville who before the death of the King fell out of his favour into the Prison and was not restored to her liberty till the beginning of this Queen mothers Regency The fourth and youngest is Mr. Antonie born unto the King by the Countesse of Marret who is Abbot of the Churches of Marseilles and Cane and hath as yet not fully out 6000 l. a year when his mother dyeth he will be richer The Kings lawfull Brother is named John Baptist Gaston born the 25 of Aprill anno 1608 a Prince of a brave and manlike aspect likely to inherit as large a part of his Fathers spirit as the King doth of his Crown He is intituled Duke of Anjou as being the third Son of France but his next elder Brother the Duke of Orleans being dead in his childhood he is vulgarly and properly called Monseiur This title is different from that of Daulphin in that that title only is appropriated to the Heir Apparent being the Kings eldest Son living this limited to the Heir Apparent being the Kings eldest Brother surviving if there be neither Son nor Brother then the next Heir Apparent is styled only Le primier Prince du sang the first Prince of the bloud This title of Monseiur answereth unto that of Despote in the Greek Empire and in imitation of that is thought to have been instituted Others of the French Princes are called Monseiurs also but with some addition of place or honour The Kings eldest Brother only is called Monseiur sans qâ—â—ne as the French use to say that is simply Monseiur This young Prince is as yet unmarryed but destinate to the bed of the young Dutchesse of Montpensier whose Father dyed in the time of Henry IV. Had the Duke of Orleans lived he had espoused her long ere this but it is generally believed that this Prince is not so affected he seeth his elder Brother as yet childlesse himself the next heir to the Crown and it is likely he will look on a while and expect the issue of his fortune Some that speak of the affairs of the Court holdeth her a fitter match for the young Count of Soissons a Prince of the bloud and a Gentleman of a fine temper the Lady her self is said not to be averse from the match neither will the King not be inclinable unto him as hoping therein to give him some satisfaction for not performing a Court promise made unto him as some say about marrying the young Madam now Queen of England As for the Count it cannot but be advantagious to him divers wayes partly to joyne together the two families of Montpensier and Soissons both issuing from the house of Burbon partly to enrich himself by adding to his inheritance so fair an Estate and partly by gaining all the friends and allies of that Ladies kindred to his the better to enable his opposition against the Prince of Conde the difference between them standeth thus Lewis the first Prince of Conde had by two wives amongst other children two Sons by his first wife Henry Prince of Conde by the second Charles Count of Soissons Henry Prince of Conde had to his first wife Mary of Cleve daughter to the Duke
for it but being but conjectures only and prosecuted for the carrying on of so great a project they were not thought to be convincing or of any considerable weight or moment amongst sober and impartiall men They therefore argued it First From the Kings care of his education assigning him for his Tutor Nicholas de Febure whom he also designed for his Son King Lewis Secondly From his care to work the Prince then young Mollis et apâ—us agi to become a Catholick Thirdly The infirmity of Henry of Conde and the privacy of this King with his Lady being then King of Navâ—â—e in the prime of his strength and in discontent with the Lady Marguerite of Valoys his first wife add to this that Kings love to fair Ladies in the generall and then conclude this probability to be no miracle For besides the Dutchesse of Beauforte the Marchionesse of Verneville and the Countesse of Morrel already mentioned he is believed to have been the Father of Mr. Luynes the great favourite of King Lewis And certain it is that the very year before his death when he was even in the winter of his days he took such an amorous liking to the Prince of Condes wife a very beautifull Lady and daughter to the Constable Duke of Montmorencie that the Prince to save his honour was compelled to flie together with his Princesse into the Arch-Dukes Countrey whence he returned not till long after the death of King Henry If Mary de Medices in her husbands life time had found her self agrieved it I cannot blame her she only made good that of Quinâ—ilian Et uxor mariti exemplo incitata aut imitari se putat aut vindicore And yet perhaps a consciousnesse of some injuries not only mooved her to back the Count of Soissons and his faction against the Prince and his but also to resolve upon him for the husband of her daughter From the Princes of the bloud descend we to the Princes of the Court and there in the first place we meet with Mr. Barradas the Kings present favourite a young Gentleman of a fresh and lively hew little bearded and one whom as yet the people cannot accuse for any oppression or misgovernment Honours the King hath conserred none upon him but only pensions and offices he is the Governour of the Kings children of honour Pages we call them in England a place of more trouble then wealth or credite He is also the Master of the horse or Le grand Escuire the esteem of which place recompenseth the emptinesse of the other for by vertue of this office he carryeth the Kings sword sheathed before him at his entrances into Paris The cloth of estate carryed over the King by the Provost and Eschevins is his â—ee No man can be the Kings spurmaker his Smith or have any place in the Kings Stables but from him and the like This place to note so much by the way was taken out of the Constables office Comes stabuli is the true name to whom it properly belonged in the time of Charles VII Besides this he hath a Pension of 500000 Crowns yearly and had an office given him which he sold for 100000 Crowns in ready money A good fortune for one who the other day was but the Kings Page And to say truth he is as yet but a little better being only removed from his servant to be his play-fellow With the affairs of State he intermedleth not if he should he might expect the Queen mother should say to him what Apollo in Ovid did to Cupid Tibi quid cum fortibus armis Mipuer ista decent humeros gestamina nostros For indeed first during her Sons minority and after since her reintegration with him she hath made her self so absolute a mistresse of his mind that he hath intrusted to her the entire conduct of all his most weighty affaires For her assistant in the managing of her greatest business she hath peeced her self to the strongest side of the State the Church having principally since the death of the Marshal D'Ancre I mean assumed to her counsels the Cardinall of Richileiu a man of no great birth were Nobility the greatest parentage but otherwise to be ranked amongst the noblest Of a sound reach he is and a close brain one exceedingly well mixt of a lay understanding and a Church habit one that is compleatly skilled in the art of men and a perfect master of his own mind and affections him the Queen useth as her Counsellour to keep out frailty and the Kings name as her countenance to keep off envie She is of a Florentine wit and hath in her all the virtues of Katharine de Medices her Ancestor in her Regency and some also of her vices only her designes tend not to the ruine of the Kingdome and her children Joan de Seirres telleth us in his Inventaire of France how the Queen Katharine suffered her son Henry III. a devout and a supple Prince to spend his most dangerous times even uncontrouled upon his beads whilest in the mean time she usurped the Government of the Realm Like it is that Queen Mary hath learned so much of her Kinswoman as to permit this son of hers to spend his time also amongst his play-fellowes and the birds that she may the more securely manage the State at her discretion And to say nothing of her untrue or misbecoming her vertue she hath notably well discharged her ambition the Realm of France being never more quietly and evenly governed then first during her Regencie and now during the time of her favour with the King For during his minority she carryed her self so fairly between the factions of the Court that she was of all sides honoured the time of this Marquesse D' Ancre only excepted and for the differences in Religion her most earnest desire was not â—o oppresse the Protestants insomuch that the war raised against them during the command of Mr. Luynes was presently after his death and her restoring into grace ended An heroicall Lady and worthy the report of posterity the frailties and weaknesse of her as a woman not being accounted hers but her sexes CHAP. II. Two Religions strugling in France like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca The comparison between them two and those in the generall A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France in Policie Priviledge and Revenue The complaint of the Clergy to the King The acknowledgment of the French Church to the Pope meerly titular The pragmatick sanction Maxima tua fatuitas and Conventui Tridentino severally written to the Pope and Trent Councell The tedious quarrell about Investitures Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites The French Bishops not to medle with Fryers their lives and land The ignorance of the French Priests The Chanoins Latine in Orleans The French not hard to be converted if plausibly bumoured c. FRom the Court of the King of France I cannot better provide for
The first and greatest controversie between the Pope and Princes of Christendome was about the bestowing the livings of the Church and giving the investure unto Bishops the Popes had long thirsted after that authority as being a great means to advance their followers and establish their own greatnesse for which cause in divers petty Councels the receiving of any Ecclesiasticall preferment of a Lay man was enacted to be Simony But this did little edifie with such patrons as had good livings As soon as ever Hildebrande in the Catalogue of the Popes called Gregory VII came to the Throne of Rome he set himself entirely to effect this businesse as well in Germany now he was Pope as he had done in France whilest he was Legat he commandeth therefore Henry III. Emperour Ne deinceps Episcâ—patus beneficia they are Platinas own words per cupiditatem Simonaâ—cam committat aliter seusurum in-ipsum censuris Ecclesiasticis To this injustice when the Emperour would not yeeld he called a solemn Councell at the Lateran wherein the Emperour was pronounced to be Simoniacall and afterwards Excommunicated neither would this Tyrant ever leave persecuting of him till he had laid him in his grave After this there followed great strugling for this matter between the Popes and the Emperours but in the end the Popes got the victory In England here he that first beckoned about it was William Ruâ—us the controversie being whether he or Pope Urban should invest Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury Anselme would receive his investure from none but the Pope whereupon the King banished him the Realm into which he was not admitted till the Reign of Henry II. He to endeer himself with his Clergy relinquished his right to the Pope but afterwards repenting himselfe of it he revoked his grant neither did the English Kings wholly lose it till the reign of that unfortunate prince King John Edward the first again recovered it and his successors kept it The Popes having with much violence and opposition wrested into their hands this priviledge of nominating Priests and investing Bishops they spared not to lay on what taxes they pleased as on the Benefices first fruits pensions subsidies fifteenths tenths and on the Bishopricks for palles miters crosiers rings and I know not what bables By these means the Churches were so impoverished that upon complaint made to the Councell of Basil all these cheating tricks these aucupia expilandi rationes were abolished This decree was called Pragmatica functio and was confirmed in France by Charles VII anno 1438. An act of singular improvement to the Church and Kingdome of France which yearly before as the Court of Parliament manifested to Lewis XI had drained the State of a million of Crowns since which time the Kings of France have sometimes omitted the rigor of this sanction and sometimes also exacted it according as their affairs with the Pope stood for which cause it was called Froenum pontificum At last King Francis I. having conquered Millaine fell into this composition with his Holinesse namely that upon the falling of any Abbacy or Bishoprick the King should have 6 months time allowed him to present a fit man unto him whom the Pope should legally invest If the King neglected his time limited the Pope might take the benefit of the relapse and institute whom he pleased So is it also with the inferior Benefices between the Pope and the Patrons insomuch that any or every Lay-patron and Bishop together in England hath for ought I see at the least in this particular as great a spirituall Supremacy as the Pope in France Nay to proceed further and shew how meerly titular both his supremacies are as well the spirituall as the temporall you may plainly see in the case of the Jesuites which was thus In the year 1609 the Jesuites had obtained of King Henry IV. licence to read again in their Colledges of Paris but when their Letters patents came to be verified in the Court of Parliament the Rector and University opposed them on the 17 of December 1611. both parties came to have an hearing and the University got the day unlesse the Jesuites would subscribe unto these four points viz. 1. That a Councell was above the Pope 2. That the Pope had no temporall power over Kings and could not by Excommunication deprive them of their Realm and Estates 3. That Clergy men having heard of any attempt or conspiracy against the King or his Realm or any matter of treason in confession he was bound to reveal it And 4. That Clergy men were subject to the secular Prince or politick Magistrate It appeared by our former discourse what little or no power they had left the Pope over the Estates and preferments of the French By these Propositions to which the Jesuites in the end subscribed I know not with what mentall reservation it is more then evident that they have left him no command neither over their consciences nor their persons so that all things considered we may justly say of the Papall power in France what the Papists said falsly of Erasmus namely that it is Nomen sine rebus In one thing only his authority here is intire which is his immediate protection of all the orders of Fryers and also a superintendency or supreme eye over the Monks who acknowledge very small obedience if any at all to the French Bishops for though at the beginning every part and member of the Diocesse was directly under the care and command of the Bishop yet it so happened that at the building of Monasteries in the Western Church the Abbots being men of good parts and a sincere life grew much into the envie of their Diocesan For this cause as also to be more at their own command they made suit to the Pope that they might be free from that subjection Utque in tutelam divi Petri admitterentur a proposition very plausible to his Holinesse ambition which by this means might the sooner be raised to its height and therefore without difficulty granted This gap opened first the severall orders of Fryers and after even the Deans and Chapters purchased to themselves the like exemptions In this the Popes power was wonderfully strengthned as having such able and so main props to uphold his authority it being a true Maxime in State Quod qui privilegia obtinent ad eadem conservanda tenentur authoritatem concedentis tueri This continued till the Councell of Trent unquestioned Where the Bishops much complained of their want of authority and imputed all the Schismes and Vices in the Church unto this that their hands were tyed hereupon the Popes Legats thought it fit to restore their jurisdiction their Deans and Chapters At that of the Monks and Monasteries there was more sticking till at the last Sebastian Pigâ—inus one of the Popes officers found out for them this satisfaction that they should have an eye and inspection into the lives of the Monks not by any authority of their
also those of other places Moreover when â—idings came to Paris of the Duke of Mayens death slain before Montauban the rascall French according to their hot headed dispositions breathed out nothing but ruine to the Hugonots The Duke of Monbazon governour of the City commanded their houses and the streets to be safely guarded After when this rabble had burne down their Temple at Charenton the Court of Parliament on the day following ordained that it should be built up again in a more beautifull manner and that at the Kings charge Add to this that since the ending of the wars and the reduction of almost all their Towns we have not seen the least alteration of Religion Besides that they have been permitted to hold a Nationall Synod at Charenton for establishing the truth of their Doctrine against the errours of Arminius professour of Leidâ—n in Holland All things thus considered in their true being I connot see for what cause our late Soveraign should suffer so much censure as he then did for not giving them assistance I cannot but say that my self have too often condemned his remissenesse in that cause which upon better consideration I cannot tell how he should have dealt in Had he been a medler in it further then he was he had not so much preserved Religion as supported Rebellion besides the consequence of the example He had Subjects of his own more then enough which were subject to discontent and prone to an apostasie from their alleagiance To have assisted the disobedient French under the colour of the liberty of conscience had been only to have taught that King a way into England upon the same pretence and to have trod the path of his own hazard He had not long before denied succour to his own children when he might have given them on a better ground and for a fairer purpose and could not now in honour countenance the like action in another For that other deniall of his helping hand I much doubt how far posterity will acquit him though certainly he was a good Prince and had been an happy instrument of the peace of Christendome had not the latter part of his reign hapned in a time so full of troubles So that betwixt the quietnesse of his nature and the turbulency of his latter dayes he sell into that miserable exigent mentioned in the Historian Miserrimum est eum alicui aut natura sua excedenda est aut minuenda dignitas Add to this that the French had been first abandoned at home by their own friends of seven Generals which they had appointed for the seven circles into which they divided all France four of them never giving them incouragement The three which accepted of those unordinate Governments were the Duke of Rohan his brother M. Soubise and the Marquesse of Lafforce the four others being the Duke of Tremoville the Earl of Chastillon the Duke of Lesdisguier and the Duke of Bovillon who should have commanded in chief So that the French Protestants cannot say that he was first wanting for them but they to themselves If we demand what should move the French Protestants to this Rebellious contradiction of his Majesties commandements We must answer that it was too much happinesse Gausa hujus belli eadem quae omnium nimia foelicitas as Florus of the Civill wars between Caesar and Pompey Before the year 1620 when they fell first into the Kings disfavour they were possessed of almost 100 good Towns well fortified for their safety besides beautifull houses and ample possessions in the Villages they slept every man under his own Vine and his own Fig-tree neither fearing nor needing to fear the least disturbance with those of the Catholick party they were grown so intimate and entire by reason of their inter-marriages that a very few years would have them incorporated if not into one faith yet into one family For their better satisfaction in matters of Justice it pleased King Henry the fourth to erect a Chamber in the Court of the Parliament of Paris purposely for them It consisteth of one President and 16 Counsellours their office to take knowledge of all the Causes and Suits of them of the reformed Religion as well within the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris as also in Normandy and Britain till there should be a Chamber erected in either of them There were appointed also two Chambers in the Parliaments of Burdeaux and Grenoble and one at the Chastres for the Parliament of Tholoza These Chambers were called Les Chambre de l' Edict because they were established by especiall Edict at the Towns of Nantes in Britain Aprill the 8. anno 1598. In a word they lived so secure and happy that one would have thought their felicities had been immortall O faciles dare summa deos eademque tueri Difficiles And yet they are not brought so low but that they may live happily if they can be content to live obediently that which is taken from them being matter of strength only and not priviledge Let us now look upon them in their Churches which we shall finde as empty of magnificence as ceremony To talke amongst them of Common-prayers were to fright them with the second coming of the Masse and to mention Prayers at the buriall of the dead were to perswade them of a Purgatory Painted glasse in a Church window is accounted for the flag and ensigne of Antichrist and for Organs no question but they are deemed to be the Devils bagpipes Shew them a Surplice and they cry out a rag of the Whore of Babylon yet a sheet on a woman when she is in child-bed is a greater abomination then the other A strange people that could never think the Masse-book sufficiently reformed till they had taken away Prayers nor that their Churches could ever be handsome untill they were ragged This foolish opposition of their first Reformers hath drawn the Protestants of these parts into a world of dislike and envie and been no small disadvantage to the fide Whereas the Church of England though it dissent as much from the Papists in point of Doctrine is yet not uncharitably thought on by the Modern Catholicks by reason it retained such an excellency of Discipline When the Liâ—urgie of our Church was translated into Latine by Dr. Morket once Warden of All-Souls Colledge in Oxford it was with great approofe and applause received here in France by those whom they call the Catholicks royall as marvelling to see such order and regular devotion in them whom they were taught to condemn for Hereticall An allowance which with some little help might have been raised higher from the practice of our Church to some points of our judgement and it is very worthy of our observation that which the Marquesse of Rhosny spake of Canterbury when he came as extraordinary Ambassadour from King Henry IV. to welcome King James into England For upon the view of our solemn Service and ceremonies he openly said unto
his followers That if the reformed Churches in France had kept the same orders amongst them which we have he was assured that there would have been many thousands more of Protestants there then now are But the Marquesse of Rhosny was not the last that said so I have heard divers French Papists who were at the Queens coming over and ventured so far upon an excommunication as to be present at our Church solemn Services extoll them and us for their sakes even almost unto hyperboles So graciously is our temper entertained amongst them As are their Churches such is their Discipline naked of all Antiquity and almost as modern as the men which imbrace it The power and calling of Bishops they abrogated with the Masse upon no other cause then that Geneva had done it As if that excellent man Mr. Calvin had been the Pythagoras of our age and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his ipse dixit had stood for Oracles The Hierarchie of Bishops thus cast out they have brought in their places the Lay-Elders a kind of Monster never heard of in the Scriptures or first times of the Gospell These men leap from the stall to the bench and there partly sleeping and partly stroaking of their beards enact laws of Government for the Church so that we may justly take up the complaint of the Satyrist saying Surgunt nobis e 〈…〉 sterquilinio Magistratus nec dum lotis manibus publica tractant negotia yet to these very men composed equally of ignorance and a trade are the most weighty matters of the Church committed In them is the power of ordaining Priests of conferring places of charge and even of the severest censure of the Church Excommunication When any businesse which concerneth the good of the Congregation is befallen they must be called to councell and you shall finde them there as soon as ever they can put off their Aprons having blurted out there a little Classicall non-sense and passed their consents rather by nodding of their heads then any other sensible articulation they hasten to their shops as Quinctius the Dictator in Florus did to his plough Vt ad opus relictum festinasse videatur Such a plat-form though it be that needeth no further confutation then to know it yet had it been tolerable if the contrivers of it had not endevoured to impose it on all the Reformation By which means what great troubles have been raised by the great zelots here in England there is none so young but hath heard some Tragicall relations God be magnified and our late King praised by whom this weed hath been snatched up out of the garden of this our Israel As for their Ministery it is indeed very learned in their studies and exceeding painfull in their calling By the first they confute the ignorance of the Roman Clergy by the second their lazinesse And questionlesse it behoveth them so to be for living in a Countrey full of opposition they are enforced to a necessity of book-learning to maintain the cause and being continually as it were beset with spies they do the oftner frequent the Pulpits to hold up their credits The maintenance which is allotted to them scarce amounteth to a competency though by that name they please to call it With receiving of tithes they never meddle and therefore in their Schismaticall tracts of Divinity they do hardly allow of the paying of them Some of them hold that they were Jewish and abrogated with the Law Others think them to be meerly jure humano and yet that they may lawfully be accepted where they are tendred It is well known yet that there are some amongst them which will commend grapes though they cannot reach them This competence may come unto 40 or 50 l. yearly or a little more Beza that great and famous Preacher of Geneva had but 80 l. a year and about that rate was Peter de Moulins pension when he Preached at Charenton These stipends are partly payed by the King and partly raised by way of Collection So the Ministers of these Churches are much of the nature with the English Lecturers As for the Tithes they belong to the severall Parish Priests in whose Precincts they are due and they I 'le warrant you according to the little learning which they have will maintain them to be jure divino The Sermons of the French are very plain and home-spun little in them of the Fathers and lesse of humane learning it being concluded in the Synod of Gappe that only the Scriptures should be used in their Pulpits They consist much of Exhortation and Use and of nothing in a manner which concerneth knowledge a ready way to raise up and edifie the Will and Affections but withal to starve the understanding For the education of them being children they have private Schools when they are better grown they may have free recourse unto any of the French Academies besides the new University of Saumur which is wholly theirs and is the chiefe place of their study CHAP. IV. The connexion between the Church and Common-wealth in generall A transition to the particular of France The Government there meerly regall A mixt forme of Government most commendable The Kings Patents for Offices Monopolies above the censure of Parliament The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes The Kings gifts and expences The Chamber of Accounts France divided into three sorts of people The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France The Kings power how much respected by the Princes The powerablenesse of that rank The formall execution done on them The multitude and confusion of Nobility King James defended A censure of the French Heralds The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants Their priviledges gibbets and other Regalia They conspire with the King to undoe the Commons HAving thus spoken of the Churches I must now treat a little of the Common-wealth Religion is as the soul of a State Policy as the body we can hardly discourse of the one without a relation to the other if we do we commit a wilfull murder in thus destroying a republick The Common-wealth without the Church is but a carkasse a thing inanimate The Church without the Common-wealth is as it were anima separata the joyning of them together maketh of both one flourishing and permanent body and therefore as they are in nature so in my relation Connutio jungâ—m stabili Moreover such a secret sympathy there is between them such a necessary dependance of one upon the other that we may say of them what Tully doth of two twins in his book De fato Eodem tempore â—orum morbus gravescit eodem levaiur They grow sick and well at the same time and commonly run out their races at the same instant There is besides the general respect of each to other a more particular band betwixt them here in France which is a likenesse and resemblance In the Church of France
we have found an head and a body this body again divided into two parts the Catholick and the Protestant the head is in his own opinion and the minds of many others of a power unlimited yet the Catholick party hath strongly curbed it And of the two parts of the body we see the Papists flourishing and in triumph whilest that of the Protestant is in misery and affliction Thus is it also in the body Politick The King in his own conceit boundlesse and omnipotent is yet affronted by his Nobles which Nobles enjoy all the freedome of riches and happinesse the poor Paisants in the mean time living in drudgery and bondage For the government of the King is meerly indeed regal or to give it the true name despoticall though the Countrey be his wife and all the people are his children yet doth he neither govern as an husband or a father he accounteth of them all as of his servants and therefore commandeth them as a Master In his Edicts which he over frequenly sendeth about he never mentioneth the good will of his Subjects nor the approbation of his Councell but concludeth all of them in this forme Car tell est nostre plaisir Sic volo sic jubeo A forme of government very prone to degenerate into a tyranny if the Princes had not oftentimes strength and will to make resistance But this is not the vice of the entire and Soveraign Monarchy alone which the Greek call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the other two good formes of regiment being subject also to the same frailty Thus in the reading of Histories have we observed an Aristocracie to have been frequently corrupted into an Oligarchie and a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Common-wealth properly so called into a Democratie For as in the body naturall the purest complexions are lesse lasting but easily broken and subject to alteration so is it in the body Civill the pure and unmixt formes of Government though perfect and absolute in their kinds are yet of little continuance and very subject to change into its opposite They therefore which have written of Republicks do most applaud and commend the mixt manner of rule which is equally compounded of the Kingdome and the Politeia because in these the Kings have all the power belonging to their title without prejudice to the populacie In these there is referred to the King absolute Majesty to the Nobles convenient authority to the People an incorrupted liberty all in a just and equall proportion Every one of these is like the Empire of Rome as it was moderated by Nerva Qui res olâ—m dissociabiles miscuerat principatum libertatem wherein the Soveraignty of one endamaged not the freedome of all A rare mixture of Government and such at this time is the Kingdome of England a Kingdome of a perfect and happy composition wherein the King hath his full Prerogative the Nobles all due respects and the People amongst other blessings perfect in this that they are masters of their own purposes and have a strong hand in the making of their own Laws On the otherside in the Regall government of France the Subject frameth his life meerly as the Kings variable Edicts shall please to enjoyn him is ravished of his money as the Kings taske-masters think fit and suffereth many other oppressions which in their proper place shall be specified This Aristole in the third book of his Politicks calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the command of a Master and defineth it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Such an Empire by which a Prince may command and do whatsoever shall seem good in his own eyes One of the Prerogatives Royall of the French Kings For though the Court of Parliament doth seem to challenge a perusall of his Edicts before they passe for Laws yet is that but a meer formality It is the cartelâ—â—est nostre plaifir which maketh them currant which it seemeth these Princes learned of the Roman Emperors Justinian in the book of Institutions maketh five grounds of the Civill Laws viz. Lex he meaneth the law of the 12 Tables Plebiscita Senatusconsulta Predentum Responsa Principum placita to this last he addeth this generall strength Quod principi plaeuerit legis â—abet valorem the very foundation of the French Kings powerfulnesse True it is that the Courts of Parliament do use to demur sometimes upon his Patents and Decrees and to petition him for a reversall of them but their answer commonly is Stat pro ratione voluntas He knoweth his own power and granteth his Letters patents for new Offices and Monopolies abundantly If a monied man can make a friend in Court he may have an office found for him of six pence upon every Sword made in France a Livre upon the selling of every head of Cattell a brace of Sols for every paire of boots and the like It is the only study of some men to finde out such devices of enriching themselves and undoing the people The Patent for Innes granted to St. Giles Moâ—â—pesson was just one of the French offices As for Monopolies they are here so common that the Subject taketh no notice of it not a scurvey petty book being Printed but it hath its priviledge affixed Ad imprimendum solum These being granted by the King are carryed to the Parliament by them formally perused and finally verified after which they are in force and virtue against all opposition It is said in France that Mr. Luynes had obtained a Patent of the King for a quart d' escu to be paid unto him upon the Christning of every child thoughout all the Kingdome A very unjust and unconscionable extortion Had he lived to have presented it to the Court I much doubt of their deniall though the only cause of bringing before them such Patents is onely intended that they should discusse the justice and convenience of them As the Parliament hath a formality of power left in them of verifying the Kings Edicts his grants of Offices and Monopolics So hath the Chamber of Accounts a superficiall survey also of his gifts and expences For his expences they are thought to be as great now as ever by reason of the severall retinues of himself his Mother his Queen and the Monseiur neither are his gifts lessened The late Wars which he managed against the Protestants cost him deer he being fain to bind unto him most of his Princes by money and pensions As the expenses of the King are brought unto this Court to be examined so are also the Gifts and Pensions by him granted to be ratified The titulary power given unto this Chamber is to cut off all those of the Kings grants which have no good ground and foundation the officers being solemnly at the least formally sworn not to suffer any thing to passe them to the detriment of the Kingdome whatsoever Letters of command thay have to the contrary But this Oath they oftentimes dispense with To this Court also belongeth
the Enfranchisement or Naturalization of Aliens anciently certain Lords officers of the Crown and of the prime counsell were appointed to look unto the accounts Now it is made an ordinary and soveraigne Court consisting of two Presidents and divers Auditors and other under Officers The Chamber wherein it is kept called La Chambre des comptes is the beautifullest peece of the whole Palais the great Chamber it self not being worthy to be named in the same day with it It was built by Charles VIII anno 1485. afterwards adorned and beautified by Lewis XII whose Statua is there standing in his royall robes and the Scepter in his hand He is accompâ—aned by the four Cardinall vertues expressed by way of Hieroglyphicks very properly and cunningly each of them having its particular Motto to declare its being The Kings portraiture also as if he were the fifth virtue had its word under written and contained in a couple of Verses which let all that love the Muses skip them in the reading and are these Quatuor has comites foveo Coelestia dona Innccuae pacis prospera scepâ—â—a gerenâ— From the King descend we to the Subjects ab equis quod aiunt ad asinos and the phrase is not much improper the French commonalty being called the Kings asses These are divided into three ranks or Classes the Clergy the Nobles the Paisants out of which certain delegates or Committees chosen upon occasion and sent to the King did antiently concur to the making of the Supreme Court for Justice in France It was called the Assembly of the three Estates or the Conventus ordinum and was just like the Parliament of England But these meetings are now forgotten or out of use neither indeed as this time goeth can they any way advantage the State for whereas there are three principall if not sole causes of these conventions which are the desposing of the Regency during the nonage or sicknesse of a King the granting Aides and Subsidies and the redressing of Grievances there is now another course taken in them The Parliament of Paris which speaketh as it is prompted by power and greatnesse appointeth the Regent the Kings themselves with their officers determine of the Taxes and as concerning their Grievances the Kings care is open to private Petitions Thus is that little of a Common-wealth which went to the making up of this Monarchie escheated or rather devoured by the King that name alone containing in it both Clergy Princes and People So that some of the French Counsellors may say with Tully in his Oration for Marcellus unto Caesar Doleoque cum respub immortalis esse debeat eam unius mortalis anima consistere Yet I cannot withall but affirme that the Princes and Nobles of France do for as much as concerneth themselves upon all advantages flie off from the Kings obedience but all this while the poor Paisant is ruined let the poor Tenant starve or eat the bread of carefulnesse it matters not so they may have their pleasure and be counted firme zelots of the common liberty And certainly this is the issue of it the former liveth the life of a slave to maintain his Lord in pride and lazinesse the Lord liveth the life of a King to oppresse his Tenant by fines and exactions An equality little answering to the old plat-formes of Republicks Aristotle Genius ille naturae as a learned man calleth him in his fourth book of Politicks hath an excellent discourse concerning this disproportion In that Chapter his project is to have a correspondency so far between Subjects under the King or people of the same City that neither the one might be over rich nor the other too miserably poor They saith he which are too happy strong or rich or greatly favoured and the like can not nor will not obey with which evill they are infected from their infancy The other through want of these things are too abjectly minded and base so that the one cannot but command nor the other but serve And this he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a City inhabited onely by Slaves and Tyrants That questionlesse is the most perfect and compleat forme of Government Ubi veneratur protentem humilis non timet antecedit non contemnit humiliorem potens as Velleius But this is an unhappinesse of which France is not capable their Lords being Kings and their Commons Villains And not to say lesse of them then indeed they are the Princes of this Countrey are but little inferiour in matter of Royalty to any King abroad and by consequence little respective in matter of obedience to their own King at home Upon the least discontent they withdraw themselves from the Court or put themselves into armes and of all other comforts are ever sure of this that they shall never want partizans Neither do they use to stand off from him fearfully and at distance but justifie their revolt by publick Declaration and think the King much indebted to them if upon fair terms and an honourable reconcilement they will please to put themselves again into his obedience Henry IV. was a Prince of as undaunted and uncontroulable a spirit as ever any of his predecessors and one that loved to be obeyed yet was he also very frequently baffled by these Roytelets and at the last dyed in an affront The Prince of Conde perceiving the Kings affection to his new Lady began to grow jealous of him for which reason he retired unto Bruxells the King offended at his retreat sent after him and commanded him home The Prince returned answer that he was the Kings most humble Subject and servant but into France he would not come unlesse he might have a Town for his assurance withall he protested in publick writing a nullity of any thing that should be done to his prejudice in his absence A stomachfull resolution and misbecoming a Subject yet in this opposition he persisted his humor of disobedience out-living the King whom he had thus affronted But these tricks are ordinary here otherwise a man might have construed this action by the term of Rebellion The chief means whereby these Princes become so head strong are an immunity given them by their Kings and a liberty which they have taken to themselves By their Kings they have been absolutely exempted from all Tributes Tolles Taxes Customes Impositions and Subsidies By them also they have been estated in whole entire Provinces with a power of haute and main Justice as the Lawyers term it passed over to them the Kings having scarce an homage or acknowledgment of them To this they have added much for their strength and security by the insconcing and fortifying of their houses which both often moveth and afterwards inableth them to contemn his Majesty An example we have of this in the Castle of Rochfort belonging to the Duke of Tremoville which in the long Civill wars endured a siege of 5000 shot and yet was not taken A very impolitick course in my conceit
of the French to bestow honours and immunities upon those Qui as the Historian noteth ea suo arbitrio aut reposituri aut retenturi videantur quique modum habent in sua voluntate For upon a knowledge of this strength in themselves the Princes have been always prone to Civill wars as having sufficient means for safety and resistance On this ground also they slight the Kings authority and disobey his Justice In so much that the greater sort of Nobles in this Kingdome can seldome be arraigned or executed in person and therefore the Lawes condemn them in their images and hang them in their pictures A pretty device to mock Justice If by chance or some handsome sleight any of them are apprehended they are put under a sure guard and not done to death without great fear of tumult and unquietnesse Neither is it unus alter only some two or three that thus stand upon their distance with the King but even all the Nobility of the Realm a rout so disordered unconfined and numberlesse that even Fabius himself would be out of breath in making the reckoning I speak not here of those that are styled La Noblesse but of Titulados men only of titular Nobility of the degree of Baron and above Of these there is in this Countrey a number almost innumerable Quot Coelum Stellas take quantity for quantity and I dare be of the opinion that heaven hath not more Stars then France Nobles You shall meet with them so thick in the Kings Court especially that you would think it almost impossible the Countrey should bear any other fruit This I think I may safely affirme and without Hyperbole that they have there as many Princes as we in England have Dukes as many Dukes as we Earls as many Earls as we Barons and as many Barons as we have Knights a jolly company and such as know their own strength too I cannot therefore but much marvell that these Kings should be so prodigall in conferring honours considering this that every Noble man he createth is so great a weakning to his power On the other side I cannot but as much wonder at some of our Nation who have murmured against our late Soveraign and accused him of an unpardonable unthriftiness in bestowing the dignities of his Realm with so full and liberall a hand Certainly could there any danger have arisen by it unto the State I could have been as impatient of it as another But with us titles and ennoblings in this kind are only either the Kings favour or the parties merit and maketh whomsoever he be that receiveth them rather reverenced then powerfull Raro eorum honoribus invidetur quorum vis non timetur was a good Aphorisme in the dayes of Paterculus and may for ought I know be as good still Why should I envie any man that honour which taketh not from my safety or repine at my Soveraign for raising any of his Servants into an higher degree of eminency when that favour cannot make them exorbitant Besides it concerneth the improvement of the Exchequer at the occasions of Subsidies and the glory of the Kingdome when the Prince is not attended by men meerly of the vulgar Add to this the few Noble men of any title which he found at his happy coming in amongst us and the additions of power which his comming brought unto us and we shall finde it proportionable that he should enlarge our Nobility with our Empire neither yet have we indeed a number to be talked of comparing us with our neighbour Nations We may see all of the three first ranks in the books of Milles Brooke and Vincent and we are promised also a Catalogue of the Creations and successions of all our Barons Then we should see that as yet we have not surfeited Were this care taken by the Heralde in France perhaps the Nobility there would not seem so numberlesse sure I am not so confused But this is the main vice of that profession of â—ix Heralds which they have amongst them viz. Montjoy Normandy Guyenne Valâ—ys Bretagne and Burgogne not one of them is reported to be a Genealogist neither were their Predecessors better affected to this study Paradine the only man that ever was amongst them hath drawn down the Genealogies of 24 of the chief families all ancient and of the bloud in which he hath excellently well discharged himself But what a small pittance is that compared to the present multitude The Nobles being so populous it cannot be but the Noblesse as they call them that is the Gentry must needs be thick set and only not innumerable Of these Nobles there are some which hold their estates immediately of the Crown and they have the like immunities with the Princes Some hold their Feifes or feuda of some other of the Lords and he hath only Basse Justice permitted to him as to mulct and amerce his Tenants to imprison them or give them any other correction under death All of them have power to raise and inhance up their Rents to Tax his Subjects on occasion and to prohibit them such pleasures as they think fit to be reserved for themselves By Brettaul in Picardy I saw a post fastned in the ground like a race post with us and therein an inscription I presently made to it as hoping to have heard of some memorable battell there foughten but when I came at it I found it to be nothing but a Declaration of the Prince of Condes pleasure that no man should hunt in those quarters afterwards I observed them to be very frequent But not to wander through all particulars I will in some few of them only give instance of their power here The first is Proict de bailli age power to keep Assize or to have under him a Bailli and a Superiour seat of Justice for the decision of such causes as fall under the compasse of ordinary jurisdiction In this Court there is notice taken of Treasons Robberies Murders Protections Pardons Faires Markets and other matters of priviledge Next they have a Court of ordinary jurisdiction and therein a Judge whom they call Le guarde de Justice for the decision of smaller businesse as Debts Trespasses breach of the Kings peace and the like In this the purse is only emptied the other extendeth to the taking of life also for which cause every one which hath Haute Justice annexed to his Feise hath also his peculiar Gibbet nay which is wonderfully methodicall by the criticisme of the Gibbet you may judge at the quality of him that owneth it For the Gibbet of one of the Nobles hath but two pillars that of the Chastellan three the Barons four the Earls six the Dukes eight and yet this difference is rather precise then generall The last of their jura regalia which I will here speak of is the command they have upon their people to follow them unto the wars a command not so advantagious to the Lord as dangerous to
the Kingdom Thus live the French Princes thus the Nobles Those sheep which God and the Lawes hath brought under them they do not sheer but fleece and which is worse then this having themselves taken away the Wooll they give up the naked carkasse to the King Tondi oves meas volo non deglubi was accounted one of the golden sayings of Tiberius but it is not currant here in France Here the Lords and the King though otherwise at oddes amongst themselves will be sure to agree in this the undoing and oppressing of the poor Paisant Ephraim against Manasseh and Manasseh against Ephraim but both against Judah saith the Scripture The reason why they thus desire the poverty of the Commons is as they pretend the safety of the State and their owne particulars Were the people once warmed with the feeling of ease and their own riches they would presently be hearkning after the warres and if no imployment were proffered abroad they would make some at home Histories and experience hath taught us enough of their humour in this kind it being impossible for this hot-headed and hare-brained people not to be doing Si extraneus deest domi hostem quaerunt as Justin hath observed of the Ancient Spaniards a prety quality and for which they have often smarted CHAP. V. The base and low estate of the French Paisant The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes The suppressing of the Subject prejudiciall to a State The wisdome of Henry VII The French forces all in the Cavallerie The cruell impositions laid upon the people by the King No Demaine in France Why the tryall by twelve men can be used only in England The Gabell of Salt The Popes licence for wenching The Gabell of whom refused and why The Gascoines impatient of Taxes The taille and taillion The Pancarke or Aides The vain resistance of those of Paris The Court of Aides The manner of gathering the Kings moneys The Kings revenue The corruption of the French publicans King Lewis why called the just The monies currant in France The gold of Spain more Catholick then the King The happinesse of the English Subjects A congratulation unto England The conclusion of the first Journey BY that which hath been spoken already of the Nobles we may partly guesse at the poor estate of the Paisant or Countreymen of whom we will not now speak as subjects to their Lords and how far they are under their commandment but how miserable and wretched they are in their Apparell and their Houses For their Apparell it is well they can allow themselves Canvasse or an outside of that nature As for Cloth it is above their purse equally and their ambition if they can aspire unto Fustian they are as happy as their wishes and he that is so arrayed will not spare to aime at the best place in the Parish even unto that of the Church-warden When they go to plough or to the Church they have shooes and stockins at other times they make bold with nature and wear their skins Hâ—ts they will not want though their bellies pinch for it and that you may be sure they have them they will alwayes keep them on their heads the most impudent custome of a beggerly fortune that ever I met with and which already hath had my blessing As for the women they know in what degree nature hath created them and therefore dare not be so fine as their Husbands some of them never had above one pair of stockins in all their lives which they wear every day for indeed they are very durable The goodnesse of their faces tell us that they have no need of a band therefore they use none And as concerning Petticoats so it is that all of them have such a garment but most of them so short that you would imagine them to be cut off at the placket When the Parents have sufficiently worn these vestures and that commonly is till the rottennesse of them will save the labour of undressing they are a new-cut-out and fitted to the children Search into their houses and you shall finde them very wretched destitute as well of furniture as provision No Butter salted up against Winter no powdring tub no Pullein in the Rick-barten no flesh in the pot or at the spit and which is worst no money to buy them The description of the poor aged couple Phileman and Bauciâ— in the eight book of the Metamorphosis is a perfect character of the French Paisant in his house-keeping though I cannot affirme that if Jupiter and Mercury did come amongst them they should have so hearty an entertainment for thus Ovid marshalleth the dishes Ponitur hic bicolor sincerae bacca Minerva Intybaque radix lactis massa coacti Ovaque non acri leviter versata favilla Prunaque in patulis redolentia mala canistris Hic nux hic mixta est rugosis caricapalmis Et de purpureis collectae vitibus uvae Omnia fictilibus nitide But you must not look for this cheer often At Wakes or Feasts dayes you may perchance be so happy as to see this plenty but at other times Olus omne patella the best provision they can shew you is a piece of Bacon wherewith they fatten their pottage and now and then the inwards of Beastâ— killed for the Gentlemen But of all miseries this me thinketh is the greatest that sowing so many acres of excellent wheat in an year and gathering in such a plentifull Vintage as they do they should not yet be so fortunate as to eat white bread or drink wine for such infinite rents do they pay to their Lords and such innumerable taxes to the King that the profits arising out of those commodities are only sufficient to pay their duties and keep them from the extremities of cold and famine The bread then which they eat is of the coursest flowre and so black that it cannot admit the name of brown And as for their drink they have recourse to the next Fountain A people of any the most unfortunate not permitted to enjoy the fruit of their labours and such as above all others are subject to that Sarcasme in the Gospell This man planted a Vineyard and doth not drink of the fruit thereof Nec prosunt domino quae prosunt omnibus artes Yet were their case not altogether so deplorable if there were but hopes left to them of a better if they could but compasse certainty that a painfull drudging and a thrifty saving would one day bring them out of this hell of bondage In this questionlesse they are intirely miserable in that they are sensible of the wretchednesse of their present fortunes and dare not labour nor expect an alteration If industry and a sparing hand hath raised any of this afflicted people so high that he is but 40 s or 5 l. richer then his neighbour his Lord immediately enhaunceth his Rents and enformeth the Kings task-masters of his riches by which
means he is within two or three years brought again to equall poverty with the rest A strange course and much different from that of England where the Gentry take a delight in having their Tenants thrive under them and hold it no crime in any that hold of them to be wealthy On the other side those of France can abide no body to gain or grow rich upon their farmes and therefore thus upon occasions rack their poor Tenants In which they are like the Tyrant Procrustes who laying hands upon all he met cast them upon his bed if they were shorter then it he racked their joynts till he had made them even to it if they were longer he cut as much of their bodies from them as did hang over so keeping all that fell into his power in an equality All the French Lords are like that Tyrant How much this course doth depresse the military power of this Kingdome is apparent by the true principles of war and the examples of other Countries For it hath been held by the generall opinion of the best judgements in matters of war that the main Buttresse and Pillar of an Army is the foot or as the Martialists term it the Infantery Now to make a good Infantery it requireth that men be brought up not in a slavish and needy fashion of life but in some free and liberall manner Therefore it is well observed by the Vicounâ— St. Albans in his History of Henry VII that if a State run most to Nobles and Gentry and that the Husbandmen be but as their meer drudges or else simply Cottagers that that State may have a good Cavallery but never good stable bands of foot Like to Coppice woods in which if you let them grow too thick in the stadles they run to bushes or bryers and have little clean under-wood Neither is this in France only but in Italy also and some other parts abroad in so much that they are enforced to imploy mercenary Souldiers for their battalions of foot whereby it cometh to passe that in those Countries they have much people and few men On this consideration King Henry VII one of the wisest of our Princes took a course so cunning and wholesome for the increase of the military power of his Realm that though it be much lesse in territory yet it should have infinitely more Souldiers of its native forces then its neighbour Nations For in the fourth year of his Reign there passed an Act of Parliament pretensively against the depopulation of Villages and decay of tillage but purposedly to inable his subjects for the wars The Act was That all houses of husbandry which had been used with twenty acres of ground and upwards should be maintained and kept up for together with a competent proportion of Land to be used and occupied with them c. By this means the houses being kept up did of necessity enforce a dweller and that dweller because of the proportion of Land not to be a begger but a man of some substance able to keep Hinds and Servants and to set the plough a going An order which did wonderfully concerne the might and manhood of the Kingdome these Farmes being sufficient to maintaine an able body out of penury and by consequence to prepare them for service and encourage them to higher honours for Haud facile emergent quorum virtutibus obstat Res angusta domi As the Poet hath it But this Ordinance is not thought of such use in France where all the hopes of their Armies consist in the Cavallery or the horse which perhaps is the cause why our Ancestors have won so many battailes upon them As for the French foot they are quite out of all reputation and are accounted to be the basest and unworthyest company in the world Besides should the French people be enfranchised as it were from the tyranny of their Lords and estated in freeholds and other tenures after the manner of England it would much trouble the Councell of France to find out a new way of raising his revenues which are now meerly sucked out of the bloud and sweat of the Subject Antiently the Kings of France had rich and plentifull demeans such as was sufficient to maintain their greatnesse and Majesty without being burdensome unto the Countrey Pride in matters of sumptuousnesse and the tedious Civill wars which have lasted in this Countrey almost ever since the death of Henry II. have been the occasion that most of the Crown lands have been sold and morgaged in so much that the people are now become the Demaine and the Subject only is the Revenue of the Crown By the sweat of their browes is the Court sed and the Souldier paid and by their labours are the Princes maintained in idlenesse What impositions soever it pleaseth the King to put upon them it is almost a point of treason not only to deny but to question Apud illos vere regnatur nefasque quantum regi liceat dubitare as one of them The Kings hand lyeth hard upon them and hath almost thrust them into an Egyptian bondage the poor Paisant being constrained to make up dayly his full tale of bricks and yet have no straw allowed them Upon a sight of the miseries and poverties of this people Sir John Fortescue Chancellour of England in his book intituled De Laudibus legum Angliae concludeth them to be unfit men for Jurors or Judges should the custome of the Countrey admit of such tryals For having proved there unto the Prince he was son to Henry VI. that the manner of tryall according to the Common Law by 12 Jurates was more commendable then the practise of the Civill or Emperiall Lawes by the deposition only of two witnesses or the forced confession of the persons arrained the Prince seemed to marvell Cur ed lex Angliae quae tam fiugi optabilis est non sit toti mundo communis To this he maketh answer by shewing the â—ree condition of the English Subjects who alone are used at these indictments men of a fair and large estate such as dwell nigh the place of the deed committed men that are of ingenuous education such as scorn to be suborned or corrupted and afraid of infamie Then he sheweth how in other places all things are contrary the Husbandman an absolute begger easie to be bribed by reason of his poverty the Gentlemen living far asunder and so taking no notice of the fact the Paisant also neither fearing infamie nor the losse of goods if he be found faulty because he hath them not In the end he concludeth thus Ne mireris igitur princeps si lex per quam in Anglia veritas inquiritur alias non pervagetur nationes ipsae namque ut Anglia nequerunt facere sufficientes consimilesque Juratas The last part of the latine savoureth somewhat of the Lawyer the word Juratas being put there to signifie a Jury To go over all those impositions which this miserable people
are afflicted withal were almost as wretched as the payment of them I wiil therefore speak only of the principall And here I meet in the first place with the Gabell or Imposition on Salt This Gabelle de sel this Impost on Salt was first begun by Philip the Long who took for it a double which is half a Sol upon the pound After whom Philip of Valoys anno 1328. doubled that Charles the VII raised it unto three doubles and Lewis the XI unto six Since that time it hath been altered from so much upon the pound to a certain rate on the Mine which containeth some 30 bushels English the rates rising and falling at the Kings pleasure This one commodity were very advantagious to the Exchequer were it all in the Kings hands but at this time a great part of it is morgaged It is thought to be worth unto the King three millions of Crowns yearly that only of Paris and the Provosts seven Daughters being farmed at 1700000 Crowns the year The late Kings since anno 15â—1 being intangled in wars have been constrained to let it out others in so much that about anno 1599. the King lost above 800000 Crowns yearly and no longer agone then anno 1621. the King taking up 600000 pounds of the Provost of Merchands and the Eschevines gave unto them a rent charge of 40000 l. yearly to be issuing out of his Customes of Salt till their money were repaid them This Gabell is indeed a Monopoly and that one of the unjustest and unreasonablest in the World For no man in the Kingdom those Countries hereafter mentioned excepted can eat any Salt but he must buy of the King and at his price which is most unconscionable that being sold at Paris and elsewhere for five Livres which in the exempted places is sold for one Therefore that the Kings profits might not be diminished there is diligent watch and ward that no forain Salt be brought into the Land upon pain of forfeiture and imprisoment A search which is made so strictly that we had much ado at Dieppe to be pardoned the searching of our trunks and port-mantles and that not but upon solemn protestation that we had none of that commodity This Salt is of a brown colour being only such as we in England call Bay salt and imposed on the Subjects by the Kings Officers with great rigour for though they have some of their last provision in the house or perchance would be content through poverty to eat meat without it yet will these cruell villaines enforce them to take such a quantity of them or howsoever they will have of them so much money But this Tyranny is not generall the Normans and Picards enduring most of it and the other Paisant the rest Much like unto which was the Licence which the Popes and Bishops of old granted in matter of keeping Concubines For when such as had the charge of gathering the Popes Rents happened upon a Priest which had no Concubine and for that cause made deniall of the Tributes the Collectours would return them this answer that notwithstanding this they should pay the money because they might have the keeping of a wench if they would This Gabell as it sitteth hard on some so are there some also which are never troubled with it Of this sort are the Princes in the generall released and many of the Nobless in particular in so much that it was proved unto King Lewis anno 1614. that for every Gentleman which took of his Majesties Salt there were 2000 of the Commons There are also some intire Provinces which refuse to eat of this Salt as Bretagne Gascoine Poictou Querâ—u Xaintogne and the County of Boulâ—nnois Of these the County of Boulonnois pretendeth a peculiar exemption as belonging immediately to the patrimony of our Lady Nostre Dame of which we shall learn more when we are in Bovillon The Bretagnes came united to the Crown by a fair marriage and had strength enough to make their own capitulations when they first entred into the French subjection Besides here are yet divers of the Ducall family living in that Countrey who would much trouble the peace of the Kingdome should the people be oppressed with this bondage and they take the protection of them Poictou and Quercu have compounded for it with the former Kings and pay a certain rent yearly which is called the Equivalent Xaintâ—gne is under the command of Rochell of whom it receiveth sufficient at a better rate And as for the Gascoynes the King dareth not impose it upon them for fear of Rebellion They are a stuborne and churlish people very impatient of a rigorous yoak and such which inherit a full measure of the Biscanes liberty and spirits from whom they are descended Le droict de fouage the priviledge of levying a certain piece of money upon every chimney in an house that smoketh was in times not long since one of the jura regalia of the French Lords and the people paid it without grumbling yet when Edward the black Prince returned from his unhappy journey into Spain for the paying of his Souldiers to whom he was indebted laid this Fouage upon this people being then English they all presently revolted to the French and brought great prejudice to our affairs in those quarters Next to the Gabell of Salt we may place the Taille or Taillon which are much of a nature with the Subsidies in England as being levied both on Goods and Lands In this again they differ the Subsidies of England being granted by the people and the sum of it certain but this of France being at the pleasure of the King and in what manner he shall please to impose them Antiently the Tailles were only levyed by way of extraordinary Subsidie and that but upon four occasions which were the Knighting of the King Son the marriage of his Daughters a Voyage of the Kings beyond sea and his Ransome in case he were taken Prisoner Les Tailles ne sont point devis de voir ordinaire saith Ragneau ains ant este accordeès durant la necessite des affaires seulement Afterwards they were continually levyed in times of war and at length Chales the VII made them ordinary Were it extended equally on all it would amount to a very fair Revenue For supposing this that the Kingdome of France containeth 200 millions of Acres as it doth and that from every acre there were raised to the King two Sols yearly which is little in respect of what the Taxes impose upon them That income alone besides that which is levyed on Goods personall would amount to two millions of pounds in a year But this payment also lyeth on the Paisant the greater Towns the officers of the Kings house the Officers of War the President Counsellors and Officers of the Courts of Parliament the Nobility the Clergy and the Scholars of the University being freed from it That which they call the Taillon was intended for the
for without the sweat and bloud of the people no Pillages no Impositions upon our private wares no Gabels upon our commodities Nullum in tam inâ—enti regno vectigal non in urbibus pontiumve discriminibus Publicanorum stationes as one truely hath observed of us The monies which the King wanteth to supply his necessities are here freely given him He doth not here compell our bounties but accept them The Laws by which we are governed we in part are makers of each Paisant of the Countrey hath a free-voice in the enacting of them if not in his person yet in his proxie We are not here subject to the lusts and tyranny of our Lords and may therefore say safely what the Jewes spake â—actiously That we have no King but Caesar The greatest Prince here is subject with us to the same Law and when we stand before the tribunall of the Judge we acknowledge no difference Here do we inhabite our own houses plough our own Lands enjoy the fruits of our labour comfort our selves with the wives of our youth and see our selves grow up in those children which shall inherit after us the same felicities But I forget my self To endevour the numbring of Gods blessings may perhaps deserve as great a punishment as Davids numbring the people I conclude with the Poet O fortunati minium bona si sua norint Agricolae nostri And so I take my leave of France and prepare for England towards which having stayed 3 days for winde and company we set forwards on Wednesday the 3 of August the day exceeding fair the Sea as quiet and the winde so still that the Mariners were fain to takedown their Sails and betake themselves unto their Oares Yet at the last with much endevour on their side and no lesse patience on ours we were brought into the midst of the channell when suddainly But soft what white is that which I espie Which with its â—â—stre doth eclipse mine eye That which doth Nâ—ptunes fury so disdain And beates the Billow back into the main Is it some dreadfull Scylla fastned there To shake the Sailor into prayer and fear Or is 't some Island floating on the wave Of which in writers we the story have T is England ha t is so clap clap your hands That the full noise may strike the neighbouring Lands Into a Palâ—ie Doth not that lov'd name Move you to extasie O were the same As dear to you as me that very word Would make you dance and caper over board Dull shipmen how they move not how their houses Grow to the planks yet stay here 's sport enough For see the sea Nymphs fooâ— it and the fish Leap their high measures equall to my wish Triton doth sound his shell and to delight me Old Nereus hobleth with his Amphitrite Excellent triumphs But curs'd fates the main Quickly divides and takes them in again And leaves me dying till I come to land And kisse my dearest Mother in her sand Hail happy England hail thou sweetest Isle Within whose bounds no Pagan rites defile The purer faith Christ is by Saints not mated And he alone is worship'd that created In thee the labouring man enjoyes his wealth Not subject to his Lords rape or the stealth Of hungry Publicans In thee thy King Feares not the power of any underling But is himself and by his awfull word Commands not more the begger then the Lord. In thee those heavenly beauties live would make Most of the Gods turn mortals for their sake Such as outgo report and make â—ame see They stand above her hig'st Hyperbale And yet to strangers will not grâ—teâ— the blisse Of salutation and an harmlesse kisse Hail then sweet England may I 〈◊〉 my last In thy loâ—'d armes and when my dayes are past And to the silence of the gr 〈…〉 I must All I desire is thou wouldst keep my â—ust The End of the Fifth Book and the first Journey THE SECOND JOURNEY CONTAINING A SURVEY of the ESTATE of the two ILANDS Guernzey and Jarsey With the ISLES appending According to their Politie and Formes of Government both Ecclesiasticall and Civill THE SIXTH BOOK LONDON Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet 1656. A SURVEY of the ESTATE OF Guernzey and Jarsey c. The Entrance 1 The occasion of c. 2 Introduction to this Work 3 The Dedication 4 and Method of the whole The beginning continuance of our Voyage with the most remarkable passages which hapned in it The mercenary falsnesse of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of warre WHen first I undertook to attend upon my Lord of Danby to the Islands of Guernzey and Jarsey besides the purpose which I had of doing service to his Lordship I resolved also to do somewhat for my self and if possible unto the places For my self in bettering what I could my understanding if peradventure the persons or the place might add unto me the knowledge of any one thing to which I was a stranger At the least I was in hope to satisfy my curiosity as being not a little emulous of this kind of living Multorum mores hominum qui vidit urbes which had seen so much of men and of their manners It was also not the last part of mine intention to do something in the honour of the Island by committing to memory their Antiquities by reporting to posterity their Arts of Government by representing as in a Tablet the choycest of their beauties and in a word by reducing these and the Achievements of the people as far as the light of Authors could direct me into the body of an History But when I had a little made my self acquainted with the place and people I found nothing in them which might put me to that trouble The Churches naked of all Monuments and not so much as the blazon of an Armes permitted in a window for fear as I conjecture of Idolatry No actions of importance to be heard of in their Legends in their remembrancers whereby to ennoble them in time to come unlesse perhaps some slight allarmes from France may occasion speech of them in our common Chronicles The Countrey indeed exceeding pleasant and delightsome but yet so small in the extent and circuit that to speak much of them wereto put the shooe of Hercules upon the foot of an Infant For being in themselves an abridgement only of the greater works of nature how could the character and description of them be improved into a Volume Having thus failed in the most of my designes I applyed my self to make enquirie after their form of Government in which I must needs confesse I met with much which did exceedingly affect me Their Lawes little beholding in the composition of them to Justinian and of no great affinity with the laws of England which we call Municipall or common The grand Customarie of Normandy is of most credit with them and that indeed the only rule
King and therefore without difficulty to be compassed By this Tenure are their estates all holden in every of the Islands except 6 only which are held in Capite whereof 4 in Jarsey and 2 in Guetnzey and those called by the names of Signeuries The Signeuries in Jarsey are first that of St Oen anciently belonging to the Carterâ—ts and that of Rossell bought lately of Mr. Daminick Perin by Sir Philip de Carteret now living 3. That of Trinity descended upon Mr. Jeshua de Carteret in the right of his Mother the heir generall of the L' Emprieres And 4 That of St. Marie vulgarly called Lammarez descended from the Paines unto the Family of the Du Maresque who now enjoy it Those of Guernzey as before I said are two only viz. that of Anneville and that of De Sammarez both which have passed by way of sale through divers hands and now at last are even worne out almost to nothing The present owners Fashion and Androes both of them English in their parentage The chief Magistrates in both these Isles for as much as concernes the defence and safety of them are the Governours whose office is not much unlike that of the Lord Lieutenants of our shires in England according as it was established by King Alfred revived by Henry III. and so continueth at this day These Governours are appointed by the King and by him in times of warre rewarded with an annuall pension payable out of the Exchequer but since the encrease of the domaine by the ruine of Religious houses that charge hath been deducted the whole Revenues being allotted to them in both Islands for the support of their estate In Civill matters they are directed by the Bailiffs and the Jurates the Bailiffs and other the Kings Officers in Guernzey being appointed by the Governour those of Jarsey holding their places by Patent from the King The names of which Officers from the highest to the lowest behold here as in a Tablet according as they are called in each Island GUERNZEY The Governour the Earl of Danby The Lieutenant Nath. Darcell The Bailiffe Aymes de Carteret The Provost  The Kings Advocate Pet. Beauvoir The Comptroller De la Morsh The Receiver Carey JARSEY The Governour Sir John Peyton Sen. The Lieutenant Sir John Peyton Jun. The Bailiffe Sir Philip de Cartâ—râ—t The Vicompt Hampton Le Procureur Helier de Carteres The Advocate Messerney The Receiver Dissâ—â— By those men accompanied with the Justices or Jurates is his Majesty served and his Islande governed the places in each Island being of the same nature though somewhat different in name Of these in matters meerly Civill and appertaining unto publick justice the Bailiffe is the principall as being the chief Judge in all actions both criminall and reall In matter of life and death if they proceed to sentence of condemnation there is requisite a concurrence of seven Jurates together with the Bâ—iliffe under which number so concurring the Offender is acquited Nor can the Countrey finde one guilty not takeâ— as we call it in the matter except that 18 voices of 24 for of that number is their Grand Enquest agree together in the verdict Personall actions such as are Debt and Tâ—espasse may be determined by the Bailiffe and two only are sufficient but if a triall come in right of Land and of Inheritance there must be three at least and they decide it For the dispatch of these businesses they have their Termâ—â— about the same time as we in London their Writâ— of Arrest Appearance and the like directed to the Vicompt or Provest and for the tryall of their severall causes three severall Courts or Jurisdictions viz. the Court Criminall the Court of Chattel and the Court of Heritage If any finde himself agrieved with their proceedings his way is to appeal unto the Councell-Table Much like this forme of Government but of later stampe are those Courts in France which they call Les Seiges Presideaux instituted for the ease of the people by the former Kings in divers Cities of the Realme and since confirmed anno 1551 or thereabouts Wherein there is a Bailiffe attended by twelve Assistants for the most part two Lieutenants the one criminall and the other civill and other officers the office of the Bailiffe being to preserve the people from wrong to take notice of Treasons Robberies Murders unlawfull assemblies c. and the like In this order and by these men are all such affaires transacted which concern only private and particular persons but if a businesse arise which toucheth at the publick there is summoned by the Governour a Parliament or Convention of the three Estates For however Aristotle deny in the first of his Politicks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that a great houshold nothing differs from a little City yet certainly we may affirme that in the art of Government a little Empire doth nothing differ from a greater whereupon it is that even these little Islands in imitation of the greater Kingdomes have also their Conventus ordinum or assembly of the States viz. of the Governour as chief the Bailiffe and Jurates representing the nobility the Ministers for the Church and the severall Constables of each Parish for the Commons In this assembly generall as also in all private meetings the Governour takes precedence of the Bailiffe but in the Civill Courts and pleas of law the Bailiffe hath it of the Governour In this Assembly they rectifie such abuses as are grown among them appoint Deputies to solicite their affairs at Court resolve on publick contributions c. and among other things determine the election of the Justices For on the vacancy of any of those places there is notice given unto the people in their severall Parishes on the next Sunday after the morning exercise and there the people or the major part of them agree upon a man This nomination at the day appointed for the Assembly of the States is returned by the Constables of each Village out of whom so named the whole body chuseth him whom they think most serviceable for that Magistracy This done the new Jurate either then immediately or at the next sitting of the Justices shall be admitted to his place and office having first taken an Oath for the upright demeanour of himselfe in the discharge of his duty and the trust reposed in him The tenour of which Oath is as followeth YOU Mr. N. N. since it hath pleased God to call you lawfully to this charge shall swear and promise by the faith and troth which you owe to God well and truely to discharge the Office of a Jurate or Justiciar in the Court Royall of our Soveraigne Lord the King of England Scotland France and Ireland c. in this Isle of Jarsey whose Majesty next under God you acknowledge to be supreme Governour in all his Realmes Provinces and Dominions renouncing all strange and forain powers You shall defend the rights both of his Majesty and Subjects You shall uphold the
honour and glory of God and of his pure and holy word You shall administer true and equall Justice as well to the poor as to the rich without respect of persons according to our Lawes Usages and Customes confirmed unto us by our priviledges maintaining them together with our Liberties and Franchises and opposing your selfe against such as labour to infringe them You shall also punish and chastise all Traitours Murderers Felons Blasphemers of Gods holy name Drunkards and other scandalous livers every one according to his desert opposing your self against all seditious persons in the defence of the Kings Authority and of his Justice You shall be frequently assistant in the Court and as often as you shall be desired having no lawfull excuse to the contrary in which case you shall give your proxie to some other Justice giving your advise counsell and opinion according to the sincerity of your conscience You shall give reverence and due respect unto the Court. And shall defend or cause to be defended the rights of Widowes Orphans Strangers and all other persons unable to help themselves Finally in your verdict or the giving your opinion you shall regulate and conforme your self to the better and more wholesome counsell of the Bailiffe and Justices All which you promise to make good upon your conscience A way more compendious then ours in England where the Justices are sain to take three Oaths and those founded upon three severall Statutes as viz. that concerning the discharge of their office which seemeth to be founded on the 13. of Richard II. Cap. 7. That of the Kings Supremacy grounded on the first of Queen Elazabeth Cap. 1. And lastly that of AVegiance in force by virtue of the Stature 3 Jac. Cap. 4. Of these Justices there are twelve in all in each Island of whose names and titles in the next Chapter The other members of the Bailiffes Court are the Advocates or Pleaders whereof there be six onely in each Island this people conceiving rightly that multitudes of Lawyers occasion multitudes of businesse or according to that merry saying of old Haywood The more Spaniels in the field the more game Of these advocate two of them which are as we call them here in England the Kings Attorney or Sollicitour are called Advocati stipulantes the others Advocati postulantes Yet have they not by any order confined themselves to this number but may enlarge them according to occasion though it had not been a Solecisme or a novelty were the number limited For it appeareth in the Parliament Records that Edward the first restrained the number both of Counsellers and Atturneys unto 140 for all England though he also left authority in the Lord Chief Justice to enlarge it as appeareth in the said Records Anno 20. Rotul 5. in dorso de apprenticiis attornatis in these words following D. Rex injunxit Joh. de Metingham he was made chief Justice of the Common Pleas in the 18 of this King â—oci is suis quod ipsi per eorum disâ—retionem provideant ordinent certum numerum in quolibet Comitatu de melioribus legalioribus libentius addiscentibus sec quod intellexeâ—int quod curiae suae populo de regno melius valere poterit c. Et videtur regi ejus concilio quod septies viginti sufficere poterint Apponant tamen praefati justiciarii plures si viderint esse faciendum vel numerum anticipent c. Thus he wisely and happily foreseeing those many inconveniences which arise upon the multitudes of such as apply themselves unto the Lawes and carefully providing for the remedy But of this as also of these Islands and of their manner of Govenment I have now said sufficient yet no more then what may fairly bring your Lordship on to the main of my discourse and Argument viz. the Estate and condition of their Churches I shall here only adde a Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey for of those of Guernzey notwithstanding all my paines and diligence I could finde no such certain constat which is this that followeth A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of Jarsey  Bailiffs Governours 1301 Pierre Vigâ—ure Edw. II. O 〈…〉 o de Grandison Sr. des Isles 1389 Geofr la Hague Edw. III. Edm. de Cheynie Gard des Isles 1345 Guill Hastings Thom. de Ferrer Capt. des Isles 1352 Rog. Powderham  1363 Raoul L. Empriere  1367 Rich de St. Martyn  1368 Iean de St. Martyn   Rich le Peâ—iâ— Â 1370 Jean de St. Martyn   Jean Cokerill  1382 Tho Brasdefer Hen. IV. Edw. D. of York 1396 Geofr Brasdefer V. Jean D. of Bedford 1414. 1405 Guill de Laick  1408 Tho. Daniel VI. Hum. D. of Glocester 1439. 1414 Jean Poingt dexter  1433 Jean Bernard Kt.  1436 Jean l' Empriere  1444 Jean Payne  1446 Regin de Carteret  1453 Jean Poingt dexter Edw IV. Sir Rich. Harliston 1462 Nicol. Mourin  1485 Guill de Harvy Angl. Hen. VII Mathew Baker Esq 1488 Clem. le Hardy Tho. Overcy Esq 1494 Jean Nicols David Philips Esq 1496 Jean l' Empriere  1515 Hel de Carteret Hen. VIII Sir Hugh Vaughaâ— 1524 Helier de la Recq Sir Antony Urterell 1526 Rich Mabon  1528 Jasper Penn. Angl.  1562 Hostes Nicolle Edw. VI Edw. D of Somers L Protect  Jean du Maresque Cornish  Geo. Pawlet Angl. Ma. R. Sir Hugh Pawlet 1516 Jean Herault Kt. Eliza. R. Sir Aimer Paulet 1622 Guill Parkâ—urst Sir Anthâ— Pawlett 16 Philip de Carteret Kt. Sir Walt. Raleigh  now living ann 1644. Jac. Sir Joh. Peiton S. a Cross ingrailed O.   Car. Sir Tho. Jermin now living Further then this I shall not trouble your Lordship with the Estate of these Islands in reference either unto Naturall or Civill Concernments This being enough to serve for a foundation to that superstructure which I am now to raise upon it CHAP. II. 1 The City and Diocese of Constance 2 The condition of these Islands under that Government 3 Churches appropriated what they were 4 The Black Book of Constance 5 That called Domes day 6 The suppression of Priours Aliens 7 Priours Dative how they differed from the Conventualls 8 The condition of these Churches after the suppression 9 A Diagram of the Revenue then allotted to each severall Parish together with the Ministers and Justices now being 10 What is meant by Champarte desarts and French querrui 11 The alteration of Religion in these Islands 12 Persecution here in the days of Queen Mary The Authors indignation at it expressed in a Poeticall rapture 13 The Islands annexed for ever to the Diocese of Winton and for what reasons BUt before we enter on that Argument The estate and condition of their Churches a little must be said of their Mother-City to whom they once did owe Canonicall obedience A City in the opinion of some
owner which they called Les Deserts But the Countreys after growing populous and many mouths requiring much provision these Deserts were broke up and turned into tillage Hereupon the Curates made challenge to the tithes as not at all either intended or contained in the former composition The Governours on the other side alleadging custome that those grounds had never paid the Tithe and therefore should not Nor could the Clergy there obtain their rights untill the happy entrance of King James upon these Kingdoms A Prince of all others a most indulgent father to the Church By him and by a letter Decretory from the Counsell it was adjudged in favour of the Ministery the Letter bearing date at Greenwich June the last anno 1608. subscribed T. Ellesmere Canc. R. Salisbury H. Northampton E. Worcester T. Suffolke Exeter Zeuch Wotton Cesar Herbert A matter certainly of much importance in the consequence as making known unto your Lordship how easie a thing it is in the authority royall to free the Church from that tyranny of custome and prescription under which it groneth The next of these three words to be explained is in the note French Querrui which in the note is told us to be the 8 and 9 sheaf by which account or way of tithing the Minister in 50 sheafs receiveth 6 which is one sheaf more then the ordinary tithe The word corrupted as I conceive from the French word Charrue which signifieth a Plough and then French querrui is as much as Plough-right alluding to the custome of some Lords in France who used to give their husbandmen or villains as a guerdon for their toyle the 8 and 9 of their increase As for the last that viz. which the Diagram calleth Champart it intimates in the origination of the word a part or portion of the field that which the Lord in chief reserved unto himself In Guernzey it is constantly the 12 sheaf of the whole crop the Farmer in the counting of his sheafes casting aside the 10 for the King and the 12 which is the Champart for the Lord. Now here in Guernzey for those of the other Isle have no such custome there is a double Champart that namely Du Roy belonging to the King whereof the Clergy have the tithe and that of St. Michael en leval not titheable The reason is because at the suppression of the Priorie of St. Michael which was the only Religious house in these Islands which subsisted of it self the Tenants made no tendry of this Champart and so it lay amongst concealments At the last Sir Thomas Leighton the Governour here recovered it unto the Crown by course of Law and at his own charges whereupon the Queen licenced him to make sale of it to his best advantage which accordingly he did For the Religion in these Islands it hath been generally such as that professed with us in England and as much varied When the Priors Aliens were banished England by King Henry V. they also were exiled from hence Upon the demolition of our Abbeys the Priory of St. Michael and that little Oratory of our Lady of Lehu became a ruine The Masse was here also trodden down whilest King Edward stood and raised again at the exaltation of Queen Mary Nay even that fiery tryall which so many of Gods servants underwent in the short Reign of that misguided Lady extended even unto these poor Islanders and that as I conceive in a more fearfull tragedy then any all that time presented on the Stage of England The story in the brief is this Katharine Gowches a poor widow of St. Peters-parte in Guernzey was noted to be much absent from the Church and her two daughters guilty of the same neglect Upon this they were presented before Jaques Amy then Dean of the Island who finding in them that they held opinions contrary unto those then allowed about the Sacrament of the Altar pronounced them Hereticks and condemned them to the fire The poor women on the other side pleaded for themselves that that Doctrine had been taught them in the time of King Edward but if the Queen was otherwise disposed they were content to be of her Religion This was fair but this would not serve for by the Dean they were delivered unto Elier Gosselin the then Bailiffe and by him unto the fire July 18. Anno Dom. 1556. One of these daughters Perotine Massey she was called was at that time great with childe her husband which was a Minister being in those dangerous times fled the Island in the middle of the flames and anguish of her torments her belly brake in sunder and her child a goodly boy fell down into the fire but was presently snatched up by one W. House one of the by-standers Upon the noise of this strange accident the cruell Bailiffe returned command that the poor Infant must be cast again into the flames which was accordingly performed and so that pretty babe was borne a Martyr and added to the number of the Holy Innocents A cruelty not paralleld in any story not heard of amongst the Nations But such was the pleasure of the Magistate as one in the Massacre of the younger Maximinus viz. Canis pessimi ne catulum esse relinquendum that not any issue should be left alive of an Heretick Parent The horrror of which fact stirred in me some Poeticall Fancies or Furies rather which having long lien dormant did break out at last indignation thus supplying those suppressed conceptions Si natura negaâ— dabit indignatio versum Holla ye pampred Sires of Rome forbear To act such murders as a Christian ear Hears with more horrour then the Jews relate The dire effects of Herods fear and hate When that vilde Butcher caus'd to cut in sunder Every Male childe of two years old and under These Martyrs in their cradles from the womb This pass'd directly to the fiery tomb Baptiz'd in Flames and Bloud a Martyr born A setting sun in the first dawn of morn Yet shining with more heat and brighter glory Then all Burnt-offerings in the Churches story Holla ye pampred Rabines of the West Where learnt you thus to furnish out a Feast With Lambs of the first minute What disguise Finde you to mask this horrid Sacrifice When the old Law so meekly did forbid In the Dams milk to boil the tender Kid. What Riddles have we here an unborn birth Hurried to Heaven when not made ripe for Earth Condemned to die before it liv'd a twin To its own mother not impeached of sin Yet doom'd to death that breath'd but to expire That scap'd the flames to perish in the fire Rejoyce ye Tyrants of old times your name Is made lesse odious on the breath of fame By our most monstrous cruelties the Males Slaughtered in Egypt waigh not down these scales A Fod to equall this no former age Hath given in Books or fancie on the Stage This fit of indignation being thus passed over I can proceed
needs must note that as the erecting of these fabricks in these Islands was founded on the ruine of the Deanries so had the birth of this device in England been death unto the Bishopricks No wonder then if those which principally manage the affairs of holy Church so busily bestir themselves in the destroying of this viper which by no other means can come into the world then by the death and ruine of his mother Yet so it is I know not whether by destiny or some other means I would not think but so it is that much of this new plat-form hath of late found favour with us and may in time make entrance to the rest Their Lecturers permitted in so many places what are they but the Doctors of Geneva save only that they are more factious and sustain a party And what the purpose and design of this but so by degrees to lessen the repute of such daies as are appointed holy by the Church and fasten all opinion to their daies of preaching By whose authority stand the Church-wardens at the Temple doors as I have seen it oft in London to collect the bounty of the hearers but only by some of their appointments who finde that duty or the like prescribed here unto the Deacons cap. 1. 2. I could say somewhat also of our ordinary Fasts how much they are neglected every where and no Fast now approved of but the solemn Nay we have suffered it of late to get that ground upon us in the practise at the least that now no common businesse must begin without it Too many such as these I fear I could point out unto your Lordship did I not think that these already noted were too many A matter certainly worthy of your Lordships care and of the care of those your Lordships partners in the Hierarchie that as you suffer not these new inventions to usurp upon our Churches by violence so that they neither grow upon us by cunning or connivence CHAP. VI. 1 King James how affected to this Platform 2 He confirmes the Discipline in both Islands 3 And for what reasons 4 Sir John Peyton sent Governour into Jarzey 5 His Articles against the Ministers there 6 And the proceedings thereupon 7 The distracted estate of the Church and Ministery in that Island 8 They referre themselves unto the King 9 The Inhabitants of Jarzey petition for the English Discipline 10 A reference of both parties to the Councell 11 The restitution of the Dean 12 The Interim of Germanie what it was 13 The Interim of Jarzey 14 The exceptions of the Ministery against the Book of Common-prayer 15 The establishment of the new Canons IN this state and under this Government continued those Islands till the happy entrance of King James upon the Monarchy of England A Prince of whom the brethren conceived no small hopes as one that had continually been brought up by and amongst those of that faction and had so oft confirmed their much desired Presbyteries But when once he had set foot in England where he was sure to meet with quiet men and more obedience he quickly made them see that of his favour to that party they had made themselves too large a promise For in the conference at Hampton Court he publickly professed that howsoever he lived among Puritans and was kept for the most part as a ward under them yet ever since he was of the age of ten years old he ever disliked their opinions and as the Saviour of the world had said though he lived among them he was not of them In this conference also that so memorized Apophthegm of his Majesty No Bishop no King and anon after My Lords the Bishops faith he I may thank ye that these men the Puritans plead thus for my Supremacy Add to this that his Majesty had alwaies fostred in himself a pious purpose not only of reducing all his Realms and Dominions into one uniform order and course of discipline which thing himself avoweth in his Letters Patents unto those of Jarzey but also to establish in all the reformed Churches if possibly it might be done together with unity of Religion and uniformity of devotion For which cause he had commanded the English Liturgie to be translated into the Latine and also into most of the national Languages round about us by that and other more private means to bring them into a love and good opinion of our Government which he oftentimes acknowledged to have been approved by manifold blessings from God himself A heroick purpose and worthy of the Prince from whom it came This notwithstanding that he was enclined the other way yet upon suit made by those of these Islands he confirmed unto them their present orders by a Letter under his private Seal dated the 8. of August in the first year of his reign in England which Letters were communicated in the Synod at St. Hilaries the 18. of September 1605. the Letter written in the French Tongue but the tenor of them was as followeth James by the Grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland c. unto all those whom these presents shall concern greeting Whereas we our selves and the Lords of our Councell have been given to understand that it pleased God to put it into the heart of the late Queen our most dear sister to permit and allow unto the Isles of Jarzey and Guernsey parcel of our Dutchy of Normandy the use of the Government of the reformed Churches in the said Dutchy whereof they have stood possessed until our coming to this Crown for this couse we desiring to follow the pious example of our said Sister in this behalf as well for the advancement of the glory of Almighty God as for the edification of his Church do will and ordain that cur said Isles shall quietly enjoy their said liberty in the use of the Ecclesiastical Discipline there now established forbidding any one to give them any trouble or impeachment as long as they contain themselves in our obedience and attempt not any thing against the pure and sacred Word of God Given at our Palace at Hampton Court the 8. day of August Anno Dom. 1603. and of our reign in England the first Signed above James R. The reasons which moved this Prince to assent unto a form of Government which he liked not was partly an ancient rule and precept of his own viz. That Princes at their first entrance to a Grown ought not to innovate the government presently established But the principal cause indeed was desire not to discourage the Scots in their beginnings or to lay open too much of his intents at once unto them For since the year 1595. his Majesty wearied with the confusions of the Discipline in that Church established had much busied himself in restoring their antient place and power unto the Bishops He had already brought that work so forwards that the Scottish Ministers had admitted of 13 Commissioners which was the antient
that his admission unto the said office should together with the Ministers of this our Island consider of such Canons and Constitutions as might be fitly accomodated to the circumstances of time and place and persons whom they concern and that the same should be put in good order and intimated by the Governour Bailiffe and Jurates of that our Island that they might offer to us and our Councell such acceptions and give such reformations touching the same as they should think good And whereas the said Dean and Ministers did conceive certain Canons and presented the same unto us on the one part and on the other part the said Bailiffe and Jurates excepting against the same did send and depute Sir Philip de Carteret Knight Jeshuah de Carteret and Philip de Carteret Esquires three of the Jurates and Justices of our said Isle all which parties appeared before our right trusty and well beloved Counsellers the most reverend father in God the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury the Right reverend father in God the Lord Bishop of Lincolne Lord Keeper of the Geat Seal of England and the Right reverend father in God the said Lord Bishop of Winton to whom we granted commission to examine the same who have have accordingly heard the said parties at large read and examined corrected and amended the said Canons and have now made report unto us under their hands that by a mutuall consent of the said Deputies and Dean of our Island they have reduced the said Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall into such order as in their judgements may well stand with the estate of that Island Know ye therefore that we out of our Princely care of the quiet and peaceable government of all our Dominions especialy affecting the peace of the Church and the establishment of true Religion and Ecclesiasticall discipline in one uniforme order and course throughout all our Realms and Dominions so happily united under us as their Supreme Governor on earth in all causes as well Ecclesiasticall as Civill Having taken consideration of the said Canons and Constitutions thus drawn as aforesaid do by these deputies ratifie confirme and approve thereof And farther we out of our Princely power and regall authority do by these Patents signed and sealed with our royall Signet for us our heirs and successors will with our royall hand and command that these Canons and Constitutions hereafter following shall from henceforth in all points be duly observed in our said Isle for the perpetuall government of the said Isle in causes Ecclesiasticall unlesse the same or some part or parts thereof upon further experience and tryall thereof by the mutuall consent of the Lord Bishop of Winton for the time being the Governour Bailiffs and Jurates of the said Isle and of the Dean and Ministers and other our Officers in the said Isle for the time being representing the body of our said Isle and by the royall authority of us our heirs and successors shall receive any additions or alterations as time and occasion shall justly require And therefore we do farther will and command the said Right reverend father in God Lancelot now Lord Bishop of Winton that he do forthwith by his Commission under his Episcopall seal as Ordinary of the place give authority unto the said now Dean to exercise Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction in our said Isle according to the said Canons and Constitutions thus made and established as followeth Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall treated agreed on and established for the Isle of Jarsey CHAP. I. Of the Kings Supremacy and of the Church Article I. 1. AS our duty to the Kings most excellent Majesty requireth it is first ordained That the Dean and Ministers having care of souls shall to the utmost of their power knowledge and learning purely and sincerely without any backwardnesse or dissimulation teach publish and declare as often as they may and as occasion shall present it self that all strange usurped and forain power for as much as it hath no gound by the law of God is wholly as for just and good causes taken away and abolished and that therefore no manner of obedience or subjection within any of his Majesties Realms and Dominions is due unto any such forain power but that the Kings power within his Realms of England Scotland and Ireland and all other his Dominions and Countries is the highest power under God to whom all men as well inhabitants as born within the same do by Gods Law owe most loyalty and obedience afore and above all other power and Potentates in the earth II. 2. Whosoever shall affirme and maintain that the Kings Majesty hath not the same authority in causes Ecclesiasticall that the godly Princes had amongst the Jews and the Christian Emperours in the Church primitive or shall impeach in any manner the said Supremacy in the said causes III. IV. 3. Also whosoever shall affirme that the Church of England as it is established under the Kings Majesty is not a true and Apostolicall Church purely teaching the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles 4. Or shall impugne the Government of the said Church by Archbishops Bishops and Deans affirming it to be Antichristian shall be ipso facto Excommunicated and not restored but by the Dean sitting in his Court after his repentance and publick recantation of his errour CHAP. II. Of Divine Service Article I. 1. IT is injoyned unto all sorts of people that they submit themselves to the Divine service contained in the book of Common prayers of the Church of England And for as much as concerns the Ministers that they observe with uniformity the said Liturgie without addition or alteration and that they fuâ—ler not any Conventicle or Congregation to make a sect apart by themselves or to distract the Government Ecclesiasticall established in the Church II. 2. The Lords day shall be sanctified by the exercises of publick prayer and the hearing of Gods word Every one also shall be bounden to meet together at an hour convenient and to observe the order and decency in that case requisite being attentive to the reading or preaching of the Word kneeling on their knees during the Prayers and standing up at the Belief and shall also 〈◊〉 their consent in saying Amen And further during any part of Divine service the Church-wardens shall not suffer any interruption or impeachment to be made by the insolence and practice of any person either in the Church or Church-yard III. 3. There shall be publick exercise in every Parish on Wednesdays and Fridays in the morning by reading the Common prayers IV. 4. When any urgent occasion shall require an extraordinary Fast the Dean with the advice of his Ministers shall give notice of it to the Governour and Civill Magistrate to the end that by their authority and consent it may be generally observed for the appeasing of the wrath and indignation of the Lord by true and serious repentance CHAP. III. Of Baptism THe Sacrament of Baptism shall be
till the year 1304. The Scholars till then sojourning in the houses of the Citizens accordingly as they could bargain for their entertainment But anno 1304. Joane Queen of Navarre wife to Philip the fair built that Colledge which then and ever since hath been called the Colledge of Navarre and is at this day the fairest and largest of all the rest Nonibi constituunt exempla ubi coeperunt sed in tenuem accepta tramitem latissime evagandi viam sibi faciunt as Velleius This good example ended not in it self but incited divers others of the French Kings and people to the erecting of convenient places of study So that in process of time Paris became enriched with 52 Colledges So many it still hath though the odde forty are little serviceable unto learning for in twelve only of them is there any publick reading either in Divinity or Philosophy Those twelve are the Colledges of Harcourte 2. Caillvi or the Petit Sorbonne 3. Lisseux or Lexovium 4 Boncourte 5. Montague 6. Le Marche 7. Navarre 8. De la Cardinal de Moyne 9. Le Plessis 10. De Beavais 11. La Sorbonne 12. De Clermont or the Colledge of the Jesuites there are also publique readings in the houses of the four orders of Fryers Mendicants viz. the Carmelites the Augustins the Franciscans or Cordeliers and the Dominicans The other Colledges are destinated to other uses That of Arras is converted to an house of English fugitives and there is another of them hard by the Gate of St. Jacques employed for the reception of the Irish In others of them there is lodging allotted out to Students who for their instructions have resort to some of the 12 Colledges above mentioned In each of these Colledges there is a Rector most of whose places yeeld to them but small profit The greatest commodity which accreweth to them is raised from chamber Rents their preferments being much of a nature with that of a Principal of an Hall in Oxford or that of a Treasurer in an Inne of Chancery in London At the first erection of their Colledges they were all prohibited marriage though I see little reason for it There can hardly come any inconvenience or dammage by it unto the scholars under their charge by the assuming of leases into their own hands for I think few of them have any to be so imbezled Anno 1520. or thereabouts it was permitted unto such of them as were Doctors in Physick that they might marry the Cardinall of Toute Ville Legat in France giving unto them that indulgence Afterwards in the year 1534. the Doctors of the Lawes petitioned the University for the like priviledge which in fine was granted to them and confirmed by the Court of Parliament The Doctors of Divinity are the only Academicals now barred from it and that not as Rectors but as Priests These Colledges for their buildings are very inelegant and generally little beholding to the curiosity of the artificer So confused and so proportioned in respect of our Colledges in England as Exeter in Oxford was some 12. years since in comparison of the rest or as the two Temples in London now are in reference to Lincolns-Inne The revenues of them are suitable to the Fabricks as mean and curtailed I could not learn of any Colledge that hath greater allowances then that of Sorbonne and how small a trifle that is we shall tell you presently But this is not the poverty of the University of Paris only all France is troubled with the same want the same want of encouragement in learning neither are the Academies of Germanie in any happier state which occasioned Erasmus that great light of his times having been in England and seen Cambridge to write thus to one of his Dutch acquaintance Vnum Collegium Cantabrigiense confidenter dicam superat vel decem nostra It holdeth good in the neatness and graces of the buildings in which sense he spake it but it had been more undeniable had he intended it of the revenues Yet I was given to understand that at Tholoze there was amongst 20 Colledges one of an especiall quality and so indeed it is if rightly considered There are said to be in it 20 Students places or fellowships as we call them The Students at their entrance are to lay down in deposito 6000. Florens or Livres paid unto him after six years by his successor Vendere jure potest emerat ille prius A pretty market The Colledge of Sorbonne which is indeed the glory of this University was built by one Robert de Sorbonne of the chamber of Lewis the 9. of whom he was very well beloved It confisteth meerly of Doctors of Divinity neither can any of another profession nor any of the same profession not so graduated be admitted into it At this time their number is about 70 their allowance a pint of wine their pinte is but a thought lesse then our quart and a certain quantity of bread daily Meat they have none allowed them unless they pay for it but the pay is not much for five Sols which amounteth to six pence English a day they may challenge a competency of flesh or fish to be served to them at their chambers These Doctors have the sole power and authority of conferring degrees in Divinity the Rector and other officers of the University having nothing to do in it To them alone belongeth the examination of the students in the faculty the approbation and the bestowing of the honour and to their Lectures do all such assiduously repair as are that way minded All of them in their turnes discharge this office of reading and that by sixes in a day three of them making good the Pulpit in the forenoon and as many in the afternoon These Doctors are accounted together with the Parliament of Paris the principal pillars of the French Liberty whereof indeed they are exceeding jealous as well in matters Ecclesiastical as Civil When Gerson Chancellor of Paris he died Anno 1429. had published a book in approbation of the Councell of Constance where it was enacted that the authority of the Councell was greater then that of the Pope the Sorborne Doctors declared that also to be their Doctrine Afterwards when Lewis the 1 1. to gratifie Pope Pius the 2. purposed to abolish the force of the pragmatick sanction the Sorbonnists in behalf of the Church Gallican and the University of Paris Magnis obsistebant animis saith Sleidan in his Commentaries a Papa provocabant ad Concilium The Councell unto which they appealed was that of Basil where that sanction was made so that by this appeal they verified their former Thesis that the Councell was above the Pope And not long since anno viz. 1613. casually meeting with a book written by Becanus entituled Controversia Anglicana de potestate regis papae they called an assembly and condemned it For though the main of it was against the power and supremacy of the Kings of England yet
did it reflect also on the authority of the Pope over other Christian Kings by the bie which occasioned the Sentence So jealous are they of the least circumstances in which the immunity of their nation may be endangered As for the Government of the University it hath for its chief directour a Rector with a Chancellor four Procurators or Proctors and as many others whom they call Les Intrantes to assist him besides the Regents Of these the Regents are such Masters of the Arts who are by the consent of the rest selected to read the publick Lectures of Logick and Philosophy Their name they derive a regendo eo quod in artibus rexerint These are divided into four Nations viz. 1 The Norman 2 The Picarde 3. The German And 4 The French Under the two first are comprehended the students of those several Provinces under the third the Students of all forein nations which repair hither for the attainment of knowledge It was heretofore called natio Anglica but the English being thought unworthy of the honour because of their separation from the Church of Rome the name and credit of it was given to the Germans That of the French is again subdivided into two parts that which is immediately within the Diocese of Paris and that which containeth the rest of Gallia These four Nations for notwithstanding the subdivision above mentioned the French is reckoned but as one choose yearly four Proctors or Procurators so called quia negotia nationis suae procurant They choose four other officers whom they call les Intrantes in whose power there remaineth the Delegated authority of their several Nations And here it is to be observed that in the French Nation the Procurator and Intrant is one year of the Diocese of Paris and the following year of the rest of France the reason why that Nation is subdivided These four Intrantes thus named have amongst them the election of the Rector who is their supreme Magistrate The present Rector is named Mr. Tarrienus of the Colledge of Harcourte a Master of the Arts for a Doctor is not capable of the Office The honour lasteth only three moneths which time expired the Intrantes proceed to a new election though oftentimes it hapneth that the same man hath the lease renued Within the confines of the University he taketh place next after the Princes of the bloud and at the publique exercises of learning before the Cardinals otherwise he giveth them the precedency But to Bishops or Archbishops he will not grant it upon any occasion It was not two moneths before my being there that there hapned a shrewd controversie about it For their King had then summoned an assembly of 25. Bishops of the Provinces adjoyning to consult about some Church affairs and they had chosen the Colledge of Sorbonne to be their Senate-house when the first day of their sitting came a Doctor of the house being appointed to preach before them began his oration with Reverendissime Rector vos amplissimi praesules Here the Archbishop of Roven a man of an high spirit interrupted him and commanded him to invert his stile He obeyed and presently the Rector riseth up with Impono tibi silentium which is an injunction within the compasse of his power Upon this the Preacher being tongue-tied the controversie grew hot between the Bishops and the Rector both parties very eagerly pleading their own priority All the morning being almost spent in this altercation a Cardinal wiser then the rest desired that the question might for that time be layed aside and that the Rector would be pleased to permit the Doctor to deliver his Sermon beginning it without any praeludium at all To which request the Rector yeelded and so the contention at that time was ended But salus academiae non vertitur in istis It were more for the honour and profit of the University if the Rector would leave off to be so mindefull of his place and look a little to his office For certainly never the eye and utmost diligence of a Magistrate was wanting more and yet more necessary then in this place Penelopes suitors never behaved themselves so insolently in the house of Ulysses as the Academicks here do in the houses and streets of Paris Nos numeri sumus fruges consumere nati Sponsi Penelopes nebolones Alcinoique not so becoming the mouth of any as of those When you hear of their behaviour you would think you were in Turkie and that these men were the Janizaries For an Angel given amongst them to drink they will arrest whom you shall appoint them double the money and they shall break open his house and ravish him into the Gaole I have not heard that they can be hired to a murder though nothing be more common amongst them then killing except it be stealing Witness those many carkasses which are found dead in the morning whom a desire to secure themselves and make resistance to their pillages hath only made earth again Nay which is most horrible they have regulated their villanous practises into a Common-wealth and have their captains and other officers who command them in their night-walks and dispose of their purchases To be a Gipsie and a Scholar of Paris are almost Synonyma One of their Captains had in one week for no lonâ—er would the gallowes let him enjoy his honour stolne no fewer then 80 cloaks Num fuit Autolyci tam piceata manus For these thefts being apprehended he was adjudged to the wheel but because the Judges were informed that during the time of his reign he had kept the hands of himself and his company unpolluted with bloud he had the favour to be hanged In a word this ungoverned rable whom to call scholars were to profane that title omit no outrages or turbulent misdemeanors which possibly can be or were ever known to be committed in place which consisteth meerly of priviledge and nothing of statute I would heartily wish that those who are so ill conceited of their own two Universities of Oxford and Cambridge and accuse them of dissoluteness in their behaviour would either spend some time in the Schools beyond seas or enquire what newes abroad of those which have seen them Then would they doubtless see their own errors and correct them Then would they admire the regularity and civility of those places which before they condemned of debauchednesse Then would they esteem those places as the seminary of modesty and vertue which they now account as the nurseries only of an impudent rudeness Such an opinion I am sure some of the Aristarchi of these daies have lodged in their breasts concerning the misgovernment of our Athens Perhaps a kinsman of theirs hath played the unthrist equally of his time and money hence their malice to it and their invectives against it Thus of old Pallas exurere classem Argivam atque ipsos potuit submergere ponto Unius ob culpam furias Aiacis Oïlei An injustice
Aristotle and Plato and not countenanced by any of them but on the common theatres to satisfie the rude manners and desires of the vulgar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to give them also content in their recreations yet is this musick altogether in use in this Countrey no lesson amongst their protest Musitians that I could hear which had any gravity or solid art shewed in the composition They are pretty fellowes I confess for the setting of a Maske or a Caranto but beyong this nothing which maketh the mufick in their Churches so base and unpleasing So that the glory of perfect musick at this time lyeth between the English and Italian that of France being as trivial as their behaviour of which indeed it is concomitant Mutata musica mutantur mores saith Tully and therefore he giveth us this lesson Curandum itaque est ut musica quam gravissima sedatissima retineatur a good Item for the French CHAP. II. The Country and site of Orleans like that of Worcester The Wine of Orleans Praesidial Towns in France what they are The sale of Offices in France The fine walk and pastime of the Palle Malle The Church of St. Croix founded by Superstition and a miracle Defaced by the Hugonots Some things hated only for their name The Bishop of Orleans and his priviledge The Chappel and Pilgrims of St. Jacques The form of Masse in St. Croix Censing an Heathenish custome The great siege of Orleans raised by Joane the Virgin The valour of that woman that she was no witch An Elogie on her WEE are now come into the Countrey of Orleans which though within the limits of La Beause will not yet be an entire County of it self It is a dainty and pleasing Region very even and large in the fields of it insomuch that we could not see an hill or swelling of the ground within eye-sight It consisteth in an indifferent measure of Corn but most plentifully of Vines and hath of all other fruits a very liberall portion neither is it meanly beholding to the Loyre for the benefits it receiveth by that river on which the City of Orleans it self is sweetly seated Of all places in England Worcestershire in mine opinion cometh most nigh it as well in respect of the Countrey as the situation of the Town For certainly that Countrey may be called the Epitome of England as this of France To the richest of the corn-fields of Orleanoys we may compare the Vale of Evesham neither will it yeeld for the choile and variety of fruits the Vine only excepted The hedges in that Countrey are prodigall and lavish of those trees which would become the fairest Orchards of the rest and in a manner recompenseth the want of Wine by its plâ—nty of Perry and Sider In a word what a good writer hath said of one we may say of both Coelum solum adeo propitium habent ut salubritate ubertate vicinis non concedant But the resemblance betwixt the Towns is more happy Both seated on the second river of note in their several Countreys and which are not much unlike in their several courses Severne washing the wals of Glocester and passing nigh unto Bristol seated on a little riveret and its homager divideth the Antients Britains from the rest of the English The Loyre gliding by the City of Tours and passing nigh to Augeire seated also up the land on a little river and one of its tributories separateth the modern Bretagnes from the rest of the French Posita est in loco modico acclivi ad flumen quod turrigero ponte conjungitur muro satis firmo munita saith Mr. Camden of Worcester Orleans is seated on the like declivity of an hill hath its bridge well fortified with turrets and its wals of an equall ability of resistance Sed docuâ—est ab incolis qui sunt numerosi humani ab aedificiorum nitore a templorum numero maxime a sede episcopali saith he of ours in general we shall see it fitly applyed to this in each particular The people of this town are not of the fewest no Town in France the capacity of it considered being more populous for standing in so delicate an air and on so commodious a river it inviteth the Gentry or Nobles of the Countrey about it to inhabit there and they accept it Concerning their behaviour and humanity certainly they much exceed the Parisians I was about to say all the French men and indeed I need not grudge them that Elogie which Caesar giveth unto those of Kent and verifie that they are omnium incolarum longe bumanissimi my self here observing more courtefie and affability in one day then I could meet withall in Paris during all my abode The buildings of it are very suitable to themselves and the rest of France the streets large and well kept not yeelding the least offence to the most curious nosethrill Parish Churches it hath in it 26 of different and unequall being as it useth to be in other places Besides these it contains the Episcopal Church of St. Croix and divers other houses of religious persons amongst which Sr. Jacques of both which I shall speak in their due order Thus much for the resemblance of the Towns the difference betwixt them is this That Orleans is the bigger and Worcester the richer Orleans consisteth much of the Nobles and of sojourners Worcester of Citizens only and home dwellers And for the manner of life in them so it is that Worcester hath the handsomer women in it Orleans the finer and in mine opinion the loveliest of all France Worcester thriveth much on Clothing Orleans on their Vine-presses And questionless the Vine of Orleans is the greatest riches not of the Town only but of the Countrey also about it For this cause Andre du Chesne calleth it the prime cellar of Paris Fst une pais saith he si heureuse si secunde sur tout en vine qui on la dire l' un de premiers celiers de Paris These Vines wherein he maketh it to be so happy deserve no less a commendation then he hath given them as yeelding the best wines in all the Kingdome Such as it much griev'd me to mingle with water they being so delicious to the palat and the epicurism of the taste I have heard of a Dutch Gentleman who being in Italy was brought acquainted with a kinde of Wine which they there call Lachrymae Christi No sooner had he tasted it but he fell into a deep melancholy and after some seven sighs besides the addition of two grones he brake out into this pathetical ejaculation Dii boni quare non Christus lachrymatus esset in nostris regionibus This Dutch man and I were for a time of one minde insomuch that I could almost have picked a quarrell with nature for giving us none of this liquor in England at last we grew friends again when I had perceived how offensive it was to the
brain if not well qualified for which cause it is said that King Lewis hath banished it his Cellar no doubt to the great grief of his drinking Courtiers who may therefore say with Martiall Quid tantum fecere boni tibi pessima vina Aut quid fecerunt optima vina mali This Town called Genabum by Caesar was reedified by Aurelian the Emperour anno 276. and called by his name Aurelianum which it still retaineth amongst the Latines It hath been famous heretofore for four Councels here celebrated and for being the siege royal of the Kings of Orleans though as now I could not hear any thing of the ruines of the Palace The fame of it at this time consisteth in the University and its seat of justice this Town being one of them which they call Seiges presidiaux Now these Seiges Presidiaux Seats or Courts of Justice were established in diverse Cities of the Realm for the ease of the people anno 1551 or thereabouts In them all civil causes not exceeding 250 livres in money or 10 livres in rents are heard and determined soveraignly and without appeal If the sum exceed those proportions the appeal holdeth good and shall be examined in that Court of Parliament under whose jurisdiction they are This Court here consisteth of a Bailly whose name is Mr. Digion of 12 Counsellors two Lieutenants one civil and the other criminal and a publick notary When Mr. Le Comte de St. Paul who is Governor or Lieutenant Generall of the Province cometh into their Court he giveth precedency to the Bailly in other places he receiveth it This institution of these Presidentiall Courts was at first a very profitable ordinance and much eased the people but now it is grown burthensome the reason is that the offices are made salable and purchased by them with a great deal of money which afterwards they wrest again out of the purses of the pesants the sale of offices drawing necessarily after it the sale of justice a mischief which is spread so far that there is not the poorest under-officer in all the Realm who may not safely say with the Captain in the 22. of the Acts and the 28. vers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a great sum of money obtained I this freedome Twenty years purchase is said to be no extraordinary rate and I have read that only by the sale of offices one of the Kings had raised in 20 years 139 millions which amounteth to the proportion of seven millions yearly or thereabouts of all waies to thrift and treasure the most unkingly In the year 1614 the King motioned the abolising of the sales of this market but it was upon a condition more prejudicial to the people then the mischief for he desired in lieu of it to have a greater imposition laid upon Salt and on the Aides which those who were Commissioners for the Commonalty would not admit of because then a common misery had been bought out of the State to make their particular misery the greater and so the corruption remaineth unaltered This Town as it is sweetly seated in respect of the air so is it finely convenienced with walks of which the chief are that next unto Paris Gate having the wall on one hand and a rank of palm-trees on the other the second that near unto the Bridge having the water pleasingly running on both sides and a third which is indeed the principal on the east side of the City It is called the Palle Malle from an exercise of that name much used in this Kingdome a very Gentleman-like sport not over violent and such as affordeth good opportunity of discourse as they walk from one mark to the other Into this walk which is of a wonderful length and beauty you shall have a clear evening empty all the Town the aged people borrowing legs to carry them and the younger armes to guide them If any young Dame or Monsieur walk thither single they will quickly finde some or other to link with them though perhaps such with whom they have no familiarity Thus do they measure and re-measure the length of the Palle Malle not minding the shutting in of the day till darkness hath taken away the sense of blushing At all hours of the night be it warm and dry you shall be sure to finde them there thus coupled and if at the years end there be found more children then fathers in the Town this walk and the night are suspected shrewdly to be accessaries A greater inconvenience in my opinion then an English kisse There is yet a fourth walk in this Town called L' Estapp a walk principally frequented by Merchants who here meet to conserre of their occasions It lyeth before the house of Mr. Le Comte de St. Paul the Governour and reacheth up to the Cloyster of St. Croix of the building of which Church I could never yet hear or read of any thing but that which is meerly fabulous for the Citizens report that long since time out of minde there appeared a vision to an holy Monk which lived thereabouts and bad him dig deep in such a place where he should finde a piece of the holy Crosse charging him to preserve that blessed relique in great honour and to cause a Church to be built in that place where it had been buried upon this warning the Church was founded but at whose charges they could not enform me so that all which I could learn concerning the foundation of this Church is that it was erected only by Superstition and a lie The Superstition is apparent in their worshipping of such rotten sticks as they imagine to be remnants of the Crosse their calling of it holy and dedicating of this Church unto it Nay they have consecrated unto it two holy daies one in May and the other in September and are bound to salute it as often as they see it in the streets or the high-waies with these words Ave salus totius saeculi arbor salutifera Horrible blasphemy and never heard but under Antichrist Cruces subeundas esse non adorandas being the lesson of the Ancients As for the miracle I account it as others of the same stamp equally false and ridiculous This Church in the year 1562. was defaced and ruined by the Hugonots who had entred the Town under the conduct of the Prince of Conde An action little savouring of humanity and lesse of Religion the very Heathens themselves never demolishing any of the Churches of those Towns which they had taken But in this action the Hugonots consulted only with rashnesse and a zealous fury thinking no title so glorious as to be called the Scourge of Papists and the overthrowers of Popish Churches Quid facerent hostes capla crudelius urbe The most barbarous enemy in the world could not more have exercised their malice on the vanquished and this I perswade my self had been the fate of most of our Churches if that faction had got the upper hand of us But
to redeem him To which he answered that we had carryed our selves like Gentlemen which gave him no distrust of a reall payment that he would take if we pleased a Bill of our hands for the money to be paid in Dover and desired that we would give him leave to send over a servant in our Boat with a basket of poultery who should receive the money of us and give back our Bond. This being agreed upon the next morning we took boat for England the Mariners knowing nothing else but that the servant went over only to sell his Poultery that being an opportunity frequently indulged by them unto those of the Town though we knew well enough he went on another errand and as we could not but commend my Host for his courtesie and his care taken of our credit so we had reason to esteem our selves in a kinde of custody in that he would not let us stir without a Keeper Nor did my Host lose any thing by his kindnesse to us For we not only paid him honestly all his full demands but bestowed a reward upon his servant and sent a present of Gloves and Knives commodities much prized in France to his Wife and Daughters that he might see we knew as well how to require as receive a curtesie Which said I must step back into France again that having taken a brief view already of the Principall Provinces I may render some accompt of the Government also in reference to the Courts the Church and the Civill State The End of the Fourth Book A SURVEY OF THE STATE of FRANCE FRANCE GENERAL OR THE FIFTH BOOK Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally in reference to the Court the Church and the Civill Sate CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall The person age and marriage of King Lewis XIII Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse â—aqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy The Kings Sisters all married and his alliances by them His naturall Brethren and their preferments His lawfull brother The title of Monseiur in France Monseiur as yet unmarried not like to marry Montpensiers daughter That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown in case the line of Navarre fail How the Lords stand affected in the cause Whether a child may be born in the 11 moneth King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies Monseiur Barradas the Kings favorite his birth and offices The omniregency of the Queen Mother and the Cardinall of Richileiu The Queen mother a wise and prudent woman HAving thus taken a survey of these four Provinces which we may call the Abstract and Epitome of the Realm of France and having seen in them the temper humors and conditions of the people of it We will next take a generall view of the Governors and Government thereof with reference to the Court the Church and the Civill State First for the Court we must in reason in the first place begin with the person of the King without whose influence and presence the Court is but a dead â—arkasse void of life and Majesty For person he is of the middle stature and rather well proportioned then large his face knoweth little yet of a beard but that which is black and swarty his complexion also much of the same hew carrying in it a certain boisterousnesse and that in a farther measure then what a gracefull majesty can admit of so that one can hardly say of him without a spite of Courtship which Paterculus did of Tiberius Quod visus praetulerit principem that his countenance proclaimed him a King But questionlesse his greatest defect is want of utterance which is very unpleasing by reason of a desperate and uncurable stammering which defect is likely more and more to grow upon him At this time he is aged 24 years and as much as since the 27 day of last September which was his birth day an age which he beareth not very plaufible want of beard and the swarthinesse of his complexion making him seem older At the age of 11 years he was affianced to the Lady Anna Infanta of Spain by whom as yec he hath no children It is thought by many and covertly spoken by divers in France that the principall cause of the Queens barrennesse proceedeth from Spain that people being loath to fall under the French obedience which may very well happen she being the eldest Sister of the King For this cause in the seventh Article of the marriage there is a clause that neither the said Infanta nor the children born by her to the King shall be capable to inherit any of the Estates of the King of Spain And in the eight Article she is bound to make an Act of Renunciation under her own hand-writing as soon as she cometh to be 12 years old which was accordingly performed But this being not sufficient to secure their fears it is thought that she was some way or other disabled from conception before ever she came into the Kings imbraces A great crime I confesse if true yet I cannot say with Tully in his defence of Ligarius Novum Crimen Caje Caear ante hoc tempus inauditum Iaqueline Countesse of Holland was Cousen to Philip Duke of Burgundy her fruitfulnesse would have debarred him from those Estates of Holland Zâ—aland and West Friezland therefore though she had three husbands there was order taken she should never have child with her first two husbands the Duke would never suffer her to live and when she had stolen a wedding with Frane of Borselle one of her servants the Dukes Physitians gave him such a potion that she might have as well marryed an Euâ—uch upon this injury the poor Lady dyed and the Duke succeeded in those Countries which by his Grand-childe Mary were conveyed over into the house of Austria together with the rest of his estates I dare not say that that Family hath inherited his practises with his Lands and yet I have heard that the Infanta Isabella had the like or worse measure afforded her before she was bedded by the Arch Duke Albertus A Diabolicall trick which the prostitutes of the Heathen used in the beginning of the Gospell and before of whom Octavius complaineth Quod originem futuri hominis extinguant paricidium faciunt antequam pariunt Better luck then the King hath his Sister beyond the Mountains I mean his eldest Sister Madam Elizabeth marryed to the King of Spain now living as being or having been the mother of two children His second Sister Madam Christian is marryed unto Amadeo Victor principe major or heir apparent to the Duke of Savoy to whom as yet she hath born no issue The youngest Madam Henrietta Maria is newly marryed to his most Excellent Majesty of England to whom may she prove of a most happy and fruitfull womb Et pulcrâ— faciat te prole parentem
once called Augusta Romanduorum and after took the name of Constance from Constantine the great who repaired and beautified it Others make it to be built in the place of an old standing campe and that this is it which is called Constantia castra in Ammian Marcellinus Meantesque protinus prope â—astra Constantia funduntur in Mare lib. 15. To leave this controversie to the French certain it is that it hath been and yet is a City of good repute the County of Constantine one of the seven Bailiwicks of Normandy being beholding to it for a name As for the Town it self 〈◊〉 at this day accounted for a Vâ—cutè but more famous for the Bishoprick the first Bishop of it as the Roman Martyrologie and on the 23 if my memory fail not of September doth instruct us being one Paternus Du Chesne in his book of French Antiquities attributes this honour to St. Ereptiolus the man as he conjectures that first converted it into the saith his next successors being St. Exuperance St. Leonard and St. Lo which last is said to have lived in the year 473. By this account it is a City of good age yet not so old but that it still continues beautifull The Cathedrall here one of the fairest and well built pieces in all Normandy and yeelding a fair prospect even as far as to â—hese Islands The Church it may be raised to that magnificent height that so the Bishop might with greater ease survey his Diocese A Diocese containing antiently a good part of Countrey Constantine and these Islands where now we are For the better executing of his Episcopall jurisdiction in these places divided by the Sea from the main body of his charge he had a Surrogat or Substitute whom they called a Dean in each Island one His office consisting as I guesse at it by the jurisdiction of that of a Chancellour and an Archdeacon mixt it being in his faculty to give institution and induction to give sentence in cases appertaining to Ecclesiasticall cognisance to approve of Wils and withall to hold his visitations The revenue fit to entertain a man of that condition viz. the best benefice in each Island the profits ariseing from the Court and a proportion of tithes allotted out of many of the Parishes He of the Isle of Guernzey over and above this the little Islet of Leâ—u of which in the last Chapter and when the houses of Religion as they called them were suppressed an allowance of an hundred quarters of Wheat Guernzey measure paid him by the Kings receiver for his Tithes I say Guernzey measure because it is a measure different from ours their quarter being no more then five of our bushels or thereabouts The Ministery at that time not answerable in number to the Parishes and those few very wealthy the Religious houses having all the Prediall tithes appropriated unto them and they serving many of the Cures by some one of their own body licenced for that purpose Now those Churches or Tithes rather were called Appropriated to digâ—esse a little by the way by which the Patrons Papali authoritate intercedente c. the Popes authority intervening and the consent of the King and Diocesan first obtained were for ever annexed and as it were incorporated into such Colledges Monasteries and other foundations as were but sparingly endowed At this day being irremediably and ever aliened from the Church we call them by as fit a name Impropriations For the rating of these Benefices in the payment of their first fruits and tenths or Annâ—ts there was a note or taxe in the Bishops Register which they called the Black book of Constance like as we in England the Black book of the Exchequer A Taxe which continued constantly upon Record till their disjoyning from that Diocese as the rule of their payments and the Bishops dues And as your Lordship well knowee not much unlike that course there is alwayes a Proviso in the grant of Subsidies by the English Clergie That the rate taxation valuation and estimation now remaining on Record in his Majesties Court of Exchequer for the payment of a perpetuall Disine or Tenth granted unto King Henry the VIII of worthy memory in the 26 year of his Reign concerning such promotions as now be in the hands of the Clergie shall onely be followed and observed A course learnt by our great Prelates in the taxing of their Clergie from the example of Augustus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his taxing of the World For it is reported of him by Ca. Tacitus that he had written a book with his owne hand in quo opes publicae continebantur wherein he had a particular estimate of all the Provinces in that large Empire what Tributes and Imposts they brought in what Armies they maintained c. and what went also in Largesse and Pensions out of the publick finances This Providence also exactly imitated by our Norman Conquerour who had taken such a speciall survey of his new purchase that there was not one hide of Land in all the Realme but he knew the yearly Rent and owner of it how many plow-lands what Pastures Fennes and Marishes what Woods Parkes Farmes and Tenements were in every shire and what every one was worth This Censuall Roll the English generally call Doomes-day book and that as some suppose because the judgement and sentence of it was as impossible to be declined as that in the day of doome Sic cum orta fuerit contentio de his rebus quae illic continentur cum ventum fuerit ad librum ejus sententia infatuari non potest vel impune declinari so mine Authour Others conceive it to be corruptly called the Book of Doomes-day for the Book of Domus dei or the Domus-dei book as being by the Conquerour laid up in the Maison dieu or Gods-house in Winchester A book carefully preserved and that under three Keyes in his Majesties Exchequer not to be looked into under the price of a Noble nor any line of it to be transcribed without the payment of a groat Tanta est authorit as vetustatis So great respect do we yeeld unto antiquity But to return again to my Churches whom I left in bondage under their severall Priories and other the Religious houses I will first free them from that yoak which the superstition of their Patrons had put upon them So it was that those Houses of Religion in these Islands were not absolute foundations of themselves but dependent on and as it were the appurtenances of some greater Abby or Monastery in France In this condition they continued till the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the V. who purposing a war against the French thought fit to cut of all helpes and succours as they had from England at that time full of Priors Aliens and strangers possessed of Benefices To this end it was enacted viz. Whereas there were divers French men beneficed and preferred
to Priories and Abbies within this Realm whereby the treasures of the Realm were transported and the counsels of the King and the secrets of the Realm disclosed unto the Kings enemies to the great damage of the King and of the Realm that therefore all Priors Aliens and other French men beneficed should avoid the Realm except only Priors Conventuals such as have institution and induction and this also with a Proviso that they be Catholick and give sufficient surety that they shall not disclose the counsels of the King or of the Realm so the Statute 1 Hen 5. cap. 7. This also noted to us by Pol. Virgil ad Reip. commodum sancâ—tum est ut post haec ejusmodi externis hominibus nullius Anglicani sacerdotii possessio traderetur Upon which point of statute the Britons belonging to the Queen Dowager the widow once of John de Montfort Duke of Bretagne were also expelled the Land by Act of Parliament 3 Hen. 5. cap. 3. By this means the Priors Aliens being banished their possessions fell into the Kings hands as in England so also in these Islands and their houses being all suppressed they became an accession to the patrimony Royall the demaine as our Lawyers call it of the Crown These Priors Aliens thus exiled were properly called Priors Dative and removeable but never such Aliens never so removeable as they were now made by this Statute What the condition of these Priors was and wherein they differed from those which are called above by the name of Priors Conventuals I cannot better tell then in the words of an other of our Statutes that namely of the 27 of Hen. 8. cap. The Parliament had given unto the King all Abbies Priories and Religious houses whatsoever not being above the value 200 l. in the old rent Provided alwayes saith the letter of the Law that this Act c. shall not extend nor be prejudiciall to any Abbots or Priors of any Monastery or Priory c. for or concerning such Cels of Religious houses appertaining or belonging to their Monasteries or Priories in which Cels the Priors or other chief Governours thereof be under the obedience of the Abbots or Priors to whom such Cels belong As the Monke or Canons of the Covent of their Monasteries or Priories and cannot be sued by the Lawes of this Realm or by their own proper names for the possessions or other things appertaining to such Cels whereof they be Priors and Governors but must sue and be sued in and by the names of the Abbots and Priors to whom they be now obedient and to whom such Cels belong and be also Priors or Governours dative or removeable from time to time and accomptez of the profits of such Cels at the only will and pleasure of such of the Abbots and Priors to whom such Cels belong c. This once the difference between them but now the criticisme may be thought unnecessary To proceed upon this suppression of the Priors and others the Religious houses in these Islands and their Revenue falling unto the Crown there grew a composition between the Curates and the Governours about their tithes which hath continued hitherto unaltered except in the addition of the Deserts of which more hereafter Which composition in the proportion of tithe unto which it doth amount I here present unto your Lordship in a brief Diagramme together with the the names of their Ministers and Justices now beng JARSEY Parishes Ministers Revenues Justices St. Martins Mr. Bandinell sen the Dean The 3 of the kings tithe Josuah de Carteret Seign de Trinite St. Hilaries Mr. Oliver the Sub-dean or Commissary The 10 of the kings tithe Dan du Maresque seign de Sammarez St. Saviours Mr. Effart The Deserts and 22 acres of Gleb Ph. L' Empriere Sr. de Delament St. Clements Mr. Paris The 8 and 9 of the kings tithe Ph. de Carletet Sr. de Vinchiles de haut St. Grovilles Mr. de la Place The 8 and 9 c. Eli. du Maresque Sr. de Vinchiles abas St. Trinities Mr. Molles The Deserts and the 10 of the kings tithe Eli. de Carteret Sr. de la Hagne St. Johns Mr. Brevin The Deserts c. Joh. L' Empriere Sr. des au grace S. Lawrences Mr. Prinde The Deserts c. Aron Messervie St. Maries Mr. Blandivell jun. The 3 sheaf of the Kings tithe Ben. la cloche Sr. de Longueville St. Owens Mr. La cloche The Deserts c. Jo. Harde St. Burlads  The 8 and 9 c. Abr. Herod St. Peters Mr. Grueby The Deserts c. Ph. Marret Note that the taking of the 8 and 9 sheafe is called French querrui as also that an acre of their measure is 40 Perches long and one in breadth every Perche being 21 foot GUERNZEY Parishes Ministers Revenues Justices St. Peters on the Sea M. de la March The 7 of tithe and champarte Tho. Andrewes Sr. de Sammarez St. Martins Mr. de la Place The like Pet. Carey sen La Forest Mr. Picote The 9 of tithe and champarte John Fautrat Sr. â—de Coq Tortevall Mr. Fautrat The 3 of tithe and champarte Joh. Bonamy S. Andrews The 4 of c. Joh. Ketville St. Peters in the Wood. Mr. Perchard The 3 of the tithe only James Guile Sr. des Rohais St. Saviours  The Desert and the tenths in all 600 sheafes Tho. Blundell Chastell Mr. Panisee The 9 of the tithe only Pet. de Beauvoyre Sr. des Granges St. Mich. St. Michael in the vale Mr. Millet The 4 of the Kings tithe only Pet. Gosselin St. Sampson The like Josias Merchant Serke Mr. Brevin 20 l. stipend and 20 quarters of corn Pet. Carey jun. Alderney Mr. Mason 20 l. stipend  Note that the Parish called in this Diagram La Forest is dedicated as some say to the holy Trinity as other to St. Margaret that which is here called Tortevall as some suppose unto St. Philip others will have it to St. Martha but that of Chastell to the hand of the blessed Virgin which is therefore called in the Records our Ladies Castle Note also that the Justices or Jurates are here placed as near as I could learn according to their Seniority not as particularly appertaining to those Parishes against which they are disposed For the better understanding of this Diagram there are three words which need a commentary as being meerly Aliens to the English tongue and hardly Denizens in French Of these that in the Diagrams called the Deserts is the first A word which properly signifieth a Wildernesse or any wast ground from which ariseth little profit As it is taken at this present and on this occasion it signifieth a field which formerly was laid to waste and is now made arable The case this At the suppression of the Priors Aliens and the composition made betwixt the Curates and the Governours there was in either Island much ground of small advantage to the Church or to the