all the Netherland people began to mutter to shew a generall vnwillingnes vnto the so wide stretching of their purses the sediously affected took Occasion by her Forelockes and to the feare of this taxe added the faygned feare of the bringing in of a Spanish Inquisition One Monsieur de Lymmay vnderstanding by detayning of the K. of Spaynes money in England what hatred that Queen began to beare him posteth out of France into â—ngland where shewing his readynes to any rebellious attempt receaued such encouragement by promise of ayde from thence and such fit instructions that he came ouer into Holland and there on the first day of April in the yeare 1572. he surprised the towne of Briel the first in all the Low Countryes that set it selfe in open rebellion after whose example Flushing Enchusen and others followed Heereupon was made ouer out by England vnto these rebells by meanes of Syr Thomas Gressam threescore thousand pounds sterling to begin withall and presently after followed ouer with troopes of English forces Morgan Gilbert and Cheâ—â—er and after these againe North 〈◊〉 Caâ—aish and Norris all made Coronels and comming thither with whole regiments receaued from tyme to tyme great supplyes of money and forces from England which grew afterward so heauy that for some ease in the sustayning of the whole â—urthen it was deuised to draw the Duke of Alancon Brother vnto the French King Henry the third into Eâ—gland vnder colour of treaty of a match betweene him and Queene Elizabeth but in the end it proued an infortunaâ—e match betweene him and the Lady Belgica for he was sent ouer into the Nâ—therlands there made Anti Duke of Brabant where his successe was such as retâ—ring from thence into France with dishonour he there not long after dyed of griefe In this designement the English saw their expectation greatly deceaued For albeit K. Henry the third of France had refused to take the Hollanders parts hating them for that cause which no Kinges can loue such people yet they thought by getting his owne brother aforesayd inuested in the Duchy of Brabant he must then of necessity take his part But the matter now falling out otherwise the burden returned and remayned heauyer vpon the Queene and Realme of England then before And the Prince of Orange soon after the death of the Duke of Alanâ—on being slayne the HollaÌ„ders remayned as a body without a head vntill the Queen of England sent ouer vnto them the Earle of Leycester with great prouision both of men and money accompanyed with diuers Noblemen and Gentlemen of good accompt And albeit this Earle afterward returned into England againe yet continued she her ayding the Hollanders both with men and money vnto her dying day And it is thought by such as haue made calculation of this great and long continued charge that she so oppressed and burthened her subiects for the Hollanders wars that she had more money from them by Graunts Subsides such other meanes then had all the Kings of England from the tyme of the Conquest vnto her dayes who had the greatest warres with France And I haue heard some Lawyers affirme that she did extremly wrong her poore Subiects by sometymes pressing them and sending them perforce to her seruice out of the Realme seeing as they say no Prince by the Lawes of the Realme can compell any of his subiectes to serue in warre vnles it be for the defence of the Realme at home or for the recouery of some lost Patrimony of the Crowne abroad seeing now that Holland was neuer knowne to haue beene any part of the patrimony of the Crowne of England nor any pretence of iust war could be made by England to that end it was the greater wrong and iniustice And heere by the way I must also note vnto you that at the beginning for a long time of her ayding the Hollandâ—rs though she did disguisedly make shew of friendship amity with Spayn and had not only her Embassadour in Spayne as the King of Spayne had his also in England and in all her publike Proclamations wherein any mention happened to be made of Holland and the adiacent partes she did alwayes call them The Low Countreyes of her louing Brother the King of Spayne therby acknowledged that which she could not deny yet euen at this very time she imployed Syr Francis Drake to robbe him of his treasure in the West Indyes Don Bernardino de Mendoca remayning Ambassadour Ledger for the King of Spayne in England both then and long after yea euen at the very tyme when Drak was arriued home with his booty which was in Nouember in the yeare 1580. and being all this while an eye witnesse not only of the sayd Queenes oppressing and impouerishing her own subiects at home for the ayding of the foresayd Hollanders abroad rebellious subiectes of the King his Maister but of her sending forth also to robbe him in his owne dominions therby to ayde them vnlawfully with their Lords own treasure If now from the first to the last the deportement of the Queene of England towards the King of Spayne in the long continuance of so many great wronges and iniuryes be but indifferently considered what man though but of meane capacity can iudge but in the end he must needes be prouoked to do something against her were it but in regard of Honour he being a King so great and potent And therefore it was no wonder that after so many former yeares patience he was in the end and that also with an addition of eight yeares forbearance after the taking of his aforsayd treasure in which tyme al detriments that could be done him both by Sea Land besides the ayding also of Don Antonio the pretended King of Portugall being put in practise forced to prepare that great Armada against EnglaÌ„d by sea which he did in the yeare 1588. though with no successe And therefore as I haue heard Strangers that are indifferent to both Nations wonder very much why there should be more hatred discouered now in a tyme of peace and amity betweene England and Spayne in the English NatioÌ„ to the Spanish then in the Spanish to the English the English hauing giuen more cause a great deale for Spaniardes to hate them then the Spainards haue giuen to Englishmen So haue they likewise noted that notwithstanding the misusage in England of the Spanish Ambassadour himselfe in his own person yet the Spanish in Spayne doe not for all this misuse the Ambassadour of England the cause whereof is the discreet consideration of the Spanish Nation who can discerne this misusage to proceed from such pure-strayned Ministers as are possessed with the fury of the spirit or from the common debaushed people that doe not consider or haue not so much wit as to think when they see a Spanish Ambassadour in England that his Maiesty likewise hath an English Ambassadour in Spayne Nor yet to set before their eyes the
example of the carriage of the chiefe Nobility and of the better and wiser sort towardes the sayd Ambassadour and Nation nor chiefly and aboue all his Maiestyes amity friendship with the King of Spayne and the feare of his indignation and punishment due vnto such barbarous insolencyes CHAP. III. Whether England hath receaued any benefite by defending the quarrell of the Hollanders or whether the Hollanders haue endeauoured to deserue the friendship they haue receaued froÌ„ thence or haue any way shewed themselues gratefull for it TO examine and search out the benefits which England may haue receaued by meanes of the Hollanders I know not whereor which way to begin The Hollanders or their friends may perhaps say that it was a benefit great inough for the English to assist them in reason of state because thereby they kept out warre from their own Country But what an excuse this is when as the English neuer needed to haue feared warre in their own country but for their cause and for taking their partes for it was for their cause that the English seized vpon the six hundred thousand ducates which were sent out of Spayne to the Duke of Alua which was a capital cause of enmity and indeed the only cause that enforced the sayd Duke to demand the tenth penny of the peoples goods whereby the whole common multitude became disposed the sooner to rebellion For the king of Spaynes money was not detayned by the English vpon any couetous desire to haue it for themselues but because the Duke Alua should not haue it to employ against the Hollanders and that it might be transported from England vnto the Hollanders so come to be vsed by them against the sayd Duke to whom it was sent to haue byn imployed against them for their Rebellion But it may be further alleaged in excuse of the Hollanders that they were so gratefull as they offred vnto the Queen of England the Soueraignty of the Netherlandes which benefit she would not accept of and therefore it was not their fault that if she obtayned it not To this may be sayd that the Diuel offred to haue giuen Christ all the kingdoms of the world if he would haue worshipped him and so was more liberall of giuing that which was none of his own then were the Hollanders But the Queen well knowing that by accepting this guift whereunto they had no right she should haue been sure to haue drawn a perpetual warre and the whole charge thereof vpon her shoulders and therefore refused this their liberality yet was she willing notwithstanding to ayde them without this obligation And the reason was because she still retayned a hop to be wholy disburdned or at least much holpen in the bearing this charge by France or Germany or by bringing the Hollanders to the full possession of the whole seuenteen Prouinces wherby they might depend vpon themselues It may also be alleaged that she had the Cautionary Townes of Briel Flushing the other places deliuered into her handes True it is she had so and thereby enioyed the benefit of being at more expence both of men and money Other benefits can I remember none nor can there be any found so will spare the labor to look any further after them yet because ill turnes and domages may more readily be discouered to haue heereby happened to the Queene and state of England I shall set downe what in this kind I haue obserued First then to begin with the afore mentioned Cautionary Townes it appeareth that because the Hollanders would so soone as they could be the freer to set the English at naught hauing by meanes of the Truce with the King of Spayne and the Archduke Albert gotten togeather some spared money they so laboured with their feed freind Sir Raph Winwood a better Hollander then an Englishman that for paltry payment they got their brydle out of the English handes and thereupoÌ„ began straightwayes to shew their gratitude in forbidding the bringing of English dyed and dressed clothes into Holland and their adioyned Prouinces without euer making the king or his Ambassador Ledger at the Hage priuy thereunto Soon after to make amendes for this their saucy and vnmannerly carriage they came to offer the Kings Maiesty himself a more insolent affront For whereas the Duke of Lennox as Admirall of Scotland by order from the King had sent one M. Brown in the yeare 1616. to demaund of the said Hollanders then fishing vpon the coast of Scotland a certayne ancient duty called Size herring with much a do they payd it as in former tymes it was accustomed but yet withsome speaches that it was the last tyme that it should be payed The same M. Browne coÌ„ming the yeare following with the same authority and commaundement with one ship of the Kinges only to demaund the duty afoâ—esayd and with order that if it were denyed he should take witnes of the refusal in writing and so peaceably depart being come aboard one of their ships and demanding the aforesayd duty he was by the Maister therof denyed it who told him playnly that he was commaunded by the States of Holland not to pay it vnto the King any more of which he tooke witnes according to his order from his Maiesty Whyles this was a doing there comes aboard that ship the Maister of of another ship of Holland demaunding of M. Brown his name he replyed that his name was Browne Why then quoth he if you be the man I haue order to arrest you and to carry you into Holland whereof M. Brown gaue notice to the Maister of the Kings ship requyring him to aduertise his Maiesty of this insolency and so M. Brown was arested and carryed away prisoner into Holland About this tyme as I also haue heard it credibly reported one M. Archibald Rantkin a Scottish gentleman residing at Stockholme in Sweden there soliciting for the payment of certayne money due vnto some LondoÌ„ MerchaÌ„ts one Van dyke lying there also as Agent for the States of Holland sayd vnto some principal persons of the Swedians that they needed not be to hasty in paying the king of Englands subiects any money or to giue them any respect for that the sayd Kinges promises were not to be belieued nor his threates to be feared For which villanous and insolent speaches being afterward challenged by Rantkin he had no better excuse then to say he was drunke when he spake them for deny them he could not and so his excuse of playing the beast excused him for playing the man But now from these insolent affronts and speaches let vs come to deeds and see how they haue vsed our English Nation in the North seas on the coast of Groonland those partes about the trayn-oyle fishing where they haue offred them sundry abuses by giuing them blowes chasing them away and doing vnto them diuers othâ—â— detriments not admitting to vnderstand that the sea fishing is free for euery man
OBSERVATIOâ—â— CONCERNING THE PRESENT AFFAIRES OF HOLLAND AND THE VNITED PROVINCES Made by an English Gentleman there lately resident since written by himselfe from Paris to his friend in ENGLAND Printed Anno M.DC. â—â—â— THE AVTHORS EPISTLE TO HIS FRIEND WORTHY welbeloued Friend you shal please to vnderstand that at my late being at the Hage in Holland I receaued your leter wherin you desire me to describe vnto you the Countrey condition of the people as also to know my opinion of their cause and quarrell against the King of Spayne about which they haue so long troubled the world Moreouer how I find theÌ„ in their thankefulnes vnto our State for so longe sticking vnto them and ayding them And what those differences are which are lately risen vp among them about matters of Religion This letter of yours I had no tyme to answere froÌ„ thence neither would the answering it there haue beene conuenient I therefore deserred the answere vntill my comming into France to which iourney I was resolued before the receit of your letter because to deale truely with you I could not any longer endure to heare the lauish and vile speaches which a sort of base vnbridled people dayly disgorged against the Maiesty of our King whereof in the ensuing discourse somwhat more shal be spoken And indeed this intollerable demeanour of theirs toward the Maiesty of so great and so bountifull a Prince and to whome they are so much beholding hath giuen me good cause aswell to looke into the iustnesse of their wars against the King of Spaine as into their in gratitude vnto the King and State of England and therby to become the more able to giue you satisfaction to the demands in your letter I must notwithstaÌ„ding confesse that since my aryuall heer in Paris I haue for some whyle deferred it for as on the one side I had a great desyre thereunto so on the other syde I found in my selfe a kind of vnwillingnes to begin it which vnwillingnes I protest vnto you proceeded of a conceaued feare to offend you when in deliuering you the very true and playne truthe of thinges as they are you might fynd me altered in mynd and iudgment from what I was when I was coÌ„uersant with you in England But considering that the true duety of a friend is with his friend to deale vnfaignedly I haue now at last vndertaken the taske so to do And in such regard must intreate you to excuse me and not to let my ignorance of the time when I coÌ„uersed with you be put in opposition against the better knowledge which experience of ryper years hath yielded me for you must think that by trauailing abroad in other Countryes conuersing with men of vnderstanding of diuers nations who in these parts are accustomed to frenesse of speach by reading the iudicious writings of such credible Authors as haue noted downe the actions of State of this time as also by the obseruatioÌ„s which myselfe haue made I haue seen as it were a mist wipâ—d away froÌ„ before myne eyes and thereby am come to discerne that which truth reason hath made manifest vnto me as I make no doubt you also will become to do when with vnpartial patieÌ„ce you will haue pleased to read what heere for your satisfaction I haue written that thereby we may agre aswel in mind iudgment as we do in ancient amity And thus leauing you to God in all kind affection I take of you my leaue You know the hand From Paris the 20. of March after this stile computation THE CONTENTS OF THE CHAPTERS A Briefe description oâ— the Country People of Holland with a true relation of the beginning of their rebellion against their â—lawfuâ—l Soueraigne Lord King Philip the second of Spayne Chap. I. How dishonoraâ—le it was for Queene Elizabeth of England to take the Hollanders parts against the King of Spayn how she oppressed and impouerished her subiects for thâ—ir sakes and endangered her owne Crowne and Kingdome Chap. II. Whether England hath receaued any benefite by defending the quarrell of the Hollanders or whether the Hollanders haue endeauoured to deserue the friendship they haue receaued from thence or haue any way shewed themselues gratefull for it Chap. III. Whether England can expect any benefite by continuing to take the Hollanders parts and whether the Hollanders do deserue the same by wishing or desiring the continuance of the State and Gouernement of England as now it standeth Cha. IIII. Of the present state of the Hollanders of the diuision among them about matters of Religion and whether respect of Religion may vrge England still to assist them Chap. V. CHAP. I. A briefe description of the Countrey and People of Holland with a tâ—uâ— Relation of the beginning of their rebellion against their lawfull Soueraigne Lord King Philip the second of Spayne HOLLAND at the creation of the world was no Land at all and therefore not at the first intended by God or nature for a dwelling place of men for it was then long after a sea and consequently the habitation of fishes Had it been meant for a habitatioÌ„ of men it had not only been such high ground that it should not haue beene continually subiect to the inundation of the â—ea but also haue beene able to haue yeelded the inhabitants bread to eate wood or stone to build withaâ—l and the foure elements would not haue conspired together to be there all naught by being naught vnto men to shew their dislâ—ke of vsuâ—pers that depriue fishes of â—heir due dwelling places Being then at the first wholy sea by reason of the flaâ—s shallows thereof â—t was partly by banâ—kes raised of 〈◊〉 and earth through the labour of mâ—n and partely by sandy downâ—s o◠〈◊〉 driuen together by the râ—ge of the waues encroached vpon gotten from the sea by the old Ancestâ—urs of the now Inhabitantes The Coâ—nâ—rey then except these banâ—kes and doâ—â—nes lyeth all as low and leuel as water hath made it In it are neither mountaynes nor fountaynes nor hath nature affoarded them within the earth the meanest of the seauen mettalles or any mineral matter at al. But what shal I speak of their want of mynes in the earth when they haue want of earth it self and yet notwithstanding their want therof are faigne to make vse of that litle they haue for their fuell and so begin to burne vp their Countrey before the day of Iudgement Grasse they haue and that is all the greatest good that their ground can affoard them and heerof butter and cheese are the wittnesses but for this one benefit they want many which other Countries haue that haue this as wel as they To say the truth I do not know any benefits peculiar to themselues whereof they may boast except only two the one is their hauing of a Country which is the fittest for rebellioÌ„ in all Christendome and the other is that by reason of
beloued of all these Sectes that in the end they might benefite themselues by that which most preuailed Wherupon in the Moneth of April in the yeare of our Lord 1566. in the Towne of Bruxells they exhibited vnto the Lâ— Margaret aforsaid a supplication wherin they requyred a repeale or moderation of all rigorous Placartes or Lawes made concerning Religion Let now any man of reason or iudgment consider of the lawfullnes of this demaund and whether themselues that demaunded it could with good conscience moue the same the very mouing of the demaund it selfe plainely arguing little respect or conscience in the demaunders declaring plainely that the thing they sought was for their owne endes and that taking part at the last with that Sect which came to domimere aboue the rest as in the end one must needes doe they might sticke thereunto and so by flatte and open rebellion make vp their mouthes by the ouerthrowe of the ancient Clergy that was in possession of good 〈◊〉 and huinges to which all these new Sects did beare equal hatred albeit ech or them did neuerthelesse hate one another This request being as is aforesayd presented vnto the Lady Margaret in the moneth of April she promised them to send it into Spaine and to require from thence resolution and answere tâ—ereof The request she sent but the answere they attended not but gaue fâ—â—thwith such hart and encouragment vnto the Sectaryes that within few weeks after the request was sent away they began to preach publikely in sundry Townes and Cittyes vpon a selfe assumed authority euen in despite of all Lawes and Magistrates and thereupon fell to robbing and spoyling of Churches throughout al the Countrey Vpon this the King of Spayne as a Prince most carefull of his Oath and of the good of his subiects was enforced to send into these Netherlands the Duke of Alua to take vpon him the generall gouernment which in so troublesome a world was too great a charge to be menaged by a woman This Duke ariuing in these partes in the moneth of August in the yeare 1â—67 which was the yeare following the Lady Margaret resigned vnto him the gouernement and departed out of the Countrey The Duke now being placed in the gouernement began to learne out and informe himselfe what persons they were that had conspired togeather in this busines and had giuen the onset and countenance vnto these rebellious Sectaryes and Sacrilegious Church-robbers finding the Earles of Egmont and Horne and some other Gentlemen to be culpable of this crime they were apprehended and beheaded in Bruxels But VVilliam of Nassaw Prince of Orange the chiefest Ring leader of this sedition so soone as he heard of the ariuall of the Duke got him away into Germany and by his flight declared himselfe to be guilty as by experience afterward it proued Heere now it is to be considered whether in the sight and iudgement of the whole World the King of Spaine had not all right and reason on his side to vse such meanes as he did for the punishment of such capitall offenders and to imploy the subiects of one Countrey for the chastisement of the Rebells of another when he had no other remedy And whether any King or Prince liuing in the world could in honour or iustice winke at put vp such great and capital crymes and insolencyes committed by his subiects as is a generall and publique sacrilegious Church-robbery and the spoyling of the Clergy for the preseruation of whose priuiledges he had so solemnely taken his oath and to suffer the dooers quietly to passe vnpunished to let euery man openly professe follow such new and neuer heard of doctrine as his owne fancy should inuent or of his owne choice he should best like which euen those themselues that are at this day the successours of these first rebells in some of these Netherlands doe find so inconuenient for gouernement that notwithstanding their first profession that euery man ought to haue his free exercise or Religion according to his owne conscience they do prohibite to such as they like not The Duke of Alua hauing caused iustice to be executed first vpon some of the principall conspiratours and after vpon other inferiour offenders did at last in the yeare of our Lord 1570. by order from the King of Spaine cause a general pardon to be proclaimed wherof if VVilliam of Nassaw Prince of Oâ—ange and his adherents had taken the offered benefite all further troubles had ceased but to the contrary they laboured both by secret seditious preachers as by other such like agents to spread abroad that the King of Spayne had broken the Countrey priuiledges as thogh the Countrey had had priuiledges that churches might forsooth be robbed no man called in question for it that euery man might professe what religion he listed were it neuer so naught or new the prohibiting whereof and the conseruation of Ecclesiasticall priuiledges to which the King was sworne being the only cause as to all the world was apparent why the sayd King was constrayned to send the Duke of Alua and Spaniardes into the Countrey which els had neuer beene thought of So as the true blame which the King of Spayne hath deserued is not for breach of priuileges but for seeking to restore priuiledges which his disobedient subiects had broken the which if he had not done then might he haue beene thought negligent and carelesse of his Oath but this the equity of his conscience would neuer permit I am not ignorant that some fooles haue made other fooles belieue that the King of Spayne at his departure out of these Netherlands did promise euery seauen yeare to returne thither againe and that the breach of his promise gaue cause sufficient for these his subiects to rebell This foolish allegation deserneth no answere Yet least some wiser people might be abused by fooles I â—ill leaue them to consider that there was no cause why his Maiesty should bind himselfe to any such condition his predecessors before him hauing beene free and the Countrey comming vnto him by right of succession as it did to them Experience hauing also shewed the inclination of the people to rebellion being grown proud by reason of their Wealth and new-fangled also by reason of the choyce of Religions in so much that the Duke of Alua saw it necessary to mayntayne certayne garisons of soldiers in castles conuenient fortifyed frontier places in the Countrey which he made known vnto the King of Spayne sent vnto him for prouision of money because he found the sayd King vnwilling to haue his subiects of this Countrey burdened with any more taxations thereabout But what successe heereof ensued shall appeare in the next Chapter CHAP. II. How dishonourable it was for Queene Elizabeth of England to take the HollaÌ„ders parts against the King of Spayn How she oppressed and impouerished her subiects for their sakes and endangered her owne Crowne and Kingdome BEFORE I
begin to speake of Queen Elizabeth of England her assisting the rebelled subiects of Holland against the King of Spayne it is not impertinent to the purpose to call to mind whether there were any cause of emnity giuen vnto her by meanes of any wronges or iniuryes offred her by the King of Spayne in former tyme in regard wherof she might now take the oportunity of reuenge This King Philip the second of Spayne hauing beene maryed in England to Queen Mary was neuer known to haue beene disaffected to the Lady Elizabeth for so was she then called but coÌ„trary wise did shew himself to be the greatest freind â—he had in the world which heeâ—e in briefe to declare you must nore that this Lady Eâ—izabeth being then a subiect vnto her sayd sister Queen Mary chaunced to fall into sundry troubles for which she was imprisoned in the Tower of â—onâ—on and retayned in durance at Woodstoâ—k and other places M. Fox the Author of the English Protestant Martyrologe wryting of this Ladies inprisonment declareth not any cause why but because he putteth her in his history of others that suffred for protestant religioÌ„ he intendeth to haue his reader imagine her to haue suffred some persecutioÌ„ also for the same cause whereby he thinketh not a little to honour her But had her troubles beene for Religion indeed Fox would then neuer haue omitted to set down her examinations about the same and her answeres thereunto in defence of some such poinâ—s as are in controuersy betwen Catholiks Protestanâ—s as about the real presence of Christ in the Sacrament or about prayer to Saints or prayer for the Dead or some one or other point as wel as he hath set down the examinations and answeres of so many others to their great glory as he takes it but heer is nothing found Fox in this in silent and leaues his reader to imagine of himself that it was for religioÌ„ For something it was but that it was for religioÌ„ be could not make manifest for that this Lady in al the tyme of the raigne or her sister dayly did heare Masse went vsually to Confession and in all points shewed her selfe a Catholike yea three weekes after she was proclaymed Queene she had Masse in her own Chappell in the Court and permitted it to be sayd in all Churches throughout the whole realme for the space of seauen monethes after which is no signe of being so resolue da Protestant as that she would suffer imprisonment for that religion Her troubles in very deed were for sundry offences against Queene Mary her sister which being found to be such as might perhaps haue cost her her life if they had come vnto publique triall of Iustice the King of Spayne was so greatly her freind that he stayed the proceeding thereof and so not only saued her life but quit her also from the publike blot and stayne of treason and heerin he was so earnest that on a time when she was to haue come to her answere he did so importune Queene Mary his wyfe to let the matter passe in sylence that she sayd vnto him My Lord You speake very earnestly now for her but I pray God she do not one day make you repent it A certaine Spainsh Author wryteth that the King was therevnto also moued vpon some consideration of state for Queen Mary of Scotland being then maryed vnto the french king Francis the second if the Lady Elizabeth had dyed there had in apparence byn great possibility that the Kingdomes of England Scotland and Irâ—land might come to haue beene annexed vnto France the sayd Queene of Scotland being the next heyre in bloud vnto them all Queene Mary of England at last hapning to dy King Philip her husband notwithstanding the caueat giuen him by his late deceased Queen did so coÌ„tinue his good affection vnto the now Queene Elizabeth that being then in the Netherlands he sent ouer vnto her Monsieur de Assonuile to congratulate her aduancement and to signify his gift vnto her of all Queen Maries Iewells which being his owne he might iustly haue detayned vnto himselfe if he would These Iewells she seemed very thankfully to receaue and sayd vnto this Monsieur de Assonuile that she thought her brother the King of Spayne might thinke much in her for change of religion but quoth she there is but little difference betweene his religion and ours almost all that he hath in Latin we haue in English and we do not as others do for we mayntayne a clergy of Bishops and other Prelates so vs we are in effect as before And whereas there was held a treaty of peace between the Spanish French Kings vpon the taking of S. Quintins the king of Spayn would yield vnto no agreement with the French vnlesse it were also conditioned that Callis should be restored backe vnto Queen Elizabeth of England and heerin were his commissioners that treateâ— with the French so earnest that in the end the french to be rid of their importunity were faygne to confesse vnto them that they knew that they tooke more paynes then they were desyred to do for that the English had playnly told them that they had not set them on work in any such busynes which was a signe that they desired not to be beholding vnto the king their maister Of which wheÌ„ the king had knowledg he stood no more vpon the rendring of Callis but concluded his peace with the french without it which as thinges did afterward fall out proued a happy turne to himself These proofes of this Kings good will vnto Queene Elizabeth being thus made manifest to the world who would haue thought that she would not only haue omitted all signes of gratitude but within a litle after become an enemy to such a friend yea and so great and capitall a one as seldome any History can giue witnes of the like Seeing then that no acts of gratitude are to be sought after let vs then see what effectes of emnity ensued insteed thereof First then to begin withall omitting her refusall of the King of Spaynes kind endeauours for getting the French to restore vnto her the Towne of Callis we will returne vnto the duke of Alua his expected prouisioÌ„ of money from Spayne mentioned in the former Chapter This prouision beâ—ng the summe of six hundred thoâ—sand Ducates comming out of Spayne 〈◊〉 the Netherlands in the moneth of Dâ—cember in the yeare 15â—1 was on the West coast of â—ngland seized vpon and aâ—rested by the English By meanes of which wrongfully detayning this money of the King of Spaynes the Dâ—ke of Alua was forced to demaund the tenth pennv of euery mans goods that was of ability for his supply â—ut this demand of his caused chiefly thorough the said English arrest was cause of a far greater detriment vnto the King of Spayne then that wrongfully detaâ—ned money came vnto so as the one great wrong was the cause of another far greater For heereupon
where it is not vpon the coast of any Countrey vnto which the benefit belongeth by ancient prerogatiue And yet is all this but little in regard of their vsage of our Nation in the East Indyes wher they haue as fiercely set vpon them with open hostility as if before their meeting there they had of long continuance beene mortall enemyes hauing slaine many of our men and sunke sundry of our shipps And when moreouer they haue taken some of our men prisoners they haue vsed them in the sight of the Indians in such contemptible and disdainefull manner as if at home in their owne Countryes the English in respect of them were but an abiect and a slauish Nation and that the Hollanders were either their Superiours might vse them at their pleasure or the English so base and vnpowerfull as they durst not be reuenged but quietly put vp any iniury at their handes And indeed the Indians might in reason coniecture that the Hollanders would neuer haue dared so to domineer ouer the English abroad if they had not had the maistery of them at home after which accounpt reckoning such actions abroad are wont to be looked into What thinke you now of our English Prouerbe Haue we not brauely set beggers on horsbacke Nay haue not Englishmen the premises considered great reason to loue the Hollanders and to hate Spaniards Yea and to hate Spaniards only for the loue of such courteous gratefull Hollanders And as for the commodious trade which the English haue had in Muscouy for more then threescore and ten years and which the Hollanders haue now quite gotten from theâ—â— and spoyled what shall I say Seeing they are about to make recompence for the same by doing the like with our English Merchants in Turky And it is a thing so naturall notorious for them to spoile the trade of other Nations that when they cannot find occasion to do it they will not sticke to spoile one another so great is their auaricious and insatiable desire of gayne and yet all this proceedeth but out of a certain couetous wretchednes for let any of them arriue to what riches he will he knoweth not how to be Noble or Generous CHAP. IIII. Whether England can expect any benefite by continuing to take the Hollanders parts and whether the Hollanders doe deserue the same by wishing or desiring the continuance of the State and Gouernement of England as now it standeth THE end and scope whereunto the rebellious wars of the Hollanders haue tended hath beene to bring themselues into as free and quâ—et a State as is the Republique of the Switzers which they might haue easily done by the help they haue had from England France if the King of Spayne had wanted the meanes or the will to haue continued warre against them But admit they had arriued vnto this their designe and had freely and quietly gotten the full possession of all the seauenteene Netherland Prouinces is it not like that they would then haue gotten into their clawes the Duchyes of Cleue Iuliers with the other parts theron dependant seeing they haue already gotten fotting therin And hauing once incorporated these is it like that they would haue suffered the Countrey of Liege to haue remained in quiet vnder the Rule of a Bishop When as the colour of reformation of Religion had also beene sufficient for the taking away of the Countrey from the true owner Or may a man thinke that they would stand vpon titles of right who hold not the least place they possesse by any right at all Or that they would make a conscience to detayne from their Neighbour when they make none to detayne from their true Lord and Maister Surely there is no reason to think other wayes and yet if any man should let him but looke into their attempt vpon Huys also vpon Liege the principall Citty of that Countrey not long since put in practise Put the case then that they had arriued vnto their desired greatnes that is to say to haue gotten the whole seauenteene Netherland Prouinces with the Duchyes of Cleue and Iuliers the rest thereunto dependant as also the Countrey of Liege how would they theÌ„ haue borne themselues towards England and France How had they then beene able to haue giuen law to both these kingdomes to the one by land from the Countrey of Liege coÌ„fining vpon it and to the other by sea by being able to ouertop it in shipping what doubt may be made heereof considering what a correspondent party they would haue found in France by their most confident friends the Huguenots and in England by no lesse friendes the Puritans Who cannot now discerne that the King of Spayne by continuance of war against the Hollanders hath highly benefited both England and France and that England and France by assisting the Hollanders against the King of Spayne haue laboured to their owne cost What policy might it then haue proued for England and France if the Hollanders had by their help preuayled against the King of Spayne when they should therby haue prepared an irremediable scourge for themselues Let it then be truely considered whether it had not been greater policy more honorable more profitable for both those Nations and more for the tranquility of Christendome that they had suffred the King of Spayne to haue brought these his rebellious subiects to obedience and so to haue gouerned them in peace to the end he might haue imployed so many millions as he hath beene forced to spend in the NetherlaÌ„d warres against the Turke And that so he would haue done if he might heere haue inioyed rest and quiet who can doubt Seeing notwithstanding these his long wars and all other wars therby occasioned both by sea and land he hath to his euerlasting prayse and honour neuer made either peace or Truce with that capitall enemy of Christendome And if those forsayd many millions might haue bin imploâ—ed against this common enemy who can make doubt but he might thereby not only haue beene driuen out of Europe but that Hierusalem and all Palestine might haue beene recouered England as hath beene sayd in the precedent Chapter hath already receaued proofe of the ingratitude of her costly Holland friends and France no lesse by hauing not long since discouered them to be more ready to take their partes that were in armes against the now regnant King then the Kinges part against them And if they had been so wary as to haue dissembled som what longer their ingratitude insolencyes towards England and France yet their audacious brauing of the King of Denmark notwithstanding they must passe with all their corne from Danske throgh his Sownd were inough to haue discouered their proud contempt of the maiesty of Kinges and what Neighbours they would haue proued to England France when they should haue arriued to their expected freedome of an absolute Republike Let it then be considered whether England or France could
of Holland it self as other Prouinces but the Synod refusing to heare the Arminians as dilinquentes condeÌ„ned them their doctrine being reduced into fyue capitall articles and heerupon by a seuere Proclamation were the ArminiaÌ„s forbidden to preach or hold assemblies for the exercise of their religion some hauing been killed for attempting the contrary some banished some sustayned confiscation of their goodes and some imprysonment where they yet remayne though in the meane tyme their number doth not diminish but dayly more and more increase throughout all the Countrey aswel in villages as in citties Thus haue you the beginning and ground of this great controuersy wherof no end can be determined It resteth now for Conâ—lusion of my intended discourse that heere I set downe whether in respect of Religion the State of England may be moued to continue their help and assistance to the Hollanders The religion therfore of Holland is first to be rightly known and conceaued and then wel to be considered I meane that which hath beene and yet is principally mantayned by the States therof to wit that which is opposit vnto the Arminians and doth now vulgarly beare the name of Caluinian or Gomarian doctrine as hath beene saâ—d The Arminians against whome they of this religion do contend did in the tyme of their formamed Aduocate Berneue't sollicite and â—abour that the States might haue the authority giuen them of Supreme Headship of the Church and some affirme that they also sought to haue Bishops after the manner of England but herunto the Caluinian Gomarists in all earnestnes opposed themselues and especially against the hauing of supremacy or superintenâ—eÌ„cy in their Churches wherein they went so farre that they published openly in their printed bookes that whatsoeuer they were that went about to make men the heades of Churches would make of men Idolls and of themselues by so doing Idolaters What think you now of the conformity of this religion to that of England where by established Actes of Parlament it is death to deny the Temporall Prince to be supreme Head of thâ— Church He that denyeth this in England is by the law to 〈◊〉 as a traytour he that affirmeth it in Holland is by their doctrine to be held for an Idolater Our Bishops in England were wont to persecuâ—e Puritanes for denying their authority what would they say to these professors of Reformation that make them Idolaters These be purer then Puritanes being distilled into a farre purer strayne or quinâ— essence Is not this a religion trow you that deserueth by English Protestants to be fougâ—ten for to haue the wealth of England coÌ„sumed for vpholding the cause and quarrel thereof What may we think of our most Royall Kinges expresse Commaundement to haue the Communion receaued kneeling They would shew themselues to haue leggs as stâ—â—fe as the legges of Elephants rather then they would fynd anâ— knees to bow thereunto let it be commaunded by what authority it would And I do verily belieue they would be without communion all the dayes of their life rather then to receaue it with so much vnease as of not sitting And as for the Crosse which his Maiesty hath likewise commaunded to be vsed in Baptismâ— how is it possible they would endure it seing they sticke not to say It is the marke of tâ—e 〈◊〉 By which saying the world may maâ—ke that themselues are beasts indeed And England may thinke it self very ill aduised and very vnhappy to a first the quarrel of a people in regard of religioÌ„ whose Religion is so opposite to theirs as this is and the professourâ— wherof if they were subiects of England and there resident would by the lawes of the Realme be seuerely punished But much more vnhappy should England be if heerafter by the fayling of his Maiesty the Prince his Highnesse both whome God long preserue such a Sect should come to be set vp and aduanced there Doubtlesse most wellcome to their Puritan Brethren who then would triumph and iumâ—e with them to the full and with them beare the only swâ—y in persecuting the Pâ—otâ—stants in England as the others now do the Armintans in Holland One conceyte more commeth to my mynd to note vnto you before I take my leaue and this 〈◊〉 that wheras in the late Synode of Dort some of our English and Scotâ—ish dâ—uines being sent thither to assist the Caâ—uinian-Comarists about the condemnation of the opinion of the Armâ—ntaâ—s they could so notwithstanding piettily put to sylence the â—omarists for making of them Idolaters as though there had beene no such matter euer by them thought vpon and that on other syde the Gomarists could be so kynd as to sit in the company of English Idolaters and quietly hold their peace from challenging them to be such yea and without all scruple of conscience to eate and drinke with them and to parte very good friends Surely heere is in this case a great moderation and suspension of spiâ—it to be noted in both seeing the one knowing what the other kept in his bosome no reproach of being traytours or Idolaters did burst forth between them Thus hauing giuen you a briefe and true Relation according vnto your demannd I will not be further tedious vnto you but with respectfull remembrance and of as great desyre of your good as of my own recommend you vnto him from whome only all good proceedeth FINIS Faults escaped in the Printing Page Line Fault Correction 17. 17. from all from him Ibid. 22. published polished 29. 8. honorified homofied IFany other faults haue escaped it is desired of the Gentle Reader to correct them of his courtesy the Author being farre absent from the Print