be before the hatred and envy towards it can cease BEsides these locall considerations there will 2. other Dangers now fallout from any Contract of mutuall aide The one from diversity of Intention and the other of Religion In the one when either the Confederate hath safely attained his own secret End whatsoever he pretended in the entrance he leaveth the other to work out his own designes Thus was Hen. 3. served called over by the Earls of Tholouse and March they in the mean time having made their Peace with France Et expertus jam infidem imo perfidiam Pictavensium turpiter recessit festinans non pepercit Calcaribus in so much that having found the treachery and perfidiousness of the Poictovins he was forced dishonourably to retreat and for haste to spurre away the perill the poore King was left in being so great He was handled like to this by Pope Alexander the fourth who having drawn him into the warres of Apulia against Manfred in the end depauperato Regno Angliae undique bonis suis spoliato his Kingdome of England being impoverished and wholly despoiled of its Goods left him to his own shift The King of Navarre calling in the aide of Edward 3. against France and appointing the Isle of Gersey the Rendezvous of their forces revolteth to the French after he had by countenance of that preparation wrought his Peace Maximilian the Emperour to induce Henry 8. not onely contracteth to aid him in person to recover the Crown of France pro tyrannico Rege repellendo and to remove the tyrannicall King they are the words of the League but conferreth upon him in the same Coronam Imperialem Imperium Romanum the Imperiall Crown and the Roman Empire in reversion and estateth the Dutchie of Millain after recovery upon his person suorum naturalium masculini sexus haeredum modo feodorum Imperialium and his heires male lawfully begotten to hold in Fee of the Empire yet in the close left the King to his own fortune his turn for Millain and Verona served Charles the fifth when by the incuision of the French he saw his portion in Italy distressed in safety whereof consisted the whole Pulse of the Spanish as he used himself to say for it supplied his Army with great Levies and was fitly seated for a fifth Monarchy he then ingaged Hen. 8. in the wars of France and bound himself as Bourbon his Confederate that he would assist him to the full Conquest of that Kingdome and the other should become Homager to Hen. 8. as to his Soveraign But after that Bourbon had advanced his Army and distressed the French King he in his answer to Master Pace the Kings Ambassador refused that assurance of duty and gave a just suspition that he by help of his Party intended to usurp upon that State himself which the Emperour never meant to the King of England least by such footing in France he might grow so great as to give law to his neighbours And to fall off upon such grounds hath ever been excusable howsoever the bonds of Alliance were Thus did Hen. 8. as often change his hand of help as either Princes of Spain France got ground of the other And the Spaniard now to keep the States in Italie disunited compoundeth differences at his pleasure or taketh part with the weaker not suffering any though his own dependant to grow too strong which was lately seen in patronizing the D. of Mantua against Savoy according to the Rule of Quinctius in Livy Non tantum interest AetoloruÌ„ opes minui it doth not stand us so much in hand to break the strength of the Aetolians yet they were enemies quantum non supra modum Philippum crescere as it doth to see that Philip grow not too potent who was their friend The difference in Religion may bring likewise a twofold danger The one with our Confederates the other with the Subjects of this Crown For whensoever we shall attempt upon a Catholick Prince as France where we have the fairest pretences for with any other we are like to have no question then is all Contract of mutuall aide left to the election of our Danger by difference in Religion in respect of the Confederates who Subjects May break by dispensation though both Catholicks ought to break out of the Rom. doctrine one accounted heretick Confederate who may with all easiness procure from the See of Rome a discharge of all Contracts although they were by Oath For if in Leagues where either party have been Catholicks as that between Edward 3. and Iohn King of France that between Iohn of Caunt and the King of Castâ—le they ever out of such suspect inserted this Clause That neither side should procure dispensationem c. either per Ecctesiam Romanam vel per aliquam aliam a Dispensation either by the Church of Rome or any other way to do contra formam Tractatus contrary to the form of Agreement how much more must their jealousie be to us And therefore in a Consultation in Henry the 8s. time whether with best security we should confederate with France or Spain it was resolved that either of them may slip off their advantage by colour of our Separation from the Church of Rome if there be no better hold in their Honesties then in their Bonds For it will be held not onely worthy dispensation but merit to break all Leagues with the enemies of that Church by the Doctrine of that See which teacheth all Contracts with any Catholick Prince to be instanti dissolved because we are by them ranked in the list of Hereticks which holds proportion with the Rule and Direction that Urban the sixth sent by Bull to Wenceslaus King of Bohemia and Charles then Emperor before the Councill of Constance declaring all Confederations Leagues and Conventions to be Lege Divina temerariae illicitae ipso jure nullae etiamsi forent fide data firmatae aut Confirmatione Apostolica roboratae to be by the Law of God invalid void and in law null although confirmed by the plighting of faith nay though strengthened by confirmation Apostolicall if the parties were separatae ab Unitate sanctae Ecclesae separate from the Unity of Holy Church when the league was made or si postea sint effecti if they become so after What assurance can there then be either with France who is received by his Rebenediction into the Bosome of the Church and his sonne made Adoptivus Filius Ecclesiae an adopted Son of the Church or against him with Spain who being Protector and Champion of that See Apostolick submitteth himself as he hath ever done to the Popes pleasure and designe and must not onely forsake but aide against us in any warre we should there undertake Besides it is considerable howsoever all sides of our own will joyn in point of defence to a mutuall aide whether they will so in
of ann 38. Ille per multos labores expensas inutiliter recuperavit Castra sua propria Vasconiae with a great deal of toyle and expense he unprofitably recovered his own Castles in Gascoign of which the Labour was more then ever the Benefit could be And thus it appeareth to have continued for an 17. of Edward the second the money disbursed out of England to defray the surcharge there came to 46595. l. 9. shillings 7d. besides 29660. Qâ—arters of Gram and of Beeves and Bacons an infinite proportion In the first of Edward the 3. the issues of Gascoign were 10000. l. above the Revenues The Signiories in Aquitain cost in 8. years ending 36. of this King 192599. l. 4. shill 5d. de receptis forinsicis onely It was delivered in Parliament an 1. Rich. 2. that Gascoign and some few other places that were then held in France cost yearly this Crown 42000. l. And in the 17 th of this King a Parliament was summoned for no other cause especiall then to provide money to clear the annuall expences of those parts The charge of Bordeaux but one Town surmounting in half a year all Rents and perquisites there 2232. l. As Fronsack in Aquitaâ—n 5787. l. for double that time when the intire Dutche exceeded not 820. l. in yearly Revenues The Charge of Guien all the Reign of Henry 4. was 2200 l. annually out of the Exchequer of England By accompt Aquitain besides Guien 6606. l. was the first of Henry the fifth in surplussage of charge 11200. l. the Town of Bordeaux the 5. first years of the same King 6815. l. In the 11. of Henry the 6. Sir Iohn Radcliffe Steward of Aquitain received from the Treasury of England pro vadiis suis c. 2729. l. and for expense in custody of Fronsack Castle onely he payed 666. l. 13. shill the profits of the Dutchie no wayes able to cleare the Accompts The Benefit we reaped by any footing in Britanny may in a few Examples appeare Henry the third confesseth that ad defensionem Britanniae non sufficiebant Angliae Thesauri quod jam per triennium comprâ—bavit that the Treasure of England would not suffice to maintain Britanny which he had found to be true upon 3 years tryall and left in the end tam laboriosis expensis amplius fatigari to tire himself farther with such toilsome expenses The Town of Brest cost Richard the second 12000. Marks a year and it stood him in an 9. in 13118. l. 18. shillings For Callis I will deliver with as much shortness as may be from the first acquisition untill the losse in every age the Expense for the most part either out of the Treasury or Customes of England disbursed From the 18. of Edward the 3. untill the 21. in which space it was taken the Charge amounted to 337400. l. 9. shil 4d. Anno 28. of the same King for little more then a yeare 17847. l. 5. shillings In an 29. 30581. l. 18d. for 2. years compleat In 30. received by Richard de Eccleshal Treasuâ—er of Callis from the Bishop of Winchester Treasurer of England 17847. l. And in the yeare following 26355 l. 15. shillings In the second of Richard 2. de receptis forinsecis which was money from the Exchequer at Westminster 20000 l. for 3 yeares compleat Anno 5. 19783. l. For three yeares ending anno 10. 77375. l. For the like term untill ann 13. 48609. l. 8. shillings And for the 4. succeeding yeares 90297. l. 19. shil And for the last 3 yeares of his Reign 85643. l. From the end of Richard 2. untill the 4 of Henry 4. for 3. yeares 62655. l. 17. shillings And for one succeeding 19783. l. The Charge in Victuall and Provision for 2 yeares 5. moneths in this Kings Reign 46519 l. 15. shillings In the first 4. and peaceable yeares of his Son there was issued from the Treasury of England 86938. l. 10. shil for this place And from anno 8. untill the 9. 65363. l. It cost Henry the 6. above all Revenue 9054. l. 5. shillings in an 11. The Subsidies in England were an 27. levied in Parliament to defray the wages and reparation of Callis And the 31. of this King there was a Fifteen and 2. shil of every Sack of Wooll imposed upon the Subjects here to the same end And the Parliament of 33. was assembled of purpose to order a course for discharge of wages and expence at Callis and the like authority directed 4. of Edward the fourth that the Souldiers there should receive Victualls and salary from out of the Subsidies of England The disbursement thereof one yeare being 12771. l. And in the 16. of the same King for like term there was de Portu London Hull Sancti Botolphi Poole Sandwico by the Ports of London Hull Boston Pool Sandwich 12488. l. paid to the Treasury of Callis And in an 20. from out of the Customes of the same Ports to the same end 12290. l. 18. shillings And in 22. 11102. l. And the year following 10788. l. The setled ordinary wages of the Garrison in this Town yearly was 24. Henry 8.8834 l. And about 30 th when the Viscount Lisle was Deputy 8117. l. And from the 30 th of this King to the end of his Son Edw. 6. this place did cost the Crown 371428. l. 18. shil From the first purchase of it by Edward the 3. untill the losse thereof by Queen Mary it was ever a perpetuall issue of the Treasure of this Land which might in continuance have rather grown to be a burthen of Danger to us then any Fort of Security For from the waste of money which is Nervus Reipublicae the Sinew of a Common-wealth as Ulpian saith we may conclude with Tacitus Dissolutionem Imperii docet si fructus quibus Respub sustinetur diminuantur it foreshews the ruine of an Empire if that be impaired which should be the sustenance of the Common-wealth And therefore it was not the worst opinion at such time as the Captivity of Francis the French King incited Henry the 8. to put off that Kingdome although in the close major pars vicit meliorem the greater party out-voted the better that to gain any thing in France would be more chargeable then profitable and the keeping more then the enjoying The issue was in Tournay Bullen and this Town manifest Besides the jealousy that Nation ever held over our designes and their own liberty For as Graecia libera esse non potuit dum Philippus Graeciae Compedes tenuit Greece could never be free so long as Philip had the Fetters of Greece in his custody so as long as by retention of Callis we had an easy descent into and convenient place to trouble the Country a Fetter to intangle them they neither has
assurance of their own quiet nor we of their Amity And it was not the least Argument from Conveniencie in the detention of Callis after the 8 yeares expired of Re-delivery used by the Chancellour of France That we should gain much more in assured peace which we could never have so long as we were Lords of that Town then by any benefit it did or could yield us It was never but a Pike and Quarrell between the two Realms For upon every light displeasure either Princes would take by and by to Callis and make war there God hath made a separation naturall betwixt both Nations a sure wall and defence Et penitus toto divisos Orbe Britannos That is the English were divided from all the world But a little more to inform the weight of these Charges it is not amisse to touch by way of comfort that from which we are so happily by the infinite blessings of God and benignity of a Gracious King delivered and also that other of burthen still though much lightened untill conformity of Affections and designs of Councells shall further effect a Remedie The Charge of Barwick and the Frontiers in 20. Edward 3. was 3129. l. for three yeares In the end of Richard 2. entrance of Henry the 4. 10153. l. And 11. of Henry 6. the Custodie of the Marches 4766. l. In the 2. Mariae the annuall Charge of Barwick was 9413. l. And in an 2. Elizabeth 13430. l. And an 26. 12391. l. The Kingdome of Ireland beyond the Revenues was 29. E. 3. 2285. l. An. 30. 2880. l. and an 50. 1808. l. All the time of Richard 2. it never defrayed the charges And came short in 11. Henry 6. 4000. Marks of annuall issues The Revenue there in omnibus exitibus proficuis in all the rents and profits yearly by Accompt of Cromwell Lord Treasurer not above 3040. l. But passing over these elder times in the Reign of the late Queen when the yearly Revenue was not 15000. l. the expence for 2. years ending 1571. amounted to 116874. l. In anno 1584. for lesse then 2 yeares came it to 86983. l. The charge there in two years of S. Iohn Parrots government ending 1586. was 116368. l. In anno 1597. the Receipt not above 25000. l. the issue was 91072. l. And when in 35. Elizabeth the Rents and Profits of that Kingdome exceeded not 27118. l. the Disbursments in 7 moneths were 171883. l. The Charge 1601. for 9 moneths 167987. l. And for the two yeares following accounted by the allayed money 670403. l. And in the first of the King 84179. l. Whose government although it hath blessed both us and that Kingdome with the benefit of Peace yet hath it not delivered himself from a large and yearly expence here for supportation of that State out of his own Treasure And thus far in answer of the Argument from increase of Revenue by forreign Dominions As to the Arguments of Honour by addition of Titles and forreign Territories it may suffice in answer That so long as this Crown was actually possessed of any such Signiorie the Tenure and Service did ever bring with it a note and badge of Vassallage then which nothing to so free a Monarch as the King of England who is Monarcha in Regno tot tanta habet Privilegia quot Imperator in Imperio a Monarch his Kingdome and hath as many and as large Priviledges therein as an Emperour in his Empire could be more in blemish or opposition To write Domino Regi nostro Franciae To our Lord the King of France as during the time we held the Provinces in France we usually did in all our Letters and publick Contracts with that Crown can be called no addition of Honour And whether upon every command to act in person those base services of Homage and Fidelity as first in putting off the Imperiall Crown the kneeling low at the foot of that King and taking an oath to become Homme liege du Roys de France a liege subject to the Kings of France c. we in performing so the duties of a Subject do not much more disparage the dignity of a Soveraign is no question of doubt From these considerations of Reputation and Honour the greatest stayes that support Majestie and retain Obedience our Kings of England have as far as to the forfeit of those Signiories either avoided or refused the services As King Iohn did Normandy and Edward the 2. resigned to his Son the Dutchie of Aquitain to put off the act of homage from himself to whom it could not in respect of his Regaltie but be in dishonour As appeareth in Henry the 2. who having made his Son Consortem Imperii a King of England with him Homagium à Filio noluit saith the Record quia Rex fuit sed securitatem accepit would not receive Homage of him because he was a King but took his Security In the 17. of Richard 2. the Lords and Justices would not consent to a Peace with France unlesse the King might not do Homage they held it so base supposing thereby the liberty of the Kings Person and Subject wronged And thus much of the little Reputation that either in Title or Territorie those subordinate Dutchies in France added to this Crown As for the Kingdome of France the people of England were so little in love with that Title as any Honour to them that by Acts of Parliament 14. Edward 3. and 8. Edward 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France nor the Kingdome of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown And so much we have ever been in fear of that place lest it might leave this State to the misery of a Provinciall Government as in 17. of Henry 6. the Commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown answered that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the Kings aboad there and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State besides the transport of our Money in the mean time which would inrich that Countrey and impoverish the Realm at home whereby we should justly again say Britannia servitutem suum quotidie emit quotidie poscit The Britans are every day begging to be slaves every day giving money for it THe last motive is the advantage we now have of greater Facilitie and assurance of Successe in any forreign enterprise by this happy Union of both Kingdoms then ever any of our Ancestours had To which is answer nothing can be more full then laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertakings in other parts weigh how they suite these times and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to
them of equall worth and valuation The first consideration is in Place the next in Person In the wars of France whether those for the defence of particular Signiories or competition of the intite Kingdome we had ever Ports to land at Forts to retire to which now we have not The coast of Normandy was our own by which we might enter the midst of France And Edward 3. when he intended to annoy the East part sided with Montfort against Charles de Bloys whom he invested with the Dutchie of Britain that so he might have there an easy footing Thus by leave of his Confederats in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side and a sure retreat when upon any occasion he would come back as he did to Antwerp And wheresoever any army may have a quiet descent the greatest difficultie is overcome for the rest consisteth in Chance wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevaile then Vertue But ibi grave est Bellum gerere ubi nullus est Classi Portus apertus non ager pacatus non Civitas Socia non consistendi aut procedendi locus quocunque circumspexeris hostilia sunt omnia There 't is a hard task to wage war where there is no Port open for our Navy the Countrey our enemy no City our Confederate no place to make a stand or to march out from but whithersoever a man looks he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us And this must be now our case which was never our Ancestours Advantage personall was either A Party found made Confederates For the Persons considerable they are the Subjects to our enemies or our own Confederats Of the first our Kings heretofore did either work upon the opportunity of any dissension ministred or by Pension Reward either make a fraction in Obedience or Neutrality in Assistance with the Subjects of their Adversary The Duke of Burgundy Earls of Britain Dreux and others in France offended with their Sovereign Confoederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico Regi Angliae became Confederates with Henry Earle of Britain and King of England and thereupon drew him over into Britain The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000. l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyaltie Edward 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France if Robert de Artoys displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Master for that Earldome had not incited and complotted for him as Godfrey of Harecourt did after Nor Henry 5. if the unsound memory of the French King the jealousy of those Princes Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune THe Confederates our Kings held formerly for mutuall Aide were of such consequence in all their affairs that those so best strengthened atchieved ever the greatest and most glorious victories As the first the 3d. Edwards the 5 th and 8th Henries Whereas Henry the sixth that was of all the rest left most naked to himself although the greatest otherwise in opportunity lost all the purchase of his Ancestours in the end It is not amisse in such a foundation of Greatness as Confederacy to lay down successively first with whom we tied that knot of love then what were the motives or assurances and lastly whether the same in both is left to our occasions and will now or no. Henry the first but to assure his own posses sions beyond Sea adscivit in praesidium Comitem Britanniae Theobaldum Comitem Blesensem called to his aide the Earle of Britain and Theobald Earle of Bloys Henry the second did the like with Robert Earle of Flanders And again cum Theodorico Comite Flandriae Baronibus Castellanis caeteris hominibus Comitis with Theodoric Earle of Flanders the Barons Governours of Castles and other the Subjects of the said Earle who stood bound to serve him in summonitione sua sicut Domino pro feodis quae de ipso teneant upon a summons as well as their own Lord for the Fees which they held of him Baldwin Earle of Flanders contracteth under Bond mutui subsidii quod sine Rege Richardo Angliae non componeret cum Rege Francorum of mutuall aide that he would not come to agreement with the French King without Richard King of England And the Britains relicto Rege Franciae Regi Richardo adhaeserunt forsaking the King of France did joyn with King Richard Between King Iohn and the Earle of Flanders there was a Combination mutui auxilii contra Regem Francorum of mutuall assistance against the French King The like with the City of Doway and Earle of Holland Henry 3. an 11. drew Peter Duke of Britany into Confederacy against the French and Fernand Earle of Flanders with a Pension annuall of 500. Maâ—ks And anno 38. Alfonsus King of Castile combineth with him and his heirs contra omnes homâ—nes in mundo against all the men in the World To whom he remained so constant that an 8. and 10. Edw. 1. he would not grant a Truce to the French King but ad preces instantiam at the instant suit of the King of England Edward 1. an 13. by a pretence of inter-marriage dâ—ew Florence Earle of Holland from the French to his party and the yeare following by mediation of the Lord of Black-mont the Earle of Flanders who is an â—0 assisted him in the wars of Gascoign In the 22. he combined with Adolph King of the Romans and the Earle of Gueldres tying the Nobility of Burgundâ—e with a yearly donative of 30000. l. Turonensium to aid him contra Regem Franciae against the French King He had Guido Earle of Flanders and Philip his son for 100000. l. Turonensium in pay against the French King an 24 25 and 31. of his Reign retaining the Earle of Gueldres by pay of 1000000. l. the Duke of Lorrain by 1600000. l. the Nobility of Burgundy by a Pension of 30000. l. and Wallerand Lord of Montay by 300. l. Turonensium in his service the same yeare And in an 34. Reginaldum Comitem Montis Beliardi alios de Burgundia contra Regem Franciae Reginald Earle of Mont-Belliard and other Burgundians against the King of France Edward 2. had auxilium tam maritimum quam terrestre à Genoensibus assistance as well by Sea as by Land from the Genoeses And in an 18. besides his Alliance with Flanders Iohn Protectour of Castile aideth him contra Gallos cum 1000. equitibus peditibus Scutiferis 10000. against the French with 1000. horse and foot and 10000 other armed men Edward the 3. had by the Marriage of Philip the Earle of Henault Holland her Father assured to him and retained Iohn of Henault and his Followers qui venerunt in auxilium adrogatum Regis who came to assist the King
the Pope incited him thereunto His Sonne the second Edward anno 20. requireth the Bishops and Clergy to pray and offer alms for him and the people of this Stae the words are ut Deus nos regat et dirigat in mundi hujus turbinibus that God would rule and direct us in the troubles of this world for that having sought all means with France he could for Peace ut Guerrarum discrimina vitaret that he might avoid the dangers of war he reaped nothing but bitternesse and detention of his Messengers Son and part of his Dutchy of Gascoigne his Rebels injoying all Protection and his Merchants all Inhospitality whose ships his enemy hostiliter cepit et Mercatores interfecit took in a hostile sort and slew the Merchants The Parliament quinto of Edward 3. was especially called to a consult how Pace might be procured In his 17 year the Peers and Commons petition him to labour a peace with France and to sollicite the Pope for mediation The truce from hence effected he would by no meanes violate but in the 20 th year moveth peace by all the offers he can as Contracts Intermarriage and to take up the Crosse with France in succursum Terrae Sanctae for succour of the Holy Land But all he could do could abate no whit of the French fury who invaded by themselves Aquitain England by the Scots surprizing in breach of Truce his Nobility of Britain whom at Paris ignominiosae morti tradidit he put to shamefull deaths there and in Gascoign murdering the rest of his Subjects and rasing his Castles nor would upon a second mediation admit any way of peace War then was left his last refuge Et pia Arma quibus nulla nisi in Armis spes est War is to that man just and lawfull who hath no hope of help but by war And this his Clergy was injoyned to open in sermons that he might eschew the infamy of Christian bloud-shed In his two and twentieth year finding war to have brought to his people gravia onera et multa mala heavy burthens and many mischiefs as the Record saith and that the fortune of war cum splendet frangitur when it shineth clearest is then nearest breaking he passed over into France to seek peace divers times and to strengthen his affections with the best hopes he injoyneth all the Bishops of England to offer devotas preces suppliciter ad Deum humble and devout prayers to God to direct his actions to Gods glory and the peace of his Country nec non ad totius Christianitatis commodum and the advantage of the whole Christian world which he believed could not follow but by a firm amity with his neighbours This is the dislike of war he openeth himself in the five twentieth year in Parliament declaring the great means he had wrought by the Pope but could not effect it And in the third year after calleth again the body of the State to devise with him the means to obtain it for that he saw his Subjects by war so greatly wasted But when anno 29. to redeem himself and subjects from the hard tasks they had undertaken and to avoyd effusionem sanguinis Christiani quantum potuit vel decuit pacem quaesivit the shedding of Christian bloud he sought peace as much as in him lay and as far as was fitting sending the Duke of Lancaster to Avignon in intercession but all in vain he stood upon his own strength By which his confident adversary the year following captive that was afore obdurate justly found that one houre can overthrow simul parta et sperata decora at once both the honours we enjoy and those we hope for And we may truly conclude of this Kings successe as Livy of the Romane fortune Propterea bella felicia gessisse quia justa that therefore his wars were prosperous because they were just To obtain his desire and Subjects quiet he was contented to disclaim the interest that Right and Fortune had cast upon him And after though often again incited yet never would be drawn to the hazard of war for improbe Neptunum accusat qui iterum naufragium facit he blames Neptune very unjustly who suffers shipwrack the second time until the French King contra juramentum formam pacis contrary to his oath and the form of peace had vexillis explicatis with banners displayed invaded his dominions in France and with a Fleet intended to attempt England ad ipsum Regem viribus subvertendum utterly to undo the King by force of Arms. Richard the second whom as well he left Successour to his troubles as to his kingdome entred in the decline of his Grandsires fortune and after many years of war and much losse had in the end an expectation of peace which opened to his Commons and Councel in Parliament their longing affection was so much inclined thereto that they advised the King though it were in doing homage for Guien Callis and the rest he should not let slip that opportunity Untill Charles of France had received that dangerous Rebell Owen Glendowr by the name of Metuâ—ndissimi Principis Walliae the most dread Prince of Wales into a strict confederacy against his Master whom he vouchsafed no other title then Henricus de Lancastria by contract and had harrowed the Isle of Wight by the Duke of Orleans and Earl of Saint Paul entred into Gascoign himself and prepared a Fleet and an Army to invade this land Henry the fourth did never disquiet his peace and after many prorogued Truces would not break out again untill Burgundy that had wrested into his hand the Government of France meant with all his force to besiege Callis and annoy this Realm The uncle and Chancellour to Henry the fifth declared in Parliament the desire his Master had to procure Peace and how the French King had refused all reason denying to render his prisoners or ransome those 〈…〉 Agin-Court battell so that the King was driven to his last hope which was by dint of sword to seek his peace concluding thus his speech Bella faciamus ut Pacem habeamus quia finis Belli Pax est Let us fight that we may obtain peace for the end of war is peace Henry the sixth to save the expence of his people and treasure offered many large and liberall conditions but received in exchange nothing but scoffes he was contented to part with the Dutchy of Mayne to make up a peace with his uncle of France Against the Duke of Somerset it was objected by the Duke of York that he contrary to the Oath and Councell by breaking the Amity between the two Princes was the only ground of the losse of Normandy There is extant in the Treasury a petition of 9. of Hen. 7. from the Captains and military men pro pace habenda that they might have peace Neither interest of right not
and Abbots sessing upon them and at their charge a proportion of Souldiers for his service exiling many worthy men that opposed this thraldome William Rufus anno 7. set upon the heads of so many as he mustered up for the French wars 10. shil a man and so discharged them In an 9. he to the same end spoiled the Churches of their Ornaments and Holy vessels and levied 4 Hidages of every Plough-land Tributis Angliam non modo abradens sed excorians not only shaving but even flaying England with his impositions so that wearied with warre and expence ne respirare potuit Anglia sub ipso suffocâ—ta England was quite stifled by him and could not so much as breath Quid jam non Regibus ausum Aut quid jam Regno restat Scelus What durst not Kings then do What mischief could the Nation suffer more in this Kings time Henry the first anno 5. magnam à Regno exegit Pecuniam exacted a great summe of his Kingdome with which the passed into France and by this means gravabatur terra Angliae oppressionibus multis England was born down with many oppressions He took in the 10. year 6. shillings Danegeld And in the 17. Quod inter eum Regem FrancoruÌ„ magnuÌ„ fuit dissidium Anglia fuit variis depressa Exactionibus Bonis sine peccato spoliata by means of the great difference betwixt him and the King of France England was oppressed with divers exactions men spoild of their goods for no offence at all Of King Stephen there need no more then the words of the Monk of Gisborn Post annum sextum Pax nulla omnes partes terrebat violenta Praedatio after the 6. year of his reign there was no quiet but all parts of the land became a prey and spoil to violent men Henry the second alluding not unlike to the Feoda given the Eremitae in the decline of the Empire as Salaries by which they stood bound to defend the Frontiers against the Incursions of the Barbarous Nations continued the Policy of his Progenitours who allotted the land into such and so many equall protions as might seem competent for supportation of a Knight or man at Armes from whom as occasion required they received either service or contribution This Tenure now esteemed a Thraldome began upon a voluntary and desired submission for who from his gift would not of the Prince accept land upon the like conditions so it toucheth not the Soveraign as a wrong to the Subject but as in right his own And therefore respecting their first immediate dependency upon the Crown which is a great part of the Kings Honour their duties and Escheats a great benefit and their attendance by Tenure in warre at their own charge to the number of 60216 at the least for the Knights Fees in England are no lesse a great ease strength and security to his State for they are totidem Hostagia so many Hostages as Bracton saith it were a thing perillous now to alter after such a current of time custome This King to understand the better his own strength publico praecepti edicto quod quilibet Praelatus Baro quot Milites de eo tenerent in Capite publicis suis instrumentis significarent he caused it to be proclaimed that every Prelate and Baron should notify by publick deed how many Knightships they held of him in capite By this rule of Scutage constant in the number he levied alwayes his Subsidies and relief though divers in the rate Of the first which was neare the beginning of his Reign there is no record The second Scutage which was anno 5. amounted to 124 millia librarum argenti thousand pounds of silver which reduced to the standard of our mony 5 shil the ounce whereas that was not five groats will amount to near 400000l An. 7. ScutagiuÌ„ fuit assessum ad duas Marcas pro Exercitu Tholosae a Scutage was assessed 2 Marks for the army at Tholouse w ch if summed up by the received number of Knights Fees being 60216 in the hands of the Layety onely of our moneys cannot be lesse then 250000l The like in the next year In an 11 there was an Aid pro servientibus inveniendis in exerciu to find men to serve in the wars of 2d. de unaquaque libra in every pound And 4. sequentibus annis de singulis libris singulis denariis in the four following yeares a penny in the pound was taken of all men the estates of mens Fortunes being delivered upon their Oaths In the 14. yeare a Scutage was assessed ad Marcam unam de singulis Feodis one Mark on every Fee And anno 18. Scutagium pro quo libet Feodo a Scutage for every Fee A Tenth of all moveables was granted in the 35. of his Reign In which year dying 900 millia librarum in auro argento praeter utensilia jocalia reliquit he left in mony 900000 pounds besides Plate and Jewels Richard the first in the beginning besides Scutagium Wallae assessum a Scutage assessed upon Wales at 10. shil levied as in the succour of the Holy Land a Subsidie out of all the Moveables in the Realm to his own use Et eleemosynae titulo vitium Rapacitatis inclusit cloaking his ravenous extortion under the fair name of a pious almes A contribution there was in the 6. yeare of 150 millia marcarum argenti ad pondus Columniensium 150000 marks of silver to pay his ransome as also a Scutage assessed at 20 shil In the 7. he imposed for his warrs a contribution called Tenementale Extremity for by his waste and imprisonment he had almost exhausted the wealth of the State invented nova varia praedandi vocabula new and sundry words to expresse his exactions as Tacitus saith of Centesima Quinguage fima an hundredth part and a fiftieth part names that since have found reception and use with us This was 2. shillings of every Plough-land from the Husbandman and from the Gentry and Nobility the third part of their Military service He inforced the Cistertian Monks to redeem the same yeare their woolls fine Pecuniaria at a Fine For his Army into Normandy he took a Scutage assessed at 20 shillings And 4. years after of every Plough-land 5. shillings and of every Borough and City duos palfridos totidem summarios 2. horses and as many summaryes and of every Abbot half asmuch Then loosing of purpose his great Seale proclaimed that Omnes Chartae Confirmationes novi Sigilli impressione roborarentur all Charters and Assurances should be confirmed by the new Seal Whereby anew he drew from all men a composition for their Liberties This fashion was afterwards taken up by some of his Successours as of Henry the 3. when all again were enjoyned qui
suis volebant libertatibus gaudere as many as would enjoy their Liberties ut innovarent Chartas suas de novo Regis Sigiilo to renew their Charters from the Kings new Seal Some reason Richard had in the end to becoma a gatherer that had not long before by accompt of Chancellour Hubert then Archbishop spent infra blennium undecies centena millia Marcarum argenti de Regno Angliae within less then 2 yeares eleven hundred thousand Marks of silver current English money His brother Iohn succeeding took in the first of his Reign a Scutage assessed at two Marks For the two next years 3 shil of every Plough and the year following besides a Scutage as before the 40. part of the Revenues of the Clergie and Layety In the 4. year hee took the like Scutage and the seventh part of the moveable goods of the Baronage Clergie A Scutage assessed at 2 Marks in an 5. The like in the 6. and 7. years 20 shil Scutage and the 13 part of Moveables aswell of the Church as Layety in the year following In an 9. he exacted by redemption of the Concubines of the Clergie a great summe In the 11. extor sit tributum grave scil 140 millia librarum à viris Ecclesiasticis he extorted a great tribute viz. 140000 pounds of the Church-men And to furnish his Army Clericorum Horrea invadit he came upon the Barns of the Clergy In the 12. a Scutage assessed at two marks besides an exaction of 22000l from the Cistertians He took in the 13. year a Scutage assessed at 20 sh pro excrcitu Walliae for his Welsh Army exacting from the Ministers of the Church in the year following 40000 marks And in the 16. year Scutagium assessum fuit pro exercitu Pictaviae ad 3 Marcas a Scutage was assessed at 3 Marks so the Army in Poictou Thus in the space of 17 years the State was delivered but thrice from Impositions In the time of Henry the third upon the Clergie Nobility and Gentry there was assessed 15 Scutages one at 10 shillings two at 20 eight at two Marks and 4. at 40 shillings the Knights Fee The land of the inferiour sort twice taxed first at 2 shillings after at half a Mark the Plough And two Tallages upon the land of the Crown From out of the Lay Subjects moveable goods hath been taken 5 times as the 40. the 30. 20. and 15. parts and once the 16. of the Clergie for this King A Tenth he 9. times imposed upon the Church six times for a yeare onely and by it self once accompanied with the First-Fruits once for 3. yeares and once for 5. Besides 2. Aides the one moderate the other called gravis exactio a heavy exaction and worthily if to the 800. Marks imposed upon S. Edmunds Bury all the other Abberes were rated accordingly And by the accompt of Willihelmus de Midleton he received in the time of his government de exitu Iudaismi 4020000l And as in all the 56. yeares of his reign excepting five either the Church or Common-wealth were charged with contribution-money to relieve the expence of war so were they grieved with other Exactures either for Cariages or Victualls or personall attendance In the 16. yeare the inhabitants of Winchelsey were enjoyned ut providerent decem bonus naves magnas ad transfertandum in Pictaviam in servitium Regis to provide ten good and stout ships for the Kings service in Poictou And at another time 20. Dunwich and Ipswich 5. a piece and the Ports proportionable all at their own charge In the same yeare and for the same service there was transported 10000 quart of wheat 5000 of oates and many Bacons The Church not forborn in those charges For from Winchester 2000 quarters of Wheat and Oates and 1000 of Bacons was taken The other Bishops and Clergie bearing their parts of victualls in the like Exactions coming ut unda supervenit undae ac si esset Anglia puteus inexhaustus as wave follows wave as if England were a pit never to be drawn dry In the 12. and 14. the King levieth Souldiers for his wars beyond Sea collecting pro Exercitu suo de singulis duabus Hidis cur upon every two Hides so much for his Army and to bring secum victualia victualls with them and those for whose service the King dispenced et quos Rex vult remanere in partibus suis and such as he pleased should continue at home to contribute victuals to those that went for 40. dayes commanding the Sheriffs to sweare all ad Arma qui post eum remanebant in Anglia in forma qua jurati fuerant tempore Ioannis Patris sui to Armes who stayed behind him in England after the manner they were sworn in the time of King Iohn his father by which Ordinance of King Iohn all able Subjects from Youth to decrepite Age were bound to arme themselves and be in continuall readiness à sero usque ad mane from night to morning for so the Record is to attend the Kings pleasure And therefore Henry the third in anno 14. mandavit Vicecomitibus quod venire faciant ad excercitum Regis homines juratos ad ferrum commanded the Sheriffs to send all those to his Army who had been so sworn bringing with them Loricas Habergiones c. Coats of Maile Habergeons c. And to such as neglected this service he sent his Writs reprehending them at first Jurgatorie e quòd c. tartly for that c. and after fining them according to their abilities and Tenures Taking an 26. of Willihelm de Umfrevile pro quietatione passagii for the securing of his passage into Gascoign 100 Marks and so in proportion of many others Edward the first exacted from the land of his Subjects 4. times Scutage assessed every time at 40. shillings the Knights Fee And once an Aide called Auxilium novum a new Aide which he farmed out for ready money Of the Rents of the Clergie he took a Tenth part twice for one yeare and once for six and the 20. part twice from both the Provinces and once for two yeares from Canterbury only The possessions of the Priors Aliens he seized once into his own hands putting the Monks to a bare Pension of 18. pence a week Of the goods of the Clergie he took the 30. the 15. and the 5. part once the Moietie three times and the Tenth seven times whereof the Grant was first for two yeares and then for three yeares and once for six yeares Of the goods of the Commons the 8. the 9. and the 12. part he took once twice severally the 10. and 11. the Sessors being sworn to levy and rate truly Three times he had the 15. part and once the moiety
should attend their Services And anno 13. injoined all from 20. to 60. to be armed and victualled at their own charge And commanded the Sheriffs annis 6. 7. 8. 12. 16. and 18. to see all the able men of England so furnished that Parati sint muniti ad veniendum ad Regem quando vocati fuerint they should be provided and in a readiness to march to the King when he should call them their weapons to be provided ad sumptus Incolarum at the charge of their neighbour dwellers and themselves enjoyned to muster and train every six weeks If any neglected his appointed service there was sent ot the Sheriff a writ de habendo illos coram concilio qui praemoniti non venerunt in expeditione Regis to bring them before the Councel who knowing of it before refused the expedition as anno 15. 1. the parties imprisoned and their goods seized into the Kings hands as anno 9. et 16. or else redemption by fine as the Sheriffes of Buckingham and Bedford did their men for 600. Marks anno 15. The owner of 40. shillings land to redeem his first default cum tertia parte Bonorum with the 3. part of his Goods the second cum tota residua with the remaining parts at the third sint Corpora eorum ad voluntatem Regis their Bodies to be at the Kings disposall and of Knights qui non fuerunt in exercitu Regis 20. l. de qualibet Hida which were not in the Kings Army 20. l. for every Hide as anno 13. I have the longer insisted upon this King that tanquam in speculo as in a glass we may behold the intolerable miseries of the Nobility and Commons inseparably accompanying the times of war Edward the third charged the lands of his Subjects twice 40. shillings of every Knights Fee and 5. l. 16. shillings of every Parish in the 48. yeare of his Reign Out of the Goods of the Commons he took once the 9. part and 15 th of Forest and Wast twice the tenth thirteen times a fifteenth for one yeare and twice for three yeares and once the 20. part of all moveables and 30000. Sacks of Wooll upon conditions Of the Boroughs and Cities 4. Tenths and one for three yeares From the Lords the tenth Sheaf Lambe and Fliece who with the Bishops and Knights grant 20000. Sacks of Wooll for payment of the Kings debts giving in the interim security themselves by Bond to the Earle of Brittain to whom their Soveraign stood ingaged Of the Clergy alone one Tenth for 4. yeares three for three yeares and one for one yeare Besides a Contribution in the 12. of his Reign seizing in the same yeare all the Goods of the Cluny and Cistertian Monks Of the Church and Laiety together he received 6. times the 10. of all their Moveables From the Merchants and State a Subsidy of Wool for 3. yeares Imposing anno 33. 26. shil 8d. upon every Sack transported which doubled the Impositions of his Father and Grandfather Advancing it after for 6. yeares to 40. shillings and in an 38. being the yeare he resumed his Stile of France to 46. shillings 4d. the Sack of Wooll Taking Poundage 6d. of all Commodities inward and outward and enjoyning the Marchants for every Sampler of Wooll transported to return in 40. shillings Bullion to his Minte Himself becoming Merchant of all the Tinne in Devonshire and Cornwall anno 12. in auxilium supportationis onerum Belli to help him bear the burthen of his wars assessing upon the heads of his Subjects a fine of 4d. severally anno 51. Besides in anno 20. he took a Loane of the Bishops Abbots Justices et aliis potentioribus Regni de diversis pecuniarum Summis inter Summas de 1000. l. 40. l. and other wealthy men of his Realm in several summes of mony betwixt the summes of 1000. l. and 40. l. In the first of his Reign he commandeth all the Sea-towns to attend with Ships his service sumptibus propriis duplici Eskâ—ppamento at their own proper charge and with double Skippage and to provide as many as they can of 60. Tun and upwards And the yeare following layeth the like charge upon 76. Port-Townes for all Ships of 40. Tunne and more And anno 10. the like at their own charge besides a contribution of mony for payment whereof the Officers are commanded ut eas per districtiones alias punitiones prout expedire viderint compellent to force it by distraining and what other punishments they shall find expedient Injoyning such Merchants of London qui ex transmarinis passagiis lucra adquirunt who had traffick in forreign parts to furnish Ships for war at their own Charge And anno the thirteenth the Cinque-Ports set out to sea 30. Ships and maintain them during the service half at their own half at the Councells charge Fourscore Ships being furnished defrayed by the Out-Ports the Admirall directed to embargue all other Ships for the Kings service And although the Subject found this an infinite grievance yet could he upon humble complaint in Parliament receive no further relief then that the King would not have it otherwise then before For Provision of his Armes the King took at one time and at a rate of losse to the Subject 19000. quarters of Grain 2200. Oxen salted 3000. Bacons besides of other Provisions an infinite quantity The like very frequent all his Reign pro guerris necessariis ubi id magis commode fieri poterat for the necessities of his wars where it could be done with more conveniency The Persons of all his meaner Subjects from 16. to 60. he causeth to be armed in readiness ad praemonitionem 5. dierum at 5. dayes warning the Decrepite to contribute ad expensa praemissorum towards the expenses of the rest and to arrest the Bodies of the disobedient that de ipsis tanquam de inimicis sumat vindictam they might be dealt withall as enemies The Gentry and Nobility supplying the King in his wars and at their own Charge sometimes with 7. or 800. men at Armes and 2. or 3000 Archers as anno 13. with other proportions at divers yeares following And the Bishops ordered to furnish Armis Equis competentibus serviceable Armes and Horses so many as occasion required and their Persons together with the Laye Nobility commanded quod sint parati Equis Armis toto servitio debito with Horse and Armes and all necessary accoutrements to attend the King in his wars These wars which as Edward the third professeth himself in Parliament could not without his great danger and losse of Honour be maintained unlesse by perpetuall Aide from the Subjects were so grievous to them that in anno 22. they complain in Parliament of the miseries they underwent thereby As of their Aides advanced to 40. shillings Fine that by law
then this Scoffe That England was Puteus inexhaustus quem nullus poterat exsiccare a Well not to be emptied which no man could draw dry What the succeeding times afforded may be wed gathered out of the many Petitions in Parliament 22. Edward 3. 4 and 7. of Richard 2. 8. of Henry 5. and 10. of Henry 6. ever complaining of the extreme Beggery the people brought home and 〈◊〉 some 〈◊〉 Relief The Treasue Henry the 8. spent in aide of Munimi 〈…〉 recovery of Verona nullum alinâ— factuâ—â— nisi damnum dedecus peperit brought him nothing else but Loss and Dishonour For the Emperour having his turn served delivered contrary to Contract that City to the French threatning to confederate with them ni Rex ei continuo per solveret unless the King would forthwith pay him down a great summe of money believing as the words are Minis terrore ab hoc Rege pecuniam posse haberi that this King would part with his money upon threatnings and great words For the great Army of this King sent over into France and the Million almost of Crowns he supplied the Emperour and Duke of Burbon with in their wars of Millan his People enduring new and unheard of Taxes at home and his Souldiers great Extremity abroad he was himself at the last of all their ends effected having spent the Treasure of his Father and the Bounty of his Subjects forsaken and left as the Pasquill painted him inter Moysem Christum Mahumitem betwixt Moses Christ and Mahomet with this word Quo me vertam nescio Which way to turn me I know not For 2. Millions of Crowns bestowed in purchase of Tournay not without suite of his own he delivered it with little or no recompence rated his potentiall Interest of France at no greater Summe then an Annuity of 100000. Crowns What from the 30. of this King untill the last of his son Edward the sixth for 3173478. l. 15s. 4d. spent at Sea and Land in Forraign wars this State received of inrichment it seemeth so mean as not worthy any place either in Story or Accompts Untill the late Queen was drawn into wars she had in Treasure 700000. l. but after she was once intangled it cost her before the 30. of her Reign 1517351. l. at which time she was but entering into the vastness of her future Charge For the annuall expence of 126000. l. in the Low-Countries from 1587. untill 1593. the yearly disbursment for Flushing and the Brill 28482. l. the debts of the States 800000. l. and the Aides of the French King since he attained to that Crown to above 401734. l. was after that time Thus by reason of warre besides Taxes upon her People to the Summe of two Millions and 800000. l. by Subsidies Tenths Fifteens she hath spent of her Lands Jewells and Revenues an infinite proportion As for the imaginary Profit grown by the many rich Spoils at Sea and Attempts in Spain it may be well cast up by two examples of our best Fortunes The Journey of Cales defrayed not the Charge to her Majesty by 64000. l. And our times of most advantage by Prizes between anno 30. and 34. of the Queen wherein we received but 64044. l. defrayed not the Charge of her Navy arising in the same yeares to 275761. l. As to the greatest Losse expence of Christian Blood it may well suffice to be moan with Horace Parumne Campis atque Neptuno superfusum est Latini sanguinis Neque hic Lupis mos nec fuit Leonibus Unquam nisi in dispar feris Is there as yet so little Latine Bloud Spilt on the Fields and Flouds Nor Wolves nor Lions do we ever find So cruel to their kind THe last motive from Utility is increase of Revenues to the publick Treasury by addition of Forreign Dominions Which can receive no answer so full of satisfaction as to instance the particular Summes exhausted in every Age to retain them Beginning first with the Dutchie or Normandy For retention whereof William the Conquerour from hence as the Author saith laden Thesauris innumeris with uncountable Treasure exacted sive per fas sive per nefas in Normanniam transfretavit gathethered together by hook or by crook wafted over into Normandy His Son ad retinendam Normanniam Angliam excoriavit to retain Normandy flayed off Englands skin The same end by Henry the first Anglia fuit bonis spoliata England was despoiled of its Goods His Grand-child took Scutagium pro Exercitu Normanniae a Scutage for his army in Normandy 3. times at a high rate and was inforced then against incursions of the French to build and man 13 Castles de novo integro intirely new Richard the first exacted heavily upon his people ut potentes homines Regis Franciae sibi conciliaret ut terram propriam Normanniae tutaretur therewith to make himself friends amongst the most powerfull Courtiers of France so to keep quietly his possessions in Normandy King Iohn as wearied with the Charge neglected it And his Son feeling a burden more then benefit resigned his interest there for a little Money When it was again reduced by Henry the fifth the judgement in Councel was That the keeping of it would be no lesse of expence then to war forth for all France In the quiet possession of his Son Henry Iohn Duke of Bedford then Regent this Dutchie cost the Crown of England 10942. l. yearly In an 10. it appeareth by the Accompts of the Lord Cromwell Treasurer of England that out of the Kings Exchequer at Westminister the entertainment of the Garrison and Governour was defrayed the Rents of the Dutchy not supporting the charge ordinary When Richard Duke of York was in the 15. year of Henry the 6. Regent the certain Expence overballanced the Receipt 34008. l. And an 27. the Lord Hastings Chancellour of France declareth in Parliament that Normandy was not able to maintain it self But thus it continued not much longer for this Crown was both eased of the Dutchy and Charge shortly Of the Principality of Aquitain the Duchie of Gascoign Guien and the Members I find the state thus in record In the 26. of Henry 3. there was issued from the Treasurer Chamberlains at Westminster 10000 l. for paiments in Gascoign besides an infinite proportion of Victualls and Munition thither sent To retain this Dutchie in Duty and possession this king was inforced to pawn his Jewells being aere alieno graviter obligatus Thesauris Donativis Tallagiis extersionibus in Anglia consumptis very much indebted and having spent all his Treasures Grants Tallages and other Sweepings in England Besides the people there at his departure extorserunt ab eo confessionem quadraginta millia Marcarum forced an acknowledgement from him of 40000. Marks And a Story of that time saith
the Helvetian Cantons by his Commissioners Wingfield and Pace and with Charles of Spain for Amity and mutuall Aide into which Maximilian the Emperour and Ioane of Spain were received the yeare following In an 12. with the Emperour Charles and Margaret Regentesse of Burgundy the maketh a Confederation against Francis the French King as the common enemy quia Rex Angliae nonpossit ex propriis Subditis tantum equitum numerum congerere the King of England could not furnish such a quantity of Horse of his own Subjects as was mentioned in the contract the Emperour giveth leave that he levy them in any his Dominions in Germany And the Pope in furtherance of this intendment interdicteth the French territories calleth in aide Brachii Secularis of the Secular power those two Princes appointeth the Emperour Protectorem advocatum Ecclesiae the Churches Advocate and Protectour stileth their Attempt sancta expeditio holy expedition And this is by the Treaty at Windsor the next yeare confirmed and explained Renewing in the years 21. 35 and 38. the association and bond of mutuall aide with the same Princes and against the French King if he brake not off his Amity with the Turk And although Edward the 6. in the first year of his Reign made the Contract between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy perpetuall yet forbore he to aide the Emperour in the wars of France disabled as he pretended by reason of the Poverty the troubles of Scotland had drawn upon him And therefore offered the Town of Bullen to the Imperiall protection During the Reign of Queen Mary there was no other but that of Marriage Aide and Entercourse with the Emperor Spain and Burgundy and besides that tripartite bond at Cambray of Amity and Neutrality Our late Renowned Mistris entertained with the Prince of Conde about New-haven and with Charles the 9. 1564. at Bloys 1572. with the King of Navarre before the accession of the Crown of France to him and after Britain and lastly by the Duke of Bullen in 96. And with the States of the Netherlands in the yeares 85. and 98. divers Treaties of Amity Confederation and Assistance By all these passages being all that well either our Story or Records can discover it appeareth manifest the Kings of England never to have undertaken or fortunately entertained any Forreign Enterprize without a party and confederate Amongst which by situation those of best advantage to us have been the Dukes of Britain Lords of the Netherlands the City of Genoa the kings of Portugall and Spain the Empire since knit into the house of Burgundy As for the remote and in-land Princes of Germany the Kings of Denmark Poland and Sweden so farre removed I have seldome observed that this Crown hath with them contracted any League of Assistance or Confederacy but of Amity and Entercourse onely IT remaineth to observe a little what were the reasons that first induced and then preserved the Affection and Alliances of these severall Nations respectively to this Crown The assurance we had of the State of Genoa was their Pensions and Traffique here All which time by equality of Neighbourhood they stood of themselves without any jealousy of Surprize But as soon as Vicinum Incendium the fire began in Millain they put themselves into the protection of Spain foreseeing how dangerous it would be for a weak State to stand Neutrall according to Aristhenus counsell to the Aetolians Quid aliud quam nusquam gratia stabili praeda victoris erimus What else will become of us being in firm friendship with neither side then to be made a prey to the Conquerour Since which time Spain by estating Doria Grimaldi and the Spinellos chief Families of that City with great Patrimonies in Naples retaining their Gallies in his perpetuall service and salary the Inhabitants of all sorts in beneficiall Trade and no lesse in Policy to ingage that City then to supply his own Wants continually owing the wealthiest Citizens such vast summes of money as the Interest of late exceeded 25. Millions he hath tyed it more sure to the Spanish party then if it were commanded by a Cittadell so that it must ever now follow the faction and fortune of that Crown Navarre and Britain while States of themselves were so long firm to our Confederacy as they were tyed with the bond of their own Calamity occasioned by that power which incorporating lately the one by Descent the other by Contract is by that Union and return of all the Appennagii more potent now then ever it hath been under the House of Capet Burgundie was so long our friend as either they were enriched by Staple of our Commodities or had protection of our Swords against France who not only claimed Soveraignty over most but a proprietary interest in part and therefore had reason to give aide and Armes to such a Confederate as did by a diversive war secure and by particular Immunities inrich that State But now growing into Spain they need no such assurance in the one and we almost undone by their draping of our wooll which is happily called home not able to return them the benefit of the other cannot presume upon any such assurance of their aide as heretofore Spain may seem to give us the best hope of a fast Confederate for 2. respects First for that he is absolute and that we be equally devoid of demand neither having against the other any Titles Next for that the entercourse of Trade is more reciprocall between us then France and our Amity founded upon long love and old blood To this may be made a two-fold answer from the change of their Dispositions First for that they never assist any now but to make themselves Master of their State Thus ended they the strife between the Competitors of Portugall And when they were called into Naples by the Queen against the French they combined with her Adversary and divided the Kingdome And after upon the River of Garillon under their Leader Gonsalves taking an advantage they defeated the whole Army of the French holding ever since that entire Kingdome themselves For Spain will admit neither Equallity nor Felowship since upon Union of so many Kingdomes and famous Discoveries they begun to affect a fifth Monarchie The Other that the late hostilitie between them and us hath drawn so much blood as all formes of ancient Amity are quite washt away and as Paterculus saith of Carthage to Rome so may we of Spain to England Adeo odium Certaminibus ortum ultra metam durat ut ne in victis quidem deponitur neque ante invisum esse desinet quam esse desut The hatred begot by former quarrels doth endure so lastingly that the very conquered party cannot forget it in such a case the very places must cease to
long sicknesse ought not to expose it self to a violent agitation that the State will find it self loaden with debts and the Subject exhausted by Contributions that we ought to preferre the evident profit of traffick before the uncertain vanity of a conquest that Iealousies being not yet removed nor aemulations supprest all kind of arming would be suspected by the State fearing least some under pretense of a forrain warre might study private revenge or the oppression of the publick liberty that in the end it will be our gain to see them deal with Spain and to make our advantage of their troubles or not to meddle at all with them unlesse by adding secretly according to the revolution of affairs a little weight to them that shall be found the lighter If then it be none of these motives it remains that it must be either Generosity or deceit O Generosity that hast so long since withdrawn thy self to heaven there to keep company with the faire Astraea or rather who wer 't buried in France in the Sepulchre of Monsieur Gonin is it possible that thou shouldst be risen again or that France should have recall'd thee with her exiles since the death of her King and that the first labour she should put thee to should be in favour of England against whom but few dayes since she shewed such violent resentments for an offence received by a pretended violation of the treaties which had past between us Truely if it be she we must reverence her with extraordinary respects but before we give her the Honours due unto her we must know her for feare of Idolatry in adoring her masque for her self or embracing a cloud in stead of a Goddesse Let us give a thrust with our launce into the Trojan horse to see if there be no ambush within In walking lately with some French Gentlemen as this nation is free enough of their discourse a word escaped from one of the company without making reflexion as I think of what Countrey I was That amongst their Prophets there was one which said That the Conquest of England was promised to their young King This thought cast into the aire though inconsideratly seemed to me very considerable and having given me an occasion to reflect upon all things both past and present it served me as a light to guide me in the obscurity of this Labyrinth upon which before I had reasoned but superficially From thence being returned to my lodging I opened accidentally a book of Monsieur de Rohan intitled The interest of the Princes of Christendome and I fell presently upon a passage where he said That one of the surest wayes to make ones self Master of a State is to interpose and make himself arbiter of its differences I had no need of any other Oedipus to expound to me the riddle of the Prophesy these first motives of suspicion having cast me into more profound thoughts I revolved in my mind how France had managed the whole business both before since the beginning of our troubles and weighed all the circumstances of this Ambassage Why such a solemne Ambassage in a time when all things seem most exasperated and furthest from accommodation Why then not sooner while differences were not yet irreconcileable between the two parties Why such a warlike Prince who is not experienced in the affaires of this Kingdome to manage a negotiation of a peace the most nice and intricate that the world at this time affords Why at the same time levying of Souldiers in Normandy when all the other troops are in their quarters Why therefore should they supply one of the parties with mony when they come to act the persons of mediatours if not to cast wood and oyle into the flame Why at the same time an Agent in Scotland who propounds to them openly a League with France Why begin they onely to turn their cares upon England when they are upon the point of concluding a peace with Spain May not we well judge that it is to prepare themselves for a new employment since they themselves confesse that their boiling and unquiet temper hath need of continuall exercise and that the onely means to prevent troubles at home is continually to furnish them with matter whereupon to evacuate their choler abroad Why doth onely France afford us this so suddain and unexpected Charity after all the fresh wounds which bleed yet among them because of the expulsion of the Capuchins after the continuall cares she hath taken for so many years to lay the foundation of our troubles by the secret negotiations of the Marquis of Blainville by the intriques of the Cardinal of Richelieu with Buckingham by the long plots in Scotland and by the open sollicitations of the Marquis de la Fert by all which they sometimes incited the Kings ministers to make him independent and absolute offering to that purpose their assistance and anone they sollicited the States to shake off the yoak of servitude finally they transformed themselves into a thousand different shapes till having plunged us deep enough in the gulf they then call back their Ambassage to give in appearance some satisfaction to the King but in truth because his commission was expired May not we well conclude from all this that they will now reape the fruits they have so carefully sown and cultivated amongst us From these considerations falling insensibly on those of England what need said I in my self have we of the intermeddling of strangers are they more versed in our interests then our selves can they afford more expedients are they more sensible of our miseries then those that suffer them Is it to exhort us or to constrain us the first is superfluous the second dangerous It must needs be that either in the one case they think to go beyond us in wit or in the other to master us by force If peace be profitable for us have we any need either of a Master to make us know our advantage or of an Oratour to perswade us to it If it be hurtfull to us we ought to give them thanks for their advice but follow that which is better If the peace be feasible why should we leave the glory of it to others if impossible why loose time in making vain propositions why should we acquaint strong and ambitious neighbours and trust the Philistins with the secret of our force Must England that hath in times past compelled France to purchase peace be now constrained to beg it of her that one of the most considerable and flourishing Monarchies of the world should serve for matter of sport to the vanity of the French and be the first upon whom they exercise the Title they give themselves of being Arbiters of Christendome What Counsel then shall we follow in this encounter That of good and wise Nature who having separated us from all other Nations by a vast and deep trench silently teacheth us that the principle of our subsistence is