Controuersies handled in this booke 1. Of the Popes supremacie Article 1. through out 2. Of the real presence of Christ in the Sacrament of the Alter Article 2. chap. 1. 2. 3. Of the Sacrifice of Masse Art 2. chap. 3. 4. 5. 6. 4. Of the Popes dispensations Article 3. through out 5. Of Original sinne concupiscence Article 4. through out 6. Of merit of good workes Art 8. through out 7. Of the distinction of mortal and venial sinns Art 6. through out 8. Of the sufficiencie of the holy Scripture Art 7. cap. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 9. Of the difficultie of Scripture Ibid. chap. 6. 10. Of the vulgar peoples reading of scripture in vulgar tonges Ibid. c. 7. 11. Of the translating of holy Scripture into vulgar tonges Ibid. c. 8. 12. Of Traditions Art 7. chap. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. Of the authority of late general counsayles ibid. chap. 13. 14. Of the oathes of Bishops Ibid. chap. 14. 15. Of the possibility of keeping Gods commandments Art 8. through out TO THE MOST HIGHE AND MIGHTIE PRINCE IAMES By the grace of God King of great Britanie France and Ireland Defendor of the Faith YF S. Paul Most Gratious Soueraigne being accused of the whole Synagog of the Iewes by their Orator Tertullus of diuers heynous crimes both against Gods and the Princes lawes found notwithstanding such equitie in the heathen President Festus as that he answered his aduersaries that it was not the Romans custome to coÌ„demne Act. 2â— any man before he haue his accusers present and place to make his answer and also such fauour at the The like reporteth Plutarch of K. Alexan. the great Act. 26. Iewish King Agrippa his hands as he both licenced him to speake for him selfe afforded him fauorable audience Much more cause haue your Maiesties Catholique Subiects being accused of the ministers by a hyred spokesman Bel to expect the like yea greater fauor equitie at your Graces handes For if the Romans though Heathens thought it iniustice to condemne any particular man at the clamors of a whole nation before his accusers were present and his defence were heard And if King Agrippa albeit He killed S. Iames and emprisoned S. Peter Act. 12. a Iew persecutor of Christians deemed it notwithstanding a Princes part to geueÌ„ audience to one accused of that Religion which he both hated and persecuted How much more wil a Christian Prince forbeare to condemne the vniuersal cause of his Catholique subiects at the slaunders and outcries of ministers one hyred Proctor before their accusers be brought face to face and they haue time and place graunted to answer for them selues wherein we shal account our selues more happy then S. Paul because we shal plead our cause not before a Iewish but a Christian King such a one as better knowerh the questions and customes of the Christians then King Agrippa did of the Iewes VVherfore seeing that of late Thomas Bel a fugitiue once from Protestants religion as he is now from Catholiques hath not only accused but also malitiously slaÌ„dered the vniuersal Catholique cause in a booke which he hath dedicated to your Maiestie termed it the Dovvnefall of Poperie and withal challengeth dareth yea adiureth in which case our B. Sauiour Matth. 26. though with danger of his life made answer al English Iesuits Seminary Priests and as he speaketh Iesuited Papists to answer him I haue presumed vpon your Gratious fauour to accept his chaleng and am ready to performe it hand to hand if your Maiestie graunt licence and in the meane time to dedicate to your Name this my confutation of his arguments and slaunders VVherin I speake not for my selfe as S. Paul did before King Agrippa but for the religion of your owne Progenitors and Predecessors for the faith of our Forefathers for the cause of al Catholiques and for the good I dare say of your Maiesties owne person kingdoms For though Bel calumniate Christian Kinges and pag. 17. Emperors with opening the window to al Antichristian tyranny and Catholiques generally with thinking p. 1. 22. Christ to be killed a thousand times a day and the like yet especially he slandereth the Popes with vsurping power proper to God and to depose Princes and dispose of their kingdomes at his pleasure therby to alienate your mind from the Sea Apostolike wherin he not onely abuseth your patieÌ„ce with telling you vntruths but greatly harmeth and endamageth your selfe and Realme by endeuoring through Vir Apostata prauo corde machinatur maluÌ„ omni tempore iurgia Seminat â—ouer c. 6. his false slanders to auert your minde from the Popes who haue bene the most ancient most assured and most beneficial frends which the Kinges Realme of England euer had VVhich thing that I may make manifest vnto your Grace I humbly beseech you geue me leaue to set downe some praticular examples of the mutual amitie kind offices benifites which haue euer bene betwixt the Popes and the Princes of this land VVherein if I be somewhat longer then men in Epistles The loue benefits of Popes to England and Kings therof S. Peter P. vse to be I hope that the varietie and profit of the matter wil make requital Not long after the Apostolike Seat was settled in Rome S. Peter the first Pope about the 63. yeare of Christ came hither as not only Gretians but Metaphrast tract de Pet. Paul apud Lippoman Cambden in descrip Britanâ—â— p. 52. And Nicephor as he saieth Protestants also confesse stayed here a long time conuerted many Nations to Christs faith erected Churches ordered Bishops and Priests and being admonished of an Angel returned from hence to Rome to suffer Martyrdome Neither was this loue to our Countrie extinguished by death but as he promised to some so he had it 2. Pet. 1. also in mind after his death and miraculously assisted it in the greatest distresses So that truly wrote S. Sergius Malmesbur lib. 1. Pont. Angl. p. 209. 1. Pope vnto our Kings of England almost a thousand yeares agoe that S. Peter was mindful of them Pope Alexander 3. to King Henry 2. â—ugubin de donat CoÌ„st that England was vnder S. Peters protection euer since Christs name was glorified there For when our country about the yeare 611. began to Apostatate from the faith of Christ and the Bishops were determined to forsake the land S. Perer appearing to Sainct Laurence Arch-bishop of Canturbury did seuerly rebuke and scourge him because he would abandon the flocke which I said S. Peter coÌ„mitted vnto thee This miracle is so certaine as some ProtestaÌ„ts confesse it though Gadvvin in the life of S. Laurence some others wil not beleue it because they haue neither seene nor put their singers into S. Laurence his wounds yet it may suffice any indifferent man that it was auouched by S. Laurence beleeued by King Edbald his people lib. 2. hist
the Citty Tociacum K. Richard Ceur de Lion at the exhortation of the P. went in person to the holy land with an army of 30. thowsand foote and fiue thowsand horse in which voiage he conquered the kingdome of Ciprus citty of Ptolemais and ouerthrew the Souldan in a great battel and the like enterprise afterward vndertooke K. Edward the K. Henry 2. An. 1241. Stovv An. 1241. first in the yeare 1241. King Henry 3. placed the Popes Legate in the most honourable roome of the table at a publique banquet in Christ-masse betwixt him selfe and the Archebishop of yorke And afterward vvith great pompe saith Stowe and innumerable company of Nobles and trumpets sounding before brought him to the Sea How deuout K. Richard 2. and Englishmen K. Richard 2. Stovv An. 1407. in his time were to the Sea of Rome appeareth by their building an hospital there for receit of English Pilgrims insteed of the foresaid Seminary which as it seemeth was destroyed in that great burning of Rome in the yeare 1084 in the place where S. Thomas of Canturbury had before built a chappel in honor of the B. Trinity This hospital was afterward in the raigne of K. Henry 6. and Henry 7. reedified and much encreased and lastlie in the yeare 1570 was much bewtifyed and augmented both in buildings and reuenews by P. Gregory 13. and by him conuerted to the auncient vse of a Seminary retayning stil the obligation of an hospital The affection of K. Henry 4. appeareth K. Henry 4. A. 1409. Stovv Ann. 1409. by his letter to the Pope A. 1409. which he beginneth thus Most holy father our humble recommendations in filial vvise premised And afterward hauing taken vvith our said sonne and also vvith our Prelats and Nobles mature deliberation vve beseech vvith al humility require your clemency vvhose state and honor vpon diuers causes as a deuout sonne of the Church so far as vve might vvith God vve haue euer embraced and do embrace by the expresse and vvhole assent of the estates aforesaid c. And as for King Henry 5. he in the yeare 1416. sent his K. Henry 5. An. 1416. Stovv Ann. 1416. Embassadors to the general Councel at Constance at whose procurement it vvas there ordained that England saith Note this Stowe should obtaine the name of a nation be said one of the fiue Nations that ovve their deuotiō to the Church of Rome vvhich thing vntil that time men of other Nations for enuie had letted Behould what an honor K. Henry 5. the Alexander of England and Conqueror of France and England in his most florishing triumphant time accounted it to owe deuotion to the Church of Rome VVhich now Ministers would accoūt so dishonourable And as for K. Henry K. Henry 7. An. 1505. 7. your Maiesties great grandfather his affection is euident by the sword and cup of maintenance sent to him from the Pope spoken of before But none of the kings of the Norman bloud euer shewed so great signes of loue affection to the Sea Apostolike as K. Henry 8. did for a long time K. Heury 8. A. 1511. 1521. Stovv 1511. 1512. 1513. Onuphr in Iul. 2. for first in the yeare 1511. he wrate to the French K. to desist from molesting Pope Iulius 2. and in the next yeare sent an army of ten thousand men into France for the Popes defence And in the yeare 1513. wēt him selfe in person with a royal army conquered Turwin and Turnay And not content to defend the Pope with his sword in the yeare 1521. wrate an excellēt booke Stovv An. 1521. in his defence against Luther And againe in the yeare 1527. when Pope Clement 7. was taken prisoner by the Emperors souldiers he gaue monethlie Stovv An. 1532. 60. thowsand Angels to the maintenance of an armie for the Popes deliuery And in this singular affection towards the Sea Apostolik continewed he vntil the 22. yeare of his raigne Stovv 1530. deinceps An. 1530. when not vpon any iniury offered by the P. or dislike of his religion which except the matter of supremacy he defended to his death and persecuted the Protestants but only vpon occasion of delaie saith Stowe made by the Pope in his controuersie of deuorcement and through displeasure of such reports as he he ard had bene made of him to the court of Rome and thirdlie pricked forvvards by such counsellers to follovv the example of the Germanes he first forbad the procurement of any thing from Rome and soone after prohibited al payments and appeales to Rome and lastlie tooke vpon him that supremacy which al his Christian predecessors had acknowledged to be in the Pope Thus your Maiestie seeth how long how honourablie and how profitablie also vnto both parties hath the mutual amity and league of friendship betwixt the Sea Apost and the Princes of al the foure Nations that haue swaied the Scepter of England continewed and flourished how of late it was broken by one Prince vpon meere passion contrary to the example of al his Predecessors and Successors also except one childe and a woeman VVhat dangers and troubles he and his kingdome incurred thereby and how his progeny according as Frier Poeto did then foretel him is now consumed and his Crowne translated to an other Royal lyne against which in his time he made sharpe war I need not here declare Only I wil say that him selfe being after more free from passion laboured to be reconciled to the Sea Apostolike and employed therein B. Gardener as he professed in a sermon at Paules Crosse and had easelie obtained it if he would haue acknowledged his fault and done penance VVhat remaineth for me to conclude this long epistle but prostrate at your Maiesties feet humblie to beseech you for your owne good and in the name of the foresaid Christian Princes that as you are the head of the fieft Nation which according to Gods prouidence foretolde by a holy man Hunting l. 6. p. 359. many hundred years agoe hath attained to the rule of this land so you would continew that most auncient honourable and proffitable league of friendship which was betwixt them al and the Sea Apostolicke who I beseech your grace wil giue you more faithful councel then your owne Progenitors and forefathers who can giue you more safe and secure directiō in gouernement of your kingdome then your owne Predecessors who soe happily and so long time gouerned it who are so worthie to giue you example or whom can you with so much honor imitate as so many so valiant so prudent Princes and yet they al with one voice counsel and request you to follow in this so importāt a matter not so much them selues as the councel of the wisest King that euer was yea of God himselfe in these words Thine ovvne Prouerb 27. friend and thy fathers friend see thou forsake not especiallie such a one as hath euer
Iohannes Six emprisoned 9. Paschorlis 2. Boniface 8. Vrbanus 6. Clement 7. besyd Sergius 1. others whom they attempted to imprison They haue deposed as much as they could sixteene vz. Iohannes 12. al. 13. Benedict 5 Gregory 5. Benedict Sixteene deposed 8. and 9. Alexander 2. Gregory 6. and 7. Gelasius 2. Innocent 2. Alexander 3 Iohn 22. Vrban 6. Martin 5. by Alphons King of Arragon Platin. in Alexand. 3. Liberality of Popes tovvards England Stovve an 1171. Polidorus lib. 16. Comin ventura in relation de Napoli VVhen vvould Luther and Caluin haue giuen three Kingdomes to England Eugen. 4. by procurement of Philip Duke of Millen Iulius 2. whereas on the contrary side to omit spiritual benefits Popes haue bestowed the Empire vpon almost al them Emperours whom they deposed and haue refused to take the Empire from the Germans though they haue bene much sollicited thereto by the Grecians and to let passe their liberality to other Princes they haue bestowed the Kingdome of Ireland vpon Henry the second and of Naples and Sicily vpon Henry 3. and the most honourable title of defender of the faith vpon Henry 8. Kings of England hereby may the indifferent reader euen setting aside the iustice of the cause and considering only the fact clearly perceaue whether Christian Emperours and Princes haue more tiranized ouer Popes then Popes ouer them now let vs come to Bels proofe of his ould slaunder here againe renued of the Popes taking vpon them power proper to God alone 28. A Closse saith he affirmeth the Pope Bel pag. 14. Gloss lib. 1. tit 7. c. 3. to haue celestial arbitrement to be able to alter the nature of things applying the substance of one to an other and to make something of nothing and the Pope saith Bel is wel pleased there with Answer As for the Pope being pleased with the foresaid words it is more then Bel knoweth but sure I am he detesteth them if they be meant of power to create or proper to God alone But wel I see that which doth not displease Bel if it be giuen to Princes he condemneth as intolerable blasphemie if it be attributed to Popes For the foresaid words are al in the ciuil lawe and by the Emperours applied either to them selues or to the Pope as the Emperours Gratian Valentinian and Theodosius de sum Three Emperours say the P. hath celestial arbitrement Trin. lib. 1. affirme the Popes to haue celestial arbitrement and condemne them as infamous hereticks who follow not the religion of Pope Damasus and his arbitrement in spiritual matters may be called heauenlie because his authority therein came from heauen That of altering the nature of things and applying the substance of one to an other the Emperour Iustinian C. communia de leg lib. 2. applieth to him selfe Of vvhat things Popes or Princes can alter the nature and meaneth of ciuil contracts as legacis and feoffees in trust which by his imperial power he can alter and change and the like power saith the glosse hath the Pope in contracts pertayning to spiritual matters But of altering the nature of natural things neither the Emperour nor the glosse dreamed 29. But the words which Bel most vrgeth are that the Pope can make de nihilo aliquid something of nothing For saith he it is a thing proper to God to make something of nothing in al cases and at al tymes But besides that the glosse neither saith that the Pope can make de nihilo aliquid but de nullo aliquid neither yet in al cases and al times as Bel addeth the foresaid words are taken out of Iustinian C. de rei vxor act lib. 1. where the Emperour Of vvhat nothing Popes or Princes can make something saith that because he can make to be accompted a stipulation where none is much more he can an insufficient stipulatiō to be sufficient the like authority in humane contracts touching spiritual matters the glosse attributeth to the Pope this he meant when he said the Pope can de nullo fecere aliquid of no contract make one which Bel would applie to creatiō making creatures of nothing as God made the world 30. Secondlie he proueth his slaunder out of Gersons rep ort before answered and thirdlie out of Gregory 9. saying Ad firmamentum Gregor 9. lib. 1. de cre◠tit 33. c. 6. Caeli c. to the firmament of heauen that is of the vniuersal church God made two lights Pontifical authority and power Roial that we may knowe there is as much difference betweene Pope Kings as bet wixt sunne moone Is here any word of authority belonging to God or yet of deposing Kings but only a cōparison of Pontifical Royal power with the sunne moone allowed by the publique letters VVritten 1279. and one extāt in Baron tom 10. an 996. Matth. 16. vers 19. 18. Iob. 21. v. 15. 16. Act. 20. v. 18. Matth. 28. v. 19. of three Princes electors and a preferring of the Pontifical before the Royal which if Bel had any feeling of Christianity in him he would not deny Is not the loosing and binding of sinns in heauen earth of preaching the ghospel admnistring the sacraments of feeding Christs sheepe and the like which belongeth to Bishops as is euident out of scripture far more excellent then Royal power which as wel woemen and children as men infidels as Christians may haue 31. The sunne moone are of the same Royal povver far inferour to Pontifical nature and quality differing only in more or lesse light but Royal power is both of nature and quality far inferiour to Pontifical thas is more humane and begun by Constantin called Bishops Gods and professed him self vnder them Ruffin lib. 1. hist c. 2. men this supernatural and instituted by God that common to Infidels this proper to christians that passeth not earth this reacheth to heauen that concerneth only the body this the soule that helpeth men to worldhe and transitorie quietnes this to heauenlie and euerlasting rest Bel could not abide Pope Gregory saying Pontifical authority excelled Royal as far as the sunne excelleth the moone nor the glosse saying it excelled it 47. times how then wil he abide S. Chrisostom saying it excelleth the kingdome Chrisost l. 3. de sacerd Ambros lib. de dignit sacerd c. 2. as much as the soule douth the body or S. Ambrose saying that nothing can be equal to Pontifical dignity and that Royal glorie and Princes crownes are far more inferiour to it then lead is to glistering gould And againe nothing in this world is more Ibid. cap. 3. excellent then priests nothing higher then Bishops or S. Ignatius saying that nothing is more honourable Ignat. epist ad Smirnenscs in the church then Bishops and that we owe the first honour to God the second to Bishops the third to Kings he exclamed against the glosse for affirming the Pope
Michael Fabritius in epist de Beza tooke by treason or force many of their cheefest cities Roane Orleans Lyons and others made league with the enimies of France and giuen townes into their hands they haue leuied great armies of subiects brought in great bands of Strangers and fought foure mayne battels against their King they deposed their King and chose an other and coyned money in his name with title of the first Christian King of France They Sur. An 1560. opened the tombs of two of their Kings burnt their bones They conspired to murder the King two Queenes his wife and his mother with his brethren nobility and had executed their designments if they had not bene preuented by their massacre They slew the King of Nauar Father to the Fabritius sup fol. 61. 66. French King now regnant And their horrible outrages in al kinde of dishonesties cruâ—â—ties and Sacrileges are vnspeakable 4. In Scotland the Protestants first took Scotland arme against the Queene dawager Grand Sur. An. 1560. mother to his Majesty then regent of Scotland and by their rebellions and tumults hastened her death which his Majesty great Conference p. 81. ly lamented in the conference Likwise after infinit indignities and perils they driue Queene Mary of blessed memory his Majesties Mother their natural and lawful Prince oâ—â— of her kingdome and country forced her to surrender her crowne and Scepter to a bastard murthered her husband his Maiestes Father and therof infamed her wrongfully as was proued at her iudgment in England had murdred both her selfe and his Maiestie then in her womb if a charged pistole put to her womb would haue giuen fyer And at last by Protestants she was put to death against law of nations And his Maiesty coÌ„fesseth of him selfe that in Scotland he vvas a King vvithout state vvithout Conser p. 4. and 20. honor vvithout order vvhere beardles boyes vvould braue him to his face and keept for the most part as a vvard And in what present danger he was of being murdered by the Protestant Earle Gowry and his brethren no man is ignorant And otherwhere gratiously acknowlegeth Basilicon doron That he found none more faithfil to him selfe then such as had bene faithful to his mother who were Papists and them he foâ—nd faithles to him selfe vvho had bene such to his mother and an honorable person yet liuinâ— and Q. Elizab. vvoords confidence of Catholiks worthy of credit and hard it can testify that Queene Eelizabeth did oftenâ—ymes say to my Lord MouÌ„tague a famous Catholique of worthy memory That if she â—el into danger she vvould sooner put her life into his hands and others of his profession theâ— of any other subiect she had And if Queene Elizabeth though she were far more seuere towards her Catholique subiects thâ—n al Protestant Princes together haue hiâ—erto bene towards theirs did neuertheles put more affiance and trust in them euen after she had bene deposed of the Pope then in any Protestant what assurance may that Prince His Maiesties speech to the Parlament 19 Mart. 1603. England haue of the loyalty and fidelity of Catholiques who hath vsed great lenity towards them and nether is nor like to be deposed of the Pope 5. Finally in England Protestants rebelled twise that in one yeare against their Queene Mary once vnder the conduct of the Dukes of Northumberland Suffolk erecting a false Queene so excluding as much as lay in them the Succession of his Maiesty And againe vnder wyat and at both times she was defended by Catholiks The things I rather touch then relate because they are fresh in memory of many or to be found in many histories 6. Now let vs compare the practise of Protestants and Catholiques practise compared 1 Carolus 5. 2 Francis 2. 3 Carolus 9. 4 Henricus 3. 5 Philippus 2. 6 Philippus 3. 7 Christiernus 8 Sigismundus 9 Maria Ang. 10 Maria Scot. Protestants touching the deposition of Princes with the practise of the Pope since the tyme that Protestants began They haue within this 70. yeares partely deposed partly attempted as far as lay in thir power one Emperor three French Kings two Kings of Spaine one of Denmarke one of Pole-land one Queene of England and one of Scotland They haue slayne one King of Nauar one of Denmarke one Queene of Scotland one Queenes husband and burnt the bodies of two other Kings atteÌ„pted to murder one French King two French Queenes one King of Scotland Whereas the Popes neuer slew any Prince at al but haue saued the liues kingdomes of many since ProtestaÌ„ts began haue deposed one onely King Henry 8. and one Queene Elizabeth and spared both King Edward the 6 many Kings of DeÌ„mark Sweâ—land besids a great number of German Princes And his Maiestie is so far from danger of being deposed by him as he hath already censueed See D. Giffords commission and Mons Bethunes letters Proclamation 22. Februar anno 1. Note this al those that moleste or disturbe his maiesty and his maiesty gratefully acknowledgeth him selfe beholden to the Pope for his temporal cariage and diuers kind offices towards him euen then when ther was lesse cause of such kindnes then now is Yea which is a point worthy of consideration Neuer did any Pope depose any King or Prince merely for not professing the Catholique religion if he had not before embraced it If any obiect that the Pope hath beside King Henry and Queene Elizabeth deposed the present French King I answer that it was before he had the Crowne of France and was onely titulo tenus King of Nauar besids that the Pope vpon his amendment hath both restored him to his dignity and shewed him many great and extraordinary fouors And thus much of Bels dissembling the opinion and practise of Protestants touching the Supremacy or deposition of Princes Now let vs come to his proofs of his Assumption CHAP. V. Bells proofes of his Assumption answered BELLS proofs of his Assumption I might let passe as nothing pertayning to vs seeing we teach no such doctrin as he therin affirmeth to be false Neuertheles because the Reader may iudge whither he be a more fond disputor or false reportor I wil set them downe and answer them seuerally His first proofe is out of their famous Bel p. 2. saith he Pope Gregory the great lib 2. epist 61. where writing to the Emperor Mauritius he calleth him Soueraigne Lord and professeth him selfe subiect to his command and to owe him obedience Whereupon Bel inferreth that for 600. years after Christ Popes liued vnder Emperors in al dutiful obedience that is as he vnderstandeth in al causes Ecclesiastical and ciuil 2. Marke good Reader how many and how grosse errors he committeth in this one silly proofe First he sheweth smal skil in chusing Authors for his purpose because none make more against him in this matter then S. Gregory For he
shott sighted or starcke blinde For what Sigebert writeth of Pipin he meaneth not of Pipin Carolus his father and giuer of the exarchate who died 768. but of Pipin Carolus his sonne and neither his possessing Italy 801. nor his sonne Bernards kingdome therof 812. doth preiudice the Popes regality ouer the exarchate and Coctian Alpes giuen him before by King Pipin Aripert any more then it doth preiudice the regality and dominion which the greeke Emperours had at the same time Naucletus general 27. Platina in Leone 3. Bland Dec. 1. l. 1. ouer a great parte of Italie vz. From Naples and Manfredonia to the sea of Sicily 7. For besides that Lombardy whereof Pipin and Bernard were kings was then called Italie as is euident out of Charles his Nauclerus general 18. testament where he saith Itali which is also called Lombardy because they alone in Italy were then called Kings and possessed the best parte thereof they were intitled of the whole as the Kings of England were before the vnion of Scotland by straungers called in latin Kings of Britanny And as for Charles the great he was soe far from taking from the Pope what his father Pipin had giuen as he added thereto saith Nauclerus the I le of Corsica and what is from Luna to the Alpes confines of Italy and what betwixt Leo Ostiensis lib. 1. chron Cassinen Parma and Luca together with the Dukedomes of Spoleto and Beneuent 8. But yet far greater blindenes it is not to be able to see how the Pope can be now any Kinge at al if others were Kings of Italie 800. years agoe can he not se how kingdomes may be altered not only to different families but euen to diuers nations in lesse then eight hindred years are not the Normans and their discent Kings of England because they were not 800. nay 600 years agoe are not Spaniards Kings in Italie because they were not 400. yeares agoe could not the Popes in eight hundred years space come to a kingdome either by guifte of Princes or by iust ware or at least by prescription of time which they had not before 9. As for the Popes besides the guifts of Constantine Aricthpert Pipin and Carolus Magnus before mentioned Ludouic Pius Emperour and sonne to Carolus Magnus Gratian. d. 63. can ego Ludouicus confirmed the donation of his grandfather Pipin and afterward Countesse Leo lib. 3. chron c. 48. Maud gaue to the Pope Liguria and Tuscia in the yeare 1079. of which guifts the authentical euidences saith Bellarmin Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. c. 9. are extant in Rome which suffiseth to let Bel see how the Pope may be now a King though he were none in the yeare 812. besides that pag 17. he could see how some Christian Kings and Emperours haue yeelded vp their soueraigne rights to the Pope and pag 11. how Pipin gaue vp the gouernment of Italie into his hand and is he stricken blinde in the midest so that pag 14. he could not see how the Pope is now any King at al. Thus much of Bels blindnes out of his owne confession Now let vs see as much of his smal credit by the like confession 10. Bellarmin saith he must be credited at Bel pag. 14. Bellar. sup leisure when he telleth vs that Pipin gaue Rauenna and Pentapolis to S. Peter S. Paul meaning Ex Adone loc cit lib. 3. c. 3. ex regione Sigebert â—â— chron Bland Dec. 1. lib. 10. Magdeburg cent 8. c. 10. the Pope and yet him selfe telleth vs pag 11. that Pipin gaue vp the gouernement of Italie into the Popes hands If Bellarmin must be credited at leisure for saying Pipin gaue to the Pope a smal parte of Italie though he proue it by many witnesses and Bel confesse it to be so apparant that it can not be denied Surelie Bel p. 12. Bel not to be credited him selfe must not be credited at al for saying without al testimony yea contrary to his owne testimony pag 13. that he gaue Italie to the Pope I omit a petit vntruth of his saying that Meroueus was the first christian King of France So blinde he is that he Anual Gall. Claude Paradin des Alliances Gnealogiques Bel pag. 12. can not discerne the grand-father from the grand-childe Meroueus from Clodoueus a heathen from a christian 11. The sixt steppe Bel maketh the translation of the Empire by Pope Leo 3. from the Greekes to the French or Germans in the person of Charles the great of this translation we haue spoken before and it is rather a notorious act of the Popes superiority ouer Emperours then a steppe thereunto But because Sigebert in recounting Sigeb chronic 801. it saith Romani animo desciuerant ab Imperatore Constantinopoli Which Bel Englisheth pag. 13. reuolted from the Emperour he inferreth diuers vntruths first that Popes were subiect to 23 vntruth Emperours 800. yeares after Christ Secondly that the translation of the Empire implied flat treason 24 vntruth in the Pope and Romans Thirdlie that Sigebert 25 vntruth saith they surrendered the right of their soueraigne to an othor 12. To disproue the two first vntruths Bel disproued by him selfe I need no other witnes then Bel him selfe who pag 8. affirmed that from the yeare 471. vntil Carolus Magnus which was 801. Barbarians possessed al Italie If from 471. vntil 801. Barbarians possessed al Italie how Contradict 7. Contradict 8. were Popes 800. yeares vnder Emperours how committed they treason against Emperours in making Carolus Emperour if at that time aboue 300. yeares before they were not vnder Emperours but vnder Barbarians 13. The truth is that Barbarians possessed Baron in annal Italie from the yeare 476. for more then 80. yeares after which time the Grecian Emperour in the yeare 553. recouered al Italie and albeit they lost shortly after in the yeare 568 a great part therof yet they kept Rome vntil about the yeare 726. Onuph saith 731 when both Rome and Onuphr in chron Baron in annal Italie reuolted from Leo 3. Emperour of Constantinople for his heresie against Images and would then haue chosen an other Emperour against him if Gregory the second then Pope had not disswaded them Since which time Rome was neuer vnder the Emperours of Constantinople And therefore neither were the Popes subiect to Emperours 800. yeares after Christ nor did Pope Leo commit any treason against the Grecian Emperors by creating Charles Emperour in the yeare 801. which was almost a hundred yeares after the reuolt of Italy from the greekes As for the third vntruth it is euident because Sigebert doth not cal the grecian Emperour soueraigne to to the Romans And the word desciuerant signifieth any for saking or leauing of one whether he be his soueraigne or no. 14. But Bel goeth on in erring the Pope Bel pag. 13. not to be true King of Italie because writers agree not
Aug. lib. 2. cont Crescon cap. 26. to 7. Apoc. 22. v. 8. c. 19. v 10. S. August q. 61. in Gen. â—â— 4. Genes 29. v. 24. sinneth therin greeuously but the people worshiping erroniously vpon inuincible ignorance offend no more then did S. Ihon when he worshiped an Angel as God thinking as saith S. Austin it had bene God him self or as did Iacob when he lay with Lia who was not his wife thinking verely it had bene his wife Rachel But to say that there is no consecration when the Priest omitteth any word at al or miscalleth any words so as the sense be not altered thereby is not Catholique doctrin but Bels vsual false dealing 9. His last contradiction is that vvhen pag. 34. many Priests are made together in Rome they al pronounce the vvords of consecration This is true but what then Papists saith he can not tel hovv many Gods or hovv many times God is made in a peece of bread O accusator fratrum Where didest thou heare of many Gods amongest Papists Where of making of God we say after S. Hierom and S. S. Hieron eâ—ist ad Helâ—odor S. Pontian epist 1. Decretali Pontian that Priests conficiuni Corpus Christi make Christs body but dreame not of making God These be the slanders malitiously obiected to Catholikes against thine owne knowledge and Conscience But where is the contradiction Forsooth because Inocentius hâ—ldeth that al such Priests do consecrate Durand thinketh that he only who first pronounceth the words and Caietan is of an other opinion I graunt these contradict one an other But what is this to the Massâ— are these contradictions in it You promised to shew vs Bel deceaueth his Reader contradictions in â—he Masse and twise you haue told vs of durand Caietans contradictions as often of other matters which had no shew of Contradiction Besides that the matter in which these three Authors contradict one an other is no point of faith For with Catholiques it is no more matter of faith whether al the said Priests or one only consecrate then it is with Protestants whither al or one should christen a child if many at once should dippe him into the font pronounce the words of Baptisme So the letter be wel sealed it skilleth not whither one or many be thought to make the print when many together put their hands to the seale 10. But if Bel when he looked vpon the Masse booke had looked on his communion booke and with the like eyes and affection Gilby admonition to England and Scotland fol. 70. he should haue found other stuffe in it then he did in the Masse For besyde that it is made out of our breuiary and Missal wherupon Gilby called King Edward the sixt his booke an English mattins patched forth of the Popes Portesse more then a thousand Ministers whome the vniuersity of Oxford acknowledged to be Ansvver to the PetitioÌ„ their brethren and fellow laborers in the Lords haruest in their petition exhibited Exhibited in April 1603. to his Maiesty say that they groan vnder a burden of humaine rites and ceremonies finde enormities in their Church discipline A thousand ministers censure of the communion booke and in their Churches seruice want of vniformity of doctrin Popish opinions and honor prescribed to the name of Iesus with diuers abuses which they are able say they to shew not to be agreable to Scripture Thus Syr haue your owne ministers deminished the credit of your communion booke And Reynolds an excellent ornament saith Ansvver to 8. reasons Confer p. 63. 86. pag. 25. pag. 59. Buckley in the conference at Hampton court 1. proued the communion booke to contradict twise the Byble the Bishops were faine to amend it 2. he argued it to contradict the 25. Article of their faith 3. to conteyne manifest errors directly repugnant to Scripture 4. he requested it to be pag. 23. fitted to more encrease of piety 5. professeth that vrging men to subscribe vnto it pag. 58. is a great impeachment to a learned ministery wherof he giueth diuers reasons as the repugnancy therin to Scripture the corruption of Scripture the interrogatories and ceremonies in baptisme and certayne D. Râ—inolds censure of the communion booke words in matrimony Thus syr the excellent ornament of your Church hath adorned your communion booke and this black verdict hath he giuen therof 11. And if I should but reckon the contradictions Protestants contradictioÌ„s about their communion in Protestants doctrin about the Eucharist I shold neuer make an end only I wil requite Bel with some few 1. how Christs body saith Willet shold be verily 1. VVillet Tetrostyl col 2. part 3. p. 82. present and yet not really Can there be verum and not res or ens vere and not realiter 2. how there can be a real presence 2. Perkins Reform Cath. p. 185. 189. of Christ in the Sacrament as saith Perkins and yet Christ no otherwise present then a thing to it name 3 How God giueth Christ 3. Perkins sup in this Sacrament saith the same Minister as really and truly as any thing can be giuen to man and yet he is giuen by only faith 4. 4. Caluin 4. instit c. 17. paragr 10. How as Caluin teacheth the Eucharist is no empty signe but hath the verity of the thing vnited to it and yet Christ is only in heauen 5. How there is saith Caluin 5. Caluin sup parag 19. 15. a true and substantial communication of Christs body and blood in the Eucharist and yet Christ no more there then he was 6. Sainctes de Euchar. repetit 6. c. 1. p. 208. Mich. Fabrit ep de Beza in the Sacraments of the Iews which were before his body was any substance 6. How Christs body is truely really and substancially in the Eucharist as Beza wrote in his confession exhibited to the Count Palatine and vttered publikly in the disputation at Surius An. 1556. Poysi and yet withal as far from the Eucharist as heauen from earth Surely such fellows as these haue yea no in their religion 2. Cor. 1. v. 17. 2. Cor. 4. v. 2. or els walking in craftines adulterat as the Apostle speaketh Gods worde For if their words be vnderstood as they signify purport they include manifest contradiction and thus much of the second Article VVherfore be myndful Apotal Bel from wheÌ„ce thou are fallen and do penance Apoc. 2. THE THIRD ARTICLE OF THE POPES DISPENSATIONS CHAP. I. BEL beginneth this Article as he did Bel pag. 36. the two former with vntruthes and dissimulatioÌ„s His vntruths appeare in that he chargeth S. Antonin and Austin of Ancona Antonin 3. part tit 22. c. 5. parag 8. vntruth 42. vntruth 43. with teaching the Pope to haue equal powre with God Because S. Antonin writeth That seeing the Pope is Christs vicar none can lawfully withdraw him self from his
â—8 Beda lib. 1. c. 31. l. 2. c. 2. Apud Godvvin in vit August Godvvin sup Stovv An. 603. Cambd. in Britan. p. 104. in diuers places S. Beda other ancient writers and by the Epitaph of S. Augustins tombe but coÌ„fessed also by diuers Protestants Againe in the yeare 601. he sent more Preachers and with them al things necessary for the furniture and seruice of the Church as holie vessels saith S. Beda Aultar Beda lib. 1. c. 29. clothes apparel for priests and Clarcks reliques of holie Apostles and Martirs and many bookes and a Palle to S. Augustin to vse only writeth S. Gregory at Masse Apud Bed sup appointed also him to be ouer al the Bishops and Priests of Britany and gaue him licence to institute 24. Bishopricks whereof 12. should be vnder his prouince and 12. vnder yorke Besides he sent rich presents of Bed lib. 1. c. 32. Gregor lib. 9. epist 59. 60. diuers sorts and letters vnto the King and Queene for to confirme them in their faith and sent order also into Gregor lib. 5. epist 10. France to buy such English youths as were there slaues and to send them vp to Rome there to be brought vp in vertue learning VVherein he gaue the example of the English Seminary which not long after our English Kings founded in Rome This was the exceeding loue of this B. Pope towards our Nation vvhom vve may vvel and must saith S. Beda lib. 2. c. 1. cal our Apostle and may lavvfullie pronounce of him that saying of the Apostle 1. Cor. â— Although he vvere not an Apostle to others yet he vvas vnto vs For the signe of his Apostleship vve are in our Lord. Neither was this great good so happilie begun and planted in our nation by S. Gregorie and his Legates neglected by the Popes his successors but rather diligentlie watered and furdered by them as appeareth by the letters Bed lib. 2. c. 10. 11. Huntingt l. 3. Bed lib. 2. c. 17. Hunting sup Bed lib. 4. c. 18. Hunt l. 4. p. 335. Malmesbur l. 1. Pontif. p. 197. VVestm onast A. 789. Malmesb. l. 2. Reg. p. 47. A. 804. P. Honorlus An. 635. Bed l. 3. c. 7. Gadvv in vit Birini P. Vitalian 668. Bed lib. 4. c. 1. 2. Gadvv in vit Theodori Antonin tit 14. c. 4. paragr 14. Lazius l. 3. de Cimmeriâ—s Ramus Poeta German apud CaÌ„bd in Britan. p. 105. Polid. lib. 5. Messages of diuers of them sent vnto our Princes and Bishops to that purpose as of P. Boniface 5. in the yeare 618. of P. Honorius in 633. of P. Agatho 679. P. Zacharie about 746. P. Adrian 789. P. Formosus 894. and others But most of al it was increased by P. Honorius his sending hither in the yeare 635. that Apostolical man S. Birin who conuerted the west Saxons and by P. Vitalian who in 668. sent hither those holie and great learned men S. Theodor and Adrian by whose teaching Englishmen in short time became the rarest men and best learned of their age and the first founders of the vniuersities in Paris and Pauia and consequentlie the chiefest fountaines of the learning which hath bene since in the west After this time Eardulf King of Northumberland being driuen out of his kingdome countrey P. Leo 3. in the yeare 808. P. Leo 3. An. 808. Amoinus l. 4. c. 94. Regino in chron Baron 808. sent Card Adalph his legate into England who with the helpe of Charles the greats Embassadors restored the King peaceablie vnto his kingdome Not long after P. Leo 4. dispensed P. Leo 4. 855. Gathezelin in vit S. Suithuni apud Sut. Baron 855. with King Ethelwal for to marry which he being a Subdeacon could not do lawfullie at the same kings request crowned his sonne Alfred VVestmonast 855. Baron sup King and adopted him for his sonne who afterward for his worthie deeds both in warre peace was surnamed the great and for al things became the rarest Prince that England and perhaps Christendom euer had Soone after in the yeare 883. at the suite of the King Alfred the great P. Martin P. Martin 1. 883. VVestmonast Baron A. 883. Gadvvin in vit Pleg 1. released the tribute which the English schoole or Seminary then in Rome paide sent to the King many guifts among which was a good piece of the holie Crosse In the yeare 990 when Richard Marques of Normandie had purposed to inuade England and make warre vpon king Ethelred P. Iohn 15. sent P. Ihon. 15. An. 990. Epist apud Malmesb. l. 2. Reg. c. 10. Baron An. 990. his Nuntio and letters to take vp the matter who happilie brought them to agreement and about the yeare 1059. P. Nicolas the second granted to king P. Nicolas 2. 1059. Epist ad Eduard R. apud Sur. in cit Eduardi Edward Conss and his successors aduocationem tuitionem omniuÌ„ totius Angliae Ecclesiarum the aduouzon protection of al the Churches in EnglaÌ„d And in the yeare 1094. P. Vrban 2. in P. Vrban 2. 1094. Malmesbur l. 1. Pontif. p. 223. Gadvvin in vit Anselmi a councel at Bari appointed that S. Anselme Archbishop of Canterburie and his successors should sit in Councels besides the Archdeacon of Rome who sitteth before the P. adding these honourable words Includamus hunc in orbe nostro tanquam alterius orbis Papam wheras before it was vnknowne saith Malmesbury what place belonged to our Archibishop the same place did P. Paschal 2. confirme in a councel at Rome about the yeare 1102. But besids this diuers other dignities haue bene graunted to the Sea of Canturb Malmesbur sup p. 208. 209. by the Popes as that it should be Primate ouer al Britany and the B legatinati Polid. lib. 13. Gadvvin in vit Theobaldi and other like dignities Moreouer in the yeare 1098. the Scottish men saith Genebrard out of Genebrard chron in Vrban 2. Pascali 2. Leone 9. Maior Boethius two Scottish Chroniclers obtained of P. Vrban 2. for their Prince that he might haue the name title and anointment of a king which the Hungarians and Polonians Baron An. 1000. had obtained for their Princes about the yeare 1000. whereupon Edgar was then first anointed King of Scotland And about 1107. P. Pascal P. Pascal 2. 1107. Malmesbur lib. 5. Reg. p. 163. 2. writing to king Henry 1. among other things promiseth so to fauor him and his sonne as vvho saith he hurteth you or him may seeme to haue hurt the Church of Rome And in the yeare 1152. when K. Steephen hauing vsurped the Crowne of England would haue caused the Bishops to Crowne his soÌ„ne Eustace thereby to exclude for euer the right heyre Henry 2. Pope Eugenius P. Eugenius 3. An. 1152. Stovv Aâ— 1152. Gadvvin in vit Theobaldi 3. sent commaundement to the Cleargie not to medle in that matter whereby it was hindered
though Q. Elizabeth had vtterly cast of the Popes friendship yet he forsooke not hir For Pius 4. supposing P. Pius 4. A. 1560. that she had reuolted from that Sea rather for feare lest her title to the crowne might be called in question because one P. had before declared her birth to be vnlawful then for dislike of the religion which in her father and sisters daies she had professed sent a Nuntio to promise her al fauor touching her title to the crowne And soone after an other to request her to send her diuines to the Councel of Trent with promise of al security and liberty Neither may I leaue your Maiestie out of the number of the Princes of this land who haue tasted the loue frindship of the Sea Apostolike Because P. Clement 8. 1603. out of your owne grateful mind you haue publiquely professed your Proclamat â—â— 1. â—egni selfe behoulding vnto P. Clement 8. for his temporal carriadge and diuers kinde offices towards your Maiestie Besides he hath as it is reported censured al such as shal molest your grace and hath often times professed that he would willinglie giue his life for the eternal good of our countrey VVhich is the greatest loue that one can beare as our Sauiour testifieth vnto his friend Oh how great enimies are they vnto England who seeke by false slaunders to make such friends odious vnto vs. By this which hath bene said omitting much more for breuity your Maiestie clearlie seeth how greatlie and how continally the Sea Apostolique hath euer fauored the Christian Princes of this land how many and how great benefits both spiritual and temporal Popes haue bestowed vpon them and in their dangers and distresses according to their power assisted them VVeigh I beseech your grace in the ballance of your Princely wisdome the forsaid benefits with such as your selfe or Auncitors haue receaued from the rest of Christendom and Popes haue benefited Engl. more then al Christendome besyds you shal finde that the Sea Apostolicke alone hath more benifyted England then al Christendom besides and consequentlie that the forsaking of the Popes friendship hath more endammaged your Realme then if it had forsaken the rest of Christendom But especiallie I humblie beseech your Maiestie weigh them with such as Bel or any minister can shew you to haue receaued from their two seats of pestilence in witenberge and Geneua VVhat kingdomes haue they bestowed vpon you vnto what imperial or Royal dignity haue they exalted you from what Paganisme haue they conuerted your land what enimies haue they appeased what assistance haue they afforded you in any need what good litle or great haue they brought to this land Now what mischeefe haue they not brought That Bel in his ovvne iudgemeÌ„t vvas both an Apostata and Traiter vvhiles he vvas Preist one Apostata and fierbrand of seditioÌ„ Knox sent from Geneua brought more mischiefe to your Grandmother your B. mother to your father and Kingdom of Scotland then I can rehearse or your Maiestie without great griefe can remember Ministers pretend the loue of the Ghospel as the cause of persuading you from friendship with the Pope But yet disswade not from friendship with the Turke They pretend also your graces See Conser at Hampton Court p. 80. 81. security But the true cause indeed your Maiestie descried discouered in Knox to wit their owne security aduauÌ„cement which they fear would be endangered if you kept your ancient and surest friend and therefore with your losse as your maiestie perceaued in your Grandmothers case they worke their owne wealth and security And thus much of the Popes The laue benefits of the British Kings to the Sea Apostolik Note this As for the Christian Princes of this land though they haue bene of foure different and most opposite nations to wit Britons English Danes and Normans yet haue they al agreed in keeping the league of friendship with the Pope being officious vnto him accouÌ„ting him their especial friend Of the British kings of this land first K. Lucius A. 156. Beda lib. 1. c. 4. is King Lucius whose particular affection towards the Sea Apostolick is euident by that he neglecting other Christian Churches neare vnto him he sent so far as to Rome for Preachers As for Constantin the great Constantin Mag. 324. the immortal glory of the British kings his extraordinary loue and affection vnto the Sea of Rome is more notorious then I need rechearse For he not only gaue vnto the Pope the gouernment of Rome and of a good parte of the west as besides him selfe and Latin historiographers Constant in edicto Isidor Eugubin de donat ConstaÌ„t Grat. d. 69. Iuo Genebr in chron Photius seu Balsam in nomoran R. Abraham in Zikron Dibre Romi Abben Estra 11. Daniel Cadualader Polid. lib. 3. both Greecks and Iewes professed enimies to the Pope do testifie but also serued him as a lackey houlding his stirrop and leading his horse by the bridle Cadwallader also the last British king in England hauing lefte his countrey went no whither but to Rome and there ended his daies And if the histories of those ancieÌ„t times were more perfect or the Britons had raigned longer in this Iland no doubt but we should haue more examples of their deuotion to the Sea of Rome as appeareth by Salomon A. 869. Argenteus histor Brit. lib. 2. c. 27. Baron An. â—â—9 Salomon their King in litle Britany after they had bene driuen hence by the Saxons who writing to Pope Adrian the second beginneth his letter thus Domino ac beatissimo Apost sedis Rom Hadriano Salomon Britanorum Rex flexis genibus inclinatoque capite And sendeth him his statua in gold with diuers rich guifts and money promiseth a yearlie pension and acknowledgeth his Royal title to haue bene giuen to him by Popes This was the loue of the British kings vnto the Sea Apostolike To the British kings succeeded the The loue benefits of the English Kings K. Ethelbert An. 596. Beda lib. â— c. 25. Saxons or English as wel in their loue and reuerence to the Sea of Rome as in their kingdome For king Ethelbert at the very first receaued S. Gregory his Legats very courteouslie prouided them of al things necessary and freelie licensed them to preach vsing these gratious words worthie to be imitated of your Maiestie in the like case For so much as you are come so far to impart vnto vs such knovvledge as you take to be true vve vvil not trouble you but rather vvithal courtesie receaue you After him king Ofwin hauing K. Osvvin A. 665. perfectly learned that the Church of Rome saith S. Beda was the Catholique Lib. 3. c. 29. and Apostolicke Church sent thither in the yeare 665. a Priest to be consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury And in a conference about the obseruation of Easter hearing that the keies of heauen were giuen to S. Peter
concluded thus I vvil not gaine Bed lib. 3. c. 25. Bar. An. 664. say such a Porter as this is but as far as I knovv and am able I vvil couet in al points to obey his ordinance And in the yeare 670 he bare saith S. Bede such loue and affection lib. 4. cap. 5. to the Apostolike Sea of Rome as if he might haue eskaped his sicknes he purposed to goe to Rome and to end his life in those holie places there But what he could not through death performe the valiant Prince King Cedwalla did in the very flour K. Cedualla An. 689. of his age and prosperity For in the yeare 689. forsaking his kingdome saith S. Beda he vvent to Rome thinking it to Beda lib. 5. c. 7. be a singular glory and renovvme for him to be regenerated vvith the Sacrament of Baptisme at the Sea Apostolicke And vvithal conceaued hope that as soone as by baptisme he vvas cleansed from sinne he should depart from this vvorld to immortal ioy VVhich by Gods prouidence was perfourmed and he honourablie buried by the Pope in S. Peters Church Not long after him to wit in the year 709. two English Kings Coenred and K. Coenred and Offa. 709. Offa forsooke their kingdomes went to Rome and there became Moncks Lib. 5. cap. 10. Baron 709. Huntingt l. 4. p. 337. Malmesb 1. reg c. 6. Marian. chro VVestmonast 710. Sigeb 707. Polid. lib. 4. Fox l. 2. K. Ina. An. 726. Lib. 5. cap. 7. Baron 726. Ethelvvead l. 2. c. 13. Huntingt l. 4. p. 338. Malmefbur l. 1. Marian chron Stovv 685. Fox l. 2. VVestmon An. 727. Geneb 741. Polid lib. 4. Stovvv in Ina. continuing saith S. Beda at the Apostles tombes in praying fasting dealing almes vntil their dying day Ina al. Hun successor to K. Cedwal in his kingdome succeeded him also in his deuotion to the Sea Apostolike for after he had raigned saith S. Beda 37. years he gaue ouer his kingdome vvent him selfe to the tombs and monuments of the Apostles in Rome as in those daies many English both of the Nobility and Commons spiritual and temporal men and vvoemen vvere vvont to doe vvith great emulation Neither went he only to Rome but became there a Monke and was the first that paied the Peter pence appointing that euery householder of his kingdome who English Seminary in Rome almost 900. years agoe had thirty peny worth of Cattel of one sort should pay yearlie one penny to Rome which money was partlie for the P. partlie for the maintenance of an English schoole or Seminary which VVestmon A. 727. 794. he then built in Rome for bringing vp of English youths there in vertue and learning Not long after about the 750. yeare S. Richard K. forsooke his kingdome S. Richard K. A. 750. Sur. 7. Februar Baron 750. leauing his two sonnes in Germany with S. Boniface an Englishman the Popes Legate there went him selfe in Pilgrimage to R. but dying in the way at Luca is there honourablie buried And the yeare 775. King Offa though K. Offa. An. 775. Fox l. z. Martyr a warlike Prince gaue ouer his kingdome went to Rome and there became a Monke and imitating the example of King Ina increased the English See Malmesbur l. 2. reg c. 2. p. 38. VVestmon An. 794. Bar. 775. Polid. l. 4 Hunting l. 4. p. 342. Greg. 7. l. 8. epâ—st vlt. Baron A. 782. Seminary begun by him and imposed the like pension of Peter pence vpon his kingdome of Mercia as Charles the great about the same time imposed vpon France the like tribute to be paid to Rome The loue and affection of King Kenulph a worthie K. Kenulph An. 808. Annal. Fran. Baron 808. Malmesbur 1. Reg. c. 4. p. 30. 33. Prince and successor to King Offa appeareth by his redeeming the Popes Legate taken of Pirats in the yeare 808. and by his submissiue letter to the Pope wherin he humblie craueth his blessing as al his predecessors had desireth to be adopted for his sonne as I saith the King loue you like a father embrace you vvith al obedience And protested to be willing to spend his life for the Pope After him King Ethelwolph in the K. Ethelvvolph An. 855. VVestmon Baron 855. Ethelvverd lib. 3. cap. 3. Srovv Ingulphus yeare 855. went to Rome tooke with him his best beloued sonne Alfred for to be instructed saith westmonaster of the Pope in manners and religion where he abode a whole yeare and procured his sonne to be crowned of the Pope and adopted of him for his sonne he also notablie repaired the English Seminary Malmesb. l. 2. cap. 2. p. 38. Stovv Ann. 839. at Rome which had bene burnt a litle before and confirming guifts of K. Ina and Offa imposed Malmesbur sup Marian. 877. Platina in Leone 4. the pension of Peter pence vpon al England which was afterward paid vntil the later end of K Henry 8. About the same time King Burdred leauing K. Burdred Ethelvvead l. 4. c. 3. Malmesb l. 1. c. 4. p. 33. Ingulph Stovv 875. K. Ganute a Dane 1032. Malmesb. l. 2. cap. 1. Ingulph Polid l 7. Huntingt lib 6. Stovv in Canute Marian A. 1033. his kingdome went to Rome and was there buried in the English schoole Neither would King Canute though a Dane be found vngrateful to the Sea Apost but went to Rome in the yeare 1032. confirmed the payment of the Peter pence gaue great guifts of golde siluer and pretious things to S. Peter obtayned of Pope Iohn immunity for the English Seminary And finally K. Edward Conf the last but K. Eduard Conf. An. 1056. Ealted in vit eius one of the Saxon bloud would haue gone to Rome in Pilgrimage had not his people vpon feare of the Danes inuasion hindred him yet sent he Embassadors to the Pope with great presents and confirmed al the dueties customes belonging to him in England And thus continewed the English Kings al the time of their raigne in singular affection and deuotion to The loue benefits of the NormaÌ„ Kings the Sea Apostolicke To whom as the Norman Princes succeeded so they followed them in their piety and religion For beside that they paid the Peeter pence in particular K. william Conqueror hauing K. VV. Conqueror An. 1066. Stovv in Herald subdued England and slaine K. Herald in the yeare 1066. sent straight his standard to the Pope as to his peculiar K. Henry 1. Malmesb. l. 1. Pont. p. 226. friend And K. Henry 1. professed by his Embassadour to P. Paschal 2. that England was a peculiar prouince of the Church of Rome and paid vnto her yearlie tribute King Henry 2. about the yeare K. Henry 2. An. 1180. Genebr in chron 1180. 1180. together with Lewis King of France ledde P. Alexanders horse and with great pompe conducted him K. Richard 1. Polid. lib. 14. Genebr 118. Stovv through
is the first P. whome we find to haue made a flat decree touching the deposition of Princes in these words If any King Prelat Iudge or seculer person lib. 12. epist vlt. lib. 11. epist 10. of what degree or highnes soeuer do violate the priuileges of S. Medards monastery let him be deposed And vpon the 4. al 5. poenit psalme he writeth that no reason alloweth him to be King who alienateth men from Christ and enthralleth his Church and sharply inueigheth against the Emp for vsurping right of earthly power ouer the Church of Rome which he calleth the head of al Churches and Lady of Nations and telleth him that it were better for him to acknowledge her his Lady and submit him selfe to her according to the example of godly Princes 3. And as for the place which Bel citeth he speaketh not there of the subiection duty or obedieÌ„ce of a subiect to his Prince but of a seruant to his Maister as he had bene to Mauritius whiles they were both priuat men which him selfe plainly professeth in the beginning of his letter in these words In this suggestion I speake not as Bishop nor as subiect by reason of the common wealth but by priuat right of my owne because you haue bene my Lord since that time when as yet you were not Lord of al. And therfore by the forsayd words he meaneth no otherwise then a louing seruant doth when vpon curtesie to his old Maister though he haue left him yet he stil calleth him Maister and offereth him selfe and his seruice at his command His second error was in inferring vpon the bare words of one P. speaking of him selfe alone not onely his dutiful obedience but also of al his Predecessors for 600. years together He would espie his error if I should infer the same oâ— al. S. Greg his successors for 600. years after him And though euery English Priest do cal his Maiesty Soueraigne Lord professe them selues subiect to his commande and to owe him obedience as far as Bel can shew that euer S. Gregory did to the Emp yet wil he not suffer me to infer that they liue in al dutiful obedience to their Prince but wil condemne them al of high treason For with him as of old with Donatists Quod volumus Sanctum est 4. His 3. error is in granting that Popes Contradict Gelas epist ad Anastas Theodoret. lib. 5. cap. 18. Sozom. l. 7. c. 24. Paulin. in vit Ambros Lib. cont Gentil Euseb lib. 6. c. 26. Niceph. lib. 13. c 39. Gelas d. 96. con Duo sunt Georg. Patriarcha in vit Chrysost Symach ep ad Anastas Stapleto de Eccl. Rom. Platina iâ— Gelasio for 600. years after Christ liued in al dutiful obedience to Emperors wherein he quite ouerthroweth what he ment to proue in this Article For if that be true he can not thinke that to excommunicate or depose Princes vpon great causes is against the duty of Popes Because to omit S. Ambrose his excoÌ„municating of the Emperors Theodosius Maximus S. Babilas his excoÌ„municating an other Emp whom he droue saith S. Chrisost out of the Church as if he had bene a base slaue of no account no fewer then fiue or six Popes haue excoÌ„municated their Emperors in that time As S. Fabian excoÌ„municated Phillip the first Christian Emperor S. Innocent 1. the Emperours Arcadius and Eudoxia P. Symachus P. Anastasius and as some say P. Gelasius excommunicated the Emperor Anastasius and P. Vigil Baron An. â—84 Contradict the Empresse Theodora And S. Gregory him selfe proceeded further as you heard euen to depose Princes Moreouer Bel Writeth p 8. that Barbarians possessed al Italy from the yeare 471. vntil Charles the great 801. How then saieth he here that Popes liued vnder Emperors vntil 603. 5. His fourth error is in coÌ„fessing S. Gregory the great to be ours that is a Papist wherupon follow many things to his vtter confusion First that the old Rom religion for I hope what is aboue a 1000. yeares old is old which him selfe p 83. confesseth to be Catholique sound pure is Papistical 2. That the first Christian religion which our English Anceitours hauing bene euer before bondslaues saith S. Bedal 2. c. 1. of Idols receaued from S. Gregory by his legat S. Austin was Papistical 3. That al Christendome was in S. Gregories time Papistical because it communicated with him in faith and religion as is euident by his Epistles written to al partes of Christendome Thus we see this mans smal wit in prouing his vntruthes Now let vs see his good wil. 6. Very loth he is to graunt the Pope the Bel pag. 3. S. Ignat. ep ad Mariam Cassab name of Pope which Saints Councels Princes Catholiques Schismatiks haue euer giuen him Bishops of Rome saith he S. Iustin ep ad zenam seren S. Aug. epist 92. 95. 261. S. Hiero. ep ad Damas Amb. ep 81 VinceÌ„t cont haeres liberatus in breuiar cap. 22. Concil Calcedon as 16. Carthag Mileuil apud August ep 90. 92. Epirot ep ad Hermis Constantin in edicto Galli Placidici epist ad Pulcheriam Choniatas Vide epist trium Concil Africon ad Damas to 1. Camil. Protestants cal vs Papists of the Pope yet vvil not cal him Pope Victor de persecut vaÌ„dalica lib. 1. Bel p. 3. Gregor Turon de glor mart cap. 25. 30. 79. now called Popes And when not Syr did not S. Ignatius who liued in the Apostles tyme cal S. Anaclerus Pope did not also S. Iustin euen as the Magdeburgians confesse did not S. Austin S. Hierome S. Ambrose Vincent Lirin others aboue a thousand yeares a goe did not the Councel of Calcedon of Carthage of Mileui of Epirus do not the Gretians cal the Bishop of Rome Pope Was he not alwaies called Pope as wel in England as in al Christendome els vntil the 26. yeare of Henry 8. when hauinge reuoulted from the Popes obedience he commanded this name to be razed out of al writings calendaties Holy Doctors whatsoeuer 7. And a maruailous thing it is to consider the contradictious spirit of Protestants They wil cal vs nothing but Papists as Arians called Catholique Romans and our religion Popish which are bynames inuented of them selues and deriued from the name of Pope and yet wil they not cal him Pope which hath bene his name euer since the Apostles time And thus much touching Bels proofe of his Assumption out of S. Gregory 8. Next he alleadgeth S. Ambrose saying Dauid being King was subiect to no human law But besids that the word human is not in that place S. Ambrose freeth Kings onely Bonus impetator intra non supra ecclesiaÌ„ est Ambr. epist 32. Theodoret. lib. 5. cap. 18. Sozomen l. 7. c. 24. Paulin. in vita Ambros Ruffin lib. 1. c. 2. Theodoret. lib. 4. cap. 5. from penalty of ciuil or temporal lawes For how subiect he thought them to be to Ecclesiastical lawes
Vicar of Christ Christ of the Lord and God of Pharao And thus spoke S. Bernard euen in those books where according to Caluins Caluin l. 4. c. 11. paragr 11. iudgment he spoke it so as truth it selfe semed to speake And albeit the Pope do not entitle him selfe King of Kings but Seruant of Gods seruants which is a more humble stile then any Prince vseth yet rightly might he because he hath twoe Kingdomes vz. Naples and Sicily Feudatary The Pope gaue IrlaÌ„d to the King of England Stovv ann â—â—71 and temporally subiect vnto him as he had also Ireland before he gaue it vnto the crowne of England in K. Henry 2. time 7. But because Bel is so hard aconstruer of some Catholiques words let vs heare not a parasite but a Protestant Prelat speaking not in absence but in presence of the King and realme Bilson in his late sermon Bilson at the Kings coronation saith Kings be Gods by office they haue the society of his name are in his place their very robes are sanctified euery thing belonging to them is sacred are pertakers with Christ in the power honour and iustice of his Kingdome on earth and partake with Gods homage Behould he calleth Kings Gods and partners with God in his name power honour and homage and yet no Catholique chardgeth Protestants that they attribute to the King or that he challengeth power proper to God alone 8. The third point reprehended by Bel in Gersons reporte is that ecclesiastical and temporal power is said to come from the Pope This saith Bel pag 16. is to make the Pope author of al power a thing proper to God 14. vntruth 15. vntruth This say I is for Bel to vtter two vntruthes at once for neither do they speake of al power but only of power in earth which they deuide into ecclesiastical temporal besides which there is power in heauen of God and Saints neither do they make the Pope author of al power in earth but only saie it commeth from the Pope which is not to make him author therof vnles Bel wil make euery officer author of what he doth in the Princes name euery instrument author of the effect it worketh by vertue of the cause And thus much touching this slaunder of Popes imposed by Bel. Now let vs come to others for no other stuffe we are like to hear hereafter in this article CHAP. VIII Certaine false steps of a ladder vvhich Bel imagineth the Pope had to climbe to his superiority disproued BEL hauing vpon the foresaid words of some nameles Catholiques taken occasion Bel pag. 17. to slaunder Popes goeth on in like sorte for many leaues together setting downe steppes in a ladder which as he imagineth the Popes had to climbe to their superiority The first steppe saith he was the departure of the Emperour Constantine from Rome to Constantinople but if he had better considered he should haue found that as the cittie of Rome decaied by Constantines departure and Constantinople increased So the Sea of Rome rather fel therby in external Euseb Hieron in chron Conc. Constant epist ad Damasc Gelas ad Episcop Dardaniae dignity and the Sea of Constantinople rose then otherwise For wheras before Constantines going to Constantinople which was about the yeare 330. that church was but new and a parish of another church as Gelasius witnesseth soone after in the yeare 381. it was made a Patriarchate Cone Constantin c. 5. Concil Calced act 16. next to Rome and in the yeare 451. the Grecians gaue it equal priuiledges with Rome And not content with this about the yeare 600. that Patriarch arrogated the title of Oecumenical that is ouer the whole worlde And finallie in the yeare 1054. claimed Sigebert in chron the place of the first Patriarch alleadging the Pope to haue lost his primacy by adding filióque to the Nicene Creed 2. But Constantine sayth Bel at his departure pag. 7. did as the Popes parasites tel vs giue lardge guifts to the Pope euen his whole power dominion and territories both in Rome Italy and al the west Behould a man as the Prouerbe is hauing a wolfe by the eare which he dare neither hould nor yet let goe For if he graunt that Constantine gaue the Pope his whole power and dominion ouer Rome Italy and al the west he must needs graunt that the Pope of right hath imperial power ouer al the west If he deny it he sheweth not how ConstaÌ„tins departure was a steppe for the Pope to climbe to higher authority Besides that not Constantins departure but his guifte should haue bene made the steppe Notwithstanding choosing rather to condemne him selfe of not shewing how Constantins departure was a steppe for the Pope to climbe then to graunt that the Pope hath so good right to imperial power ouer the west he inclineth to denial of the guift citeth Valla Volaterran Cathalan Cusan fowre late and obscure writers against it and tearmeth them Popishe parasites who affirme it 3. But against these foure late writers I oppose foure most auncient Isidor Photius or Balsamon Gratian Iuo many late writers besides two Iewes Rabby Abraham and Aben Esra who al auouch Constantins guift whereof Photius and the Iewes were professed enimies of the Pope and Bel him selfe confesseth that some Emperours haue giuen the Pope their soueraigne rights In which kinde no Emperour excelled Constantine yet Bellarmine saith Bellarmin lib. 5. de Roman Pont. â— 9. Bel seemeth to doubt of this and such like donations Wherein Sir In these words saith he there are extant at Rome the authentical euidences of these and the like donations and if there were not prescription of eight hundred yeares would aboundantlie suffice For Kingdomes vniustlie gotten are in proces of time made lawful as he proueth by the Romane Empier gotten Prescription of 30. yeares sufficeth by ciuil lavv by Cesar the Kingdome of England by Saxons and others What shew is in theis words of doubt or rather not of certainty For Bellarmin affirmeth that the Pope hath two iust titles to hould his estate The first is free guift of Princes whereof he can shew authentical euidences the other prescription of time 4. The second steppe saith Bel was the fal pag. 8. of the Empire in the west in the yeare 471. and vacancy therof for almost 330. yeares But how this fal and vacancy of the Empire was a steppe for Popes to climbe neither he sheweth nor any can imagin especially if as he writeth straight after in this vacancie of the Empire Rome was spoiled with fier sword and the verie walles throvvne dovvne to the ground and al Italie possessed of the Barbares vntil Carolus Magnus who was the first Emperour after the vacancie if in this vacancy Rome was destroied and al Italy possessed by Barbares who for the most part were heathens or heretiks how could it bee a steppe for the Pope to climbe and
absolutly for the vulgar sort to read Scripture it is not expedient that it be common in vulgar tongues lest some like foolish Eue be tempted by the sight thereof curiously and against command to read it Secondly because nether the Iewes after their language was corrupted by their captiuity translated the Scripture into their vulgar language Nor the Church euer commanded the Scriptures to be translated into euery vulgar tongue but generally vsed them in Hebrew greeke and latine in which tongs they were written As for the English Bybles translated by Protestants See Conference at Hampton Court pag. 45. 46. 47. they al hitherto haue bene naught as them selfs confesse and are now about a new translation which hereafter perhaps wil be found as faulty as the former Whereby we see that the English faith hitherto hath bene false as builded vpon the English Bible which was false and consequently The good vvhich Protestants haue gotten by English Bibles who dyed in it dyed in a false faith and relyed vpon mans worde in steed of Gods And this is the true death which common people haue incurred and al the good they haue reaped by reading Scriptures in English according to the serpentine counsel of Ministers For where before they knew so much of Gods worde as was sufficient to saluation by reading English Bibles they haue read a lying worde as now after 46. years experience they both see and confesse and because they would not content them selfs with knowledge sufficient to sobriety and saluation but as the Apostle S. Paul writeth Rom. 12. v. 3. be more wise then behooued them God hath sent them as the same Apostle saith 2. Thess 2. v. 11. the operation of error to beleeue lying 2. Against this Bel obiecteth That the Bel p. 106. Apostle calleth them madde who read the Ghospel 1. Cor. 14. v. 24. to people in a language vnknovvne to them and the people also that listen therto as Catholiques doe Answer The Apostle is so far from condemning seruice of God in a tongue vnknowne to the hearers as he saith to such a one Thou doest vvel 1. Corinth 14. v. 17. But indeed he saith That if Ideots and infidels hard vs so doing they wold say we were madde If al the Church meet together saith he Only Idiots and infidels condēne seruice in an vnknovvne tonge and al speake vvith tongues and Ideots or infidels enter vvil they not say that you are madde 1. Corinth 14. v. 23. Wherfore not S. Paul but onely Ideots or infidels cōdemne the Churches seruice in an vnknowne tongue 3. And if the sacrifice and prayer of Zachary Luc. 1. v. 10. 11. which the people did not so much as heare or see did greatly profit them why may not the sacrifice and prayers of Priests which the people both see and heare greatly profit them though they vnderstand them not And if Bel wil excuse Zachary and the Iewes yea God who commanded it Leuit. 16. from madnes though they stood without dores and could nether heare nor see and much les vnderstand the sacrifice and prayers Much better if he please may he excuse Catholiques who both see and heare and parrly vnderstand the Catholique seruice And though Bel scoffe at Catholiques listening to the Ghospel tedde in latine Yet Origen Origen hom 20. in Iosue writeth That with only hearing Scripture though we doe not vnderstand The Diuels vvords not vnderstood vvorke euil Ergo Gods vvords not vnderstood do good it the poison of naughty spirits which besiege vs is driuen away as it were with a prayer and holy spirits are inuited to helpe vs. For saith he If words of coniuration pronounced though not vnderstood worke inchantments how much more vertue thinke we haue the words of holy Scripture And if S. Chrysostom hom 3. de Lazar S. Chrysost might say That though we vnderstand not Scripture yet ex ipsa lectione multa nascitur sanctimonia much holines riseth by very reading Why may we not say the like of very hearing And because Bel vrgeth this obiection no father I answer it no fuller who list see more of it let him read Rhemist 1. Corinth 14. D. Stapleton vpon the same place and Bellar. l. 2. de verb. Dei c. 16. 4. Bel obiecteth out of Theodoret That pag. 113. Theodoret. lib. 5. de Graecan affection the Hebrew books were translated into al languages This is nothing against vs who deny not but Scripture hath bene and may be vpon iust and vrgent causes translated into vulgar languages so it be not vulgarly vsed and common to al kinde of vulgar people Bel p. 106. vntruth 88 Vid. Indic libror. prohibit And here by the way I must aduertise the Reader of dyuers vntruths vttered by Bel concerning this matter 1. That the Pope burneth Scriptures in vulgar tongue This is not so For he burneth only heretical translations and al England knoweth how currant the Rhemists testament is amongst Catholiques 2. That the Pope excommunicateth al lay vntruth 89 vntruth 90 men that reason of matter of faith or dispute of his power citeth 6. decret lib. 5. cap. Quicunque Here be two vntruths For nether is there any worde of reasoning of the Popes power but only of disputing of the Catholique faith without touching whereof we may reason of the Popes power in diuers waies as is shewed art 1. cap. 1. Nether forbiddeth he lay men to reason or At vvhat tyme lay men are for bidden to dispute of faith dispute of faith with whom-soeuer or in what case soeuer but only with Heretiks as is euident out of the whole chapter which instructeth Catholiques how they ought to behaue them selfs towards Heretiks and when Cleargy men may dispute as when that Canon was made they might in al Christendome And in this case it is vnlawful for lay men to dispute of faith both because generally they are not sufficiently S. Greg. Nazianz orat 1. de Theol. in Apologet. orat Quod◠non liceat semper publice de Deo contédere learned to defend the faith against Heretiks as also because disputing of faith is proper them to whome preaching belongeth who are not lay but Cleargy men Whereupon said S. Gregory Nazianz. It is not euery ones part to dispute of God This is not so base matter or pertaining to them vvho as yet creeping on the ground are busyed with earthly study Euery one may thinke of God but not dispute of God Thus S. Gregory for his great knowledge surnamed the Deuine whose counsel I suppose euery wise man wil sooner follow then Babling Bel. And the ciuil Cod. de Sum. Trin. law punisheth al lay men that publikly dispute of faith 3. That Priests oftentymes vnderst and vntruth 91 not the latin vvords of absolution This he might better obiect to his fellow ministers See Bels lacke of latin art 5 c. 4. paragr 10. art 2. c. 4.
of this reason First I deny that any religious Emperour of the East would haue sate aboue the Pope in Councel as appeareth by the fact of the two great Emperours Constantin and Theodosius before rehearsed and by Iustinus humbling himselfe vnto the Pope prostrate on the ground Iustinians See Art 1. c. 6. parag 6. lowly adoring and Iustinian the second his kissing of his feeet Is it likely that these who so honoured the Pope out of Councel would haue sate aboue him in Councel And albeit one grecian Emperour after both religion and reuerence thereto was decayed in Greece and the whole nation fallen into Schisme and heresy did in the CouÌ„cel of Florence attempt Concil Florent in initio to sit aboue the Pope yet the like is not to be thought of other religious Christian Emperours whereof diuers as Bel testifyeth art 1. pag. 17. humbled themselues and yeelded euen their soueraigne rights to Popes Yea the selfe same Emperour who by some euil suggestion would haue sate aboue the Pope would at his first meeting with him haue kneeled vnto him But suppose Concil Florent sup that the grecian Emperours by reason of their temporal superiority would haue sitten aboue the Pope Doe they therefore deny his spiritual primacy No more surely then a gentleman doth deny his pastours spiritual authority ouer him because he wil sit aboue him Did not the grecians euen in the Florentin Councel where they attempted In lit vnionis to place the Emperour aboue the Pope defyne together with the Latins that the Bishop of Rome hath primatum in vniuersum orbem primacy ouer the whole world 8. In two other matters Bel iniuryeth Bel p. 127. the Pope auouching that he would neuer shew his face in any Councel And that he shamefully vntruth 102. vntruth 103. abuseth the worlde because he can not communicate his supreame iudicial authority to his Legates and wil approue nothinge decreed in Councel vnles it be agreable to that vvhich he decreeth a part in his chaire at home For the first of these is a manifest vntruth because the Pope hath bene personally present almost in al the general councels helde in the west as at Florence at Constance at Viena at Lyons at Rhemes at Claremount and diuers councels of Lateran In the other the Pope abuseth the worlde no more then doth the Prince abuse the Parliament when sending thither the L. Chaunceller to supplie his place and praeseed in his roome wil neuerthelesse approue nothing what the Peeres doe or decree vnles himselfe iudgeth it conuenient CHAP. XIIII Of the oath vvhich Bishops vse to make vnto the Pope BECAVSE Bishops sweare fidelity to the Pope and to keep and defend the primacy of the Romane Church and rules of holy fathers against al men and neuertheles as Bellarmin writeth are not to obey Bellarm. lib. 1. de concil cap. vlt. him but when he commandeth according to Gods law and holy canons and may notwithstanding their oath speake their minde in councel and depose the Pope if he become an heretike Bel inferreth diuers pag. 125. 126. things requisit to be answered First that Bishops sweare the Pope can depose al Emperours and Kings in the Christian wordle Secondly that they sweare to admit his decree whome they vntruth 104. freely graunt may be an hereticke Thirdly that they sweare obedience to him in matters of faith whome they can depose for heresy Fourthly that the Pope is not supreame Iudge of controuersies seeing Bishops may examyne and iudge whether what he commaundeth be agreable to Gods worde and the Canons Lastly that they sweare flat rebellion against their Soueraigns seeing they sweare to defend the Popes Primacy against al men whomsoeuer 2. Answer As for the oath of Bishops made to the Pope the lawfulnes thereof appeareth because it is made withal Catholique princes consent and meant only in iust and lawful things which are according to Gods law and holy Canons And it hath bene vsed aboue a thowsand yeare agoe as is euident by the like oath made by a Bishop vnto S. Gregory the great And S. Boniface the S. Gregor â—â— 10. ep 31. Baron Ann. 723. Apostle of Germany and worthiest man that euer England bredde did sweare when he was consecrated Bishop to concurre with See Concil Tolet. 11. can 10. the Pope and commodities of his church And as for the first point which Bel inferreth it is vntrue as appeareth by the answer to the first article The second and third contayne no inconuenience For we must obey what he decreeth or defyneth Iudicially as sitting in S. Peeters chaire though in hart he were an hereticke As our Sauiour coÌ„manded S. Math. 23. v. 3. S. Mare 8. v. 15. S. Math. 16. v. 6. the Iewes to follow what the Scribes taught out of Moyses chaire but abstaine from their priuate leauen If Bel can not imagine how a man by Gods disposition may vtter truth coÌ„trary to his owne minde let him remember Balaam and Caiphas Numer 22. Ioh. 11. v. 52. Chap. 10. parag 9. Bellarm. lib. 4. de Rom. Pont. cap. 6. 7. Bel p. 125. and what hath bene said before out of S. Austin Besides we graunt not freely as Bel freely forgeth that the Pope may be an hereticke For Bellarmin whose only testimony saith Bel is most sufficient in al popish affaires defendeth the contrary And by that which hath bene said to these two points appeareth the answer to the fourth Because Bishops must not examin the doctrine which the Pope deliuereth iudicially out of S. Peters chaire as supreame pastour of Gods church but only that wherein he vttereth his owne priuate opinion 3. And as for the last point Bishops sweare no rebellion Both because they sweare to defend the Popes primacie only according to Gods worde and holy Canons which admit no rebellion As also The vveapons of our vvarfare are not carnal 1. Cor. 10. v. 4. Euseb lib. 6. c. 25. Gelas epist ad Anast S. Chrysost lib. cont Gent. because the defence which Bishops are to vse is not by insurrection and rebellion but by spiritual chastisment and correction In which sort S. Fabian defended the orders of the Church against the Emperour Philip. S. Innocent defended S. Chrisostom against Archadius S. Babilas and S. Ambrose punished their Emperours without any rebellion at al. 4. After the foresaid collections Bel pag 128. Rhemists Act. 15. vntruth 105. auoucheth an vntruth vpon the Rhemists affirming them to tel plainely and rowndly that the determination of Councels is needles because the Popes iudgement alone is infallible Where as they in that place which Bel cyteth write that though the Sea Apostolique haue infallible assistance yet the determinanation of Councels are necessary for many causes as for searching out the truth for the recouery of hereticks and contentation of the weake who not alwaies giuing ouer to one mans determination yet wil either yeeld to the iudgement
oy Bel art 4. c. 3. parag 7. P. S. Paul how he vnderstood the worde beside Galat 11. v. 2. a 7 c. 11. parag 5. S Paul loc cit meant of his preaching not of Scripâ—ure art 7 c. 1. parag 6 S. Paul might haue called glory a stipend arâ— 5. â— 4. parag 2. S Paul Rom. 7 explicated a. 4 c. 2 per tot S. Paul Rom 8 explicated a. â— c. 4. par 10. Pelagians thought knowledge of Scripture necessary to euery one art 7. c. 1 par 3. Pelagians licenced wemen to be skilâ—ul in Scripture to sing with them a 7. c. 7. parag 13. Peoples owing no obedâ—eÌ„â—â— to euil Princes no doctrin of Catholiks art 1. c. 9. par 4. S. Policarps account of the Popes sentence art 7. c. 10. parag 4. Popes accounted loyal excommunicated Emperors art 1. c. 5. parag 4. Pope as Pope challengeth no royal right to ether sword art 1. c. 9. parag 22. Pope can not depose Princes ordinarily euen for iust causes art 1. c. 1. par 5. 6. Pope can not depose princes for his pleasure art 1 c. 1. parag 5. Popes and Protestants proceedings in deposing Princes compared a. 1. c. 9. par 26. Pope cold not become Antichrist by the acceptance of the Exarchate a. 1. c. 9. par 4. Pope as Pope hath no temporal iurisdiction at al art 1. c. 1. parag 4. Popes confirmation by Emperors when it began and when it left a. 1. c. 8. par 8. Pope hath censured al that molest our King art 1. c. 4. parag 6. Pope did neuer challeng power proper or equal to God art 1. c. 7. parag 3. Pope how he is said to haue more then humain power art 1. c. 7 parag 3. Pope how he may be called King of Kings art 1. c. 7. parag 6. Pope how he may he King now though he were not in Pepins tyme art 1. c. 9 par 8. Pope highly esteemed by S. Bernard art 1. chap. 7. parag 6. Popes sentence highly esteemed by S. Hierom art 7. c. 12. parag 1. and by others ibid. c. 10. parag 4. Popes definitiue sentence a rule of faith in S. Cyprians tyme art 7. c. 12. parag 1. Pope neuer dispensed to mary a ful sister art 3. c. 1. parag 13. Pope in Councel as King in parlament art 7. c. 13. parag 8. Popes haue giuen three Kingdoms to England art 1. c. 9. parag 17. Popes liberality to Christian Princes art 1. c. 9. parag 37. Popes most cruelly handled by Christian princes art 1. c. 9. parag 27. Popes might haue apostatated from faith yet not taught heresy art 7. c. 10. par 9. Popes name euer from the Apostles tyme art 1. c. 5. parag 6. Popes neuer apostated in hart a. 7. c. 10. par 9. Popes not prowde in mainteining their dignity art 7. c. 13. parag 5. Popes or princes of what nothing they can make somthing art 1 c. 9. parag 29. Popes or princes of what things they can alter the nature art 1. c. 9 parag 28. Popes true step to his primacy a. 1. c. 9. par 32. Pope nether spiritual nor temporal superior to al princes on earth a. 1. c. 1. par â— 4. Popes primacy acknowledged by Gretian Emperors Councels and Patriarchs art 7. c. 13. parag 6. Popes priuate doctrin may be examined but not his iudicial sentence of faith art 7. c. 14. parag 2. Popes present in most Councels of the west art 7. c. 13. parag 8. Popes taught alwaies the doctrin of S. Peter art 7. c. 10. parag 8. Pope translated the Empire and appointed the Electors art 1. c. 6. parag 3. 4. Popery confessed to haue bene with in 200. years after Christ art 7. c. 10. parag 2. Prayers in an vnknowne tong commended by S. Paul art 7. c. 8 parag 2. Princes absolute haue no temporal superior art 1. c. 1. parag 4. Princes deposed by Prophets a. 1. c 5. par 3. Protestants admit Tradition a. 7. c. 9. par 11. Protestants haue no reason to admit one tradition no more art 7. c. 9. par 11. Protestants arrogate more power and authority then the Pope a. 1 c. 7 par 3. Protestants cal Catholiques Papists and Popish of the Pope yet wil not cal him Pope art 1. c. 5. parag 5. Protestants censure of the communion booke art â— c. 6 parag 10. Protestants contradictions about the Eucharist art 2. c. 6. parag 11. Protestants innumerable explication of fower words art 2. c. 6. parag 7. Protestants iudgment of Fathers when they are against them art 5 c. 4 parag 5. Protestants dissentions touched in the late conference art 4. c. 4 parag 7. Protestants enemity to good workes by word and deed art 5. c 1. parag 2. 3. Protestants frendship to euil works Ibid. parag 3. Protestants had the bible from Catholiques and how art 7. c. 9. parag 9. Protestants in 70. years haue attempted to depose to princes art 1. c. 4. parag 6. Protestants haue murdered diuers princes art 1. c. 4. parag 6. Protestants haue burnt two Kings bodies Ibid. Protestants abuse princes art 1. c. 9. par 3â— Protestants make and vnmake Emperors as they list art 1. c. 6 parag 3. Protestants opinion of deposing princes art 1. c. 3 per tot Protestants and the Popes deposing princes compared art 1. c. 4. parag 6. Protestants opinion of princes supremacy art 1. c. 2. parag 1. 2. Protestants and Catholiques opinion about supremacy compared ibid. parag 3. Protestants make their professed enemyes papists art 7. c. 1. parag 13. Protestants manner of answering Catholiques art 1. c. 6. parag 1. Protestants new light art 1. c. 6. parag 9. Protestants ouerthrow their owne arguments against Tradition art 7. c. 9. par 11. Protestants persuade to read Scripture as the serpent to eate the apple art 7. c. 7. parag 2. Protestants good by english bibles art 7. c. 8. parag 1. Protestants promise with Manichees vndoubted truth for to ouerthrow authority art 7. c. 9. parag 23. Protestants teach doctrin of Diuels art 2. c. 1. parag 1. 2. 3. Protestants try deuine truth a. 7. c. 12. par 4. Protestant wemen preached publikly in Germany art 7. c. 13. Puritans subscribe to the communion book only in respect of tyme art 1. c. 2. par 2. Puritans vrge the supremacy only for pollicy art 1. c. 2. parag 2. Q. Q. Elizabeths affiance in Catholiques fidelity art 1. c. 4. parag 4. R. REading of Scripture not debarred from the godly art 7. c. 7. parag 3. Reading or hearing Gods worde without vnderstanding of great effect ibid. Reading of Scripture not necessary nor expedient to al art 7. c. 7. parag 1. 2. Real presence proued out of Scripture and Fathers art 2. c. 1. parag 7. 8. Reason not to be sought in Gods workes art 2. c. 1. parag 11. Remaining of sinne what it is a. 4. c. 1. p. 16. Reprobats not al positiuely damned for original sinne art 4. c. 2. parag 6. Reprobats how may be said to be damned for