it be some fewe relations Moreouer as touching Gronland we holde this from the opinion of our auncestours that from the extreeme part of Norway which is called Biarmlandia and from whence the saide Gronland is not farre distant it fetcheth about the Northren coast of Island with an huge circuit in maner of an halfe Moone Our Chronicles likewise doe testifie that our owne countreymen in times past resorted thither for traffique and also that the very same countrey of Gronland had certaine Bishops in the dayes of Poperie More then this we cannot auouch But now it is reported that your Englishmen whom I may almost call the lordes of the Ocean sea make yeerely voyages vnto Gronland concerning which matter if you please to giue me further aduertisement you shall doe me an especial fauour Moreouer whatsoeuer newes you heare concerning the affaires of England or of other Countreys thereabout I pray you make vs acquainted therewith Thus reuerend six wishing you long life for the seruice of God for the increase of learning and the benefit of the people committed to your charge I bid you farewel From Island vpon the feast of the visitation of the blessed Uirgine Mary Anno Dom. 1595. Yours Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Hola in Island The miraculous victory atchieued by the English Fleete vnder the discreet and happy conduct of the right honourable right prudent and valiant lord the L. Charles Howard L. high Admirall of England c. Vpon the Spanish huge Armada sent in the yeere 1588. for the inuasion of England together with the wofull and miserable successe of the said Armada afterward vpon the coasts of Norway of the Scottish Westerne Isles of Ireland of Spaine of France and of England c. Recorded in Latine by Emanuel van Meteran in the 15. booke of his history of the low Countreys HAuing in part declared the strange and wonderfull euents of the yeere eightie eight which hath bene so long time foretold by ancient prophesies we will now make relation of the most notable and great enterprise of all others which were in the foresaid yeere atchieued in order as it was done Which exploit although in very deed it was not performed in any part of the low Countreys was intended for their ruine and destruction And it was the expedition which the Spanish king hauing a long time determined the same in his minde and hauing consulted thereabout with the Pope set foorth and vndertooke against England and the low Countreys To the end that he might subdue the Realme of England and reduce it vnto his catholique Religion and by that meanes might be sufficiently reuenged for the disgrace contempt and dishonour which hee hauing 34. yeeres before enforced them to the Popes obedience had endured of the English nation and for diuers other iniuries which had taken deepe impression in his thoughts And also for that hee deemed this to bee the most readie and direct course whereby hee might recouer his heredetarie possession of the lowe Countreys hauing restrained the inhabitants from sayling vpon the coast of England Which verily vpon most weighty arguments and euident reasons was thought would vndoubtly haue come to passe considering the great aboundance and store of all things necessary wherewith those men were furnished which had the managing of that action committed vnto them But now let vs describe the matter more particularly The Spanish King hauing with small fruite and commoditie for aboue twentie yeeres together waged warre against the Netherlanders after deliberation with his counsellers thereabout thought it most conuenient to assault them once againe by Sea which had bene attempted sundry times heretofore but not with forces sufficient Unto the which expedition it stoode him nowe in hand to ioyne great puissance as hauing the English people his professed enemies whose Island is so situate that it may either greatly helpe or hinder all such as saile into those parts For which cause hee thought good first of all to inuade England being perswaded by his Secretary Escouedo and by diuers other well experienced Spaniards and Dutchmen and by many English fugitiues that the conquest of that Iland was lesse difficult then the conquest of Holland and Zeland Moreouer the Spaniards were of opinion that it would bee farre more behoueful for their King to conquere England and the lowe Countreys all at once then to be constrained continually to maintaine a warlike Nauie to defend his East and West Indie Fleetes from the English Drake and from such like valiant enemies And for the same purpose the king Catholique had giuen commandement long before in Italy and Spaine that a great quantitie of timber should be felled for the building of shippes and had besides made great preparation of things and furniture requisite for such an expedition as namely in founding of brasen Ordinance in storing vp of corne and victuals in trayning of men to vse warlike weapons in leauying and mustering of souldiers insomuch that about the beginning of the yeere 1588. he had finished such a mightie Nauie and brought it into Lisbon hauen as neuer the like had before that time sailed vpon the Ocean sea A very large and particular description of this Nauie was put in print and published by the Spaniards wherein were set downe the number names and burthens of the shippes the number of Mariners and souldiers throughout the whole Fleete likewise the quantitie of their Ordinance of their armour of bullets of match of gun-poulder of victuals and of all their Nauall furniture was in the saide description particularized Unto all these were added the names of the Gouernours Captaines Noblemen and gentlemen voluntaries of whom there was so great a multitude that searce was there any family of accompt or any one principall man throughout all Spaine that had not a brother sonne or kinseman in that Fleete who all of them were in good hope to purchase vnto themselues in that Nauie as they termed it inuincible endlesse glory and renowne and to possesse themselues of great Seigniories and riches in England and in the lowe Countreys But because the said description was translated and published out of Spanish into diuers other languages we will here onely make an abridgemeut or briefe rehearsall thereof Portugal furnished and set foorth vnder the conduct of the duke of Medina Sidonia generall of the Fleete ten Galeons two Zabraes 1300. Mariners 3300. souldiers 300. great pieces with all requisite furniture Biscay vnder the conduct of Iohn Martines de Ricalde Admiral of the whole Fleete set forth tenne Galeons 4. Pataches 700. mariners 2000. souldiers 250. great pieces c. Guipusco vnder the conduct of Michael de Oquendo tenne Galeons 4. Pataches 700. mariners 2000. souldiers 310. great pieces Italy with the Leuant Islands vnder Martine de Vertendona 10. Galeons 800. mariners 2000. souldiers 310. great pieces c. Castile vnder Diego Flores de Valdez 14. Galeons two Pataches 1700. mariners 2400. souldiers and 380. great pieces
and cary away his barks and Carauels was content to suffer vs there quietly to tary and likewise to depart and neuer charged vs with one Canon-shot And when our Generall sent him worde that hee was there ready to exchange certaine bullets with him the marques refused his chalenge sending him word that he was not then ready for him nor had any such Commission from his King Our Generall thus refused by the Marques and seeing no more good to be done in this place thought it conuenient to spend no longer time vpon this coast and therefore with consent of the chiefe of his Company he shaped his course toward the Isles of the Açoâ—es and passing towards the Isle of Saint Michael within 20. or 30. leagues thereof it was his good fortune to meete with a Portugale Carak called Sant Philip being the same shippe which in the voyage outward had caried the 3. Princes of Iapan that were in Europe into the Indies This Carak without any great râ—sistance hee tooke bestowing the people thereof in certaine vessels well furnished with victuals and sending them courteously home into their Countrey and this was the first Carak that euer was taken comming foorth of the East Indies which the Portugals tooke for an euil signe because the ship bare the Kings owne name The riches of this prize seemed so great vnto the whole Company as in trueth it was that they assured themselues euery man to haue a sufficient reward for his trauel and thereupon they all resolued to returne home for England which they happily did and arriued in Plimouth the same Sommer with their whole Fleete and this rich booty to their owne profite and due commendation and to the great admiration of the whole kingdome And here by the way it is to be noted that the taking of this Carak wrought two extraordinary effects in England first that it taught others that Caracks were no such bugs but that they might be taken as since indeed it hath fallen out in the taking of the Madre de Dios and fyreing and sinking of others and secondly in acquainting the English Nation more generally with the particularities of the exceeding riches and wealth of the East Indies whereby themselues and their neighbours of Holland haue bene incouraged being men as skilfull in Nauigation and of no lesse courage then the Portugals to share with them in the East Indies where their strength is nothing so great as heretofore hath bene supposed A Patent granted to certaine Marchants of Exeter and others of the West parts and of London for a trade to the Riuer of Senega and Gambra in Guinea 1588. ELlizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To our Treasurer and Admirall of England our Treasurer and Barons of our Exchequer and all and euery our Officers minâ—sters and subiects whatsoeuer greeting Whereas our welbeloued subiects William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicolas Spicer and Iohn Doricot of our City of Exeter marchants Iohn Yong of Coliton in our country of Deuon marchant Richard Doderige of Barnestable in our saide Countie of Deuon Marchant Anthonie Dassell and Nicolas Turner of our Citie of London Marchants haue bene perswaded and earnestly moued by certaine Portugals resident within our Dominions to vndertake and set forward a voyage to certaine places on the coast of Guinea Videlicet from the Northermost part of the Riuer commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Senega and from and within that Riuer all along that coast vnto the Southermost part of another Riuer commonly called by the name of Gambra and within that Riuer which as we are informed they haue already once performed accordingly And for that we are credibly giuen to vnderstand that the further prosecuting of the same voyage and the due and orderly establishing of an orderly trafique and trade of marchandize into those Countreis wil not only in time be very beneficial to these our Realmes and dominions but also be a great succour and reliefe vnto the present distressed estate of those Portugals who by our princely fauour liue and continue here vnder our protection And coÌ„sidering that the aduenturing and enterprising of a newe trade cannot be a matter of small charge and hazard to the aduenturers in the beginning we haue therefore thought it conuenient that our said louing subiects William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicholas Spicer Iohn Doricot Iohn Yong Richard Doderige Anthonie Dassell and Nicholas Turner for the better incouragement to proceede in their saide aduenture and trade in the said Countreis shal haue the sole vse and exercise thereof for a certaine time In consideration whereof and for other waightie reasons and considerations vs specially moouing of our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion we haue giuen and graunted and by these presents for vs our heires and successors doe giue and graunt vnto the said William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicholas Spicer Iohn Doricot Iohn Young Richard Doderide Anthony Dassell and Nicholas Turner and to euery of them and to such other our Subiects as they or the most part of them shall thinke conuenient to receiue into their Company and society to be the traders with them into the said Countreis that they and euery of them by themselues or by their seruants or Factors and none others shall and may for and during the full space and terme of tenne yeeres next ensuing the date of these presents haue and enioy the free and whole trafique trade and feat of marchandise to and from the said Northermost part of the said Riuer commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Senega and from and within that Riuer all along the coast of Guinea vnto the Southermost part of the said Riuer commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Gambra and within that Riuer also And that they the said William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicholas Spicer Iohn Doricot Iohn Yong Richard Doderige Anthony Dassel and Nicholas Turner euery of them by themselues or by their seruants or Factors such as they or the most part of them shall receiue into their Company and societie to be traders with them into the sayd Countreis as is aforesaid and none others shall and may for and during the said space and terme of 10. yeres haue and enioy the sole whole trafique or trade of marchandize into and from the said places afore limitted and described for the buying selling bartering and changing of and with any goods wares and marchandizes whatsoeuer to be vented had or found at or within any the cities townes or places situated or being in the countries parts coastes of Guinea before limitted any law statute or graunt matter custome or priuileges to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding And for the better ordering establishing gouerning of the said societie and Company in the said trade and trafique of marchandizes the quiet orderly lawfull exercise of the same We for vs our
in 21 The isle of Pinos in 21 Cape de Corrientes vpon the Southwest part of Cuba in 21½ Cabo de sant Anton being the most westerly Cape of Cuba in 22 The litle isles called Los Alacranes or The Scorpions in 22 The isles called Nigrillos in 23½ Isla de Lobos or The isle of seales neere the maine of Nueua Espanna in 22 The Cape of Iucatan called Cabo de Cotoche in 21 The island called Isla de Ranas in 21½ The latitudes of certaine places vpon the coast of Nueua Espanna and of diuers other places lying in the way from thence to Spaine  Degrees of latitude Villa rica standeth in 19½ Sant Iuan de Vllua in 18¾ From sant Iuan de Vllua sayling to the Tortugas you must found in 27½ The small isles called Las Tortugas stand in 25 The Pòrt of Hauana vpon the Northwest part of Cuba in 23½ The head of the Martyrs lying before the Cape of Florida in 25 The Mimbres are in 26¼ The Chanel of Bahama in 27½ The Cape de Cannaueral vpon the coast of Florida in 28â…“ The Isle of Bermuda in 33 The isle of Iohn Luis or Iohn Aluarez in 41¼ The latitudes of the Isles of the Açores  Degrees of latitudes The isle of Flores standeth in 39½ The isle of Cueruo in 40 The isle of Fayal in 38½ The isle of Pico and the isle of sant George both in 38½ The isle of Terçera in 39 The isle of Graciosa in 39½ The isle of santa Maria in 37 The isle of sant Michael in 38 Cape sant Vincent vpon the coast of Spaine 37 The Rocke in 39 The Burlings in 40 Bayona in 42½ Cape Finister in 43½ The enterance of the streights of Gibraltar is in 36 Cape Cantin vpon the coast of Babarie in 32½ Cape Bojador vpon the coast of Barbarie in 27 Rio del oro or The riuer of Gold in 23½ Cabo de Barbas in 22 Cabo blanco or the white Cape in 20¼ The latitude of the isles of Cabo verde The isles of Sant Anton Sant Vincent Santa Lucia and Sant Nicolas stand all in 182 3 Isla del Sal or The isle of salt in 17¼ The isle called Buena vista in 16 The isle of sant Iago in 15 The latitudes of diuers Islands Capes and other places from the Isle of Margarita vpon the coast of Cumana Westward along the coast of Tierra Firma  Degrees of latitude The isles of Aruba Curaçao and Buinaro stand all in 12 The isle of Margarita in 11 The islandes called Los Testigos in 11¼ The coast of Baya Honda to Cape de la Vela lyeth East and West in 12 Cape del Aguja in 11½ The rockes of Serrana in 14 The Roncador in 13½ The isle of Santa Catelina in 13½ The isle of Sant Andrew in 12½ The Seranilla in 15½ The isle of Centanilla or Santanilla in 17¼ Cape Camaron on the maine South of the enterance of the Honduras 16 Ganaba in 16¼ Genaza in 161 â— Here followeth a declaration of the longitudes or Western and Eastern distances from Spaine to Newe Spaine in America and from thence backe againe to Spaine  Leagues From Sal Medina vpon the Coast Andaluzia till you bring your selfe North and South with Cape Cantin vpon the Coast of Barbary 85 From Sal Medina to the island of Gran Canaria 200 From the Gran Canaria to Deseada 850 From Deseada to Monserate 20 From Monserate to santa Cruz 58 From santa Cruz to Cape Roxo the Southwest Cape of sant Iuan de Puerto Rico 45 From Cape Roxo to Saona 25 From Saona to sant Domingo 25 From sant Domingo to Ocoa 18 From Ocoa to Beata 20 From Beata to the isle Baque 43 From the isle Baque to Nauaza 33 From Nauaza to sant Iago of Cuba 32 From sant Iago of Cuba to Cabo de Cruz 34 From Cabo de Cruz to the first Cayman 40 From the first Cayman to the middle Cayman 6 From the middle Cayman to the great Cayman 12 From the great Cayman to the isle of Pinos 48 From Cabo de Cruz to the isle of Pinos by the forsaid course 106 From the isle of Pinos to Cabo de Corrientes 19 From Cabo de Corrientes to Cabo de sant Anton 20 The course from Cabo de sant Antâ—n to sant Iuan de Vllua by the outside or North of the Isles called Alacranes  From Cabo de sant Anton to the Nigrillos 106 From the Nigrillos vntill you bring your selfe North and South with the isle Vermeja 25 From the isle Vermja to Villa Riâ—a 96 From Villa rica to Sant Iuan de Vllua 12 The course from Cabo de Corrientes to sant Iuan de Vllua on the inside or South of the Alacranes  From Cabo de Corrientes to the first sounding 45 From the first sounding till you come so farre a head as the island called Isla de Ranas 80 From Isla de Ranas vnto  The longitudes from New Spaine backe againe to Spaine  Leagues From Saint Iuan de Vllua to the Tortugas 280 From the Tortugas to Hauana 36 From Hauana to the head of the Martyrs 36 From â—he head of the Martyrs to the Mimbres 30 From the Mimbres to Bahamá 22 From the head of the Martyrs to Cabo de Cannaueral 62 From Cabo de Cannauerall to Bermuda 350 From Bermuda to the Isle of Iohn Luis or Iohn Aluarez 320 From the Isle of Iohn Luis or Aluarez to Flores 300 From Flores to Fayal 28 From Fayal to Terçera 28 From Terçera to Saint Michael 28 From Saint Michael to Cape Saint Vincentâ— 218 From Terçera to Cape Saint Vincent 256 From Cape S. Vincent to Cabo de santa Maria vpon the coast of Algarbe 22 From Cabo de santa Maria to Sal Medina in Andaluzia 32 THE DISCOVERIE OF THE LARGE RICH and Beautifull Empire of Guiana with a relation of the great and golden Citie of Manoa which the Spaniards call El Dorado and the Prouinces of Emeria Aromaia Amapaia and other Countries with their riuers adioyning Performed in the yeere 1595 by Sir Walter Ralegh Knight Captaine of her Maiesties Guard Lorde Warden of the Stanneries and her Highnesse Leiutenant generall of the Countie of Corne-wall To the right Honourable my singular good Lord and kinsman Charles Howard Knight of the Garter Baron and Counceller and of the Admirals of England the most renowmed and to the right Honourable Sir Robert Cecyll knight Counceller in her Highnesse Priuie Councels FOr your Honours many Honourable and friendly partes I haue hitherto onely returned promises and now for answere of both your aduentures I haue sent you a bundle of papers which I haue deuided betwene your Lordship and Sir Robert Cecyll in these two respects chiefly First for that it is reason that wastful factors when they haue consumed such stockes as they had in trust doe yeeld some colour for the same in their account secondly for that I am assured that whatsoeuer shall bee done or written by
THE PRINCIPAL NAVIGATIONS VOYAGES TRAFFIQVES AND DISCOVEries of the English Nation made by Sea or ouer-land to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 yeres Diuided into three seuerall Volumes according to the positions of the Regions whereunto they were directed The first Volume containeth the worthy Discoueries c. of the English toward the North and Northeast by Sea as of Lapland Scrikfinia Corelia the Baie of S. Nicolas the Isles of Colgoieue Vaigatz and Nona Zembla toward the great Riuer Ob with the mighty Empire of Russia the Caspian Sea Georgia Armenia Media Persia Boghar in Bactria and diuers kingdomes of Tartaria Together with many notable monuments and testimonies of the ancient forren trades and of the warrelike and other shipping of this Realme of England in former ages VVhereunto is annexed a briefe Commentary of the true state of Island and of the Northren Seas and lands situate that way As also the memorable defeat of the Spanish huge Armada Anno 1588. ¶ The second Volume comprehendeth the principall Nauigations Voyages Traffiques and discoueries of the English Nation made by Sea or ouer-land to the South and South-east parts of the World as well within as without the Streight of Gibraltar at any time within the compasse of these 1600. yeres Diuided into two seueral parts c. ¶ By RICHARD HAKLVYT Preacher and sometime Student of Christ-Church in Oxford Imprinted at London by George Bishop Ralph Newberie and Robert Barker ANNO 1599. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE MY SINGVLAR GOOD LORD THE LORD CHARLES HOVVARD Erle of Notingham Baron of Effingham Knight of the noble Order of the Garter Lord high Admirall of England Ireland and Wales c. one of her Maiesties most honourable priuie Counsell RIght Honourable and my very good Lord after I had long since published in Print many Nauigations and Discoueries of Strangers in diuers languages as well here at London as in the citie of Paris during my fiue yeeres abode in France with the woorthie Knight Sir Edward Stafford your brother in lawe her Maiesties most prudent and carefull Ambassador ligier with the French King and had waded on still farther and farther in the sweet studie of the historie of Cosmographie I began at length to conceiue that with diligent obseruation some thing might be gathered which might commend our nation for their high courage and singular actiuitie in the Search and Discouerie of the most vnknowen quarters of the world Howbeit seeing no man to step forth to vndertake the recording of so many memorable actions but euery man to folow his priuate affaires the ardent loue of my countrey deuoured all difficulties and as it were with a sharpe goad prouoked me and thrust me forward into this most troublesome and painfull action And after great charges and infinite cares after many watchings toiles and trauels and wearying out of my weake body at length I haue collected three seuerall Volumes of the English Nauigations Traffiques and Discoueries to strange remote and farre distant countreys Which worke of mine I haue not included within the compasse of things onely done in these latter dayes as though litle or nothing woorthie of memorie had bene performed in former ages but mounting aloft by the space of many hundred yeeres haue brought to light many very rare and worthy monuments which long haue lien miserably scattered in mustie corners retchlesly hidden in mistie darkenesse and were very like for the greatest part to haue bene buried in perpetuall obliuion The first Volume of this worke I haue thus for the present brought to light reseruing the other two vntill the next Spring when by Gods grace they shall come to the Presse In the meane season bethinking my selfe of some munificent and bountifull Patrone I called to mind your honorable Lordship who both in regard of my particular obligation and also in respect of the subiect and matter might iustly chalenge the Patronage thereof For first I remembred how much I was bound and how deeply indebted for my yongest brother Edmund Hackluyt to whom for the space of foure whole yeeres your Lordship committed the gouernment and instruction of that honorable yong noble man your sonne heire apparant the lord William Howard of whose high spirit and wonderful towardlinesse full many a time hath he boasted vnto me Secondly the bounden duetie which I owe to your most deare sister the lady Sheffield my singular good lady honorable mistresse admonished me to be mindfull of the renoumed familie of the Howards Thirdly when I found in the first Patent graunted by Queene Marie to the Moscouie companie that my lord your â—ather being then lord high Admirall of England was one of the first fauourers and furtherers with his purse and countenance of the strange and wonderfull Discouerie of Russia the chiefe contents of this present Volume then I remeÌ„bred the sage saying of sweet Isocrates That sonnes ought not onely to be inheriters of their fathers substance but also of their commendable vertues and honours But what speake I of your ancestors honors which to say the trueth are very great and such as our Chronicles haue notably blazoned when as your owne Heroicall actions from time to time haue shewed themselues so admirable as no antiquitie hath affoorded greater and the future times will not in haste I thinke performe the like To come to some particulars when the Emperors sister the spouse of Spaine with a Fleete of an 130. sailes stoutly and proudly passed the narow Seas your Lordship accompanied with ten ships onely of her Maiesties Nauie Roiall enuironed their Fleet in most strange and warrelike sort enforced them to stoope gallant and to vaile their bonets for the Queene of England and made them perfectly to vnderstand that olde speach of the prince of Poets Non illi imperium pelagi saeuúmque tridentem sed tibi sorte datum Yet after they had acknowledged their dutie your lordship on her Maiesties behalfe conducted her safely through our English chanell and performed all good offices of honor and humanitie to that forren Princesse At that time all England beholding your most honorable cariage of your selfe in that so weightie seruice began to cast an extraordinarie eie vpon your lordship and deeply to conceiue that singular hope which since by your most worthie wonderfull seruice your L hath more then fully satiâ—fied I meane among others that glorious triumphant and thrise-happy victory atchieued against that huge and haultie Spanish Armada which is notably described in the ende of this volume wherein being chiefe and sole Commander vnder her sacred and roiall Maiestie your noble gouernment and worthy behauior your high wisedom discretion and happinesse accompanied with the heauenly blessing of the Almightie are shewed most euidently to haue bene such as all posteritie and succeeding ages shall neuer cease to sing and resound your infinite prayse and eternall commendations As for the late renoumed expedition
saile out of Norway arriued vpon the Isle of Lewis then that Magnus the king of Norway came into the same seas with 160. sailes and hauing subdued the Orkney Isles in his way passed on in like conquering maner directing his course as it should seeme euen through the very midst and on all sides of the Hebrides who sailing thence to Man conquered it also proceeding afterward as farre as Anglesey and lastly crossing ouer from the Isle of Man to the East part of Ireland Yea there they shall read of Godredus the sonne of Olauus his voiage to the king of Norway of his expedition with 80. ships against Sumerledus of Sumerled his expedition with 53. ships against him of Godred his flight and second iourney into Norway of Sumerled his second arriual with 160. shippes at Rhinfrin vpon the coast of Man and of many other such combates assaults voyages which were performed onely vpon those seas Islands And for the bringing of this woorthy monument to light we doe owe great thanks vnto the iudiciall and famous Antiquarie M. Camden But sithens we are entred into a discourse of the ancient warrelike shipping of this land the Reader shall giue me leaue to borow one principall note out of this litle historie before I quite take my leaue thereof and that is in few words that K. Iohn passed into Ireland with a Fleet of 500. sailes so great were our sea-forces euen in his time Neither did our shipping for the warres first begin to flourish with king Iohn but long before his dayes in the reign of K. Edward the Confessor of William the Conqueror of William Rufus and the rest there were diuers men of warre which did valiant seruice at sea and for their paines were roially rewarded All this and more then this you may see recorded pag. 17. out of the learned Gentleman M. Lambert his Perambulation of Kent namely the antiquitie of the Kentiâ—h Cinque ports which of the sea-townes they were how they were infranchised what gracious priuileges and high prerogatiues were by diuers kings vouchsafed vpon them and what seruices they were tied vnto in regard thereof to wit how many ships how many souldiers mariners Garsons and for how many dayes each of them and all of them were to furnish for the kings vse and lastly what great exploits they performed vnder the conduct of Hubert of Burrough as likewise against the Welsâ—men vpon 200. French ships and vnder the commaund of captaine Henry Pay Then haue you pag. 117. the franke and bountifull Charter granted by king Edward the first vpon the foresayd Cinque portes next thereunto a Roll of the mightie fleet of seuen hundred ships which K. Edward the third had with him vnto the siege of Caleis out of which Roll before I proceed any further let me giue you a double obseruation First that these ships according to the number of the mariners which were in all 14151. persons seeme to haue bene of great burthen and secondly that Yarmouth an hauen towne in Northfolke which I much wonder at set foorth almost twise as many ships and mariners as either the king did at his owne costs and charges or as any one citie or towne in England besides Howbeit Tho. Walsingham maketh plaine and euident mention of a farre greater Fleete of the same king namely of 1100. shippes lying before Sandwich being all of them sufficiently well furnished Moreouer the Reader may behold pag. 186. a notable testimonie of the mightie ships of that valiant prince king Henry the 5. who when after his great victory at Agincourt the Frenchmen to recouer Harflew had hired certaine Spanish and Italian ships and forces had vnited their owne strength vnto them sent his brother Iohn duke of Bedford to encounter them who bidding them battell got the victory taking some of their ships and sinking others and putting the residue to dishonorable flight Likewise comming the next yeere with stronger powers and being then also ouercome they were glad to conclude a perpetuall league with K. Henry propter eorum naues saieth mine Author that is for the resistance of their ships the sayd king caused such huge ships to be built quales non erant in mundo as the like were not to be found in the whole world besides But to leaue our ancient shipping and descend vnto later times I thinke that neuer was any nation blessed of IEHOVAH with a more glorious and wonderfull victory vpon the Seas then our vanquishing of the dreadfull Spanish Armada 1588. But why should I presume to call it our vanquishing when as the greatest part of them escaped vs and were onely by Gods out-stretched arme ouerwhelmed in the Seas dashed in pieces against the Rockes and made fearefull spectacles and examples of his iudgements vnto all Christendome An excellent discourse whereof as likewise of the honourable expedition vnder two of the most noble and valiant peeres of this Realme I meane the renoumed Erle of Essex and the right honorable the lord Charles Howard lord high Admirall of England made 1596. vnto the strong citie of Cadiz I haue set downe as a double epiphonema to conclude this my first volume withall Both of which albeit they ought of right to haue bene placed among the Southerne voyages of our nation yet partly to satisfie the importunitie of some of my special friends and partly not longer to depriue the diligent Reader of two such woorthy and long-expected discourses I haue made bold to straine a litle curtesie with that methode which I first propounded vnto my selfe And here had I almost forgotten to put the Reader in mind of that learned and Philosophical treatise of the true state of Iseland and so consequently of the Northren Seas regions lying that way wherein a great number of none of the meanest Historiographers and Cosmographers of later times as namely Munster Gemma Frisius Zieglerus Krantzius Saxo Grammaticus Olaus Magnus Peucerus and others are by euident arguments conuinced of manifold errors that is to say as touching the true situation and Northerly latitude of that Island and of the distance thereof from other places touching the length of dayes in Sommer and of nights in Winter of the temperature of the land and sea of the time and maner of the congealing continuance and thawing of the Ice in those Seas of the first Discouerie and inhabiting of that Isâ—â—nd of the first planting of Christianitie there as likewise of the continuall flaming of mountains strange qualities of fountains of hel-mouth and of purgatorie which those authors haue fondly written and imagined to be there All which treatise ought to bee the more acceptable first in that it hath brought sound trueth with it and secondly in that it commeth from that farre Northren climate which most men would suppose could not affoord any one so learned a Patrone for it selfe And thus friendly Reader thou seest the briefe summe and scope of all my labours for the common-wealths sake and
whatsoeuer hee or they bee that then and in such case wee will doe all that in vs is to cause restitution reparation and satisfaction to bee duely made to the said English marchants by our letters and otherwise as shall stand with our honour and be consonant to equitie and iustice 10 Item for vs our heires and successours wee doe promise and graunt to performe mainteine corroborate autenticate and obserue all and singular the aforesaide liberties franchises and priuiledges like as presently we firmely doe intend and will corroborate autentike and performe the same by all meane and way that we can as much as may be to the commoditie and profite of the said English Marchants and their successours for euer And to the intent that all and singuler the saide giftes graunts and promises may bee inuiolably obserued and performed we the said Iohn Vasiliuich by the grace of God Emperor of Russia great Duke of Nouogrode Mosco c. for vs our heires and successors by our Imperiall and lordly word in stead of an othe haue and doe promise by these presents inuiolably to mainteyne and obserue and cause to be inuiolably obserued and mainteined all and singuler the aforesayde giftes graunts and promises from time to time and at all and euery time and times heereafter And for the more corroboration hereof haue caused our Signet hereunto to be put Dated in our Castle of Mosco the 20. day of in the yeere The Charter of the Marchants of Russia graunted vpon the discouerie of the saide Countrey by King Philip and Queene Marie PHilip and Marie by the grace of God King and Queene c. To all manner of officers true Iurie men ministers aud subiects and to all other people as well within this our Realme or elsewhere vnder our obeysance iurisdiction and rule or otherwise vnto whome these our letters shall bee shewed séene or read greeting Whereas wee be credibly informed that our right trusâ—ie right faithfull and welbeloued Counsailors William Marques of Winchester Lord high Treasurer of this our Realme of England Henrie Earle of Arundel Lord Steward of our housholde Iohn Earle of Bedford Lord keeper of our priuie Seale William Earle of Pembroke William Lorde Howard of Esfingham Lorde high Admirall of our saide Realme of England c. Haue at their owne aduenture costs and charges prouided rigged and tackled certaine ships pinnesses and other meete vessels and the same furnished with all things necessary haue aduanced and set forward for to discouer descrie and finde Iles landes territories Dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and by our subiects before this not commonly by sea frequented which by the sufferance and grace of Almightie God it shall chaunce them sailing Northwards Northeastwards and Northwestwards or any partes thereof in that race or course which other Christian Monarches being with vs in league and amitie haue not heeretofore by Seas traffiqued haunted or frequented to finde and attaine by their said aduenture as well for the glorie of God as for the illustrating of our honour and dignitie royall in the increase of the reuenues of our Crowne and generall wealth of this and other our Realmes and Dominions and of our subiects of the same And to this intent our subiects aboue specified and named haue most humbly beseeched vs that our abundant grace fauour and clemencie may be gratiously extended vnto them in this behalfe Whereupon wee inclined to the petition of the foresaide our Counsailours subiects and marchants and willing to animate aduance further and nourish them in their said godlie honest and good purpose and as we hope profitable aduenture and that they may the more willingly and readily atchieue the same Of our especiall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion haue graunted and by these presents doe graunt for vs our heires and successours vnto our said right trustie and right faithfull and right welbeloued Counsailours and the other before named persons that they by the name of marchants aduenturers of England for the discouery of lands â—erritories Iles Dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and not before that late aduenture or enterprise by sea or Nauigation commonly frequented as aforesaid shal be from hâ—nceforth one bodie and perpetuall fellowship and communaltie of themselues both in deede and in name and them by the names of Marchants aduenturers for the discouerie of lands territories Iles sâ—igniories vnknowen and not by the seas and Nauigations before their saide late aduenture or enterprise by sea or Nauigation commonly frequented We doe incorporate name and declare by these presents and that the same fellowship or communalty from henceforth shal be and may haue one Gouernour of the saide fellowship and communaltie of Marchants aduenturers And in consideration that one Sebastian Cabota hath bin the chiefest setter forth of this iourney or voyage therefore we make ordeine and constitute him the said Sebastian to be the first and present gouernour of the same fellowship and communaltie by these presents To haue and enioy the said office of Gouernour to him the said Sebastian Cabota during his naturall life without amouing or dimissing from the same roome And furthermore we graunt vnto the saine fellowship and communaltie and their successors that they the saide fellowship and communaltie and their successors afâ—er the decease of the saide Sebastian Cabota shall and may freely and lawfully in places conuenient and honest assemble themselues together or so many of them as will or can assemble together as well within our citie of London or elsewhere as it shall please them in such sort and maner as other worshipfull corporations of our saide citie haue vsed to assemble and there yeerely name elect and choose one Gouernour or two of themselues and their liberties and also as well yeerely during the natural life of the said Sebastian Cabota now Gouernour as also at the election of such saide Gouernour or gouernours before his decease to choose name and appoint eight and twenty of the most sad discreete and honest persons of the saide fellowship and communaltie of Marchant aduenturers as is aboue specified and 4. of the most expert and skilfull persons of the same 28. to be named and called Consuls and 24. of the residue to be named and called Assistants to the saide Gouernour or gouernours and Consuls for the time being which shal remaine and stand in their authorities for one whole yeere then nâ—â—t following And if it shall fortune the saide Gouernour Consuls and assistants or any of them so to be elected and chosen as is aforesaid to die within the yeere after his or their election that then and so often it shall and may be lawfull to and for the said fellowship and communalty to elect and choose of themselues other Gouernour or gouernours Consuls and assistants in the place and sleade of such as so shall happen to die to serue out the same yeere And further we do make ordeine and constitute George Barnes knight and Alderman of our
stand vpon her guard because he was now most certainly enformed that there was so dangerous an inuasion imminent vpon her realme that he feared much least all her land and sea-forces would be sufficient to withstand it c. then began the Queens Maiestie more carefully to gather her forces together to â—urnish her own ships of warre the principall ships of her subiects with souldiers weapons and other necessary prouision The greatest and strongest ships of the whole nauy she sent vnto Plimmouth vnder the conduct of the right honorable Lord Charles Howard lord high Admirall of England c. Under whom the renoumed Knight Sir Francis Drake was appointed Uice-admiral The number of these ships was about an hundreth The lesser ships being 30. or 40. in number and vnder the conduct of the lord Henry Seimer were commanded to lie between Douer and Caleis On land likewise throughout the whole realme souldiers were mustered and trained in all places and were committed vnto the most resolute and faithfull captaines And whereas it was commonly giuen out that the Spaniard hauing once vnited himselfe vnto the duke of Parma ment to inuade by the riuer of Thames there was at Tilburie in Essex ouer-against Grauesend mightie army encamped and on both sides of the riuer fortifications were erected according to the prescription of Frederike Genebelli an Italian enginier Likewise there were certaine ships brought to make a bridge though it were very late first Unto the sayd army came in proper person the Queens most roiall Maiestie representing Tomyris that Scythian warlike princesse or rather diuine Pallas her selfe Also there were other such armies leuied in England The principall catholique Recusants least they should stirre vp any tumult in the time of the Spanish inuasion were sent to remaine at certaine conuenient places as namely in the Isle of Ely and at Wisbich And some of them were sent vnto other places to wit vnto sundry bishops and noblemen where they were kept from endangering the state of the common wealth and of her sacred Maiestie who of her most gracious clemencie gaue expresse commandement that they should be intreated with all humanitie and friendship The prouinces of Holland and Zeland c. giuing credite vnto their intelligence out of Spain made preparation to defend themselues but because the Spanish ships were described vnto them to be so huge they relied partly vpon the shallow and dangerous seas all along their coasts Wherfore they stood most in doubt of the duke of Parma his small and flat-bottomed ships Howbeit they had all their ships of warre to the number of 90. and aboue in a readinesse for all assayes the greater part whereof were of a small burthen as being more meete to saile vpon their riuers and shallow seas and with these ships they besieged all the hauens in Flanders beginning at the mouth of Scheld or from the towne of Lillo and holding on to Greueling and almost vnto Caleis fortified all their sea-townes with strong garrisons Against the Spanish fleets arriuall they had prouided 25. or 30. good ships committing the gouernment of them vnto Admirall Lonck whom they commanded to ioine himselfe vnto the lord Henry Seymer lying betweene Douer and Cales And when as the foresaid ships whereof the greater part besieged the hauen of Dunkerke were driuen by tempest into Zeland Iustin of Nassau the Admiral of Zeland supplied that squadron with 35. ships being of no great burthen but excellently furnished with gunnes mariners and souldiers in great abundance and especially with 1200. braue Musquetiers hauing bene accustomed vnto sea-fights and being chosen out of all their companies for the same purpose and so the said Iustin of Nassau kept such diligent ward in that Station that the duke of Parma could not issue foorth with his nauy into the sea out of any part of Flanders In the meane while the Spanish Armada set saile out of the hauen of Lisbon vpon the 19. of May An. Dom. 1588. vnder the conduct of the duke of Medina Sidonia directing their course for the Baie of Corunna aliâs the Groine in Gallicia where they tooke in souldiers and warlike prouision this port being in Spaine the neerest vnto England As they were sailing along there arose such a mightie tempest that the whole Fleete was dispersed so that when the duke was returned vnto his company he could notescry aboue 80. ships in all whereunto the residue by litle and litle ioyned themselues eccept eight which had their mastes blowen ouer-boord One of the foure gallies of Portingal escaped very hardly retiring her selfe into the hauen The other three were vpon the coast of Baion in France by the assistance and courage of one Dauid Gwin an English captiue whom the French and Turkish slaues aided in the same enterprise vtterly disabled and vanquished one of the three being first ouercome which conquered the two other with the slaughter of their gouernours and souldiers and among the rest of Don Diego de Mandrana with sundry others and so those slaues arriuing in France with the three Gallies set themselues at libertie The nauy hauing refreshed themselues at the Groine receiuing daily commandement from the king to hasten their iourney hoised vp sailes the 11. day of Iuly and so holding on their course till the 19. of the same moneth they came then vnto the mouth of the narow seas or English chanel From whence striking their sailes in the meane season they dispatched certaine of their smal ships vnto the duke of Parma At the same time the Spanish Fleete was escried by an English pinasse captaine whereof was M. Thomas Fleming after they had bene aduertised of the Spaniards expedition by their scoutes and espials which hauing ranged along the coast of Spaine were lately returned home into Plimmouth for a new supply of victuals and other necessaries who considering the foresayd tempest were of opinion that the nauy being of late dispersed and lossed vp and downe the maine Ocean was by no means able to performe their intended voiage Moreouer the L. Charles Howard L. high admiral of England had receiued letters from the court signifying vnto him that her Maiestie was aduertised that the Spanish Fleete would not come foorth nor was to be any longer expected for and therefore that vpon her Maiesties commandement he must send backe foure of her tallest and strongest ships vnto Chattam The lord high Admiral of England being thus on the sudden namely vpon the 19. of Iuly about foure of the clocke in the afternoone enformed by the pinasse of captaine Fleming aforesaid of the Spaniards approch with all speed and diligence possible he warped his ships and caused his manners and souldiers the greater part of whom was absent for the cause aforesayd to come on boord and that with great trouble and difficultie insomuch that the lord Admiral himselfe was faine to lie without in the road with sixe ships onely all that night
after the which many others came foorth of the hauen The very next day being the 20. of Iuly about high noone was the Spanish Fleete escried by the English which with a Southwest wind came sailing along and passed by Plimmouth in which regard according to the iudgement of many skilful nauigators they greatly ouershot themselues whereas it had bene more commodious for them to haue staied themselues there considering that the Englishmen being as yet vnprouided greatly relied vpon their owne forces and knew not the estate of the Spanish nauy Moreouer this was the most conuenient port of all others where they might with greater securitie haue bene aduertised of the English forces and how the commons of the land stood affected and might haue stirred vp some mutinie so that hither they should haue bent all their puissance and from hence the duke of Parma might more easily haue conueied his ships But this they were prohibited to doe by the king and his counsell and were expressely commanded to vnite themselues vnto the souldiers and ships of the said duke of Parma and so to bring their purpose to effect Which was thought to be the most easie and direct course for that they imagined that the English and Dutch men would be vtterly daunted and dismaied thereat and would each man of them retire vnto his owne Prouince and Porte for the defence thereof and transporting the armie of the duke vnder the protection of their huge nauy they might inuade England It is reported that the chiefe commanders in the nauy and those which were more skilfull in nauigation to wit Iohn Martines de Ricalde Diego Flores de Valdez and diuers others found fault that they were bound vnto so strict directions and instructions because that in such a case many particular accidents ought to concurre and to be respected at one and the same instant that is to say the opportunitie of the wind weather time tide and ebbe wherein they might saile from Flanders to England Oftentimes also the darkenesse and light the situation of places the depths and shoulds were to be considered all which especially depended vpon the conueniencie of the windes and were by so much the more dangerous But it seemeth that they were enioined by their commission to ancre neere vnto or about Caleis whither the duke of Parma with his ships and all his warre like prouision was to resort and while the English and Spanish great ships were in the midst of their conflict to passe by and to land his souldiers vpon the Downes The Spanish captiues reported that they were determined first to haue entred the riuer of Thames and thereupon to haue passed with small ships vp to London supposing that they might easily winne that rich and flourishing Citie being but meanely fortified and inhabited with Citizens not accustomed to the warres who durst not withstand their first encounter hoping moreouer to finde many rebels against her Maiestie and popish catholiques or some fauourers of the Scottish queene which was not long before most iustly beheaded who might be instruments of sedition Thus often aduertising the duke of Parma of their approch the 20. of Iuly they passed by Plimmouthâ— which the English ships pursuing and getting the wind of them gaue them the chase and the encounter and so both Fleets frankly exchanged their bullets The day following which was the 21. of Iuly the English ships approched within musquet shot of the Spanish at what time the lorde Charles Howard most hotly and valiantly discharged his Ordinance vpon the Spanish Uice-admirall The Spaniards then well perceiuing the nimblenesse of the English ships in discharging vpon the enimie on all sides gathered themselues close into the forme of an halfe moone and slackened their sailes least they should outgoe any of their companie And while they were proceeding on in this maner one of their great Galliasses was so furiously battered with shot that the whole nauy was faine to come vp tounder together for the safegard thereof whereby it came to passe that the principall Galleon of Siuill wherein Don Pedro de Valdez Vasques de Silua Alonzo de Sayas and other noble men were embarqued falling foule of another shippe had her fore-mast broken and by that meanes was not able to keepe way with the Spanish Fleete neither would the sayde Fleete stay to succour it but left the distressed Galeon behind The lord Admirall of England when he saw this ship of Valdez thought she had bene voyd of Mariners and Souldiers taking with him as many shippes as he could passed by it that he might not loose sight of the Spanish Fleet that night For sir Francis Drake who was notwithstanding appointed to beare out his lanterne that night was giuing of chase vnto fiue great Hulkes which had separated themselues from the Spanish Fleete but finding them to be Easterlings he dismissed them The lord Admirall all that night following the Spanish lanterne in stead of the English found himselfe in the morning to be in the midst of his enimies Fleete but when he perceiued it hee cleanly conueyed himselfe out of that great danger The day folowing which was the two and twentie of Iuly Sir Francis Drake espied Valdez his shippe wherevnto hee sent foorth his pinnasse and being aduertised that Valdez himselfe was there and 450. persons with him he sent him word that he should yeeld himselfe Valdez for his honors sake caused certaine conditions to be propounded vnto Drake who answered Valdez that he was not now at laisure to make any long parle but if he would yeeld himselfe he should find him friendly and tractable howbeit if he had resolued to die in fight he should prooue Drake to be no dastard Upon which answere Valdez and his company vnderstanding that they were fallen into the hands of fortunate Drake being mooued with the renoume and celebritie of his name with one consent yeelded themselues and found him very fauourable vnto them Then Valdez with 40. or 50. noblemen and gentlemen pertaining vnto him came on boord sir Francis Drakes ship The residue of his company were caried vnto Plimmouth where they were detained a yere an halfe for their ransome Valdez comming vnto Drake and humbly kissing his hand protested vnto him that he and his had resolued to die in battell had they not by good fortune fallen into his power whom they knew to be right curteous and gentle and whom they had heard by generall report to bee most fauourable vnto his vanquished foe insomuch that he sayd it was to bee doubted whether his enimies had more cause to admire and loue him for his great valiant and prosperous exploites or to dread him for his singular felicitie and wisedom which euer attended vpon him in the warres and by the which hee had attained vnto so geat honour With that Drake embraced him and gaue him very honourable entertainement feeding him at his owne table and lodging him in his cabbin Here Valdez
began to recount vnto Drake the forces of all the Spanish Fleet and how foure mightie Gallies were separated by tempest from them and also how they were determined first to haue put into Plimmouth hauen not expecting to bee repelled thence by the English ships which they thought could by no meanes withstand their impregnable forces perswading themselues that by means of their huge Fleete they were become lords and commaunders of the maine Ocean For which cause they marueled much how the English men in their small ships durst approch withâ—n musket shot of the Spaniards mightie woodden castles gathering the wind of them with many other such like attempts Immediately after Valdez and his company being a man of principal authoritie in the Spanish Fleete and being descended of one and the same familie with that Valdez which in the yeere 1574. besieged Leiden in Holland were sent captiues into England There were in the sayd ship 55. thousand ducates in ready money of the Spanish kings gold which the souldiers merily shared among themselues The same day was set on fire one of their greatest shippes being Admirall of the squadron of Guipusco and being the shippe of Michael de Oquendo Uice-admirall of the whole Fleete which contained great store of gunnepowder and other warrelike prouision The vpper part onely of this shippe was burnt and all the persons therein contained except a very few were consumed with fire And thereupon it was taken by the English and brought into England with a number of miserable burnt and skorched Spaniards Howbeit the gunpowder to the great admiration of all men remained whole and vnconsumed In the meane season the lord Admirall of England in his ship called the Arke-royall all that night pursued the Spaniards so neere that in the morning hee was almost left alone in the enimies Fleete and it was foure of the clocke at afternoone before the residue of the English Fleet could ouertake him At the same time Hugo de Moncada gouernour of the foure Galliasses made humble sute vnto the Duke of Medina that he might be licenced to encounter the Admirall of England which libertie the duke thought not good to permit vnto him because hee was loth to exceed the limites of his commission and charge Upon Tuesday which was the three and twentie of Iuly the naâ—y being come ouer against Portland the wind began to turne Northerly insomuch that the Spaniards had a fortunate and fit gale to inuade the English But the Englishmen hauing lesser and nimbler Ships recouered againe the vantage of the winde from the Spaniards whereat the Spaniards seemed to bee more iucensed to fight then before But when the English Fleete had continually and without intermission from morning to night beaten and battered them with all their shot both great and small the Spaniardes vniting themselues gathered their whole Fleete close together into a roundell so that it was apparant that they ment not as yet to inuade others but onely to defend themselues and to make hast vnto the place prescribed vnto them which was neere vnto Dunkerk that they might ioine forces with the duke of Parma who was determined to haue proceeded secretly with his small shippes vnder the shadow and protection of the great ones and so had intended circumspectly to performe the whole expedition This was the most furious and bloodie skirmish of all in which the lord Admirall of England continued fighting amidst his enimies Fleete and seeing one of his Captaines afarre off hee spake vnto him in these wordes Oh George what doest thou Wilt thou nowe frustrate my hope and opinion conceiued of thee Wilt thou forsake mee nowe With which wordes hee being enflamed approched foorthwith encountered the enemie and did the part of a most valiant Captaine His name was George Fenner a man that had bene conuersant in many Sea-fights In this conflict there was a certaine great Venetian ship with other small ships surprised and taken by the English The English nauie in the meane while increased whereunto out of all Hauens of the Realme resorted ships and men for they all with one accord came flocking thither as vnto a set field where immortall fame and glory was to be attained and faithfull seruice to bee performed vnto their prince and countrey In which number there were many great and honourable personages as namely the Erles of Oxford of Northumberland of Cumberland c. with many Knights and Gentlemen to wit Sir Thomas Cecill Sir Robert Cecill Sir Walter Raleigh Sir William Hatton Sir Horatio Palauicini Sir Henry Brooke Sir Robert Carew Sir Charles Blunt Master Ambrose Willoughbie Master Henry Nowell Master Thomas Gerard Master Henry Dudley Master Edward Darcie Master Arthur Gorge Master Thomas Woodhouse Master William Haruie c. And so it came to passe that the number of the English shippes amounted vnto an hundreth which when they were come before Douer were increased to an hundred and thirtie being notwithstanding of no proportionable bignesse to encounter with the Spaniards except two or three and twentie of the Queenes greater shippes which onely by reason of their presence bred an opinion in the Spaniardes mindes concerning the power of the English Fleet the mariners and souldiers whereof were esteemed to be twelue thousand The foure and twentie of Iuly when as the sea was calme and no winde stirring the fight was onely betweene the foure great Galleasses and the English shippes which being rowed with Oares had great vauntage of the sayde English shippes which not withstanding for all that would not bee forced to yeeld but discharged their chaine-shot to cut asunder their Cables and Cordage of the Galleasses with many other such Stratagemes They were nowe constrained to send their men on land for a newe supplie of Gunne-powder whereof they were in great â—karcitie by reason they had so frankely spent the greater part in the former conflicts The same day a Counsell being assembled it was decreed that the English Fleete should bee deuided into foure squadrons the principall whereof was committed vnto the lord Admirall the second to Sir Francis Drake the third to Captaine Hawkins the fourth to Captaine Frobisher The Spaniards in their sailing obserued very diligent and good order sayling three and foure and somtimes more ships in a ranke and folowing close vp one after another and the stronger and greater ships protecting the lesser The fiue and twentie of Iuly when the Spaniardes were come ouer-against the Isle of Wight the lord Admirall of England being accompanied with his best ships namely the Lion Captaine whereof was the lord Thomas Howard The Elizabeth Ionas vnder the commandement of Sir Robert Southwel soone in lawe vnto the lord Admirall the Beare vnder the lord Sheffield nephew vnto the lord Admirall the Victorie vnder Captaine Barker and the Galeon Leicester vnder the forenamed Captaine George Fenner with great valour and dreadfull thundering of shot encountered the Spanish Admiral being in the very midst
put to death all which they thought would haue stirred vp seditions and factions Whenas therefore the Spanish fleeâ— rode at anker before Caleis to the end they might consult with the Duke of Parma what was best to be done according to the Kings commandement and the present estate of their affaires and had now as we will afterward declare purposed vpon the second of August being Friday with one power and consent to haue put their intended businesse in practise the L. Admirall of England being admonished by her Maiesties letters from the Court thought it most expedient either to driue the Spanish fleet from that place or at leastwise to giue them the encounter and for that cause according to her Maiesties prescription he tooke forthwith eight of his woorst basest ships which came next to hand disburthening them of all things which seemed to be of any value filled them with gun-powder pitch â—rimstone and with other combustible and firy matter and charging all their ordinance with powder bullets and stones he sent the sayd ships vpon the 28 of Iuly being Sunday about two of the clocke after midnight with the winde and tide against the Spanish fleet which when they had proceeded a good space being forsaken of the Pilots and set on fire were directly carried vpon the King of Spaines Nauie which fire in the dead of the night put the Spaniards into such a perpleâ—ity and horrour for they feared lest they were like vnto those terrible ships which Frederic Ienebelli three yeeres before at the siege of Antwerpe had furnished with gun-powder stones and dreadfull engines for the dissolution of the Duke of Parma his bridge built vpon the riuer of Scheld that cutting their cables whereon their ankers were fastened and hoising vp their sailes they betooke themselues very confusedly vnto the maine sea In this sudden confusion the principall and greatest of the foure galliasses falling fowle of another ship lost her rudder for which cause when she could not be guided any longer she was by the force of the tide cast into a certaine showld vpon the shore of Caleis where she was immediatly assaulted by diuers English pinasses hoyes and drumblers And as they lay battering of her with their ordinance and durst not boord her the L. Admirall sent thither his long boat with an hundreth choise souldiers vnder the command of Captaine Amias Preston Upon whose approch their fellowes being more emboldened did offer to boord the galliasse against whom the gouernour thereof and Captaine of all the foure galliasses Hugo de Moncada stoutly opposed himselfe fighting by so much the more valiantly in that he hoped presently to be succoured by the Duke of Parma In the meane season Moncada after he had endured the conflict a good while being hitte on the head with a bullet fell downe starke dead and a great number of Spaniards also were slaine in his company The greater part of the residue leaping ouer-boord into the sea to saue themselues by swimming were most of them drowned Howbeit there escaped among others Don Anthonio de Manriques a principall officer in the Spanish fleet called by them their Veador generall together with a few Spaniards besides which Anthonio was the first man that carried certaine newes of the successe of their fleet into Spaine This huge and monstrous galliasse wherein were contained three hundred slaues to lug at the oares and foure hundred souldiers was in the space of three houres rifled in the same place and there were found amongst diuers other coÌ„modities 50000 â—ucats of the Spanish kings treasure At length when the slaues were released out of their fetters the English men would haue set the sayd ship on fire which Monsieur Gourdon the gouernor of Caleis for feare of the damage which might thereupon ensue to the Towne and Hauen would not permit them to do but drâ—ue them from thence with his great ordinance Upon the 29 of Iuly in the morning the Spanish Fleet after the foresayd tumult hauing arranged themselues againe into order were within sight of Greueling most brauely and furiously encountered by the English where they once againe got the winde of the Spaniards who suffered themselues to be depriued of the commodity of the place in Caleis rode and of the aduantage of the winde neere vnto Dunkerk rather then they would change their array or separate their forces now conioyned and vnited together standing onely vpon their defence And albeit there were many excellent and warlike ships in the English fleet yet scarse were there 22 or 23 among them all which matched 90 of the Spanish ships in bignesse or could conueniently assault them Wherefore the English shippes vsing their prerogatiue of nimble stirrage whereby they could turne and wield themselues with the winde which way they listed came often times very neere vpon the Spaniards and charged them so sore that now and then they were but a pikes length asunder so continually giuing them one broad side after another they discharged all their shot both great and small vpon them spending one whole day from morning till night in that violent kinde of conflict vntill such time as powder and bullets failed them In regard of which want they thought it conuenient not to pursue the Spaniards any longer because they had many great vantages of the English namely for the extraordinary bignesse of their ships and also for that they were so neerely conioyned and kept together in so good array that they could by no meanes be fought withall one to one The English thought therefore that they had right well acquited themselues in chasing the Spaniards first from Caleis and then from Dunkerkâ— and by that meanes to haue hendered them from ioyning with the Duke of Parma his forces and getting the winde of them to haue driuen them from their owne coasts The Spaniards that day sustained great losse and damage hauing many of their shippes shot thorow and thorow and they discharged likewise great store of ordinance against the English who indeed sustained some hinderance but not comparable to the Spaniards losse for they lost not any one shippe or person of account For very diligent inquisition being made the English men all that time wherein the Spanish Nauy sayled vpon their seas are not found to haue wanted aboue one hundreth of their people albeit Sir Francis Drakes shippe was pierced with shot aboue forty times and his very cabben was twise shot thorow and about the conclusion of the fight the bedde of a certaine gentleman lying weary thereupon was taken quite from vnder him with the force of a bullet Likewise as the Earle of Northumberland and Sir Charles Blunt were at dinner vpon a time the bullet of a demi-culuering brake thorow the middest of their cabbin touched their feet and strooke downe two of the standers by with many such accidents befalling the English shippes which it were tedious to râ—hearse Whereupon it is most apparant
that God miraculously preserued the English nation For the L. Admirall wrote vnto her Maiestie that in all humane reason and according to the iudgement of all men euery circumstance being duly considered the English men were not of any such force whereby they might without a miracle dare once to approch within sight of the Spanish Fleet insomuch that they freely ascribed all the honour of their victory vnto God who had confounded the enemy and had brought his counsels to none effect The same day the Spanish ships were so battered with English shot that that very night and the day following two or three of them suncke right downe and among the rest a certaine great ship of Biscay which Captaine Crosse assaulted which perished euen in the time of the conflict so that very few therein escaped drowning who reported that the gouernours of the same shippe slew one another vpon the occasion following one of them which would haue yeelded the shippe was suddenly slaine the brother of the slaine party in reuenge of his death slew the murtherer and in the meane while the ship suncke The same night two Portugall galeons of the burthen of seuen or eight hundreth tunnes a piece to wit the Saint Philip and the Saint Matthew were forsaken of the Spanish Fleet for they were so torne with shotte that the water entered into them on all sides In the galeon of Saint Philip was Francis de Toledo brother vnto the Count de Orgas being Colonell ouer two and thirty bands besides other gentlemen who seeing their mast broken with shotte they shaped their course aswell as they could for the coast of Flanders whither when they could not attaine the principall men in the ship committing themselues to their skiffe arriued at the next towne which was Ostend and the ship it selfe being left behinde with the residue of their company was taken by the Ulishingers In the other galeon called the S. Matthew was embarked Don Diego Pimentelli another camp-master and colonell of 32 bands being brother vnto the marques of Tamnares with many other gentlemen and captaines Their ship was not very great but exceeding strong for of a great number of bullets which had batterd her there were scarse 20 wherewith she was pierced or hurt her vpper worke was of force sufficient to beare off a musket shot this shippe was shot thorow and pierced in the fight before Greueling insomuch that the leakage of the water could not be stopped whereupon the duke of Medina sent his great skiffe vnto the gouernour thereof that he might saue himselfe and the principal persons that were in his ship which he vpon a hault courage refused to do wherefore the Duke charged him to saile next vnto himselfe which the night following he could not performe by reason of the great abundance of water which entered his ship on all sides for the auoiding wherof and to saue his ship from sincking he caused 50 men continually to labor at the pumpe though it were to small purpose And seeing himselfe thus forsaken separated from his admirall he endeuored what he could to attaine vnto the coast of Flanders where being espied by 4 or 5 men of warre which had their station assigned them vpon the same coast he was admonished to yeeld himselfe vnto them Which he refusing to do was strongly assaulted by them altogether and his ship being pierced with many bullets was brought into farre worse case then before and 40 of his souldiers were slaine By which extremity he was enforced at length to yeeld himselfe vnto Peter Banderduess other captaines which brought him and his ship into Zeland and that other ship also last before mentioned which both of them immediatly after the greater and better part of their goods were vnladen suncke right downe For the memory of this exploit the foresayd captaine Banderduess caused the banner of one of these shippes to be set vp in the great Church of Leiden in Holland which is of so great a length that being fastened to the very roofe it reached downe to the ground About the same time another small ship being by necessity driuen vpon the coast of Flanders about Blankenberg was cast away vpon the sands the people therein being saued Thus almighty God would haue the Spaniards huge ships to be presented not onely to the view of the English but also of the Zelanders that at the sight of them they might acknowledge of what small ability they had beene to resist such impregnable forces had not God endued them with courage prouidence and fortitude yea and fought for them in many places with his owne arme The 29 of Iuly the Spanish fleet being encountered by the English as is aforesayd and lying close together vnder their fighting sailes with a Southwest winde sailed past Dunkerk the English ships stil following the chase Of whom the day following when the Spaniards had got sea roome they cut their maine sailes whereby they sufficiently declared that they meant no longer to fight but to flie For which cause the L. Admirall of England dispatched the L. Henrie Seymer with his squadron of small ships vnto the coast of Flanders where with the helpe of the Dutch ships he might stop the prince of Parma his passage if perhaps he should attempt to issue forth with his army And he himselfe in the meane space pursued the Spanish fleet vntill the second of August because he thought they had set saile for Scotland And albeit he followed them very neere yet did he not assault them any more for want of powder and bullets But vpon the fourth of August the winde arising when as the Spaniards had spread all their sailes betaking themselues wholly to flight and leauing Scotland on the left hand trended toward Norway whereby they sufficiently declared that their whole intent was to saue themselues by flight attempting for that purpose with their battered and crazed ships the most dangerous nauigation of the Northren seas the English seeing that they were now proceeded vnto the latitude of 57 degrees and being vnwilling to participate that danger whereinto the Spaniards plunged themselues and because they wanted things necessary and especially powder shot returned backe for England leauing behinde them certaine pinasses onely which they enioyned to follow the Spaniards aloofe and to obserue their course And so it came to passe that the fourth of August with great danger and industry the English arriued at Harwich for they had bene tossed vp and downe with a mighty tempest for the space of two or three dayes together which it is likely did great hurt vnto the Spanish fleet being as I sayd before so maimed and battered The English now going on shore prouided themselues foorthwith of victuals gunne-powder and other things expedient that they might be ready at all assayes to entertaine the Spanish fleet if it chanced any more to returne But being afterward more certainely informed of the Spaniards course
the said 7. yeres lade out of this our Realme and bring home yâ—erely for and in the feare and trade of marchandizing aforesaid so much goods and marchandizes as the custome and subsidie inwards and outwards shall amount in the whole to the summe of 500. li. yeerely So that the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret and the said persons so to be nominated as is aforesaid or any of them or their ship or shippes be not barred slayed restrained or let by any reasonable occasion from the sayde trade or trafique and so that the said ship or ships do not perish by any misfortune or bee spoyled by the way in their voyage And further the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret and such others as shall be appointed as aforesaide to be of their saide trade or Company shall giue notice vnto the Lord Admirall of England or to some of the principall officers of the Admiraltie for the time being of such ship or shippes as they shall set foorth in the same voyage and of the number of Mariners appointed to goe in the same ship or shippes by the space of fifteene dayes before the setting or going foorth of the same ship or shippes And also the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret and such other as shall be by them the saide Edward and Richard nominated to be of the said trade shall and will at the setting foorth of their ship or shippes for the same voyage permit and suffer the Master of the Ordinance of vs our heires and successors or some others our or their principall officers of the Ordinance to take a view of the number and quantitie of such Ordinance powder and munition as shall be caried in the said ship or shippes and shall also at the returne of the same ship or shippes suffer a view to be taken and vpon request made make an accompt to the saide officers of our Ordinance of the expenses and wastes of the said Ordinance powder and munition so to bee caried in the same ship or shippes Prouided alwayes that if any of the said trade or Company or their seruants factors or sailers in any ship by them laden shall commit any piracie or outrage vpon the seas and that if the said Company or societie shall not or do not within reasonable time after complaint made or notice giuen to the said Company or to any of them either satisfie or recompense the parties that so shall fortune to be robbed or spoiled by any of the said Company or sailers in the said ships or els shall not do their endeuour to the vttermost of their reasonable power to haue the parties so offending punished for the same their offences that then and from thencefoorth these present letters patents shall be vtterly voyd cease and determine Prouided likewise that if it shall hereafter appeare vnto vs our heires or successors that this grant or the continuance thereof in the whole or in any part thereof shall not be profitable to vs our heires our successors or to this our Realme that then and fromthencefoorth vpon and after one full yeeres warning to be giuen vnto the said Company or to the Gouernour thereof by vs our heires or successors this present grant shall cease be voyd and determine to all intents constructions and purposes Prouided also that we our heires and successors from time to time during the said 7. yeeres may lawfully nominate appoint and authorise two persons being fit men to be of the saide company and for want or lacke of them two others to be aduenturers in the said trade for such stocke and summe of money as they shall put in so that the said persons to bee nominated or authorised shall be contributorie to all charges of the said trade aduenture indifferently according to their stockes and as other aduenturers of the said trade shall doe for their stockes and so that likewise they doe obserue the orders of the said Company allowable by this our graunt and that such persons so to be appointed by vs our heires or successors shall and may with the saide Company and fellowship vse the trade and feate of marchandise aforesaide and all the liberties and priuileges herein before granted according to the meaning of these our letters patents any thing in these our letters patents contained to the contrary notwithstanding And further of our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion we haue condescended and granted and by these presents for vs our heires and successors doe condescend and grant to the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret their executors and administrators that if at the ende of the said terme of seuen yeeres it shall seeme meete and conuenient vnto the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret or the suruiuer of them that this present grant shall be continued and if that also it shall appeare vnto vs our heires or successors that the continuance thereof shall not be preiudiciall or hurtfull to this our Realme that then we our heires or successors at the instance and petition of the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret or the suruiuer of them to be made to vs our heires or successors wil grant and make to the said Edward Thomas Richard and William or the suruiuer of them and to such other persons as so shal be by the said Edward and Richard nominated and appointed new letters patents vnder the great seale of England in due forme of lawe with like couenants grants clauses and articles as in these presents are contained or with addiâ—ion of other necessary articles or change of these in some part for and during the full terme of seuen yeeres then next following Willing and sâ—raightly commanding and charging all and singuler our Admirals Uiceadmirals Iustices Maiors Sheriffes Escheaters Constables Bailiffes and all and singuler our other officers ministers liege men and subiects whatsoeuer to be aiding fauouring helping and assisâ—ing vnto the said Gouernour and company and their successors and to their Deputies officers seruants assignes and ministers and euery of them in executing and enioying the premisses as well on land as on sea from time to time and at all times when you or any of you shall be thereunto required any statute act ordinance prouiso proclamation or restraint heretofore had made set forth ordained or prouided or any other matter cause or thing to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents witnesse our selfe at Westminster the 1â— day of September in the 23. yeere of our raigne The first voyage or iourney made by Master Laurence Aldersey Marchant of London to the Cities of Ierusalem and Tripolis c. In the yeere 1581. Penned and set downe by himselfe I Departed from London the first day of April in the yeere of our Lord 1581
seeke the common commoditie and what way and by what meane that is to bee brought about is the point or summe of the matter since euery good man is ready to imploy his labour This is to bee done by an infinite sort of mèanes as the number of things bee infinite that may bee done for common benefite of the Realme And as the chiefe things so to bee done be diuers so are they to bee done by diuers men as they bee by wit and maner of education more fit or lesse fit for this and for that And for that of many things that tend to the common benefite of the State some tend more and some lesse I finde that no one thing after our other is greater then Clothing and the things incident to the same And vnderstanding that you are of right good capacitie and become a Factor at Constantinople and in other partes iâ— Turkie I finde no man fitter of all the English Factors there then you And therefore I am so bold to put you in minde and to tell you wherein with some indeuour you may chaunce to doe your Countrey much good and giue an infinite sorte of the poore people occasion to pray for you here throughout the Realme this that I meane is in matter of Cloth c. 1 FIrst you cannot denie but that this Realitie yeeldeth the most fiue Wooll the most soft the most strong Wooll the most durable in Cloth and most apte of nature of all other to receiue Die and that no Island or any one kingdome so small doeth yeeld so great abundance of the same and that no Wooll is lesse subiect to mothes or to fretting in presse then this as the old Parliament robes of Kings of many noble Peeres to be shewed may plainly restifie 2 There is no commoditie of this Realme that may set so many poore subiects on worke as this doeth that doeth bring in so much treasure and so much â—nrich the merchant and so much employ the Nauie of this Realme as this commoditie of our Wooll doeth Ample and full Uent of this noble and rich commoditie is it that the common weale of this realme doeth require Spaine nowe aboundeth with Wools and the same are Clothed Turkie hath Wools and so haue diuers prouinces of Christendome and of Heathenesse and cloth is made of the sâ—me in diuers places 1 But if England haue the most fine and the most excellent Wools of the world in all respects as it cannot bee denied but it hath 2 If there may bee added to the same excellent artificiall and true making and excellent dying 3 Then no doubt but that we shall haue vent for our Clothes although the rest of the world did abound much more with Wool then it doeth and although their workemanship and their dying were in degree equal with ours of England vnlesse the labour of our people imployed that way and the materials vsed in dying should be the cause of the contrary by dearth But if Forren nations turne their Wools inferiour to ours into truer and more excellent made cloth and shall die the same in truer surer and more excellent and more delectable colours then shall they sell and make ample vent of their Clothes when the English cloth of better wooll shall rest vnsold to the spoyle of the Merchant of the Clothier and of the breeder of the wooll and to the turning to bag and wallet of the infinite number of the poore people imploied in clothing in seuerall degrees of labour here in England Which things wayed I am to tell you what things I wish you in this Realme and after in Turkie to indeuour from time to time as your laisure may permit the same Before you goe out of the Realme that you learne 1 TO know wooll all kind of clothes made in this realme and all other employments of wooll home or forren be y e same in Felt clokes felt hats in the red knit cap for Barbarie called Bonettos rugios colorados or whatsoeuer c. All the deceits in Clothmaking as the sorting together of Wools of seuerall natures some of nature to shrinke some to hold out which causeth clothed to cockle and lie vneuen The euill sorting of threed of good or bad wooll some tootoo hard spun some tootoo soft spun deliuered to be wouen The faults in Weauing The faults in Walking Rowing and Burling and in Racking the Clothes aboue measure vpon the Teintors all which faults may be learned of honest men which faults are to be knowen to the merchant to be shunned and not to be vsed 2 Then to learne of the Diers to discerne all kind of colours as which be good and sure and which will not hold which be faire which not which colours by the dearth of the substances bee deare and which by reason of the cheapenesse of the Materials with which they be died be cheape colours 3 Then to take the names of all the materials and substaunces vsed in this Citie or in the realme in dying of cloth or silke To learne to know them as which be good which bad And what colours they die And what prices they be of And of them which bee the Naturals of this Realme and in what part of the Realme they are to be had And of all the forren materials vsed in dying to know the very naturall places of them and the plentie or the starcenesse of each of them These things superficially learned in the realme before you goe you are the sitter in forren parts to serue your Countrey for by this meanes you haue an enterie into the thing that I wish you to trauell in What you shall doe in Turkie besides the businesse of your Factorship 1 FOrasmuch as it is reported that the Woollen clothes died in Turkie bee most excellently died you shall send home into this realme certaine Mowsters or pieces of Shew to be brought to the Diershall there to be shewed partly to remoue out of their heads the too too great opinion they haue conceiued of their owne cunning and partly to mooue them for shame to endeuour to learne more knowledge to the honour of their countrey of England and to the vniuersall benefit of the realme 2 You shall deuise to amend the Dying of England by carying hence an apte yoong man brought vp in the Arte or by bringing one or other from thence of skill or rather to deuise to bring one for Silkes and another for Wooll and for Woollen cloth and if you cannot worke this by ordinarie meanes then to worke it by some great Bassas meane or if your owne credite there be not sufficient by meane of your small abode in those parties to worke it by the helpe of the French ambassador there resident for which purpose you may infinuate your selfe into his acquaintance and otherwise to leaue no meane vnsought that tendeth to this end wherein you are to doe as circumstances may permit 3 Then to learne to know all
Persians Moscouites and there is no nation that they seeke for to trouble except ours wherefore it were contrary to all iustice and reason that they should suffer all nations to trade with them and to forbid vs. But now I haue as great liberty as any other nation except it be to go out of the countrey which thing as yet I desire not But I thinke hereafter and before it be long if I shall be desirous to go from hence that they wil not deny me licence Before we might be suffered to come out of prison I was forced to put in suerties for 2000 pardaus not to depart from hence without licence of the viceroy otherwise except this we haue as much libertie as any other nation for I haue our goods againe haue taken an house in the chiefest streete in the towne called the Rue dreâ—ie where we sell our goods There were two causes which moued the captaine of Ormus to imprison vs afterwards to send vs hither The first was because Michael Stropene had accused vs of many matters which were most false And the second was for that M. Drake at his being at Maluco caused two pieces of his ordinance to be shot at a gallion of the kings of Portugall as they say But of these things I did not know at Ormus and in the ship that we were sent in came the chiefest iustice in Ormus who was called Aueador generall of that place he had beene there three yeeres so that now his time was expired which Aueador is a great friend to the captaine of Ormus who certaine dayes after our comming from thence sent for mee into his chamber and there beganne to demaund of me many things to the which I answered and amongst the rest he said that Master Drake was sent out of England with many ships and came to Maluco and there laded cloues and finding a gallion there of the kings of Portugall hee caused two pieces of his greatest ordinance to be shot at the same and so perceiuing that this did greatly grieue them I asked if they would be reuenged of me for that which M. Drake had done To the which he answered No although his meaning was to the contrary He said moreouer that the cause why the captaine of Ormus did send me for Goa was for that the Uiceroy would vnderstand of mee what newes there was of Don Antonio and whether he were in England yea or no and that it might be all for the best that I was sent hither the which I trust in God wil so fall out although contrary to his expectation for had it not pleased God to put into the minds of the archbishop and other two Padres or Iesuits of S. Pauls colledge to stand our friends we might haue rotted in prison The archbishop is a very good man who hath two yong men to his seruantes the one of them was borne at Hamborough and is called Bernard Borgers and the other was borne at Enchuyâ—en whose name is Iohn Linscot who did vs great pleasure for by them the archbishop was many times put in minde of vs. And the two good fathers of S. Paul who trauelled very much for vs the one of them is called Padre Marke who was borne in Bruges in Flanders and the other was borne in Wilshire in England and is called Padre Thomas Steuens Also I chanced to finde here a young man who was borne in Antwerpe but the most part of his bringing vp hath beene in London his name is Francis de Rea and with him it was my hap to be acquainted in Aleppo who also hath done me great pleasure here In the prison at Ormus we remained many dayes also we lay a long time at sea comming hither and forthwith at our arriuall here were caried to prison and the next day after were seâ—â— for before the Aueador who is the chiefest iustice to be examined and when we were examined he presently sent vs backe againe to prison And after our being here in prison 13 daies Iames Storie went into the monastery of S. Paul where he remaineth and is made one of the company which life he liketh very well And vpon S. Thomas day which was 22 dayes after our arriuall here I came out of prison and the next day after came out Ralph Fitch and William Bets. If these troubles had not chanced I had beene in possibility to haue made as good a voyage as euer any man made with so much money Many of our things I haue solde very well both here and at Ormus in prison notwithstanding the capâ—aine willed me if I would to sell what I could before we imbarked so with officers I went diuers times out of the castle in the morning and solde things and at night returned againe to the prison and all things that I solde they did write and at our imbarking from thence the captain gaue order that I should deliuer all my mony with the goods into the hands of the scriuano or purser of the ship which I did and the scriuano made a remembrance which he left there with the captaine that my selfe and the rest with money goods he should deliuer into the hands of the Aueador generall of India but at our arriuall here the Aueador would neither meddle with goods nor money for that he could not proue any thing against vs wherefore the goods remained in the ship 9 or 10 daies after our arriuall and then for that the ship was to saile from thence the scriuano sent the goods on shore and here they remained a day and a night and no body to receiue them In the end they suffered this bringer to receiue them who came with me from Ormus and put them into an house which he had hired for me where they remained foure or fiue daies But afterward when they should deliuer the money it was concluded by the iustice that both the money and goods should be deliuered into the positors hands where they remained fourteene dayes after my comming out of prison At my being in Aleppo I bought a fountaine of siluer and gilt sixe kniues sixe spoones and one forke trimmed with corall for fiue and twentie chekins which the captaine of Ormus did take and payed for the same twentie pardaos which is one hundred larines and was worth there or here one hundred chekins Also he had fiue emrauds set in golde which were woorth fiue hundred or sixe hundred crownes and payed for the same an hundred pardaos Also he had nineteene and a halfe pikes of cloth which cost in London twenty shillings the pike and was worth 9 or 10 crownes the pike and he payed for the same twelue larines a pike Also he had two pieces of greene Kersies which were worth foure and twentie pardaos the piece and payd for them sixteene pardaos a piece besides diuers other trifles that the officers and others had in the like order and some for nothing at all
of the Isles of Sicilia and Malta being all as then in the seruice and pay of the Spaniard Immediatly both the Admirals of the Gallies sent from ech of them a frigate to the Admiral of our English ships which being come neere them the Sicilian frigat first hailed them and demanded of them whence they were They answered that they were of England the armes whereof appeared in their colours Whereupon the saide frigat expostulated with them and asked why they delayed to sende or come with their Captaines and pursers to Don Pedro de Leiua their Generall to acknowledge their duty and obedience to him in the name of the Spanish king Lord of those seas Our men replied and said that they owed no such duetie nor obedience to him and therefore would acknowledge none but commanded the frigat to depart with that answere and not to stay longer a brabling vpon her perill With that away she went and vp comes toward them the other frigat of Malta and shee in like sort hailed the Admiral and would needs know whence they were and where they had bene Our Englishmen in the Admirall not disdaining an answere tolde them that they were of England Marchants of London had bene at Turkie and were now returning home and to be requited in this case they also demaunded of the frigat whence she and the rest of the Gallies were the messenger answered we are of Malta and for mine owne part my name is Cauallero These Gallies are in seruice and pay to the king of Spaine vnder the conduct of Don Pedro de Leiua a noble man of Spaine who hath bene commanded hither by the King with this present force and armie of purpose to intercept you You shall therefore quoth he do well to repaire to him to know his pleasure he is a noble man of good behauiour and courtesie and meanes you no ill The Captaine of the English Admiral whose name was M. Edward Wilkinson replied and said We purpose not at this time to make triall of Don Pedro his courtesie whereof we are suspitious and doubtful and not without good cause vsing withall good words to the messenger and willing him to come aboord him promising securitie and good vsage that thereby he might the better knowe the Spaniards minde whereupon he indeed left his frigat and came aboord him whom hee intertained in friendly sort and caused a cuppe of wine to be drawne for him which he tooke and beganne with his cap in his hand and with reuerend termes to drinke to the health of the Queene of England speaking very honourably of her Maiestie and giuing good speeches of the courteous vsage and interteinement that he himselfe had receiued in London at the time that the duke of Alenson brother to the late French king was last in England and after he had well drunke hee tooke his leaue speaking well of the sufficiencie and goodnesse of our shippes and especially of the Marchant Royal which he confessed to haue seene before riding in the Thames neere London He was no sooner come to Don Pedro de Leiua the Spanish general but he was sent off againe and returned to the English Admirall saying that the pleasure of the Generall was this that either their Captaines Masters and Pursers should come to him with speed or else hee would set vpon them and either take them or sinke them The reply was made by M. Wilkinson aforesaid that not a man should come to him and for the bragge and threat of Don Pedro it was not that Spanish brauado that should make them yeeld a iot to their hinderance but they were as ready to make resistance as he to offer an iniurie Whereupon Cauallero the messenger left bragging and began to perswade them in quiet sort and with many wordes but all his labour was to no purpose and as his threat did nothing terrifie them so his perswasion did nothing mooue them to doe that which hee required At the last he intreated to haue the Marchant of the Admirall caried by him as a messenger to the Generall that so he might be satisfied and assured of their mindes by one of their owne company But M. Wilkinson would agree to no such thing although Richard Rowit the marchant himselfe seemed willing to bee imployed in that message and laboured by reasonable perswasions to induce M. Wilkinson to graunt it as hoping to be an occasion by his presence and discreet answeres to satisfie the Generall and thereby to saue the effusion of Christian blood if it should grow to a battel And he seemed so much the more willing to be sent by how much deeper the othes and protestations of this Cauallero were that he would as hee was a true knight and a souldier deliuer him backe againe in safetie to his company Albeit M. Wilkinson which by his long experience had receiued sufficient triall of Spanish inconstancie and periurie wished him in no case to put his life and libertie in hazard vpon a Spaniards othe But at last vpon much intreatie hee yeelded to let him go to the General thinking in deed that good speeches and answeres of reason would haue contented him whereas otherwise refusall to do so might peraduenture haue prouoked the more discontentment M. Rowit therefore passing to the Spanish Generall the rest of the Gallies hauing espied him thought in deed that the English were rather determined to yeelde then to fight and therefore came flocking aboue the frigat euery man crying out Que nueuas que nueuas Haue these English men yeelded the frigat answered Not so they neither haue nor purpose to yeeld onely they haue sent a man of their company to speake with our Generall and being come to the Gallie wherein he was he shewed himselfe to M. Rowit in his armour his guard of souldiers attending vpon him in armour also and began to speake very proudly in this sort Thou Englishman from whence is your fleete why stand ye aloofe off knowe ye not your duetie to the Catholique King whose person I here represent Where are your billes of lading your letters pasports and the chiefe of your men Thinke ye my attendance in these seas to be in vaine or my person to no purpose Let al these things be done out of hand as I command vpon paine of my further displeasure and the spoyle of you all These wordes of the Spanish Generall were not so outragiously pronounced as they were mildly answered by M. Rowit who tolde him that they were al Marchant-men vsing trafique in honest sort and seeking to passe quietly if they were not vrged further then reason As for the king of Spaine he thought for his part that there was amitie betwixt him and his soueraigne the Queene of England so that neither he nor his officers should goe about to offer any such iniurie to English Marchants who as they were farre from giuing offence to any man so they would be loath to take an abuse at the handes of any or
done with them William Cretton and Edward Selman were of the opinion that it should be good either to carry them into Spaine and there to make sale of the goods or els into Ireland or to returne backe againe into England with them if the winde would permit it But I waying what charge we had of our Masters first by mouth and afterwards by writing that for no such matter we should in any case prolong the time for feare of losing the voyage and considering that the time of the yeere was very farre spent and the money that we should make of the wines not very much in respect of the commodity which we hoped for by the voyage perswaded them that to goe into Ireland the winde being Easterly as it was might be an occasion that we should be locked in there with that winde and so lose our voyage and to cary them into Spaine seeing they sailed so ill that hauing all their sailes abroad we kept them company onely with our foresailes and without any toppe sailes abroad so that in euery two dayes sailing they would haue hindered vs more then one and besides that the winde being Easterly we should not be able to seaze the coast with them besides all this the losse of time when we came thither was to be considered whereupon I thought it not good to carry them any further And as for carying them into England although the winde had bene good as it was not considering what charge we had of our Masters to shift vs out of the way for feare of a stay by reason of the warres I held it not in any wise conuenient But notwithstanding all this certeine of our company not being herewith satisfied went to our Master to know his opinion therein who made them a plaine answere that to cary them into any place it was not the best way nor the profit of their Masters And he tolde them further that if the time were prolonged one moneth longer before they passed the Cape but a few men would go the voyage All these things considered we all paused and determined at the last that euery man should take out of the hulks so much as he could well bestow for necessaries and the next morning to conclude what should be further done with them So we tooke out of them for vs foureteene tâ—â—nes and a halfe of wine and one tunne we put into the pinnesse More we tooke out one hogshead of Aquauitae Sixe takes of rozzen A small halser for ties and certeine chesnuts The Christopher tooke out Ten tunnes of wine and one hogshead A quantity of Aquauitae Shall-lines Chesnuts Sixe double bases with their chambers And their men broke vp the hulks chests and tooke out their compasses and running glasses the sounding leade and line and candles and cast some of their beefe ouer boord and spoiled them so much that of very pity we gaue them a compasse a running glasse a lead and a line certaine bread and candles and what apparell of theirs we could finde in their ship we gaue them againe and some money also of that which William Crompton tooke for the ransome of a poore Frenchman who being their Pilot downe the Riuer of Bordeux they were not able to set him a shore againe by reason of the foule weather The Tyger also tooke out of the smaller hulke sixe or seuen tunnes of wine one hogshead of Aquauitae and certeine rozzen and two bases he tooke out of the great hulke The first day of February in the morning we all came together againe sauing W. Crompton who sent vs word that he was contented to agree to that order which we should take Now Edward Selman was of this opinion that it was not best to let the ships depart but put men into them to cary them into England which thing neither we nor our Master would agree vnto because we thought it not good to vnman our ships going ouâ—ward considering how dangerous the time was so that in fine we agreed to let them depart and giue them the rest of the wine which they had in their ships of the Frenchmens for the fraight of that which we had taken and for their ordinance rozzen aquauitae chesnuts and other things which the company had taken from them So we receiued a bill of their handes that they confessed how much Frenchmens goods they had and then we let them depart The 10 day we reckoned our selues to be 25 leagues from the Grand Canarie and this day about nine of the clocke our pinnesse brake her rudder so that we were forced to towe her at the sterne of the Minion which we were able to doe and yet kept company with the rest of our ships About eleuen of the clocke this day we had sight of the Grand Canarie The 11 day when we came to the Iland we perceiued that it was the I le of Tenerif then in deed wee had sight of the Grand Canarie which lieth 12 leagues to the Eastwards of Tenerif and because the road of Tenerif is foule ground and nothing was there to be gotten for the helping of our pinnesse hauing the winde large we agreed to go with the Grand Canarie The 12 day we came into the roade of the towne of Canarie which lieth one league from the same towne And after we had shot off diuers pieces of ordinance to saluâ—e the towne and the castle the gouernour and captaines of the Iland sent to vs which were the captaines of the ships requiring vs to come a shore And when we came to them they receiued vs very frendly offering vs their owne Iennets to ride to the towne and what other friendship they could shew vs and we went to the towne with two English Marchants which lay there and remained in their house that day The second day following we came aboord to deliuer our marchandise and to get our pinnesse mended The 14 day came into the road the Spanish fleet which was bound to the Emperours Indies which were in number nineteene saile whereof sixe were ships of foure hundred and fiue hâ—ndrâ—d a piece the rest were of two hundred an hundred and fifty and of an hundred When they were come to an ancre they saluted vs with ordinance and so we did them in like case And afterwards the Admirall who was a knight sent his pinnesse to desire me to come to him and when I came to him he receiued me friendly and was desirous to heare somewhat of the state of England and Flanders And after he had made me a banquet I departed and I being gone vnto the boat hee caused one of his gentlemen to desire Francisco the Portugall which was my interpreter to require me to furle my flagge declaring that hee was Generall of the Emperours fleet Which thing being come aboord Francisco shewed me and because I refused to furle it and kept it foorth still certaine of the souldiers in the ships shot diuers harquebush
day at night themselues lying a hull in waight for purchase 30 leagues to the Southwest of the Island of Flores The 15 we had leaue to depart with a fly-boat laden with sugar that came from Sant Thome which was taken by â—he Queenes ships whereof my Lord Admirall gaue me great charge not to leaue her vntill she were harbored in England The three and twentieth the Northeast part of the Island of Coruo bare off vs East and by South sixe leagues off The 17 of September we met with a ship of Plimouth that came out of the West Indies but she could tell vs no newes The next day we had sight of another sayle this day also one of our company named M. Wood died The 23 we spake with the Dragon of my Lord of Cumberland whereof Master Iuie was Maister The second of October we met with a ship of New-castle which came from Newfound-land and out of her we had 300 couple of Newland fish The 6 we had sight of Sillie and with raine and winde we were forced to put into S. Maries sound where we staied all night and 4 dayes after The 11 we set saile againe and comming out had three fadom vpon the barre at a high water then we lay out Southeast through Crow-sand and shortly after we had sight of the lands end and at ten of the clocke we were thwart of the Lysart The 13 we were put into Dartmouth and there we stayd vntill the 12 of December From thence we put out with the winde at West and the 18 of December God be praised we ankered at Limehouse in the Thames where we discharged 589 sacks of Pepper 150 Elephants teeth and 32 barrels of oile of Palme trees The commodities that we caried out this second voyage were Broad cloth Kersies Bayes Linnen cloth Yron vnwrought Bracelets of Copper Corall Hawks belles Horsetailes Hats and such like This voyage was more comfortable vnto vs then the first because we had good store of fresh water and that very sweet for as yet we haue very good water in the shippe which we brought out of the riuer of Benin the first day of Aprill 1591. and it is at this day being the 7 of Iune 1592. to be seen aboord the ship as cleare and as sweet as any fountaine can yeeld In this voiage we sailed 350 leagues within halfe a degree of the equinoctiall line and there we found it more temperate then where we rode And vnder the line wee did kill great store of small Dolphines and many other good fishes and so did we all the way which was a very great refreshing vnto vs and the fish neuer forsooke vs vntil we were to the Northwards of the Ilands of Azores and then we could see no more fish but God be thanked wee met with good company of our countrey ships which were great comfort vnto vs being fiue moneths before at Sea without any companie By me Iames Welsh master of the Richard of Arundell in both these voyages to the riuer of Benin An Aduertisement sent to Philip the second king of Spaine from Angola by one Baltazar Almeida de Sousa touching the â—tate of the foresayd countrey written the 21 of May 1591. THe 26 of Iuly I certified your maiestie by Iohn Frere de Bendanha your maiesties pay-master and commissioner with the gouernour Paulo Dias which is lately deceased of all things that happened the 28 of December in the yere last past 1590. Now I thought it conuenient to aduertise your maiestie what hath fallen out since that time which is as foloweth The gouernour Luis Serrano encamped himselfe eight leagues from Cabasa where the Negro king dwelleth with 350 Portugal souldiers afterward being there encamped it hapned that the king of Matamba sent a strong and mightie army in warlike maner with strange inuentions for the sayd purpose So the king of Angola gaue this other king battell and the gouernour sent 114 souldiers Portugals to helpe the said king of Angola in which battell it was the will of God that our army was ouerthrowen and all slaine as well our Portugals as the Moores which tooke part with them So with this ouerthrow it happened that this realme the second time hath rebelled against your maiestie Hereupon the Gouernour assembling the rest of his Portugall souldiers to the number of 250 altogether went to Amasanguano which is now his place of abode Moreouer besides the manifold losses which haue be fallen the Portugals in this realme your maiestie hath sustained other great misfortunes both in your lands and goods And because I cannot personally come to certifie your maiestie thereof I thought it good to write some part of the same whereby your maiestie may vnderstand the estate of this countrey This realme for the most part thereof hath twise bene wonne and twise lost for want of good gouernment For here haue bene many gouernours which haue pretended to do iustice but haue pitifully neglected the same and practised the cleane contrary and this I know to be most true But the onely way to recouer this realme and to augment your maiesties lands goods and treasure must be by sending some noble and mighty man to rule here which must bring authoritie froÌ„ your maiestie and by taking streight order that euery captaine which doeth conquere here may bee rewarded according to his deserts Likewise your maiestie must send hither 2000 good souldiers with munition and sufficient store of prouision for them And by this means your highnesse shall know what yeerely reuenue Angola will yeeld vnto your coffers and what profit will grow thereof Otherwise your maiestie shall reape but litle benefit here If with my presence I may doe your maiestie any seruice in giuing information of the state of this realme as one which haue had experience thereof and haue seene the order of it vpon the vnderstanding of your maiesties pleasure herein I will doe my best indeuour And the cause wherefore I haue not done this heretofore hath bene by reason that the Gouernours of this realme would suffer none of the captaines which haue conquered this countrey to informe your maiestie of that which is needfull for your seruice and the augmenting of this conquest Our lord preserue your catholique person with increase of many kingdomes and the augmentation of your crowne Written in the conquest of the realme of Angola the 21 of May 1591. Your maiesties most loiall subiect Baltazar Almeida de Soâ—za A true discourse written as is thought by Colonel Antonie VVinkfield emploied in the voiage to Spaine and Portugall 1589. sent to his particular friend by him published for the better satisfaction of all such as hauing bene seduced by particular report haue entred into conceits tending to the discredite of the enterprise and Actors of the same ALthough the desire of aduancing my reputation caused me to withstand the many perswasions you vsed to hold me at
and two with dogge-fish which two last we let driue in the sea making none account of them The other foure we sent for England the 30 of August At the taking of these Prizes were consorted with vs some other small men of warre as Maister Iohn Dauis with his shippe Pinnesse and Boate Captaine Markesburie with his ship whose owner was Sir Walter Ralegh the Barke of Lime which was also consorted with vs before The last of August in the morning we came in sight of Tercera being about some nine or ten leagues from shoare where we espied comming towards vs a small boat vnder saile which seemed somewhat-strange vnto vs being so farre from land and no shippe in sight to which they might belong but comming neere they put vs out of doubt shewing they were English men eight in number that had lately beene prisoners in Tercera and finding opportunitie to escape at that time with that small boat committed themselues to the sea vnder Gods prouidence hauing no other yard for their maine saile but two pipe staues tyed together by the endes and no more prouision of victuals then they could bring in their pockets and bosomes Hauing taken them all into the Victorie they gaue vs certaine intelligence that the Carackes were departed from thence about a weeke before Thus beeing without any further hope of those Caraks we resolued to returne for Fayall with intent to surprize the towne but vntill the ninth of September we had either the winde so contrary or the weather so calme that in all that time we made scarce nine or ten leagues way lingring vp and downe not farre from Pico The tenth of September being Wednesday in the afternoone wee came againe to Fayal roade Whereupon immediatly my Lord sent Captaine Lister with one of Graciola whom Captaine Munson had before taken and some others towards Fayal whom certaine of the Inhabitants met in a boat and came with Captaine Lister to my Lord to whom hee gaue this choice either to suffer him quietly to enter into the platforme there without resistance where he and his companie would remaine a space without offering any iniurie to them that they the Inhabitants might come vnto him and compound for the ransome of the Towne or else to stand to the hazard of warre With these words they returned to the towne but the keepers of the platforme answered that it was against their oath and allegeance to king Philip to giue ouer without fight Whereupon my Lord commanded the boates of euery ship to be presently manned and soone after landed his men on the sandie shoare vnder the side of an hill about halfe a league to the Northwards from the platforme vpon the toppe of which hill certaine horsemen and footmen shewed themselues and other two companies also appeared with ensignes displayed the one before the towne vpon the shore by the sea side which marched towards our landing place as though they would encounter vs the other in a valley to the Southwards of the platforme as if they would haue come to helpe the Townesmen during which time they in the platforme also played vpon vs with great Ordinance Notwithstanding my L. hauing set his men in order marched along the sea shore vpon the sands betwixt the sea the towne towards the platforme for the space of a mile or more then the shore growing rockie permitting no further progresse without much difficultie he entred into the towne passed through the street without resistance vnto the platforme for those companies before mentioned at my Lo. approching were soone dispersed and suddenly vanished Likewise they of the platforme being all fled at my Lordes comming thither left him and his company to scale the walles to enter and take possession without resistance In the meane time our shippes ceased not to batter the foresaid Towne and Platforme with great shotte till such time as we saw the Red-Crosse of England flourishing vpon the Forefront thereof This Fayal is the principall towne in all that is land is situate directly ouer against the high and mighty mountaine Pico lying towards the West Northwest from that mountaine being deuided therefrom by a narrow Sea which at that place is by estimation about some two or three leagues in bredth betweene the Isles of Fayal and Pico The towne conteyned some three hundred housholds their houses were faire and strongly builded of lime and stone and double couered with hollow tyles much like our roofe-tyles but that they are lesse at the one end then at the other Euery house almost had a cisterne or well in a garden on the backe side in which gardens grew vines with ripe clusters of grapes making pleasant shadowes and Tabacco nowe commonly knowen and vsed in England wherewith their women there dye their faces reddish to make them seeme fresh and young Pepper Indian and common figge-trees bearing both white and red figges Peach trees not growing very tall Orenges Limons Quinces Potato-roots c. Sweete wood Ceder I thinke is there very common euen for building and fixing My Lord hauing possessed himselfe of the towne and platforme and being carefull of the preseruation of the towne gaue commandement that no mariner or souldier should enter into any house to make any spoyle thereof But especially he was carefull that the Churches and houses of religion there should be kept inuiolate which was accordingly performed through his appointment of guarders and keepers for those places but the rest of the towne eyther for want of the former inhibition or for desire of spoyle prey was rifled ransacked by the souldiers mariners who scarcely left any house vnsearched out of which they tooke such things as liked them as chestes of sweete wood chaires cloth couerlets hangings bedding apparell and further ranged into the countrey where some of them also were hurt by the inhabitants The Friery there conteyning and maintayning thirtie Franciscan Friers among whom we could not finde any one able to speake true Latine was builded by a Fryer of Angra in Tercera of the same order about the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and sixe The tables in the hall had seates for the one side onely and were alwayes couered as readie at all times for dinner or supper From Wednesday in the afternoone at which time we entred the towne til Saturday night we continued there vntill the Inhabitants had agreed and payed for the ransome of the towne two thousand duckats most part whereof was Church-place We found in the platforme eight and fiftie yron peeces of Ordinance whereof three and twentie as I remember or more were readie mounted vpon their carriages betweene Barricados vpon a platforme towardes the sea-side all which Ordinance wee tooke and set the platforme on fire and so departed My Lord hauing muited to dinner in the Victorie on the Sunday following so many of the Inhabitants as would willingly come saue onely Diego Gomes the Gouernour who
the men in the said shippe the one of them being the Masters mate Ten other persons were hurt by meanes of splinters which the Spaniards shotte yea in the ende when their prouision was almost spent they were constrained to shoote at them hammers and the chaines from their slaues and yet God bee thanked they receiued no more domage but by spoyling and ouerwearying of the Spaniards the Englishmen constrained them to vngrapple themselues and get them going and sure if there had bene any other fresh shippe or succour to haue relieued and assisted the Centurion they had slaine suncke or taken all those Gallies and their Souldiers The Dolphin lay a loofe off and durst not come neere while the other two small shippes fledde away so that one of the Gallies went from the Centurion and set vpon the Dolphin which shippe immediatly was set on fire with their owne powder whereby both men and shippe perished but whether it was with their good wills or no that was not knowen vnto the Centurion but sure if it had come forward and bene an aide vnto the Centurion it is to bee supposed that it had not perished Fiue houres and a halfe this fight continued in which time both were glad to depart onely to breath themselues but when the Spaniards were gone they neuer durst returne to fight yet the next day sixe other Gallies came and looked at them but durst not at any hand meddle with them Thus God deliuered them from the handes of their enemies and gaue them the victory for which they heartily praised him and not long after safely arriued in London ☞ There were present at this fight Master Iohn Hawes Marchant and sundry other of good accompt A report of the trueth of the fight about the Isles of Açores the last of August 1591. betwixt the Reuenge one of her Maiesties shippes and an Armada of the king of Spaine Penned by the honourable Sir Water Ralegh knight BEcause the rumours are diuersly spred as well in England as in the Lowe countreis and elsewhere of this late encounter betweene her Maiesties ships and the Armada of Spaine and that the Spaniards according to their vsuall maner fill the world with their vaine-glorious vaunts making great appâ—rance of victories when on the contrary themselues are most commonly and shamefully beaten and dishonoured thereby hoping to possesse the ignorant multitude by anticipating forerunning false reports It is agreeable with all good reason for manifestation of the truth to ouercome falshood and vntrueth that the beginning continuance and successe of this late honourable encounter of Sir Richard Greenuil and other her Maiesties Captaines with the Armada of Spaine should be truely set downe and published without partialitie or false imaginations And it is no marueâ—le that the Spaniard should seeke by false and slanderous pamphlets aduisoes and Letters to couer their owne losse and to derogate from others their due honors especially in this fight being performed far off seeing they were not ashamed in the yeere 1588. when they purposed the inuasion of this land to publish in sundry languages in print great victories in wordes which they pleaded to haue obteined against this Realme and spred the same in a most false sort ouer all parts of France Italy and elsewhere When shortly after it was happily manifested in very deed to al Nations how their Nauy which they termed inuincible consisting of 140. saile of shippes not onely of their owne kingdome but strengthened with the greatest Argosies Portugal Caracks Florentines and huge huâ—ks of other Countreis were by 30. of her Maiesties owne ships of war and a few of our owne Marchants by the wise valiant and aduantagious conduct of the L. Charles Howard high Admirall of England beaten and shuffled together euen from the Lizard in Cornwall first to Portland where they shamefully left Don Pedro de Valdes with his mighty ship from Portland to Cales where they lost Hugo de Moncado with the Gallias of which he was Captaine and from Cales driuen with squibs from their anchors where thased out of the sight of England round about Scotland and Ireland Where for the sympathie of their barbarous religion hoping to finde succour and assistance a great part of them were crusht against the rocks and those other that landed being very many in number were notwithstanding broken slaine and taken and so sent from village to village coupled in halters to be shipped into England Where her Maiestie of her Princely and inuincible disposition disdaining to put them to death and scorning either to retaine or entertaine them they were all sent backe againe to their countreys to witnes and recount the worthy achieuements of their inuincible and dreadfull Nauy Of which the number of Souldiers the fearefull burthen of their shippes the commanders names of euery squadron with all other their magasines of prouisions were put in print as an Army and Nauy vnresistable and disdaining preuention With all which so great and terrible an ostentation they did not in all their sailing round about England so much as sinke or take one shippe Barke Pinnesse or Cockbote of ours or euer burnt so much as one sheepecote of this land Whenas on the contrarie Sir Francis Drake with onely 800. souldiers not long before landed in their Indies and forced Sant-Iago Santo Domingo Cartagena and the forts of Florida And after that Sir Iohn Norris marched from Peniche in Portugall with a handfull of souldiers to the gates of Lisbone being aboue 40 English miles Where the Earle of Essex himselfe and other valiant Gentlemen braued the Citie of Lisbone encamped at the very gates from whence after many dayes abode finding neither promised partie nor prouision to batter they made retrait by land in despight of all their Garrisons both of horse foote In this sort I haue a little digressed from my first purpose onely by the necessarie comparison of theirs and our actions the one couetous of honour without vaunt of ostentation the other so greedy to purchase the opinion of their owne affaires and by false rumors to resist the blasts of their owne dishonours as they will not onely not blush to spread all manner of vntruthes but euen for the least aduantage be it but for the taking of one poore aduenturer of the English will celebrate the victory with bonefires in euery towne alwayes spending more in faggots then the purchase was worth they obtained When as we neuer thought it worth the consumption of two billets when we haue taken eight or ten of their Indian shippes at one time and twentie of the Brasill fleete Such is the difference betweene true valure and ostentation and betweene honorable actions and friuolous vaine glorious vaunts But now to returne to my purpose The L. Thomas Howard with sixe of her Maiesties shippes sixe victualers of London the Barke Ralegh two or three other Pinnases riding at anker neere vnto Flores one of the Westerly Ilands of the Azores the last
chiefe commaunder vpon the Seas and of all Fleetes or ships and of all places and Islands or lands wheresoeuer he came whereupon the gouernour of Tercera did him great honour and betweene them it was concluded perceiuing the weaknesse of their ships and the danger of the Englishmen that they would send the shippes emptie with souldiers to conuey them either to Siuill or Lisbon where they could first arriue with aduise vnto his Maiestie of all that had past and that he would giue order to fetch the siluer with good and safe conuoy Whereupon the said Aluaro Flores stayed there vnder colour of keeping the siluer but specially because of his disease and for that they were affraide of the Englishmen This Aluaro Flores had alone for his owne part aboue 50000 Duckats in pearles which he shewed vnto vs sought to sell them or barter them with vs for spices or bils of exchange The said two ships see sayle with 3 or 4 hundred men as well souldiers as others that came with them out of India and being at sea had a storme wherewith the Admiral burst and sunke in the sea not one man saued The Uice-Admirall cut downe her mast and ranne the ship on ground hard by Seruual where it burst in pieces some of the men sauing themselues by swimming that brought the newes but the rest were drowned In the same moneth there came two great ships out of the Spanish Indies and being within half a mile of the Road of Tercera◠they met with an English ship which after they had fought long together tooke them both About 7 or 8 moneths before there had beene an English shippe in Tercera that vnder the name of a Frenchman came to traffike in the Island there to lade woad and being discouered was both ship and goods confiscated to the kings vse and all the men kept prisoners yet went they vp and downe the streetes to get their liuings by labouring like slaues being in deede as safe in that Island as if they had beene in prison But in the ende vpon a Sunday all the Saylers went downe behinde the hils called Bresil where they found a Fisher-boat whereinto they got and rowed into the sea to the Erle of Cumberlands shippes which to their great fortune chanced at that time to come by the Island and ankered with his ships about halfe a mile from the Road of Angra hard by two small Islands which lie about a bases shot from the Island and are full of Goats Deere and Sheepe belonging to the inhabitants of the Island of Tercera Those Saylers knew it well and thereupon they rowed vnto them with their boates and lying at anker that day they fetched as many Goates and sheepe as they had neede of which those of the towne and of the Island well saw and beheld yet durst not once goe foorth so there remained no more on land but the Master and the Marchant of the said English ship This Master had a brother in lawe dwelling in England who hauing newes of his brothers imprisonment in Tercera got license of the Queene of England to set forth a ship there with to see if he could recouer his losses of the Spaniards by taking some of them and so to redeeme his brother that lay prisoner in Tercera and he it was that tooke the two Spanish ships before the Towne the Master of the ship aforesaid standing on the shore by me and looking vpon them for he was my great acquaintance The ships being taken that were worth 300 thousand duckats he sent al the men on land sauing onely two of the principall Gentlemen which he kept aboord thereby to ransome his brother and sent the Pilot of one of the Indian ships that were taken with a letter to the Gouernor of Tercera wherein he wrote that he should deliuer him his brother he would send the 2 Gentlemen on land if not he would saile with them into England as indeed he did because the Gouernour would not doe it saying that the Gentlemen might make that suite to the king of Spaine himselfe This Spanish Pilot we bid to supper with vs and the Englishmen likewise where he shewed vs all the manner of their fight much commending the order and maner of the Englishmens fighting as also their courteous vsing of him but in the end the English Pilot likewise stole away in a French ship without paying any ransome as yet In the moneth of Ianuarie 1590 there arriued one ship alone in Tercera that came from the Spanish Indies and brought newes that there was a Fleete of a hundred shippes which put out from the Firme land of the Spanish Indies and by a storme were driuen vpon the coast called Florida where they were all cast away she hauing onely escaped wherin there were great riches many men lost as it may well be thought so that they made their account that of 220 ships that for certaine were knowen to haue put out of Noua Spagna S. Domingo Hauana Capo verde Brasilia Guinea c. in the yeere 1589. to saile for Spaine Portugall there were not aboue 14 or 15 of them arriued there in safetie all the rest being either drowned burst or taken In the same moneth of Ianuary there arriued in Tercera 15 or 16 ships that came from Siuil which were most Flieboats of the Low countries and some Britons that were arrested in Spaine these came full of souldiers and wel appointed with munition to lade the siluer that lay in Tercera and to fetch Aluares de Flores by the kings cōmandement into Spaine And because that time of the yeere there are alwayes stormes about those Ilands therefore they durst not enter into the road of Tercera for that as then it blew so great a storme that some of their ships that had ankred were forced to cut downe their mastes and were in danger to be lost and among the rest a ship of Biscaie ran against the land and was striken in pieces but all the men saued themselues The other ships were forced to keepe the sea and seperate themselues one from the other where wind and weather would driue them vntill the 15 of March for that in all that time they could not haue one day of faire weather to anker in whereby they endured much miserie cursing both the siluer and the Iland This storme being past they chanced to meet with a small English ship of about 40 tunnes in bignesse which by reason of the great wind could not beare all her sailes so they set vpon her and tooke her and with the English flag in their Admirals sterne they came as proudly into the hauen as if they had conquered all the realme of England but as the Admirall that bare the English flag vpon her sterne was entring into the road there came by chance two English ships by the Iland that paied her so well for her paines that they were forced to cry Misericordia and without all doubt
saile to be cut that they might make away but sir Rich. Greenuil threatned both him al the rest that were in the ship y t if any maÌ„ laid hand vpon it he would cause him to be hanged and so by that occasion they were compelled to fight in the end were taken He was of so hard a coÌ„plexion that as he continued among the Spanish captains while they were at dinner or supper with him he would carouse 3 or 4 glasses of wine and in a brauerie take the glasses betweene his teeth and crash them in pieces swalow them downe so that oftentimes the blood ran out of his mouth without any harme at all vnto him this was told me by diuers credible persons that many times stood and beheld him The Englishmen that were left in the ship as the captaine of the souldiers the master and others were dispersed into diuers of the Spanish ships that had taken them where there had almost a new fight arisen between the Biscains and the Portugals while each of them would haue the honour to haue first boorded her so that there grew a great noise and quarel among them one taking the chiefe ensigne and the other the flag and the captaine and euery one held his owne The ships that had boorded her were altogether out of order and broken and many of their men hurt whereby they were compelled to come into the Island of Tercera there to repaire theÌ„selues where being arriued I and my chamber-felow to heare some newes went aboord one of the ships being a great Biscain and one of the 12 Apostles whose captaine was called Bartandono that had bin General of the Biscains in the fleet that went for England He seeing vs called vs vp into the gallery where with great curtesie he receiued vs being as then set at dinner with the English captaine that sate by him and had on a sute of blacke veluet but he could not tell vs any thing for that he could speake no other language but English and Latine which Bartandono also could a litle speake The English captaine got licence of the gouernour that he might come on land with his weapon by his side and was in our lodging with the Englishman that was kept prisoner in the Iland being of that ship whereof the sailers got away as I said before The gouernour of Tercera bade him to dinner and shewed him great curtesie The master likewise with licence of Bartâ—ndono came on land and was in our lodging and had at the leastâ— 10 or 12 wounds as well in his head as on his body whereof after that being at sea between Lisbon the Ilands he died The captaine wrote a letter wherein he declared all the maner of the fight and left it with the English marchant that lay in our lodging to send it to the lord Admiral of England This English captaine comming vnto Lisbon was there wel receiued and not any hurt done vnto him but with good conuoy sent to Setuual and from thence sailed into England with all the rest of the Englishmen that were taken prisoners The Spanish armie staied at the Iland of Coruo til the last of September to assemble the rest of the fleet together which in the ende were to the number of 140 sailes of ships partly comming from India and partly of the army and being altogether ready to saile to Tercera in good company there suddenly rose so hard cruell a storme that those of the Ilands did affirme that in mans memorie there was neuer any such seen or heard off before for it seemed the sea would haue swalowed vp the Ilands the water mounting higher then the cliffs which are so high that it amaseth a man to behold them but the sea reached aboue them and liuing fishes were throwen vpon the land This storme continued not only a day or two with one wind but 7 or 8 dayes continually the wind turning round about in al places of the compasse at the lest twise or thrise during that time and all alike with a continuall storme and tempest most terrible to behold euen to vs that were on shore much more then to such as were at sea so that onely on the coasts and cliffes of the Iland of Tercera there were aboue 12 ships cast away and not onely vpon the one side but round about it in euery corner wherby nothing els was heard but complaining crying lamenting telling here is a ship broken in pieces against the cliffes and there another and all the men drowned so that for the space of 20 dayes after the storme they did nothing els but fish for dead men that continually came driuing on the shore Among the rest was the English ship called the Reuenge that was cast away vpon a cliffe neere to the Iland of Tercera where it brake in an hundred pieces sunke to the ground hauing in her 70 men Galegos Biscains and others with some of the captiue Englishmen whereof but one was saued that got vp vpon the cliffes aliue and had his body and head all wounded and he being on shore brought vs the newes desiring to be shrinen thereupon presently died The Reuenge had in her diuers faire brasse pieces that were all sunke in y e sea which they of the Iland were in good hope to waigh vp againe the next Sommer after Among these ships that were cast away about Tercera was likewise a Flie-boat one of those that had bin arrested in Portugall to serue the king called the white Doue the master of her was one Cornelius Martenson of Schiedam in Holland add there were in her 100 souldiers as in euery one of the rest there were He being ouer-ruled by the captaine that he could not be master of his owne sayling here and there at the mercy of God as the storme droue him in the end came within the sight of the Iland of Tercera which the Spaniards perceiuing thought all their safetie onely to consist in putting into the road compelling the Master and the Pilot to make towards the Iland although the master refused to doe it saying that they were most sure there to be cast away and vtterly spoyled but the captaine called him drunkard and Heretique and striking him with a staffe commaunded him to doe as hee would haue him The Master seeing this and being compelled to doe it sayd well then my Masters seeing it is the desire of you all to bee cast away I can but lose one life and therewith desperately he sailed towards the shore and was on that side of the Iland where there was nothing els but hard stones and rocks as high as mountaines most terriâ—le to beholdeâ— where some of the inhabitants stood with long ropes and corke bound at the end thereof to throâ— them downe vnto the men that they might lay holde vpon them and saue their liues but few of them got so neere most of them being cast away and smitten in
sotto scritioni dell Ammiraglio primo che acquistasse lo stato ou ' egli si sotto scriueua Columbus de Terra Rubra Ma tornando al Re d' Inghilterra dico che da lui il mappamondo veduto cio che l' Ammiraglio gli offeriua con allegro volto accettò la sua offetia mandolo a chiamare Ma percioche Dio l' haueua per Casâ—iglia serbaâ—a gial ' Ammiraglio in quel tempo era andato tornato con la viâ—toria della sua impresa secondo che per ordine si racconâ—erà Lasciarò hora di raccontar ciò che Bartolomeo Colon haueua negociato in Inghilterra tornarò all' Ammiraglio c. The same in English CHristopher Columbus fearing least if the king of Castile in like maner as the king of Portugall had done should not condescend vnto his enterprise he should be inforced to offer the same againe to some other prince so much time should be spent therein sent into England a certaine brother of his which he had with him whose name was Bartholomew Columbus who albeit he had not the Latine tongue yet neuerthelesse was a man of experience and skilfull in Sea causes and could very wel make sea cards globes and other instruments belonging to that profession as he was instructed by his brother Wherfore after that Bartholomew Columbus was departed for England his lucke was to fall into the hands of pirats which spoiled him with the rest of them which were in the ship which he went in Upon which occasion and by reason of his pouerty and sicknesse which cruelly assaulted him in a countrey so farre distant from his friends he deferred his ambassage for a long while vntill such time as he had gotten somewhat handsome about him with making of Sea cards At length he began to deale with king Henry the seuenth the father of Henry the eight which reigneth at this present vnto whom he presented a mappe of the world wherein these verses were written which I found among his papers and I will here set them downe rather for their antiquity then for their goodnesse Thou which desirest easily the coasts of lands to know This comely mappe right learnedly the same to thee will shew Which Strabo Plinie Ptolomew and Isodore maintaine Yet for all that they do not all in one accord remaine Here also is set downe the late discouered burning Zone By Portingals vnto the world which whilom was vnknowen Whereof the knowledge now at length thorow all the world is blowen And a little vnder he added For the Authour of the Drawer He whose deare natiue soile hight stately Genua Euen he whose name is Bartholomew Colon de Terra Rubra The yeere of Grace a thousand and foure hundred and fourescore Aâ—d eight and on the thirteenth day of February more In London published this worke To Christ all laud therefore And because some peraduenture may obserue that he calleth himselfe Columbus de Terra Rubra I say that in like maner I haue seene some subscriptions of my father Christopher Columbus before he had the degree of Admirall wherein he signed his name thus Columbus de Terra Rubra But to returne to the king of England I say that after he had seene the map and that which my father Christopher Columbus offered vnto him he accepted the offer with ioyfull countenance and sent to call him into England But because God had reserued the sayd offer for Castile Columbus was gone in the meane space and also returned with the performance of his enterprise as hereafter in order shall be rehearsed Now will I leaue off from making any farther mention of that which Bartholomew Colon had negotiated in England and I will returne vnto the Admirall c. Another testimony taken out of the 60 chapter of the foresayd history of Ferdinando Columbus concerning the offer that Bartholomew Columbus made to king Henry the seuenth on the behalfe of his brother Christopher TOrnato adunque l' Ammiraglio dallo scoprimento di Cuba di Giamaica trouò nella Spagâ—uola Bartolomeo Colon suo fratello quello che era già andato a trattare accordo col Re d' Inghilterra sopra lo scoprimento delle Indie come di sopra habiam detto Questo poi ritornandosenâ— verso Castiglia con capitoli conceduti haueua inteso a Parigi dal re Carlo di Francia l' Ammiraglio suo fratello hauer gia scoperte l' Indie per che gli souenne perpoter far il Viag gio di cento scuds Et Auengache per cotal nuoua egli si fosse molto affrettato per arriâ—ar l' Ammiraglio in Spagna quando non dimeno giunse a Siuiglia egli era gia tornato alle Indie co ' 17 nauigli Perche per esseguir quanto ei gli hauea lasciato di subito al principio dell ' anno del 1494 sen ' ando ai Re Catholici menando seco Don Diego Colon mio fratello me ancora accioche seruissimo di paggial serenissimo principe Don Giouanni il qual viua in gloria si come haue a commandato la Catholica Reina donna Isabella che alhora era in Vagliadolid Tosto adunque che noi giungemmo i Re chiamarono Don Bartolomeo mandaronlo alla Spagnuola contre naui c. The same in English CHristopher Columbus the Admirall being returned from the discouery of Cuba and Iamayca found in Hispaniola his brother Bartholomew Columbus who before had beene sent to intreat of an agreement with the king of England for the discouery of the Indies as we haue sayd before This Bartholomew therefore returning vnto Castile with the capitulations granted by the king of England to his brother vnderstood at Paris by Charles the king of France that the Admirall his brother had already performed that discouery whereupon the French king gone vnto the sayd Bartholomew an hundred French crownes to beare his charges into Spaine And albeit he made great haste vpon this good newes to meet with the Admirall in Spaine yet at his comming to Siuil his brother was already returned to the Indies with seuenteene saile of shipps Wherefore to fulfill that which he had left him in charge in the beginning of the yeere 1494 he repaired to the Catholike princes taking with him Diego Colon my brother and me also which were to be preferred as Pages to the most excellent Prince Don Iohn who now is with God according to the commandement of the Catholike Queene Lady Isabell which was then in Validolid Assoone therefore as we came to the Court the princes called for Don Bartholomew and sent him to Hispaniola with three ships c. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES NAVIGATIONS and Discoueries intended for the finding of a Northwest passage to the North parts of America to Meta incognita and the backeside of Gronland as farre as 72 degrees and 12 minuts performed first by Sebastian Cabota and since by Sir Martin Frobisher and M. Iohn Davis with
assistance to the aforesayd Iohn and his sonnes and deputies and that as well in arming and furnishing their ships or vessels as in prouision of food and in buying of victuals for their money and all other things by them to be prouided necessary for the sayd nauigation they do giue them all their helpe and fauour In witnesse whereof we haue caused to be made these our Letters patents Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the fift day of March in the eleuenth yeere of our reigne Billa signata anno 13 Henrici septimi REx tertio die Februarij anno 13 licentiam de dit Ioanni Caboto quod ipse capere possit sex naues Anglicanas in aliquo portu siue portibus regni Angâ—iae ita quod sint deportagio 200. doliorum vel subtùs cum apparatu requisito quod recipere possit in dictas naues omnes tales magistros marinarios subditos regis qui cumeo exire voluerint c. The same in English THe king vpon the third day of February in the 13 yeere of his reigne gaue licence to Iohn Caboâ— to take sixe English ships in any hauen or hauens of the realme of England being of the burden of 200 tunnes or vnder with all necessary furniture and to take also into the said ships all such masters mariners and subiects of the king as willingly will go with him c. An extract taken out of the map of Sebastian Cabot cut by Clement Adams concerning his discouery of the West Indies which is to be seene in her Maiesties priuie gallerie at Westminster and in many other ancient merchants houses ANno Domini 1497 Ioannes Cabotus Venetus Sebastianus illius filius eam terram fecerunt peruiam quam nullus priùs adire ausus fuit die 24 Iunij circiter horam quintam bene manè Hanc autem appellauit Terram primùm visam credo quod ex mari in eam partem primùm oculos inieâ—erat Nam que ex aduerso sira est insula eam appellauit insulam Diui Ioannis hac opinor ratione quòd a perta fuit eo dieÌ„ qui est sacer Diuo Ioanni Baptistae Huius incolae pelles animalium exuuiásque feraâ—um pro indumentis habent easque tanti faciunt quanti nos vestes preciosissimas Cùm bellum gerunt vtuntur aâ—cu sagittis hastis spiculis clauis ligneis fundis Tellus sterilis est neque vllos fructus affert ex quo fit vt vrsis albo colore ceruis inusitatae apud nos magnitudinis referta sit piscibus abundar ijsque sane magnis quales sunt lupi marini quos salmones vulgus appellat soleae autem reperiuntur tam longae vt vlnae mensuram excedant Imprimis autem magna est copia eorum piscium quos vulgari sermone vocant Bacallaos Gignuntur in ea insula accipitres ita nigti vt coruorum similitudinem mirum in modum exprimant perdices autem aquilae sunt nigri coloris The same in English IN the yere of our Lord 1497 Iohn Câ—bot a Uenetian and his sonne Sebastian with an English fleet set out from Bristoll discouered that land which no man before that time had attempted on the 24 of Iune about fiue of the clockâ— early in the morning This land he called Prima vista that is to say First seene because as I suppose it was that part whereof they had the first sight from sea That Island which lieth out before the land he called the Island of S. Iohn vpon this occasion as I thinke because it was discouered vpon the day of Iohn the Baptist. The inhabitants of this Island vse to weare beasts skinnes and haue them in as great estimation as we haue our finest garments In their warres they vse bowes arrowes pikes darts woodden clubs and slings The saile is barren in some places yeeldeth litle fruit but it is full of white beares and stagges farre greater then ours It yeeldeth plenty of fish and those very great as seales and those which commonly we call salmons there are soles also aboue a yard in length but especially there is great abundance of that kinde of fish which the Sauages call baccalaos In the same Island also there bréed hauks but they are so blacke that they are very like to rauens as also their partridges and egles which are in like sort blacke A discourse of Sebastian Cabot touching his discouery of part of the West India out of England in the time of king Henry the seuenth vsed to Galeacius Butrigarius the Popes Legate in Spaine and reported by the sayd Legate in this sort DOe you not vnderstand sayd he speaking to certaine Gentlemen of Venice how to passe to India toward the Northwest as did of late a citizen of Venice so valiant a man and so well practised in all things pertaining to nauigations and the science of Cosmographie that at this present he hath not his like in Spaine insomuch that for his vertues he is preferred aboue all other pilots that saile to the West Indies who may not passe thither without his licence and is therefore called Piloto mayor that is the grand Pilot. And when we sayd that we knew him not he proceeded saying that being certaine yeres in the city of Siuil and desirous to haue some knowledge of the nauigations of the Spanyards it was tolde him that there was in the city a valiant man a Uenetian borne named Sebastian Cabot who had the charge of those things being an expert man in that science and one that coulde make Cardes for the Sea with his owne hand and that by this report seeking his acquaintance hee found him a very gentle person who intertained him friendly and shewed him many things and among other a large Mappe of the world with certaine particuler Nauigations as well of the Portugals as of the Spaniards and that he spake further vnto him to this effect When my father departed from Venice many yeeres since to dwell in England to follow the trade of marchandises hee tooke mee with him to the citie of London while I was very yong yet hauing neuerthelesse some knowledge of letters of humanitie and of the Sphere And when my father died in that time when newes were brought that Don Christopher Colonus Genuese had discouered the coasts of India whereof was great talke in all the Court of king Henry the 7. who then raigned insomuch that all men with great admiration affirmed it to be a thing more diuine then humane to saile by the West into the East where spices growe by a way that was neuer knowen before by this fame and report there increased in my heart a great flame of desire to attempt some notable thing And vnderstanding by reason of the Sphere that if I should saile by way of the Northwest I should by a shorter tract come into India I thereupon caused the King to be aduertised of my deuise who immediatly commanded two Caruels to bee furnished
as well for keeping company as for the course the 31 of May. 1 INprimis to banish swearing dice and card-playing and filthy communication and to serue God twice a day with the ordinary seruice vsuall in Churches of England and to cleare the glasse according to the old order of England 2 The Admiral shall carie the light after his light be once put out no man to goe a head of him but euery man to fit his sailes to follow as neere as they may without endangering one another 3 That no man shall by day or by night depart further from the Admirall them the distance of one English mile and as neere as they may without danger one of another 4 If it chance to grow thicke and the wind contrary either by day or by night that the Admirall be forced to cast about before her casting about shee shall giue warning by shooting off a peece and to her shall answere the Uiceadmirall and the Rereadmirall each of them with a piece if it bee by night or in a fogge and that the Uiceadmirall shall answere first and the Rereadmiral last 5 That no man in the Fleete descrying any sayle or sayles giue vpon any occasion any thace before he haue spoken with the Admirall 6 That euery euening all the Fleete come vp and speake with the Admirall at seuen of the Clocke or betweene that and eight and if the weather will not serue them all to speake with the Admirall then some shall come to the Uiceadmirall and receiue the order of their course of Master Hall chiefe Pilot of the Fleete as he shall direct them 7 If to any man in the Fleete there happen any mischance they shal presently shoote off two peeces by day and if it be by night two peeces and shew two lights 8 If any man in the Fleete come vp in the night hale his fellow knowing him not he shall giue him this watch-word Before the world was God The other shal answere him if he be one of our Fleete After God came Christ his Sonne So that if any be found amongst vs not of our owne company he that first descrieth any such sayle or sayles shall giue warning to the Admirall by himselfe or any other that he can speake to that sailes better then he being neerest vnto him 9 That euery ship in the fleete in the time of fogs which continually happen with little winds and most part calmes shall keepe a reasonable noise with trumpet drumme or otherwise to keepe thâ—mselues cleere one of another 10 If it fall out so thicke or mistie that we lay it to hull the Admirall shall giue warning with a piece and putting out three lights one ouer another to the end that euery man may take in his sailes and at his setting of sayles againe doe the like if it be not cleere 11 If any man discouer land by night that he giue the lâ—ke warning that he doth for mischances two lights and two pieces if it be by day one piece and put out his flagge and strike all his sailes he hath aboord 12 If any ship shall happen to lose company by force of weather then any such ship or ships shall get her into the latitude of and so keepe that latitude vntil they get Frisland And after they be past the West parts of Fâ—island they shall get them into the latitude of and and not to the Northward of and being once entred within the Sâ—reites al such ships shal euery watch shoote off a good piece and looke out well for smoke and fire which those that get in first shall make euery night vntill all the fleete be come together 13 That vpon the sight of an Ensigne in the mast of the Admirall a piece being shot off the whole fleete shall repaire to the Admirall to vnderstand such conference as the Generall is to haue with them 14 If we chance to meete with any enemies that foure ships shall attend vpon the Admirall viz. the Francis of Foy the Moone the Barke Dennis and the Gabriel and foure vpon my Lieutenant generall in the Iudith viz. the Hopewel the Armenal the Beare and the Salomon and the other foure vpon the Uizadmirall the Anne Francis the Thomas of Ipswich the Emmanuel and the Michael 15 If there happen any disordred person in the Fleete that he be taken and kept in safe custodie vnâ—ill he may conâ—â—niently be brought aboord the Admirall and there to receiue such punishment as his of theâ—r offences shall deserue By me Martin Frobisher Our departure from England HAuing receiued these articles of direction we departed from Harwich the one and thirtieth of May. And â—â—yling alâ—ng the South part of England Westward we at length came by the coast of Ireland at Cape Cleaâ—e the sixth of Iune and gaue chase thereto a small barke which was supposed to be a Pyrat or Rouâ—r on the Seas but it fell out indeede that they were poore men of Bristow who had met with such company of Frenchmen as had spoâ—led and slaine many of them and left the rest so sore wounded that they were like to perish in the sea hauiâ—g neither hand nor foote hole to helpe themselues with nor victuals to sustaine their hungry bodies Our Generall who well vnderâ—tood the office of a Souldier and an Englishman and knew well what the necessitie of the sea meaneth pitying much the misâ—rie of the poore men relieued them with Surgerie and salues to heale their hurtes and with meate and driâ—ke to comfort their pinâ—ng hearts some of them hauing neither eaten nor drunke more then oliues and stinking water in many dayes before as they reported And after this good deede done hauing a large wind we kept our course vpon our sayd voyage without staying for the taking in of fresh water or any other prouision whereof many of the fleete were not throughly furnâ—shed and sayling towards the Northwest parts from Ireland we mette with a great current from out of the Southwest which caried vs by our reckoning one point to the Northeastwards of our sayd course which current sâ—emed to vs to continue it selfe towards Norway and other the Northeast parts of the world whereby we may be induced to beleeue that this is the same which the Portugals meete at Capo de buona Speranza where striking ouer from thence to the Streites of Magellan and finding no passage there for the narrownesse of the sayde Streites runneth along into the great Bay of Mexico where also hauing a let of land it is forced to strike backe againe towards the Northeast as we not onely here but in another place also further to the Northwards by good experience this yeere haue found as shal be hereafter in his place more at large declared Now had we sayled about foureteene dayes without sight of any land or any other liuing thing except certaine foules as Wilmots Nodies Gulles c. which there seeme onely to liue by sea
had reuiewed our people resolued to see an end of our voyage we grewe scant of men to furnish all our shipping it seemed good therefore vnto the Generall to leaue the Swallowe with such prouision as might be spared for transporting home the sicke people The Captaine of the Delight or Admirall returned into England in whose stead was appointed Captaine Maurice Browne before Captaine of the Swallow who also brought with him into the Delight all his men of the Swallow which before haue bene noted of outrage perpetrated and committed vpon fishermen there met at sea The Generall made choise to goe in his frigate the Squirrell whereof the Captaine also was amongst them that returned into England the same Frigate being most conuenient to discouer vpon the coast and to search into euery harbor or creeke which a great ship could not doe Therefore the Frigate was prepared with her nettings fights and ouercharged with bases and such small Ordinance more to giue a shew then with iudgement to foresee vnto the safetie of her and the men which afterward was an occasion also of their ouerthrow Now hauing made readie our shipping that is to say the Delight the golden Hinde and the Squirrell and put aboord our prouision which was wines bread or ruske fish wette and drie sweete oiles besides many other as marmalades figs lymmons barrelled and such like Also we had other necessary prouisions for trimming our ships nets and lines to fish withall boates or pinnesses fit for discouery In briefe we were supplied of our wants commodiously as if we had bene in a Countrey or some Citie populous and plentifull of all things We departed from this harbour of S. Iohns vpon Tuesday the twentieth of August which we found by exact obseruation to be in 47 degrees 40 minutes And the next day by night we were at Cape Race 25 leagues from the same harborough This Cape lyeth South Southwest from S. Iohns it is a low land being off from the Cape about halfe a league within the sea riseth vp a rocke against the point of the Cape which thereby is easily knowen It is in latitude 46 degrees 25 minutes Under this Cape we were becalmed a small time during which we layd out hookes and lines to take Codde and drew in lesse then two houres fish so large and in such abundance that many dayes after we fed vpon no other prouision From hence we shaped our course vnto the Island of Sablon if conueniently it would so fall out also directly to Cape Briton Sablon lieth to the sea-ward of Cape Briton about 25 leagues whither we were determined to goe vpon intelligence we had of a Portugal during our abode in S. Iohns who was himselâ—e present when the Portugals aboue thirty yeeres past did put into the same Isâ—and both Neat and Swine to breede which were since exceedingly multiplied This seemed vnto vs very happy tidings to haue in an Island lying so neere vnto the maine which we intended to plant vpon such store of cattell whereby we might at all times conueniently be relieued of victuall and serued of store for breed In this course we trended along the coast which from Cape Race stretcheth into the Northwest making a bay which some called Trepassa Then it goeth out againe toward the West and maketh a point which with Cape Race lieth in maner East and West But this point inclineth to the North to the West of which goeth in the bay of Placentia We sent men on land to take view of the soyle along this coast whereof they made good report and some of them had wil to be planted there They saw Pease growing in great abundance euery where The distance betweene Cape Race and Cape Briton is 87 leagues In which Nauigation we spent 8 dayes hauing many times the wind indifferent good yet could we neuer attaine sight of any land all that time seeing we were hindred by the current At last we fell into such flats and dangers that hardly any of vs escaped where neuerthelesse we lost our Admiral with al the men and prouision not knowing certainly the place Yet for inducing men of skill to make coniecture by our course and way we held from Cape Race thither that thereby the flats and dangers may be inserted in sea Cards for warning to others that may follow the same course hereafter I haue set downe the best reckonings that were kept by expert men William Cox Master of the Hind and Iohn Paul his mate both of Limehouse Reckonings kept in our course from Cape Race towards Cape Briton and the Island of Sablon to the time and place where we lost our Admirall August 22. West 14. leagues  West and by South 25.  Westnorthwest 25.  Westnorthwest 9.  Southsouthwest 10.  Southwest 12.  Southsouthwest 10. August 29. Westnorthwest 12. Here we lost our Admiral  Summe of these leagues 117. The reckoning of Iohn Paul Masters mate from Cape Race August 22. West 14. leagues 23 Northwest and by West 9. 24 Southwest and by South 5. 25 West and by South 40. 26 West and by North 7. 27 Southwest 3. 28 Southwest 9.  Southwest 7.  Westsouthwest 7. 29 Northwest and by West 20. Here we lost our Admirall  Summe of all these leagues 121 Our course we held in clearing vs of these flats was Eastsoutheast and Southeast and South 14 leagues with a marueilous scant winde The maner how our Admirall was lost VPon Tewsday the 27 of August toward the euening our Generall caused them in his frigat to sound who found white sande at 35 fadome being then in latitude about 44 degrees Wednesday toward night the wind came South and wee bare with the land all that night Westnorthwest contrary to the mind of master Cox neuerthelesse wee followed the Admirall depriued of power to preuent a mischiefe which by no contradiction could be brought to hold other course alleaging they could not make the ship to worke better nor to lie otherwaies The euening was faire and pleasant yet not without token of storme to ensue and most part of this Wednesday night like the Swanne that singeth before her death they in the Admiral or Delight continued in sounding of Trumpets with Drummes and Fifes also winding the Cornets Haughtboyes and in the end of their iolitie left with the battell and ringing of dolefull knels Towards the euening also we caught in the Golden Hinde a very mighty Porpose with a harping yron hauing first striken diuers of them and brought away part of their flesh sticking vpon the yron but could recouer onely that one These also passing through the Ocean in heardes did portend storme I omit to recite friuolous reportes by them in the Frigat of strange voyces the same night which scarred some from the helme Thursday the 29 of August the wind rose and blew vehemently at South and by East bringing withal raine and
Et quis queso posser cùm ad longum progredi non liceat Nec minùs ignotum est an aliquid metalli subsit montibus Causa eadem est etsi aspectus eoruÌ„ mineras latentes prae se ferat Nos Admiralio authores fuimus syluas incendere quo ad inspiciendam regioneÌ„ spaciuÌ„ pateretinec diâ—plicebat illi consilium si non magnuÌ„ incommondum allaturum videretur Confirmatum est enim ab idoneis homâ—nibus cum casu quopiam in alia nescio qua statione id accidisset septeÌ„nium totuÌ„ pisces non comparuisse ex at erbata maris vnda ex terebynthina que coÌ„flagrantibus arboribus perrinulos defluebat Coelum hoc anni tempore ita feruidum est vt nisi pisces qui arefiunt ad solem assidui inuertantur ab adustione defendi non possint Hyeme quà m frigidum sit magnae moles glaciei in medio marinos docuere Relatum est à cornitibus mense Maio sexdecim totos dies interdum se inter tantam glaciem hesisâ—e vt 60. orgyas aliae essent insulae quarum latera soli apposita cum liquescerent libratione quadam vniuersam molem ita inuersam vt quòd ante pronum erat supinum euaderet magno praesentium discrimine vt consentaneum est Aer in terra mediocriter clarus est ad orientem supâ—a mare perpetuae nebulae Et in ipso mari circa Bancum sic vocant locum vbi quadraginta leucis a terra fundus attingitur pisces capi incipiunt nullus ferme dies absque pluuia Expeditis nostris necessitatibus in hoc loco in Austrum Deo iuuante progrediemur tanrò indies maiori spe quò plura de iis quas petimus regionibus commemorantur Haec de nostris Cupio de vobis scire sed metuo ne incassum Imprimis autem quomodo Vntonus meus absentiam meam ferat praeter modum intelligere velim Habebit nostrum obsequium officium paratum quandiu vixerimus Reuera autem spero hanc nostram peregrinationem ipsius instituto vsui futuram Nunc restat vt me tuum putes quidem ita tuum vt neminem magis Iuuet dei filius labores nostros catenus vt tu quoque participare possis Vale amicissime susuissime ornatissime Hakluyte nos ama In Newfundlandia apud portum Sancti Iohannis 6. Augusti 1583. STEPHANVS PARMENIVS Budeius tuus The same in English To the worshipfull Master Richard Hakluit at Oxford in Christ-church Master of Arts and Philosophie his friend and brother I Had not purposed to write vnto you when the promise of your letters came to my mind You thought in Iune last to haue followed vs your selfe and therefore I had left order that you should be aduertised of my state by Master Doctor Humfrey but so you would not be satisfied I will write therefore to you almost in the same words because I haue no leasure at this time to medicate new matters and to vary or multiply words The 11. of Iune we set saile at length from England in good earnest and departed leauing the hauen and land behind vs at Plimmouth our Fleete consisted of fiue shippes the greatest which the Admirals brother had lent vs withdrew her selfe from vs the third day wee know not vpon what occasion with the rest we sailed still together till the 23. of Iuly at which time our view of one another being intercepted by the great mists some of vs sailed one way and some another to vs alone the first land appeared the first of August about the latitude of 50. degrees when as before we had descended beyond 41. degrees in hope of some Southerly windes which notwithstanding neuer blew to vs at any fit time It is an Island which your men call Penguinâ— because of the multitude of birdes of the same name Yet wee neither sawe any birds nor drew neere to the land the winds seruing for our course directed to another place but wee meete altogether at that place a little before the Hauen whereunto by common Councell we had determined to come and that within the space of two houres by the great goodnesse of God and to our great ioy The place is situate in Newfound land betweene 47. and 48. degrees called by the name of Saint Iohns the Admirall himselfe by reason of the multitude of the men and the smalnesse of his ship had his company somewhat sickly and had already lost two of the same company which died of the Flixe of the rest we conceiue good hope Of our company for I ioyned my selfe with Maurice Browne a very proper Gentleman two persons by a mischance were drowned the rest are in safetie and strong and for mine owne part I was neuer more healthy Wee arriued at this place the third of August and the fift the Admirall tooke possession of the Countrey for himselfe and the kingdome of England hauing made and published certaine Lawes concerning religion and obedience to the Queene of England at this time our fare is somewhat better and daintier then it was before for in good sooth the experience of so long time hath taught vs what contrary winds wee haue found and what great trauell wee may endure hereafter and therefore wee will take such order that wee will want nothing for we found in this place about twenty Portugall and Spanish shippes besides the shippes of the English which being not able to match vs suffer vs not to bee hunger starued the English although they were of themselues strong ynough and safe from our force yet seeing our authoritie by the Queenes letters patents they shewed vs all maner of duety and humanitie The maner of this Countrey and people remaine now to be spoken of But what shall I say my good Hakluyt when I see nothing but a very wildernesse Of fish here is incredible abundance whereby great gaine growes to them that trauell to these parts the hooke is no sooner throwne out but it is eftsoones drawne vp with some goodly fish the whole land is full of hilles and woods The trees for the most part are Pynes and of them some are very olde and some yong a great part of them being fallen by reason of their age doth so hinder the sighe of the lâ—nd and stoppe the way of those that seeke to trauell that they can goe no whither all the grasse here is long and tall and little differeth from ours It seemeth also that the nature of this soyle is fit for corne for I found certaine blades and eares in a manner bearded so that it appeareth that by manuring and sowing they may easily be framed for the vse of man here are in the woodes bush berries or rather straw berries growing vp like trees of great sweetenesse Beares also appeare about the fishers stages of the Countrey and are sometimes killed but they seeme to bee write as I coniectured by their skinnes and somewhat lesse then ours Whether there bee any people
Master Lane Master Candish Master Hariot and twentie others in the new pinnesse Captaine Amadas Captaine Clarke with ten others in a shipboat Francis Brooke and Iohn White in another ship-boate passed ouer the water from Wococon to the maine land victualled for eight dayes in which voyage we first discouered the townes of Pomeiok Aquascogoc and Secotan and also the great lake called by the Sauages Paquipe with diuers other places and so returned with that discouery to our Fleete The 12. we came to the Towne of Pomeiok The 13. we passed by water to Aquascogok The 15. we came to Secotan and were well entertained there of the Sauages The 16. wee returned thence and one of our boates with the Admirall was sent to Aquascogok to demaund a siluer cup which one of the Sauages had stollen from vs and not receiuing it according to his promise wee burnt and spoyled their corne and Towne all the people being fled The 18. we returned from the discouery of Secotan and the same day câ—me aboord our Fleete ryding at Wococon The 21. our Fleete ankering at Wococon we wayed anker for Hatoraske The 27. our Fleete ankered at Hatorask and there we rested The 29. Granginâ— brother to king Wingina came aboord the Admirall and Mantâ—â— with him The 2. the Admirall was sent to Weapomeiok The 5. M. Iohn Arundell was sent for England The 25. our Generall wayed anker and set saile for England About the 31. he tooke a Spanish ship of 300. tunne richly loaden boording her with a beaâ— made with boards of chests which sell asunder and sunke at the ships side assoone as euer he and his men were out of it The 10. of September by foule weather the Generall then shipped in the prize iust sight of the Tyger The 6. the Tyger fell with the Landes end and the same day came to anker at Falmouth The 18. the Generall came with the prize to Plymmouth and was courteously receiued by 〈◊〉 of hs his worshipfull friends The names of those as well Gentlemen as others that remained one whole yeere in Virginia vnder the Gouernement of Master Ralph Lane MAster Philip Amadas Admirall of the countrey Master Hariot Master Acton Master Edward Stafford Thomas Luddington Master Maruyn Master Gardiner Captaine Vaughan Master Kendall Master Prideox Robert Holecroft Rise Courtney Master Hugh Rogers Master Thomas Haruie Master Snelling Master Anthony Russe Master Allyne Master Michael Polison Iohn Cage Thomas Parre William Randes Gefferey Churchman William Farthow Iohn Taylor Philip Robyns Thomas Philips Valentine Beale Thomas Foxe Darby Glande Edward Nugen Edward Kelley Iohn Gostigo Erasmus Cless Edward Ketcheman Iohn Linsey Thomas Rottenbury Roger Deane Iohn Harris Francis Norris Matthew Lyne Edward Kettell Thomas Wisse Robert Biscombe William Backhouse William White Henry Potkin Dennis Barnes Ioseph Borges Dougham Gannes William Tenche Randall Latham Thomas Hulme Walter Mill. Richard Gilbert Steuen Pomarie Iohn Brocke Bennet Harrie Iames Steuenion Charles Steuenson Christopher Lowde Ieremie Man Iames Mason Dauid Salter Richard Ireland Thomas Bookener William Philips Randall Mayne Iames Skinner George Eseuen Iohn Chandeler Philip Blunt Richard Poore Robert Yong. Marmaduke Constable Thomas Hesket William Wasse Iohn Feuer Daniel Thomas Taylor Richard Humfrey Iohn Wright Gabriel North. Benneâ— Chappell Richard Sarc Iames Lacie Smolkin Thomas Smart Robert Iohn Euans Roger Large Humfrey Garden Francis Whitton Rowland Griffyn William Millard Iohn Twit Edward Seclemore Iohn Anwike Christopher Marshall Dauid Williams Nicholas Swabber Edward Chipping Siluester Beching Vincent Cheyne Hance Walters Edward Barecombe Thomas Skeuelabs William Walters An extract of Master Ralph Lanes letter to M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire and another Gentleman of the middle Temple from Virginia IN the meane while you shall vnderstand that since Sir Richard Greenuils departure from vs as also before we haue discouered the maine to be the goodliest soyle vnder the cope of heauen so abounding with sweete trees that bring such sundry rich and pleasant gummes grapes of such greatnesse yet wilde as France Spaine nor Italie haue no greater so many sorts of Apothecarie drugs such seuerall kindes of flaxe one kind like silke the same gathered of a grasse as common there as grasse is here And now within these few dayes we haue sound here Maiz or or Guinie wheate whose eare yeeldeth corne for bread 400. vpon one eare and the Cane maketh very good and perfect sugar also Terra Samia otherwise Terra sigillara Besides that it is the goodliest and most pleasing Territorie of the world for the continent is of an huge and vnknowen greatnesse and very well peopled and towned though sauagely and the climate to wholsome that wee had not one sicke since we touched the land here To conclude if Virginia had â—ut horses and kine in some reasonable proportion I dare asâ—â—â—â— my selfe being inhabited with English no realme in Christendome were comparable to it For this already we finde that what commodities soeuer Spaine France Italy or the East partes doe yeeld vnto vs in wiues of all sortes in oyles in flaxe in rosens pitch frakensence corrans sugers and such like these parts doe abound with the growth of them all but being Sauages that possesse the land they know no vse of the same And sundry other rich commodities that no parts of the world be they West or East Indies haue here wee finde great abundance of The people naturally are most curteous and very desirous to haue clothes but especially of course cloth rather then silke course canuas they also like well of but copper caryeth the price of all so it be made red Thus good M. Hakluyt and M.H. I haue ioyned you both in one letter of remembrance as two that I loue dearely well and commending me most heartily to you both I commit you to the tuition of the Almightie From the new Fort in Virginia this third of September 1585. Your most assured friend RALPH LANE An account of the particularities of the imployments of the English men left in Virginia by Sir Richard Greeneuill vnder the charge of Master Ralph Lane Generall of the same from the 17. of August 1585. vntill the 18. of Iune 1586. at which time they departed the Countrey sent and directed to Sir Walter Ralegh THat I may proceede with order in this discourse I thinke it requisite to diuide it into two parts The first shall declare the particularities of such parts of the Countrey within the maine as our weake number and supply of things necessarie did inable vs to enter into the discouery of The second part shall set downe the reasons generally mouing vs to resolue on our departure at the instant with the Generall Sir Francis Drake and our common request for passage with him when the barkes pinnesses and boates with the Masters and Mariners meant by him to bee left in the Countrey for the supply of such as for a further time meant to haue stayed there were caryed away with tempest and
of you to vnderstand that for the present and speedy supply of certaine our knowen and apparant lackes and needes most requisite and necessary for the good and happy planting of vs or any other in this land of Virginia wee all of one minde consent haue most earnestly intreated and vncessantly requested Iohn White Gouernour of the planters in Virginia to passe into England for the better and more assured help and setting forward of the foresayd supplies and knowing assuredly that he both can best and wil labour and take paines in that behalfe for vs all and he not onee but often refusing it for our sekes and for the honour maintenance of the action hath at last though much against his will through our importunacie yeelded to leaue his gouernement and all his goods among vs and himselfe in all our behalfes to passe into England of whose knowledge and fidelitie in handling this matter as all others we doe assure our selues by these presents and will you to giue all credite thereunto the 25 of August 1587. The Gouernour being at the last through their extreame intreating constrayned to returne into England hauing then but halfe a dayes respite to prepare himselfe for the same departed from Roanoak the seuen and twentieth of August in the morning and the same day about midnight came aboord the Flieboat who already had weyed anker and rode without the barre the Admirall riding by them who but the same morning was newly come thither againe The same day both the ships weyed anker and set saile for England at this weying their ankers twelue of the men which were in the Flyboate were throwen from the Capstone which by meanes of a barre that brake came so fast about vpon them that the other two barres thereof strooke and hurt most of them so sore that some of them neuer recouered it neuerthelesse they assayed presently againe to wey their anker but being so weakened with the first sling they were not able to weye it but were throwen downe and hurt the second time Wherefore hauing in all but fifteene men aboord and most of them by this vnfortunate beginning so bruised and hurt they were forced to cut their Cable and leese their anker Neuerthelesse they kept company with the Admirall vntil the seuenteenth of September at which time wee fell with Coruo and sawe Flores September THe eighteenth perceiuing of all our fifteene men in the Flyboate there remained but fiue which by meanes of the former mischance were able to stand to their labour and that the the Admirall meant not to make any haste for England but to linger about the Island of Tercera for purchase the Flyboate departed for England with letters where we hoped by the help of God to arriue shortly but by that time we had continued our course homeward about twenty dayes hauing had sometimes scarse and variable windes our fresh water also by leâ—king almost consumed there arose a storme at Northeast which for sixe dayes ceased not to blowe so exceeding that we were driuen further in those sixe then we could recouer in thirteene daies in which time others of our saylers began to fall very sicke and two of them dyed the weather also continued so close that our Mastâ—r sometimes in foure dayes together could see neither sunne nor starre and all the beuerage we could make with stinking water dregs of beere and lees of wine which remayned was but three gallons and therefore now we expected nothing but famine to perish at Sea October THe 16 of October we made land but we knowe not what land it was bearing in with the same land at that day about sunne set we put into a harbour where we found a Hulke of Dublin and a pinnesse of Hampton riding but we knew not as yet what place this was neither had we any boate to goe ashore vntill the pinnesse sent off their boate to vs with 6 or 8 men of whom we vnderstood wee were in Smerwick in the West parts of Ireland they also releeued vs presently with fresh water wine and other fresh meate The 18 the Gouernour and the Master ryd to Dingen a Cushe 5 miles distant to take order for the new victualing of our Flieboate for England and for reliefe of our sicke and hurt men but within foure daies after the Boatswain the Steward and the Boatswains mate died aboord the Flieboat and the 28 the Masters mate and two of our chiefe sailers were brought sicke to Dingen Nouember THe first the Gouernour shipped himselfe in a ship called the Monkie which at that time was ready to put to sea from Dingen for England leauing the Flyboat and all his companie in Ireland The same day we set sayle and on the third day we fell with the North side of the lands end and were shut vp the Seuerne but the next day we doubled the same for Mounts Bay The 5 the Gouernour landed in England at Martasew neere Saint Michaels mount in Cornewall The 8 we arriued at Hampton where we vnderstood that our consort the Admiral was come to Portsmouth and had bene there three weekes before and also that Ferdinando the Master with all his company were not onely come home without any purchase but also in such weaknesse by sicknesse and death of their chiefest men that they were scarse able to bring their ship into harbour but were forced to let fall anker without which they could not wey againeâ— but might all haue perished there if a small barke by great hap had not come to them to helpe them The names of the chiefe men that died are these Roger Large Iohn Mathew Thomas Smith and some other saylers whose names I knew not at the writing hereof An. Dom. 1587. The names of all the men women and children which safely arriued in Virginia and remained to inhabite there 1587. Anno regni Reginae Elizabethâ— 29. IOhn White Roger Baily Ananias Dare. Christopher Cooper Thomas Steuens Iohn Sampson Dyonis Haruie Roger Prat. George How Simon Fernando Nicholas Iohnson Thomas Warner Anthony Cage Iohn Iones William Willes Iohn Brooke Cutbert White Iohn Bright Clement Tayler William Sole Iohn Cotsmur Humfrey Newton Thomas Colman Thomas Gramme Marke Bennet Iohn Gibbes Iohn Stilman Robert Wilkinson Iohn Tydway Ambrose Viccars Edmond English Thomas Topan Henâ—y Berry Richard Berry Iohn Spendloue Iohn Hemmington Thomas Butler Edward Powell Iohn Burden Iames Hynde Thomas Ellis William Browne Michael Myllet Thomas Smith Richard Kemme Thomas Harris Richard Tauerner Iohn Earnest Henry Iohnson Iohn Starte Richard Darige William Lucas Arnold Archard Iohn Wright William Dutton Mauris Allen. William Waters Richard Arthur Iohn Chapman William Clemenâ— Robert Little Hugh Tayler Richard Wildye Lewes Wotton Michael Bishop Henry Browne Henry Rufoote Richard Tomkins Henry Dorrell Charles Florrie Henry Mylton Henry Paine Thomas Harris William Nichols Thomas Pheuens Iohn Borden Thomas Scot. Peter Little Iohn Wyles Brian Wyles George Martyn Hugh Pattenson Martin Sutton Iohn Farre
of Pinos which lieth on the Southside of Cuba nigh vâ—to the West end or Cape called Cape S. Anthony And thâ— same day we gaue chase to a Frigat but at night we lost sight of her partly by the slow sayling of our Admirall lacke of the Moone-light our Pinnesse whom Captaine Cooke had sent to the Cape the day before On the 11 we came to Cape S. Anthony where we found our consort the Moonelight and her Pinnesse abiding for our comming of whom we vnderstood that the day before there passed by them 22 saile somâ— of them of the burden of 300 and some 400 tunnes loaden with the Kings treasure from the maine bound for Hauana from this 11 of Iuly vntil 22 we were much becalmed and the winde being very scarse and the weather exceeding hoat we were much pestered with the Spaniards we had taken wherefore we were driuen to land all the Spaniards sauing three but the place where we landed them was of their owne choise on the Southside of Cuba neere vnto the Organes and Rio de Puercos The 23 we had sight of the Cape of Florida and the broken Ilands therof called the Martires The 25 being S. Iames day in the morning we fell with the Matanças a head-land 8 leagues towards the East of Hauana where we purposed to take fresh water in and make our abode two or three dayes On Sunday the 26 of Iuly plying too and fro betweene the Matanças and Hauana we were espied of three small Pinnasses of S. Iohn de Vllua bound for Hauana which were exceeding richly loaden These 3 Pinnasses came very boldly vp vnto vs and so continued vntill they came within musket shot of vs. And we supposed them to be Captaine Harps pinnesse and two small Frigats taken by Captaine Harpe wherefore we shewed our flag But they presently vpon the sight of it turned about made all the saile they could from vs toward the shore kept theÌ„selues in so shallow water that we were not able to follow them and therefore gaue them ouer with expence of shot pouder to no purpose But if we had not so rashly set out our flagge wee might haue taken them all three for they would not haue knowen vs before they had bene in our hands This chase brought vs so far leeward as Hauana wherfore not finding any of our consorts at y e Matanças we put ouer again to the cape of Florida from thence thorow the chanel of Bahama On the 28 the Câ—pâ— of Florida bare West off vs. The 30 we lost sight of the coast of Florida and stood to Sea for to gaine the helpe of the current which runneth much swifter a farre off then in sight of the coast For from the Cape to Virginia all along the shore are none but eddie currents setting to the South and Southwest The 31 our three ships were clearely disbocked the great prize the Admirall and the Moone-shine but our prize being thus disbocked departed from vs without taking leaue of our Admirall or consort and sayled directly for England August ON the first of August the winde scanted and from thence forward we had very fowle weather with much raine thundering and great spouts which fell round about vs nigh vnto our ships The 3 we stoode againe in for the shore and at midday we tooke the height of the same The height of that place we found to be 34 degrees of latitude Towards night we were within three leagues of the Low sandie Ilands West of Wokokon But the weather continued so exceeding foule that we could not come to an anker nye the coast wherefore we stood off againe to Sea vntill Monday the 9 of August On munday the storme ceased and we had very great likelihood of faire weather therefore we stood in againe for the shore came to an anker at 11 fadome in 35 degrees of latitude within a mile of the shore where we went on land on the narrow sandy Iland being one of the Ilandes West of Wokokon in this Iland we tooke in some fresh water and caught great store of fish in the shallow water Betweene the maine as we supposed and that Iland it was but a mile ouer and three or foure foote deepe in most places On the 12 in the morning we departed from thence and toward night we came to an anker at the Northeast end of the Iland of Croatoan by reason of a breach which we perceiued to lie out two or three leagues into the Sea here we road all that night The 13 in the morning before we wayed our ankers our â—oates were sent to sound ouer this breach our ships riding on the side thereof at 5 fadome and a ships length from vs we found but 4 and a quarter and then deeping and shallowing for the space of two miles so that sometimes we found 5 fadome and by by 7 and within two casts with the lead 9 then 8 next cast 5. then 6 then 4 then 9 againe and deeper but 3 fadome was the least 2 leagues off froÌ„ the shore This breach is in 35 degr a halfe lyeth at the very Northeast point of Croatoan wheras goeth a fret out of the maine Sea into the inner waters which part the Ilandes and the maine land The 15 of August towards Euening we came to an anker at Hatorask in 36 degr and one third in fiue fadom water three leagues from the shore At our first coÌ„ming to anker on this shore we saw a great smoke rise in the I le Raonoak neere the place where I left our Colony in the yeere 1587 which smoake put vs in good hope that some of the Colony were there expecting my returne out of England The 16 and next morning our 2 boates went a shore Captain Cooke Cap. Spicer their coÌ„pany with me with intent to passe to the place at Raonoak where our countreymen were left At our putting from the ship we commanded our Master gunner to make readie 2 Minions and a Falkon well loden and to shoot them off with reasonable space betweene euery shot to the ende that their reportes might bee heard to the place where wee hoped to finde some of our people This was accordingly performed our twoe boats put off vnto the shore in the Admirals boat we sounded all the way and found from our shippe vntill we came within a mile of the shore nine eight and seuen fadome but before we were halfe way betweene our ships and the shore we saw another great smoke to the Southwest of Kindrikers mountes we therefore thought good to goe to that second smoke first but it was much further from the harbour where we landed then we supposed it to be so that we were very sore tired before wee came to the smoke But that which grieued vs more was that when we came to the smoke we found no man nor signe that any
because my abode was there so short But for the fowle of the fresh riuers these two I noted to be the chiefe whereof the Flemengo is one hauing all red feathers and long red legs like a herne a necke according to the bill red whereof the vpper neb hangeth an inch ouer the nether and an egript which is all white as the swanne with legs like to an hearnshaw and of bignesse accordingly but it hath in her taile feathers of so fine a plume that it passeth the estridge his feather Of the sea-fowle aboue all other not common in England I noted the pellicane which is fained to be the louingst bird that is which rather then her yong should want wil spare her heart bloud out of her belly but for all this louingnesse she is very deformed to beholde for she is of colour russet notwithstanding in Guinea I haue seene of them as white as a swan hauing legs like the same and a body like a hearne with a long necke and a thick long beake from the nether law whereof downe to the breast passeth a skinne of such a dignesse as is able to receiue a fish as big as ones thigh and this her big throat and long bill doeth make her seeme so oughly Here I haue declared the estate of Florida and the commodities therein to this day knowen which although it may seeme vnto some by the meanes that the plenty of golde and siluer is not so abundant as in other places that the cost bestowed vpon the same will not be able to quit the charges yet am I of the opinion that by that which I haue seene in other Islands of the Indians where such increase of cattell hath bene that of twelue head of beasts in fiue twenty yeeres did in the hides of them raise a thousand pound profit yerely that the increase of cattel onely would raise profit sufficient for the same for wee may consider if so small a portion did raise so much gaines in such short time what would a greater do in many yeres and surâ—lâ— I may this affirme that the ground of the Indians for the breed of cattell is not in any point to be compared to this of Florida which all the yeere long is so greene as any time in the Summer with vs which surely is not to be maruelled at seeing the countrey standeth in so watery a climate for once a day without faile they haue a shower of raine which by meanes of the countrey it selse which is drie and more feruent bot then ours doeth make all things to flourish therein And because there is not the thing we all seeke for being rather desirous of present gaines I doe therefore affiâ—me the attempt thereof to be more requisit for a prince who is of power able to go tâ—orow with the same rather then for any subiect From thence wee departed the 28 of Iuly vpon our voyage homewards hauing there all things as might be most conuenient for our purpose and tooke leaue of the Frenchmen that there still remained who with diligence determined to make as great speedâ— after as they could Thus by meanes of contrary windes oftentimes wee prolonged our voyage in such manner that victuals scanted with vs so that we were diuers times or rather the most part in despaire of euer comming home had not God of his goodnesse better prouided for vs then our deseruing In which state of great miserie wee were prouoked to call vpon him by feruent prayer which mooued him to heare vs so that we had a prosperous winde which did set vs so farre shot as to be vpon the banke of Newfound land on Saint Bartholomews eue and we sounded therupon finding ground at an hundred and thirtie fadoms being that day somewhat becalmed and tooke a great number of fresh codde-fish which greatly relieued vs and being very glad thereof the next day we departed and had lingring little gales for the space of foure or fiue dayes at the ende of which we sawe a couple of French shippes and had of them so much fish as would serue vs plentifully for all the rest of the way the Captaine paying for the same both golde and siluer to the iust value thereof vnto the chiefe owners of the saide shippes but they not looking for any thing at all were glad in themselues to meete with such good intertainement at sea as they had at our hands After which departure from them with a good large winde the twentieth of September we came to Padstow in Cornewall God be thanked in safetie with the losse of twentie persons in all the voyage and with great profit to the venturers of the said voyage as also to the whole realme in bringing home both golde siluer pearles and other iewels great store His name therefore be praised for euermore Amen The names of certaine Gentlemen that were in this voyage M. Iohn Hawkins M. Iohn Chester sir William Chesters sonne M. Anthony Parkhurst M. Fitzwilliam M. Thomas Woorley M. Edward Lacie with diuers others The Register and true accounts of all herein expressed hath beene approoued by me Iohn Sparke the younger who went vpon the same voyage and wrote the same The third troublesome voyage made with the Iesus of Lubeck the Minion and foure other ships to the parts of Guinea and the West Indies in the yeeres 1567 and 1568 by M. Iohn Hawkins THe ships departed from Plimmouth the second day of October Anno 1567 and had reasonable weather vntill the seuenth day at which time fortie leagues North from Cape Finister there arose an extreme storme which continued foure dayes in such sort that the fleete was dispersed and all our great boats lost and the Iesus our chiefe shippe in such case as not thought able to serue the voyage whereupon in the same storme we set our course homeward determining to giue ouer the voyage but the eleuenth day of the same moneth the winde changed with faire weather whereby we were animated to followe our enterprise and so did directing our course with the Ilands of the Canaries where according to an order before prescribed all our shippes before dispersed met at one of those Ilands called Gomera where we tooke water and departed from thence the fourth day of Nouember towards the coast of Guinea and arriued at Cape Verde the eighteenth of Nouember where we landed 150 men hoping to obtaine some Negros where we got but fewe and those with great hurt and damage to our men which chiefly proceeded of their enuenomed arrowes and although in the beginning they seemed to be but small hurts yet there hardly escaped any that had blood drawen of them but died in strange sort with their mouthes shut some tenne dayes before they died and after their wounds were whole where I my selfe had one of the greatest woundes yet thankes be to God escaped From thence we past the time vpon the coast of Guinea searching with
18 tun for the most part with tronnels and very few nailes As for tackling we made a voyage aboord the ship before the split and cut downe her shrowds and so we tackled our barke and rigged her In stead of pitch we made lime and mixed it with the oile of tortoises and assoone as the carpenters had calked I and another with ech of vs a small sticke in our hands did plaister the morter into the seames and being in April when it was warm and faire weather we could no sooner lay it on but it was dry and as hard as a stone In this moneth of April 1594 the weather being very hot we were afrayd our water should faile vs and therfore made the more haste away and at our departure we were constrained to make two great chests and calked them and stowed them on ech side of our maine mast and so put in our prouision of raine-water and 13 liue tortoises for our food for our voyage which we intended to Newfoundland In the South part of this Island of Bermuda there are hogs but they are so leane that you can not eat them by reason the Island is so barren but it yeeldeth great store of fowle fish and tortoises And to the Eastward of the Island are very good harbours so that a shippe of 200 tun may ride there land-locked without any danger with water enough Also in this Island is as good fishing for pearles as is any in the West Indies but that the place is subiect to foule weather as thundering lightning and raine but in April and part of May we had very faire and hot weather The 11 of May it pleased God to set vs cleere of the Island to the no little ioy of vs all after we had liued in the same almost the space of 5 moneths And the 20 of May we fell with the land nere to Cape Briton where we ran into a fresh water riuer whereof there be many and tooke in wood water and ballast And here the people of the countrey came vnto vs being clothed all in furs with the furred side vnto their skins brought with them furres of sundry sorts to sell besides great store of wild ducks so some of our company hauing saued some small beads bought some of their ducks Here we stayed not aboue foure houres and so departed This should seeme to be a very good countrey And we saw very fine champion ground and woods From this place we ranne for the banke of Newfoundland where as we met with diuers but none would take in a man of vs vntill it pleased God that wee met with a barke of Falmouth which receiued vs all for a little time and with her we tooke a French ship wherein I left capitan de la Barbotier my deere friend and all his company and stayed my selfe aboord the English barke and hauing passage in the same in the moneth of August I arriued at Falmouth 1594. A voyage of the honourable Gentleman M. Robert Duddeley now knight to the Isle of Trinidad and the coast of Paria with his returne home by the Isles of Granata Santa Cruz Sant Iuan de puerto rico Mona Zacheo the shoalds called Abreojos and the isle of Bermuda In which voyage he and his company tooke and sunke nine Spanish ships wherof one was an armada of 600 tunnes Written at the request of M. Richard Hakluâ—t HAuing euer since I could conceiue of any thing bene delighted with the discoueries of nauigation I fostered in my selfe that disposition till I was of more yeres and better ability to vndertake such a matter To this purpose I called to me the aduise of sufficient seamen and principally vndertooke a voyage for the South seas but by reason that many before had miscaried in the same enterprise I could not be suffered to hazard more of her Maiesties subiects vpon so vncerteine a ground as my desire which made me by constraint great charges already by me defrayed to prepare another course for the West Indies without hope there to doe any thing woorth note and so common is it indeed to many as it is not woorth the registring Neuerthelesse I haue yeelded to your former importunity and sent you this my iournall to supply a vacant roome amongst your more important discourses Nowe being prouided for this last enterprize rather to see some practise and experience then any wonders or profice I weighed ancker from Southampton road the sixth of Nouember 1594. But the winde falling scant it was the 17. day of the same moneth before I could put into the Sea Upon this day my selfe in the Beare a shippe of 200. tunnes my Admirall and Captaine Munck in the Beares whelpe vice-admirall with two small pinnesses called the Frisking and the Earewig passed through the Needles and within two dayes after bare in with Plimmouth My busines at this port-towne dispatched I set saile whither againe by contrary winds to my great misfortune I was inforced to returne backe I might call it misfortune for by this meanes I vtterly for all the voyage lost my vice-vice-admirall which was the cause likewise of loosing mine owne pinnesse which three were the principall stay of my voyage For at this last leauing of England in a storme I lost mine owne pinnesse as is be foresaid Notwithstanding all these crosses all alone I went wandering on my voyage sailing along the coast of Spaine within view of Cape Finister and Cape S. Vincent the North South capes of Spaine In which space hauing many chases I could meet with none but my couÌ„treymen or countreys friends Leauing these Spanish shores I directed my course the 14. of December towards the isles of the Canaries Here I lingered 12 dayes for two reasons The one in hope to meete my vice-vice-admiral The other to get some vessel to remoue my pestered men into who being 140. almost in a ship of 200. tunnes there grew many sicke The first hope was frustrated because my vice-vice-admiral was returned into England with two prizes The second expectation fell out to our great comfort for I tooke two very fine Carauels vnder the calmes of Tenerif and Palma which both refreshed and amended my company and made me a Fleete of 3. sailes In the one Carauel called The Intent I made Beniamin Wood Captaine in the other one Captaine Wentworth Thus cheared as a desolate traueller with the company of my small and newe erected Fleete I continued my purpose for the West Indies and first for Cape Blanco in Africa vpon the deserts of Libya My last hope was to meete my lost ship and withall to renue my victuals vpon the Canthers which are Portugal fishermen but the Canthers had bene so frighted by Frenchmen as I could get none Riding vnder this White Cape two daies and walking on shore to view the countrey I found it a waste desolate barren and sandie place the sand running in drifts like snow and being very
weather quarter but dared not to come roome with vs although our Admirall stayed for them Assoone as we had cleered our selues of the Cape 3 of their best saylers came roome with the Salomon which was so neere the land â—hat she could not double the Cape but tacked about to the Eastward so was both a sterne and also to leeward of all our fleete But when we saw the Spaniards working the Defiance tacked about to rescue her which the Spaniâ—rds seeing hauing not forgotten the fight which she made the night before they loofed vp into the middest of their fleeâ—e againe and then all the fleete stayed vntill the Salomon came vp and so stood along for Cape S. Antonio which wee came in sight of by two in the after noone being a low cape also and to the Southwest a white sandie bay where 3 or 4 ships may very well water There is a good road to North Easterly windes there the Spaniardes began to fall a sterne That night wee stood away a glasse or two Northwest and Northnorthwest and Northeast and in the morning-watch South and in the morning had sight of Cuba about the East part of the Organes which are dangerous rocks lying 8 leagues off vpon the North part of Cuba presently assoone as you passe Cape S. Anthonie then we stood to the Eastward of the land the winde at Southsouthwest and at 6 at night had foule weather but after were becalmed all night The 5 the winde came scant The 7 we sawe a hie land like a crowne which appeareth so 13 or 14 leagues to the Westward of Hauana and another place in Cuba called The Table 8 leagues to the Eastward of the crowne The land ouer Hauana maketh two small mountaines like a womans breasts or paps Here we found no great current vntill we came to the Gulfe of Bahama The 10 we saw the Cape of Florida being but a reasonable low land and broken Ilands to the Southward of the Cape And at two in the afternoone we lost sight of the land 12 leagues to the Northward of the Cape After we had disemboqued we stood West till midnight and were in 28 degrees and then stood Northeast till the 13 at night when we were in 31 degrees And after the wind scanted with a great storme in which we lost the Bonauenture and the Little Iohn they bearing on head Then we stood with our larbord tacked Eastsoutheast The 19 we were in 29 degrees our course Eastnortheast The 21 we had a great stormie gale of winde and much raine but large And then all the rest of our fleete fell a sterne except the Hope which bare a head so that there kept no more with the Admirall but the Defiance the Aduenture and the Phenix The 28 we were in 39 degrees and stood away for Flores which the 8 of Aprill we saw and the 9 came to an anker on the Southside where we watered because the Defiance when we came in had but two buts of water We bartered with the Portugals for some fresh victuals and set here on shore at our comming away out of the Admirall our two Portugall Pilots which sir Francis Drake caried out of England with him The 10 bâ—ing Easter-â—ue at night we set saile the winde seruing vs to lie some slent in our course That night and Easter day we had much raine the winde came vp at Northeast wee beaâ—e it by some 30 lâ—agues to the Eastward then about to the West and so againe to the East and tryed and the next boord to the West On Thursday towards night being the 16 wee had sight of Coruo againe we tryed all that night and on Friday towards night we came to an anker to the Westward of the point of Santa Cruz vnder Flores but before midnight we draue and set saile the next day standing away Northeast About three of the clocke in the afternoone the winde came vp againe at North. On sunday the 19 by two of the clocke in the afternoone we had made 20 leaguâ—s an East way and then the winde came vp a good gale at Northwest and so Northeast with a flowne sheete we made the best way we could but being dispersed by bad weather we arriued about the beginning of May in the West parts of England And the last ships which came in together to Plimmouth were the Defiance the Garland the Aduenture and the Phenix A Libell of Spanish lies written by Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda Generall of the king of Spaines Armada concerning some part of the last voyage of Sir Francis Drake together with a confutation of the most notorious falsehoods therein contained and a declaration of the truth by M. Henrie Sauile Esquire and also an approbation of both by sir Thomas Baskeruil Generall of her Maiesties Armada after the decease of sir Francis Drake To the courteous Reader WHereas Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda Generall of the Spanish fleete hath by his printed letters published to the world diuerse vntruthes concerning our fleete and the Commanders thereof seeking thereby his owne glorie and our disgrace I haue taken vpon me though of many least able to confute the same the rather for that the printed copie came fiâ—st into my hands hauing my selfe bene Captaine of one of her Maiesties ships in the same voyage Take this therefore gentle Reader as a token of my dutie and loue to my countrey and countrey-men and expect onely a plaine truth as from the pen of a souldier and Nauigator Which if you take in good part you may draw me hereafter to publish some greater labour HENRY SAVILE THe true copie of a letter found at the sacking of Cadiz written by Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda Generall of the king of Spaine his Nauie in the West Indies sent vnto Doctor Peter Florez President of the contractation house for the Indies and by him put in print with priuilege wherein are declared many vntruthes and false reports tending to the disgrace of the seruice of her Maiesties Nauie and the commanders thereof lately sent to the West Indies vnder the command of sir Francis Drake and sir Iohn Hawkins Generals at the sea and sir Thomas Baskeruill Generall at land with a confutation of diuers grosse lies and vntruthes contayned in the same letter together with a short relation of the fight according to the truth Copia de vna carta que embio Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellanedaâ— General de la Armada de su Magestad embiada al Doctor Pedro Florez Presidente de la casa de la Contratacion de las Indias en que trata del sucesso de la Armada de Ynglatterra despues que partio de Panama de que fue por General Francisco Draque y de su muerte DE Cartagena di cuenta a vuestra Merced como sali del puerto de la ciudad de Lisbona en busca de la armada Ynglesa aunque por
but God sent vs now for a generall scourge to them all whereby that labour among them might be well spared The fort being taken with all their ordinance the admirall waued to the ships willing them to wey and come in which they did with all speed himselfe taking order in leauing certeine men in keeping the sayd fort and placed the ordinance toward the high towne from whence hee suspected the greatest danger and putting his men in order marched toward the low towne which was about some foureteene score from the fort in which towne lay all their merchandize and other goods Approching to the towne he entered the same the people imbarking themselues in carauels boats with all the expedition they could The base towne of abouâ— an hundred houses being thus taken we found in it great store of merchandizes of all sorts as Brasil-wood sugars Calico-cloth pepper cynamon cloues mase nutmegs with diuers other good things to the great comfort of vs all The admirall went vp and downe the towne and placed at the South end of the same captaine Venner and his company himselfe and his company in the midst of the towne and captaine Barker and captaine Addy at the other end of the towne giuing great charge that no man vpon paine of great punishment and losse of his shares should breake vp or enter into any ware-house without order and direction from the admirall And this commandement was as well kept as euer any was kept where so great spoile and booty was found for it was not knowen in all the time of our being there that any disorder was committed or any lodge or ware-house broken open or any spoile was made or pillaging of any thing which is a note much to be obserued in such an action for common mariners and souldiers are much giuen to pillaging and spoiling making greater account of the same then of their shares Order being put in all things we kept a very sure watch this first night and the morning being come our admirall and captaine Venner with the rest of the captaines went about the towne and gaue order for the fortifying of it with all expedition so that within two dayes it was surrounded with posts planks all that part of the towne next the maine land at least nine foot high for God be thanked we found prouision in the towne sufficient store for it Now it is to be vnderstood that this towne is enuironed on the one part by the sea and on the backside by a riuer that runneth behinde it so that to come to it by land you must enter it by a small narrow passage not aboue forty paces ouer at an high water At this passage we built a â—ort and planted in it fiue pieces of ordinance which we looke out of the first fort we wan at our comming in to the harborow Now we hauing the towne in possession our aâ—mirall sent for the Hollanders by his chyrurgian which had bene brought vp in that countrey a man knowing their conditions and sober and discreet oâ— his ownâ— cariage At his fuâ—l comming aboord of them they seemed to stand vpon their owne guard and defence for they were three great and strong ships but he vsâ—d himselfe so that theâ— at the last willed him to come into the greatest of their ships which was aboue 450 tunnes Then he declared to them our intent of comming tâ—ither and that they should be there as sure from any shew of violence or iniury offered them as if they were in their owne houses and if they should thinke so goodâ— his admirall would fraight theÌ„ for England if they would be content with fraight reasonable and as they should agree and iâ— should be at their owne choise whether to go or not hâ— would not force them vnlesse it were to their benefit and good liking Although this people werâ— somewhat stubburne at the first as that nation is in these causes yet being satisfied with good words and good dealing they came aland after conference had with the admirall they were so satisfied that they went thorow with a fraight and then we ioyned with them they with vs and they serued vs as truely as faithfully as our owne people didâ— both at watch and ward by sâ—a and all other seruices Within two dayes after our comming in about midnight a great number of Portugals and Indians with them came downe vpon vs with a very great cry and noise but God be thanked we were ready for them for our admirall supposing some such assault had prouided all our muskets with haâ—le-shot which did so gaule both the Indians and the Portugals that they made them presently retreat And this is to be noted that there was both the horse and his rider slaine both with one of these shot Our men followed them some fiue or sixe score but no further We lost in this conflict but onely one mâ—n but had diuers hurt What was lost of their part we could not tell for they had before day after our retreat caried away all their dead Within three or foure dayes after our comming in appeared before the harborow 3 ships 2 pinnesses the pinnesses being somewhat nere discried our flags and one of them came in which was a French pinnesse declaring all the rest to be French bottoms which our admirall willed should come in and so they did These were Frenchmen of war and came thither for purchase The captaines came aland and were welcomed amongst whom was one captaine Iohn Noyer of Diepe that the yere before had taken in our admirall at the iland of Mona in the West Indies where his ship was cast away comming out of the East Indies To this man our admirall offered great kindnes and performed it was not vngraâ—eâ—ull â—or his former benefit shewed vnto him This captaine desired oâ— our admirall to bestow vpon him his ships lading of Fernambuc-wood which he granted him and also his pinnesse and more gaue him a carauel of about 50 tuns bid him lade her with wood also which with other benefits he gratefully receiued To the other two captaines be granted their ladings of wood the one captaine being of Diepe the other of Rochel The captain of Diepe confessed that he met Abraham Cocke certein moneths before being distressed for want of water gaue him some went with him to a watering place where he had water enough and so departed froÌ„ him saying that his men were very weake The comming in of these ships did much strengthen vs for our admiral appointed both these French and the Flemings to keepe watch vpon the riuer by night with their boats euery boat hauing in her 12 men at the least and the boats well prouided This was for feare of fired ships or barks to come downe which our admirall had great rare vnto and caused our ships to ride by cables and haulsers at all aduantages to shun them if by that meanes they should
which were vnder the conduct of Edmund Barker captaine Barker of Plimmouth Uiceadmirall to captaine Venner captaine Addy and the three French captaines all going out together and they were to march vpon a narrow peece of ground to the place whether they were sent vnto in the brodest place betwixt the sea and the water on the other side it is not aboue a stones cast for it is a bank of sand lying betweene the riuer the sea so they needed not to feare any comming on their backs or on their sides and before them could no man come but he must passe by all the ships which no company of men were able to do without present death The Admirall commanded them at their departure to go no further then the place he sent them to and so he himselfe went aboord the ships and made readie all the ordinance for feare of the worst not knowing what might insue although he saw no danger might follow Thus we marched quietly till we came to the place we were sent vnto being right ouer against the ships out of which place came some dozen shot which seeing vs come discharged and ran their wayes with such as were working within the said platforme So that we came into it and perceiued they had begunne to lay plankes to plant ordinance vpon Our Admiral commanded if there were any such thing to burne the plankes returne in againe which we might haue done without hurting of any mans finger but our leaders were not content to haue performed the seruice committed them in charge but would needes expresly against their order march on further to fight with certaine Ensignes almost a mile off cleane out of the reach of the ordinance of all our ships where lay the strength of the whole countrey When our men began to draw neere those Ensigns of men the Ensignes seemed to retire with great speed which our men followed with such great hast that some outrunning other some our order was broken and those ensignes retyred theÌ„selues into the force of the whole countrey so that our formost men were in the midst of their enemies yer they were aware which were slaine yer the rest could come to succour them The enemies incouraged by this came also vpon the rest which presently began to reâ—ire the enemies followed them til they came within the reach of the ordinance of our ships where they were beaten off and left their pursuit In this conflict were slaine captain Barker captaine of the Salomon captaine Cotton y e Admirals Lieutenant captaine Iohn Noyer a french captaine of Diepe and another french captaine of Rochel with M. Iohn Barker other to the number of 35 for these were the formost and hottest in the pursuit of the Ensignes aforesaid and by their forwardnes came all to perish At our returne into the towne the Admiral came to vs much bewayling the death of so many good men as were lost wondering what we ment to passe the expresse order that was giuen vs. With this losse our men were much danted but our Admirall began againe to encourage them declaring that the fortune of the warres was sometimes to win and sometimes to loose And therewithall he wished euery man to prepare make himselfe readie for that night God willing he would depart For all our ships were readie and laden and he would not stay any further fortune The euening being come the ships began to wey go forth of the harbour and God be thanked of his goodnesse toward vs who sent vs a faire wind to go foorth withall so that by 11 of the clocke in the night we were all forth in safety The enemies perceiuing our departing planted a peece or two of ordinance and shot at vs in the night but did vs no harme We were at our comming foorth 15 sailes that is 3 sailes of Hollanders the one of 450 tunnes the other of 350 tunnes and the third of 300 tunnes foure sailes of french one ship which the Admiral gaue the french Captain 3 sailes of Captain Venners fleet of Plimmouth and 4 sailes of our Admirals fleete all these were laden with marchandizes and that of good worth We stayed in this harbour to passe all this businesse but onely 31 dayes and in this time we were occupied with skirmishes and attempts of the enemie 11. times in all which skirmishes we had the better onely this last excepted To God be the honour and praise of all c. The whole fleete being out in safety the next day in the morning the Admirall gaue order to the whole fleete to saile toward Peraniew a harbour lying some 40 leagues to the Northward of Fernambucke and there to take in fresh water and to refresh themselues and to make prouision for refreshing our Admirall had sent thither some 6 daies before two French men in a smal pinnesse which Frenchmen he had prouided from Diepe before his comming out of England for that purpose For both these two spake the Indians language very perfectly for at this port of Peraniew and an other callâ—d Poâ—aju some 6 leagues to the Northward the Frenchmen haue had trade for brasil-wood and haue laden from thence by the Indians meanes who haue fet it for them some 20 leagues into the country vpon their backs 3 or 4 ships euery yere Thus we all sailed toward Peraniew at whâ—ch place we arriued in the night so that we were forced to lie off on with a stiffe gale of wind in which we lost the most part of our fleete they not knowing this coast put off to the sea and so went directly for England Our Admirall and some 4 saile more with him put into the harborow of Peraniew and there watered and refreshed himselfe very well with hens conies hares and potatos with other things which the two Frenchmen had partly prouided before his comming this is a very good harborow where ships may ride and refresh very well But as I am giuen to vnderstand since our comming from thence the Portugals haue attempted the place and doe inhabite it and haue put the french from their accustomed trade Here hauing watered and refreshed our selues we put to the sea plying after the rest of our fleete which were gone before which we neuer heard of till our arriuall in England at The downes in the moneth of Iuly where we vnderstood the rest of our consorts to be passed vp for London Captaine Venner his fleete to be at Plimmouth and the French ships to be safe arriued at Diepe which to vs was very great comfort At our seâ—ting sayle from The downes according as the custome is finding the Queenes ships there we saluted them with certaine ordinance The Gunner being carelesse as they are many times of their powder in discharging certain pieces in y e gunner roome set a barrel of powder on fire which tooke fire in y e gunner roome blew vp the Admirals caben slew
thicke mist so that we could not see a cable length before vs. And betimes in the morning we were altogether runne and folded in amongst flats and sands amongst which we found shoale and deepe in euery three or foure shippes length after wee began to sound but first we were vpon them vnawares vntill master Cox looking out discerned in his iudgement white cliffes crying land withall though we could not afterward descrie any land it being very likely the breaking of the sea white which seemed to be white cliffes through the haze and and thicke weather Immediatly tokens were giuen vnto the Delight to cast about to seaward which being the greater ship and of burden 120 tunnes was yet formost vpon the breach keeping so ill watch that they knew not the danger before they felt the same too late to recouer it for presently the Admirall strooke a ground and had soone after her â—terne and hinder partes beaten in pieces whereupon the rest that is to say the Frigat in which was the Generall and the Golden Hinde cast about Eastsoutheast bearing to the South euen for our liues into the windes eye becâ—use that way caried vs to the seaward Making out from this danger wee sounded one while seuen fadome then fiue fadome then foure fadome and lesse againe deeper immediatly foure fadome then but three fadome the sea going mightily and high At last we recouered God be thanked in some despaire to sea roome enough In this distresse wee had vigilant eye vnto the Admirall whom wee sawe cast away without power to giue the men succour neither could we espie any of the men that leaped ouerboord to saue themselues either in the same Pinnesse or Cocke or vpon rafters and such like meanes presenting themselues to men in those extremities for we desired to saue the men by euery possible meanes But all in vaine sith God had determined their ruine yet all that day and part of the next we beat vp and downe as neere vnto the wracke as was possible for vs looking out if by good hap we might espie any of them This was a heauy and grieuous euent to lose at one blow our chiefe shippe fraighted with great prouision gathered together with much trauell care long time and difficultie But more was the losse of our men which perished to the number almost of a hundreth soules Amongst whom was drowned a learned man an Hungarian borne in the citie of Buda called thereof Budaeus who of pietie and zeale to good attempts aduentured in this action minding to record in the Latine tongue the gests and things worthy of remembrance happening in this discouerie to the honour of our nation the same being adorned with the eloquent stile of this Orator and rare Poet of our time Here also perished our Saxon Refiner and Discouerer of inestimable riches as it was left amongst some of vs in vndoubted hope No lesse heauy was the losse of the Captaine Maurice Browne a vertuous honest and discreete Gentleman ouerseene onely in liberty giuen late before to men that ought to haue bene restrained who shewed himselfe a man resolued and neuer vnprepared for death as by his last act of this tragedie appeared by report of them that escaped this wracke miraculously as shall bee hereafter declared For when all hope was past of recouering the ship and that men began to giue ouer and to saue themselues the Captaine was aduised before to shift also for his life by the Pinnesse at the sterne of the ship but refusing that counsell he would not giue example with the first to leaue the shippe but vsed all meanes to exhort his people not to despaire nor so to leaue off their labour choosing rather to die then to incurre infamie by forsaking his charge which then might be thought to haue perished through his default shewing an ill president vnto his men by leauing the ship first himselfe With this mind hee mounted vpon the highest decke where hee attended imminent death and vnauoidable how long I leaue it to God who withdraweth not his comfort from his seruants at such times In the meane season certaine to the number of foureteene persons leaped into a small Pinnesse the bignes of a Thames barge which was made in the New found land cut off the rope wherewith it was towed and committed themselues to Gods mercy amiddest the storme and rage of sea and windes destitute of foode not so much as a droppe of fresh water The boate seeming ouercharged in foule weather with company Edward Headly a valiant souldier and well reputed of his companie preferring the greater to the lesser thought better that some of them perished then all made this motion to cast lots and them to bee throwen ouerboord vpon whom the lots fell thereby to lighten the boate which otherwayes seemed impossible to liue offred himselfe with the first content to take his aduenture gladly which neuertheles Richard Clarke that was Master of the Admirall and one of this number refused aduising to abide Gods pleasure who was able to saue all as well as a few The boate was caried before the wind continuing sixe dayes and nights in the Ocean and arriued at last with the men aliue but weake vpon the New found land sauing that the foresayd Headly who had bene late sicke and another called of vs Brasile of his trauell into those Countreys died by the way famished and lesse able to holde out then those of better health For such was these poore mens extremitie in cold and wet to haue no better sustenance then their owne vrine for sixe dayes together Thus whom God deliuered from drowning hee appointed to be famished who doth giue limits to mans times and ordaineth the manner and circumstance of dying whom againe he will preserue neither Sea nor famine can confound For those that arriued vpon the Newe found land were brought into France by certaine French men then being vpon that coast After this heauie chance wee continued in beating the sea vp and downe expecting when the weather would cleere vp that we might yet beare in with the land which we iudged not farre off either the continent or some Island For we many times and in sundry places found ground at 50,45,40 fadomes and lesse The ground comming vpon our lead being sometimes oazie sand and otherwhile a broad shell with a little sand about it Our people loss courage dayly after this ill successe the weather continuing thicke and blustering with increase of cold Winter drawing on which tooke from them all hope of amendement setling an assurance of worse weather to grow vpon vs euery day The Leeside of vs lay full of flats and dangers ineuitable if the wind blew hard at South Some againe doubted we were ingulfed in the Bay of S. Laurence the coast full of dangers and vnto vs vnknowen But aboue all prouision waxed scant and hope of supply was gone with losse of our Admirall Those in
the Frigat were already pinched with spare allowance and want of clothes chiefly Whereupon they besought the Generall to returne for England before they all perished And to them of the Golden Hinde they made signes of their distresse pointing to their mouthes and to their clothes thinne and ragged then immediately they also of the Golden Hinde grew to be of the same opinion and desire to returne home The former reasons hauing also moued the Generall to haue compassion of his poore men in whom he saw no want of good will but of meanes fit to performe the action they came for resolued vpon retire and calling the Captaine and Master of the Hinde he yeelded them many reasons inforcing this vnexpected returne withall protesting himselfe greatly satisfied with that hee had seene and knew already Reiterating these words Be content we haue seene enough and take no care of expence past I will set you foorth royally the next Spring if God send vs safe home Therefore I pray you let vs no longer striue here where we fight against the elements Omitting circumstance how vnwillingly the Captaine Master of the Hinde condescēded to this motion his owne company can testifie yet comforted with the Generals promises of a speedie returne at Spring and induced by other apparant reasons prouing an impossiblitie to accomplish the action at that time it was concluded on all hands to retire So vpon Saturday in the afternoone the 31 of August we changed our course and returned backe for England at which very instant euen in winding about there passed along betweene vs and towards the land which we now forsooke a very lion to our seeming in shape hair and colour not swimming after the maner of a beast by moouing of his feete but rather sliding vpon the water with his whole body excepting the legs in sight neither yet diuing vnder and againe rising aboue the water as the maner is of Whales Dolphins Tunise Porposes and all other fish but confidently shewing himselfe aboue water without hiding Notwithstanding we presented our selues in open view and gesture to amase him as all creatures will be commonly at a sudden gaze and sight of men Thus he passed along turning his head to and fro yawning and gaping wide with ougly demonstration of long teeth and glaring eies and to bidde vs a farewell comming right against the Hinde he sent forth a horrible voyce roaring or bellowing as doeth a lion which spectacle wee all beheld so farre as we were able to discerne the same as men prone to wonder at euery strange thing as this doubtlesse was to see a lion in the Ocean sea or fish in shape of a lion What opinion others had thereof and chiefly the Generall himselfe I forbeare to deliuer But he tooke it for Bonum Omen reioycing that he was to warre against such an enemie if it were the deuill The wind was large for England at our returne but very high and the sea rough insomuch as the Frigat wherein the Generall went was almost swalowed vp Munday in the afternoone we passed in the sight of Cape Race hauing made as much way in little more then two dayes and nights backe againe as before wee had done in eight dayes from Cape Race vnto the place where our ship perished Which hindrance thitherward and speedback againe is to be imputed vnto the swift current as well as to the winds which we had more large in our returne This munday the Generall came aboord the Hind to haue the Surgeon of the Hind to dresse his foote which he hurt by treading vpon a naile At what time we comforted ech other with hope of hard successe to be all past and of the good to come So agreeing to cary out lights alwayes by night that we might keepe together he departed into his Frigat being by no meanes to be intreated to tarie in the Hind which had bene more for his security Immediatly after followed a sharpe storme which we ouerpassed for that time Praysed be God The weather faire the Generall came aboord the Hind againe to make merrie together with the Captaine Master and company which was the last meeting and continued there from morning vntill night During which time there passed sundry discourses touching affaires past and to come lamenting greatly the losse of his great ship more of the men but most of all of his bookes and notes and what els I know not for which hee was out of measure grieued the same doubtles being some matter of more importance then his bookes which I could not draw from him yet by circumstance I gathered the same to be y e Ore which Daniel the Saxon had brought vnto him in the Mew found land Whatsoeuer it was the remembrance touched him so deepe as not able to containe himselfe he beat his boy in great rage euen at same time so long after the miscarying of the great ship because vpon a faire day when wee were becalmed vpon the coast of the New found land neere vnto Cape Race he sent his boy aboord the Admirall to fetch certaine things amongst which this being chiefe was yet forgotten and left behind After which time he could neuer conueniently send againe aboord the great ship much lesse hee doubted her ruine so neere at hand Herein my opinion was better confirmed diuersly and by sundry coniectures which maketh me haue the greater hope of this rich Mine For where as the Generall had neuer before good conceit of these North parts of the world now his mind was wholly fixed vpon the Mew found land And as before he refused not to grant assignements liberally to them that required the same into these North parts now he became contrarily affected refusing to make any so large grants especially of S. Iohns which certaine English merchants made suite for offering to imploy their money and trauell vpon the same yet neither by their owne suite nor of others of his owne company whom he seemed willing to pleasure it could be obtained Also laying downe his determination in the Spring following for disposing of his voyage then to be reattempted he assigned the Captaine Master of the Golden Hind vnto the South discouery and reserued vnto himselfe the North affirming that this voyage had wonne his heart from the South and that he was now become a Northerne man altogether Last being demanded what means he had at his arriuall in England to compasse the charges of so great preparation as he intended to make the next Spring hauing determined vpon two fleetes one for the South another for the North Leaue that to mee hee replied I will aske a pennie of no man I will bring good tidings vnto her Maiesty who wil be so gracious to lend me 10000 pounds willing vs therefore to be of good cheere for he did thanke God he sayd with al his heart for that he had seene the same being enough for vs all and that we needed not to