art inexcusable that iudgest another condemning thy selfe by iudging him seing thow doest the selfe same thinges wherwith thow findest fault in him The wryter of the Conference putteth downe his name R. Doleman and whether it be his true name or no it little importeth the reason therof is before by vs declared in the next precedent Chapter This other pamphleter cometh forth without any name at all and yet quarreleth with the other for not putting a name is not heere more then S. Paules condemnation against so impudent a cauiller But let vs passe from a vayne and idle Preface to the barren bulke of the worke it selfe which is more ridiculous and absurd then the preamble what do yow thinke that this discouerer hath performed in his whole little barking pamphlet against the forsaid book Hath he answered think yow any one reason argument example or discourse therin set downe throughout those nynteene large Chapters coÌ„teyned in the conference No truly nor hath so much as gone about to do it And wherin then doth he spend his tyme and paper in this discouery yow shal heare breefely and therby know the man First he sheweth himselfe very angry at the common opinion of men about the estimation and credit of this book generally wherat also VV. VV. doth storme exceedingly in his epistle to the Important Considerations The author saith he is so extolled for sharpnes of wit plenty of much reading cunning in conueyance aboundance of eloquence and other graces as none can find any want or default c. Do yow not see heere enuy accuse and condemne her selfe Secondly he taketh in hand and this in diuers parts of his Discouery to shew that the setting forth of this book could not be with the priuity of the K. of Spaine that is now dead or he that now raigneth nor pleasing to eyther of them for that it hurteth his cause a very wise and pertinent argument and that other betrer meanes might haue byn deuised yf he forsooth and his fellowes had byn called to counsel for the aduauncment of the K. honorable designes seruices and offices for so are his words Marry saith he in ordine ad Deum vsque ad aras and more then this I am sure quoth he so good a king wil not require c. Do yow se how careful this discouerer is to hold good opinion with the K. of Spaine how desyrous to further his honorable designes and seruices in ordine ad Deum vsque ad aras shal we thinke this to come from M. Paget VVe can hardly beleeue it Thirdly he taketh in hand to giue many graue notes vpon the reasoning of the two lawyers in the book of Conference and first of all he complaineth that the speakers in the dialogue or conference about succession as also the place named by the author are counterfait as in the title of his answere yow haue heard him auouch which is so egregious a foolery as nothing can be more for with this substantial reason he may refute euery thing wherin fayned persons are brought in to speake and consequently condemne and reiect for counterfet things all Plato and Tullyes works wrytten in dialogue maner affirming that those their conferences and persons therin named were for the most part fayned and counterfetted And is not this also a point of great wisdome Fourthly he findeth great fault with this book for that therin two lawyers should be brought in to reason and be iudges of so great and weightie a controuersy about the succession not law it self But what a iest is this As though law is not best vttered by lawyers or as though to determine weightie controuersyes the rediest way were to bring many law bookes into the place without lawyers to expound them VVho seeth not the cauilling vanity of this man Fifthly he misliketh and comâ—layneth greeuously that the ciuil lawyer should speak first and before the temporal lawyer in this Conference wherof he inferreth that the intention of the wryter is when tyme shal serue in England to haue the ciuil law of Caesar for so his words are preferred before the auncient municipal lawes of our Country which municipal lawes he affirmeth Pope Eleutherius to haue appoynted to Lucius king saith he of all the great Britany and to haue commanded this at the request of the Brytish nobâ—lity and people aboue 1400. yeares past that Caesars ciuil lawes should be Abolished c. Mark heere we beseech yow the learned discourse of our wise Doctor because the ciuilian speaketh first more largely in the first book of the Conference and contrary wise in the second and for that the said first book is before the second book therfore he inferreth that the wryter had a purpose to preferre the ciuil law before the temporal Is he not worthie a doctorship trow yow that so reasoneth As for the second point about Eleutherius the Pope that he appointed K. Lucius to banish Caesars ciuil lawes and to plant municipal lawes or that these municipal lawes that now are in England brought in principally by the Conqueâ—oun and increased synce by acts of ParliameÌ„t as all men know were in Britany in Pope Eleutherius his tyme or that K. Lucius was king of all the great Britany as heere is aâ—ouched vnto vs or that the said K. Lucius or his nobility did demaund these municipal lawes at the Popes hand as this wise discouerer affirmeth these things we say being such strange noueltyes as they are required some proof at least at the Doctors hand yf he wil not be held ridiculous as most of these things are alleadged by him but citing none at all euery man wil iudge of him accordingly In the sixt place after much coÌ„plaint as hath byn touched that the Ciuilian lawyer in the first book speaketh more then the temporal he saith thus The temporal lawyer for his part must follow an eccho not betweene two hilles vpon stoppage of breath for modesty and feare but in playne fields not subiect to rebounds boldly without blushing to correspond c. Consider heere a very graue complaint for that the temporal lawyer is made to answere and allow the Ciuilians speech But heare yet a much grauer and earnest against the trauellers which being present at the speech do speake also themselues sometimes for varietyes sake telling the lawyers what seemeth best to them which thing greatly misliketh this wise discouerer for which cause he wryteth thus against it Furthermore saith he the trauailers for their parts must help the credit of these lawyers by a coople of od shifts els all wilnot go straight for by the meanes of their ranging throughout diuers countreys we must haue a common opinion settled eurey where that all is true which these two haue said and agreeable to the lawes of nature and consequently the common â—ame of their horrible blasts mustâ—course both ayre and earth c. This is his complanit for that poynt
ouerthrow therby the Popes institution of the Archpriest their intention must needs be consequently to exclude all Papal authority and iurisdiction from the kingdome of England except the prince of what religion soeuer agree thervnto VVhich doctrine of what quality it is no man can but see And for better explication therof we are in this place to aduertise the Reader that albeit we haue said so much already in our Apologie about this matter as was needful for that place and the obiections made by these people did require yet hauing both thought and sought more of that poynt since by occasion of the often vrging it we find somwhat to be added heere to wit that the Appellation to Rome in the first instance which there we mentioned was rather an antecedent or preamble to the law it selfe of Premunire then the cheefe substance therof which preamble was begon specially vnder K. Henry the second in the cause of S. Thomas of Canterbury about the yeare 1170. and continued on vntil towards the later end of the raigne of K. Edward the 3. to wit about the yeare 1375. which was but a yeare before the said Kings death when VVickclif now had begone to styrre against Cleargie men and the king being impotent permitted the gouernment most to Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster his fourth some at great variance in those dayes with the bishops namely VVickam and Courtney the first of VVinchester the second of London and himselfe not a litle incensed with Iohn VVickcliffes new diuelish persuasions against the cleargy and religious men VVherfore a contention being in those dayes about the collation of benefices and bishopricks in England wherof the Popes were wont to dispose for the most part they concluded in England after many contentions and disputes and many sendings forth and back to Auinion in France where the Popes at that tyme resided that such prouisions of benefices should not be sought nor made from the Pope immediately for the tyme to come but only in England by consent of the prince and confirmation afterward of the Pope for the most principal benefices and dignityes and whosoeuer should contrary to this procure prouisions immediately from the Pope or any other power or iurisdiction contrary to this lawe should incurre the penaltyes therof And this to haue byn the only true meaning and intent of the said law and lawmakers that were Catholiks is euident by all authors that haue wrytten therof And in this sense there is no controuersy among vs for that later Popes haue eyther agreed thervnto or permitted the same and we see the like in vre also in other Catholike countreys at this day by agreement and composition betwene the Sea Apostolike Princes and Catholike Cleargie But besides this sense and meaning of the law there hath byn another inuented by heretiks and enemyes synce that tyme as though by this law all external iurisdiction of the bishop of Rome should be vtterly excluded from England not only in prouiding of benefices whervnto are annexed temporalityes but euen in matters also meere spiritual In which sense K. Henry the eight Father of her Maiestie was persuaded by some of his Counsel infected with Luthers Doctrine at that tyme to condemne the Card. of Yorke and all his English Cleargie in the losse of all their temporalityes by pretence of this law for admitting the authority and iurisdictioÌ„ of the Popes legats Campegius the said Cardinal without the kings expresse licence And in this sense also hath the Popes authority byn called forrayne and external and vtterly excluded from England by diuers lawes statutes oathes set forth by Protestants against the same since that tyme. And in the same sense and signification being plainly false and heretical as yow see do these libellers vrge it now against the Archpriest and others that admit and approue his authority though meerly spiritual as all the world seeth as hauing nor benefice nor temporality annexed to it or ioyned with it And so we see with what kynd of people these men are drawen by passion to conspire and iump The third point of their argumeÌ„t in this book is to shew that nether the Pope nor any other ecclesiastical power what soeuer hath any authority to restrayn punish or presse by way of force or armes immediatly or by others any Christian teÌ„poral prince whatsoeuer for any delict of heresy Apostasy impugnation of Christian faith extirpation of religion or other cryme whatsoeuer though neuer so much danger or damage should eâ—sâ—e by his default to the commouwealth or to the rest of Christendome And this irreligious paradox they go about to maintayne throughout their whole book alleadging fond childish argumeÌ„ts for the same as that the word of the spirit not the swords of the flesh or any arme of man is that which giueth life and beauty to the Catholike Churche and that the promise made to S. Peter is a sure and sufficient ground to defend Catholike religion without armes And other such faÌ„cies which the Anabaptistes do vse to proue that there should be no external force or ciuil magistrate vsed by Christians and as Martyn Luther disputed when he would prooue that warre was not to be waged against the Turke for religion especially at the Popes direction And yet are our men so confident in these their follies as they are not ashamed to say in the same place to Catholiks Giue no eare deare Catholikes to any priuate VVhisperings or Iesuitical persuasions to the contrary all arguments that can be brought assure your selues are false and vnlearned sophistifications Thus they say and thus they assure Catholiks but much more sure are wee that this is pride ignorance â—olly and falshood in them for that they cannot but know that all the Catholike learned men of Christendome are against them in this position and that the proofes and reasons which they alleadge for the same called by these men heere priuate VVhisperings Iesuitical persuasions and vnlearned sophistications are so learned and weighty as they are not able to answere one of them and if we should heere set downe the ranke of authors that haue wrytten of this point within these 400. yeares as also in our dayes against heretikes and atheists and conuinced the same by most learned demonstrations both out of scriptures councelles fathers and theological reasons to wit that albeit directly the supreme pastor of Christs Churche according to the coÌ„mon opinion of diuynes haue not temporal dominion or iurisdiction ouer christian temporal princes that are supreame in their owne states yet indirectly for conseruation and defence of religion when it is impugned or put in hazard by them he may also vse the sword or help of temporal forces for his restraint eyther immediatly from himself or by other princes at his direction if we say we should cyte heere all the learned Catholike authors of all nations that haue wrytten and
protestation of their soule and consciences it followeth we say that when the matters afterward come to be examyned and are found false and without foundation as euery where lightly they are and heere also are like to be in diuers particulars declared by vs the conclusion must needs be with the discreet and indifferent Reader that eyther these men haue very bad or no conscience at all or els so litle discretion and such a wonted custome of telling vntruthes as they reflect not vpon eyther conscience or credit when they tel them and consequently that both truth and falshood is all one with them and both vttered with like facility and therfore the same credit to be giuen to the one as to the other For proof of this yow haue heard and seene yf yow haue read our former Apologie how notorious falshoods and vntruthes these men haue vttered and printed in their libels about euery one of the cheefest poynts and matters handled by them and refuted by vs in thirtene chapters set downe by order but especially in the 2. 3. 4. 11. and 12. And yf yow wil see a greate company bound vp togeather in few words yow may read the litle briefe Catalogue set before the preface to the Catholiks which is intituled A table of certayne principal deceyts falshoods slanders contayned in the two libels c. Some other also yow shal see noted and layd forth in our Appendix to the said Apology for answering the secoÌ„d coople of books set forth by them afterward in the same kynd Now we are to consider of a third payre for by cooples payres they come forth as twynnes in birth and for more breuity and perspicuity we shal lay togeather a whole fardel of them we meane manifest and open vntruthes in this one Chapter wherby the reader hauing taken a vew of there spirit may trust them afterward as hee shal se occasion And first we may begin with the cheefest point of their purpose through out all their books and especially these last two which is to discredit yf they might and make odious the Fathers of the Society by laying load of slaunders and calumniations vpon them as yow haue heard aâ— large in the first Chapter of this book which being not any way able to proue or make probable as there we haue shewed heere they take another way we meanâ— in their sixt book called Important considerations which is to sweare protest and pawne their consciences for the truth of what they say But with what conscience they do this yow shal see by the euent for thus they wryte These good Fathers say they as the diuel would haue it came into England in the yeare 1580. being the men in our consciences who haue byn the cheefe instruments of all the mischeefes that haue byn intended against her Maiestie synce the beginning of her raigne and of the miseryes which we or any other Catholiks haue vpon these occasions â—usteyned And agayne in another place The Iesuits as we still think in our consciences and before God haue byn from tyme to tyme the very causes of all the calamityes which any of vs haue indured in England since her Maiesties raigne Thus they protest and sweare and by this let euery man iudge of these good consciences it being an easy matter to gesse how true this assertion may be seeing the Iesuits came not into England in xxj yeares and more after her Maiesties raigne neyther was there any English Iesuite abroad all that tyme of such state or condition or in such place as he might be so much as suspected to deale in any such English affayres and yet in this tyme were there many great and greuous attempts against her Maiestie as these men now affirme wherby the state was exasperated and the persecution of Catholiks both begone and increased as the rysing of the northerne Earles the matter of the Duke of Norfolke the excommunication of Pius 5. the setting vp of the bul by 〈◊〉 Folton the dealing of D. Story in Flaunders the attempt of Sr. Thomas Steukley for Ireland the going thither of D. Sanders and other such offensiue things as these men haue gathered togeather to make Catholiks odious therwith all which were done before any English Iesuite set foot in England or had any doings abroad and how then in these mens good consciences could Iesuits be the cheef instruments of these mischeefes and of the calamityes theron ensuing as here is protected sworno and forsworne by them Besides this were not the two doctors named heere by them to wit D. Morton and D. VVebbe whome they affirme to haue byn the cheefe dealers with the Earleâ— of the North were they not secular priests and no Iesuits VVas Piâ—â— 5. a Iesuit VVas not D. Story a secular doctor and no Iesuit VVas not D. Lewes in Rome a secular priest who principally yf not only of our nation is knowne to haue assisted the action of Sr. Thomas Steukley for Ireland and yeâ— is not so much as named heere by these true men for that they would haue vs think he was of their faction against D. Allen And finally was not D. Sanders a secular priest also and no Iesuite how then do these men sweare so solemnely vpon their conscience that Iesuits were the very causes and principal instruments of all the mischeefes and calamityes ensued in England from the beginning of her Maiesties raigne Do not these men condemne themselues heere of so many lyes and false calumniations as there be matters by themselues mentioned For seing they auouch that euery one of the things before touched exas perated the state and consequently were causes of the mischeefs and calamityes ensued against Catholiks and that ioyntly they do or must confesse that no Iesuite was then in England or had to do therin it followeth that to lay all vpon Iesuits with such asseueration of conscience as heere they do argueth litle conscience and gayneth them litle credit with men of good consciences And this is now concerning Iesuits before their entrance into England in the yeare 1580. wherin all men wil graunt them to be most fondly slaundered it remayneth that we prosecute the tyme that ensued synce which may be some other 21. yeares wherin yow shal find the like or worse for that the poyson of malice being once admitted and fostered in mens brests without resistance buddeth forth dayly more malignant fruits as yow shal see by this examination and yow must note that the end and principal purpose of these men being to shew that all the attempts in this space both against her Ma. person and the state came originally from the Iesuits a fit argument no doubt for such as professe themselues Catholike priests they do not proue any one or halfe one to haue proceeded from them especially from him whome they would make the author of all which is F. Persons against whome yf they had any one scrowle or script
memory or witnes or any authâ—ntical testimony in this kynd there is no doubt but they would heere haue alleadged it seeing their malice against him is so ranke as euery way appeareth and for so much as they alleadge none at all nor any other enemy of his heretike politike or Atheist hath hetherto donne to our knowledge yow may be wel assured there is nothing extant and so these good fellowes do supply with cryes and clamors oathes and protestations that which they cannot shew by any sufficient proof or substantial argument as yow shal better perceaue by the examples that ensue brought in and handled by themselues against Catholiks and Iesuytes and especially against the sayd father And first we shal beginne with that they mention of M. Francis Throgmorton his attempt for which he died yf any such were at all as he was charged with we would aske was this by Iesuits counsel and incitation or not no man we think can say yea for that it is too much knowne how that poore gentleman not long before by his brother Thomas his iorney into England was drawne into that new crew and vnluckly association which was lately begone in Paris by M. Paget Morgan and himselfe as adherent against D. Allen F. Persons and their frends as in the first and fourth chapters of our Apologie is touched And yf any man wil doubt of this let him read but the pamphlet set out by the state at that tyme an 1584. intituled A discouery of the treasons of Francis Throgmorion c. where they wryte Item he confessed that he was made acquainted by his brother Thomas Throgmorton by letters and conference and by Thomas Morgan his letters two of the principal confederats and workers of these treasons residing in France with a resolute determination agreed on by the Scotish Queene and her confederats c. VVe would aske further of D. Parry his sending into England a little after that tyme to kil the Queene as he told her Ma. was this also by any English Iesuits plotting No truly for that it is notoriously knowen and can be proued by witnes that D. Allen and F. Persons being at that very tyme in Paris when he was there and whence he tooke his iorney into England would not so much as talk with him or heare his plots as the two forenamed gentlemen of the contrary part entreated them wherupon he being offended protested to M. VVats an English priest in Roan his contrey man at his passing that way that he would be their enemy in England and yf all other proofs fayled yet his owne confession extaÌ„t in print doth cleare by name the said D. and Father from all dealing with him or consenting to his attempts For thus he wryteth in his owne confession set forth after in print In October I came to Paris where I found my credit wel setled being one day at the chamber of Thomas Morgan a Catholike gentleman greatly beloued and trusted on that side c. I was after other talk desyred by Morgan to go vp with him to another Chamber where he brake with me c. I told him it were soone done yf it might be lawfully done and warranted by the opinion of some learned diuines c. diuers diuines were named D. Allen I desyred Persons I refused by chance came M. VVats a learned priest with whome I conferred and was oueruled c. that it was vtterly vnlawful c. And by this we see not only D Allen and F. Persons deliuered from all counsel and participation of this matter but Parry also by his manner of speech to shew himselfe no frende to F. Persons nether to haue durst to comyt his plots to his iudgement and yet heare what these our charitable brethren do wryte of this and another case Two gentlemen say they about that tyme an 1583. M. Arden and M. Someruile were conuicted by the lawes of the Realme to haue purposed and contryued how they might haue layd violent hands vpon her Ma. sacred preson c. And D. Parry the very same yeare was plotting with Iesuits beyond the seas how he might haue effected the like villany Thus they say and would lay this villany as yow see vpon the Iesuits as also the other of Someruile Arden yf any such weare wherin yet neuer Iesuite we thinke was so much as named in there proces or otherwise hitherto so as the malice of these men seemeth to exceed that of the heretikes against Iesuits by many degrees as it doth also in another point following touching the ouerthrow of the Earle of Northumberland M. Shelley and others by the going of one Mope into England wherof these men wryte in these words How the worthie Earle of Northumberland was about this tyme brought into the said plot of the Duke of Guise we wil pretermit M. Persons that was an actor in it could tel the story very roundly c. it wrought the noble Earles ouerthrow 1585. Which may iustly be ascribed to Iesuitical practises of the Iesuite Mendoza and others of that crewe Marke heere gentle Reader the malignant proceeding of these men first they say they wil pretermit how it was done and yet they name F. Persons wherin are two malignityes first in pretermitting Mope knowne to be the actor for that he was and is a cheefe pillar of their faction the other in naming F. Persons who in all that affayre was neuer so much as mentioned hitherto to our knowledge the third malignity also is in naming for a Iesuite Don Bernardino Mendoza the K. of Spayne his Embassadour in England a lay gentleman yet aliue and no Iesuite nor euer was And whether he had any thing to do in those actions or no we know not but suâ—e we are that this is a great malignity to cal them Iesuitical practises as these men do seing that in the forsaid book set forth by the heretiks against M. Throgmorton is set downe among his confessions that the forsaid Mope alias Spring that came ouer and dealt with the said Earle and M. Shelley was otherwise called Charles Paget and that Thomas Morgan residing in France hauing brought the said Francis Throgmorton into dealings of state matter with the Q. of Scots and forsaid Embassador he and Mope sent M. Thom. Throgmorton to his said brother in England to aduertise him by word of mouth of those attempts heere obiected all which three actors how they were affected to Iesuits how litle vnion they had with them in their plots and actions all Englishmen know beyond the seas and may easily be gathered by that we haue wrytten in the first fourth chapter of our Apologie wherby may appeare to whome the ouerthrow of this good Earle ascribed by these men to Iesuitical practises may truly be attributed and besydes is to be remembred that in M. Shelley his araignmeÌ„t certaine coÌ„fessioÌ„s of D. Bagshaw highly coÌ„mended by the Q.
of all other seeketh most to do them good yf they had vnpassionate eyes to see it VVherfore we shal runne ouer breefly some few more that concerne him especially and so make an end hauing receyued from him and others particular information of the truth and falshood of the matters obiected VVherfore to touch them briefely as theyâ—ly in this their book of Important Considerations for we wil omit eyther all or the most part of those that are in their other libel tearmed their Relation of wisbich wherin there are so many heaped togeather in a certayne mad and furious innectiue of VV. VV. prefixed in name of the rest before the said bookâ— as these only with the spiteful maner of vttering the same are sufficieÌ„t to make them knowne and to discreedit not only the wryter but all his ayders and approuers with all honest and sober men of what religion soeuer For first they affirme heere that F. Persons hath seâ—t sundry of his subiects into Ireland already in the behalf of the Spaniard and that that warre was plotted and sollicited by him and his that he hath intituled the K. of Spayne to all the 3. kingdomes of England Scotland and Fraunce and the lady Infanta to the same kingdomes that he did constrayne the students of the Semynaryes in Spayne to subscribe to her interest forcing them to promise that when they should returne into England they would aduance her title to their vttermost abillity power and poyse of words that for not applauding to this Spanish pretence of the Infanta the L. Dacres was dryuen out of Spayne and all other Spanish dominions being slaundered to be a spy for England and to haue intended to haue set the Spanish fleet on fyre That F. Persons hath caused diuers of our countrey to be vtterly disgraced discredited yea and to leese their lyues in Spayne for not yeilding to his desyre therin That after he came in post to Rome and would needs haue the book of Tytles read in the Refectory of the Colledge yf it had not byn resysted and that for hatred to the secular Seminary priests he gaue out that book of Tytles to haue byn made by M. Dolman a secular priest c. These and a great multitude more of like accusations and calumniations which for breuity and lothsomnesse we omit are heaped togeather in this place and sprinkeled againe throughout the whole book as occasion is offered And albeit the most of these are so euidently false and ridiculous as theyneed no answere yet wil we say somwhat to each of them in order and first of that of hauing sent diuers of his subiects already into Ireland to set forward that warre all men knowe that F. Persons hath authority ouer none but only English Iesuits wherof yf any one can be proued to haue byn sent hitherto into Ireland or any one to be there at this day or any one priest of those Seminaryes to haue byn directed by him that way for diuerse yeares then may these slaunders haue some shew or pretence of this their malicious sycophancy but none being at all it maketh them more in excusable Moreouer weâ— adâ— that we haue seene a letter lately wrytten out of Spay ne by a man o credit about the protestation of two worshipful and honorable gentlemen Sir VVilliam Stanley and M. Thomas Fitzherbert concerning this affaire of Ireland wherin they bothe affirme and protest vpon their soules and coÌ„sciences that to their knowledge neyther they nor any one English-man els was euer so much as asked his opinion in this late affayre of Ireland nor any one hitherto of our nation imployed or sent in that action And M. Thomas Fitzherbert nameth in that letter one Hewghe Boye an Irish-man Agent for the Earle of Tyron in the court of Spayne who residing there many monethes to deale in this matter and seing M. Fitzherbert euery day as lying in the same court neuer yet broke the matter with him nor was willing that any English-man at all should be priuy thervnto as whome both he and other Irishmen treating therabout presumed to be contrary to their desires and designments therin And this can and wil the said Boye testifie seing since that tyme he is passed from the said Earle of Tyrone to her Maiesties seruice And further more the said two gentlemen do protest in like maner vpon occasion offered that both they F. Persons and F. Creswel who haue had hitherto most dealings with the spanish King and counsel did neuer treat in their lyues nor consent that the said king should haue any temporal interest in the crowne of England for himselfe and much lesse that any such conquest of our countrey should be made or attempted as these folish malitious people do faygne and giue out And further they protest by the same asseueration that neyther the old king now dead nor his sonne now raigning did euer pretend the same in word or deed but alwayes assured the contrary to wit that their only meaning and desire was and is by their warres against England that the Catholiks might be releeued from their most greeuous pressures and oppressions for religion and themselues deliuered from continual molestations which in Flanders Indies and other places they receyued from England hauing a desire in themselues to lyue in peace and loue with that crowne aboue all other forraine nations as in former tymes they did when the State was Catholike This and diuers other such poynts do the foresaid two worthie gentlemen auow in manner aforesaid is testified by the foresaid letter which we haue seene dated in Madrid the first of October last past 1601. By this then most of the foresaid calumniations against F. Persons are discouered concerning his dealing with and for the king of Spayne which is greatly confirmed and made euident by a certaine letter wrytten by the said Father himselfe in great confidence and cyphar also as his aduersaryes say to F. Holt in Flaunders from Genua vpon the 15. of March 1597. when the said father arryued there towards Rome which letter or the copy therof being stolne afterward as it seemeth from F. Holt and giuen to his aduersaryes which in some places they haue shewed and is like to be that which heere they brag of saying that his owne books handwrytings wil be brought out as witnesses against him But hitherto they are not brought or alleadged and it semeth that this in particular wherof we haue the copie serueth not their turnes so much as they dare to alleadge it finding more sincerity religion wisdome and grauity conteyned therin though wrytten in secret and confidence where he might vtter himselfe boldly than their malignant enuy wil suffer them to be glad to see which yet we be inforced in this place through their malignity not to thinke amisse to acquaint somwhat the Reader therwith The superscription was thus To the Reuerend Father F. VVilliam Holt c. And then
within was wrytten this in cyphar as the rest of the letter also is said to haue byn A note for F. Holt such other confident frends as he shal thinke good to communicate the same withal And then began the letter thus The principal causes of this my iorney are to setle with his Holines and F. General all such poynts as shal seeme necessary for the vpholding of the Seminaries of Spayne Flaunders Italy and of the mission of the society to England and therfore whatsoeuer shal offer it selfe vnto yow about any of these points to wit for facultyes gouernment priuiledges maintenance or the like I pray yow and other frends to aduise me with the best speed that may be for I meane to procure that my aboad in Italy be as litle as may bee and so I haue promised in Spaine and for diuers reasons it wil be necessary Yf I can do any good also in compounding or ending the troubles of the English Roman Seminary and of our controuersyes betweene those of our nation els where I shal do my best at least I hope I shal make his Hol. and other principal persons vnderstand the true causes and grounds therof By these two first points we may see that F. Persons iorney to Rome was neyther in post as these men say being 5. or 6. monethes in coming nor to cause the book of English titles to be read in the Refectory as fondly heere is deuised about which whole matter of succession he speaketh in his letter so temperatly and indifferently as may shame his aduersaryes to alleadge it for he saith in substaÌ„ce That he meaneth to proceed therin very softly and coldly letting his Hol. only to know how matters do stand that English Catholiks do only desire after her Maiestie some sincere Catholike Prince without respect of English Scottish Spanish or other nation in respect of religion that F. Persons is not an enemy to the king of Scotland nor Agent for king Philip as some haue enformed shewing in the first what good offices he hath done for the king of Scotland for many yeares whilst their was hope that he would be a Catholike and in the second shewing by testimony of the Nuntio of Madrid Patriarke Caetan who hath wrytten effectually in that behalf that F. Persons hath alwayes persuaded the king his counsel that it wil not stand wel for his Maiestie to pretend England for himself that he hath obtayned of the king ful promise therof about which poynt the Nuntio hath seene the papers byn priuy to the speches which F. Persons from tyme to tyme hath had vnto that effect These are the words of this secret letter and finally he concludeth that the best of all would be yf to auoyd contention opposition and garboyles after her Maiestie such a person might be thought of as would be fit and stand wel both for his Hol. and Maiestie Catholike Inglish and Scotish Catholiks the kings of Fraunce Denmarke and all the rest but who that person or persons be he meaneth to suffer his Hol. to thinke vpon c. Thus he wryteth as yow see in great confidence and secresy to his dearest frend and was to treate to the same effect with the Pope by the commission as heere is insinuated of the king of Spaine himselfe And his Hol. can be witnesse whether he did so or no and whether he hath changed his course or no vntil this day And then let the discreet reader iudge whether these cogitations and endeauors of F. Persons do not tend more to peace vnion composition sauing of his countrey from warres and garboyles pacifying of Princes round about and furthering the Catholike religion which principally is sought by him as the first and cheef meanes of all ioy and felicity both in this lyfe and the next then the distracted passionate clamors of these few discontented people that cry out to pul downe but set vp nothing that calumniate other mens actions but can do nothing themselues being only fit to vndo discompose wrangle trouble cry and curse but let vs see yet a litle further They obiect that F. Persons hath intitled the king of Spaine to all the 3. kingdomes of England Scotland and France the Lady Infanta to the said three kingdomes Let them shew this out of any wryting of his and if they cannot as is most certaine let them be ashamed of this their shamelesse calumniation For in the book of succession which they attribute vnto him is no such matter eyther about the kingdome of France or Scotland for eyther of those two persons but rather the quite contrary which proueth these men not to speak by line or measure or regard of verity but only what they imagine may sound odiously And is this fit for priests yea Catholike priests The tale of the students subscribing swearing and promising in Spaine to promote with mayne and might poyse of words dentibus â—nsibus as our Orators say the Infanta her title is much like poetical comentaryes and fictions vpon some litle ground of truth For all are lyes but only this that our late good Cardinal thinking seriously towards the later end of his dayes of the perilous state of our countrey yf her Ma. should faile and what great contention and warres were like to ensue about the succession of a new prince he was greatly troubled and afflicted in mynd and casting diuers wayes about how these mischeefes might best be preuented and matters wrought to some moderation and composition both to the contentment of forrayne princes and probability to reduce the Cath. faith agayne into England he took his pen in hand and set downe a very wise moderate and pious discourse of his opinion and iudgment therin sending the same into Spayne with desyre to heare the opinions of his frends about the same who liking it very wel and being desyrous to haue the same continued and set forward diuers of the cheef English there as wel lay men as Ecclesiastical as namely Sr. Frauncis Inglefield M. D. Stillington and others wrote their likings and approbation therof and requested that the like might be performed froÌ„ the Semynaryes for encouraging the good Card. to go forward in that pious cogitatioÌ„ And this is all that in that matter was done or atteÌ„pted without any promise oath or obligation at all so as all the rest which these men ad is eyther poetical fictions or exaggerations as we haue sayd The calumniation about the L. Dacres is most false slaunderous and hath many malignant vntruthes That which passed betwene him and F. Persons is this as we are certaynly enformed by them that know it He went out of England to Vallidolid in Spaine about the yeare 1590. where finding F. Persons begynning his new Seminary he was most curteously receyued and treated by him therin and after some dayes recommended by his letters very effectually to the court at Madrid where also he
was honorably vsed from whence he passed to Rome and there had 60. Crownes a moneth in gold payed him by the Spanish Embassador which after some tyme misliking his abode there he left to returne into Flaunders where it may be that he fel into some discontentements as banished men are wont to do but this could not be by any reason or probability with F. Persons seing he neuer dealt with him after his departure from Spaine and is presumed to haue had the forsaid prouision in Rome by his special comeÌ„dation VVherfore to say heere as these men do that he was held for a spy and suspected that he would burne the K. fleete wherof we neuer heard before is open calumniation laid vpon the good noble man himselfe towards whome we vnderstand by very certaine and sure meanes that the said Father is and alwayes was very wel affected in respect both of his religion and house whatsoeuer this seditious wryter and make-bate goeth about to persuade to the contrary As for the other that F. Persons hath caused diuers of our nation to be vtterly disgraced discredited yea and to leese their lyues in Spaine for being contrary to his designes is so manifest a slaunder as we are ashamed to repeat For what one example can these men alleadge for sauing their credit and honestie heerin It is wel knowne that he hath saued the lyues of diuers both by deliuering them out of the gallyes as also out of the inquisition as diuers can beare witnesse that are now in England deliuered by him And more it is to be noted that from the tyme of F. Persons comming into Spaine in the yeare 1588. vntil his departure from thence in the yeare 1596. no one EnglishmaÌ„ in any of the Tribunals of all those kingdomes was publikely punished or put to death during those 8. yeares wheras before many had accustomed to be And this change is knowne to haue come principally by the information and intreaty of F. Persons with those Ecclesiastical Iudges letting them vnderstand first and aboue all other things the true state of men in England touching religion at this tyme to wit that very few especially of the yonger sort how earnest protestants soeuer they shew themselues are to be accounted heretiks properly and in rigour of the Canons as they appoynt punishments vnto them for that they lack sufficient knowledge of the Cath. faith or at leastwise instructions hauing neuer byn actually Catholiks And albeit this were not so yet other circumstances there are of great moment to mitigate the ordinary proceeding of Canonical lawes and punishmeÌ„t towards them seing that by experience it was found that the most part of such mâ—n being prest vpon the suddayne or at their first apprehension were ordinarily so proud and wilful as they would rather burne or abide any other punishment then leaue or renounce their fancyes but geuing them tyme and instructing them by reason and good arguments they were easily conuerted and so it was seene by experience that in all the foresaid tyme euer synce there haue not byn found perhaps two Englishmen which being taken or otherwise comming to confereÌ„ce haue not byn turned and made Catholiks albeit some of them afterward againe for â—emporal respects may haue perhaps relented at there arriual in England wherof also many haue stood constant And this is and hath byn the manner of F. Persons proceeding with Englishmen in Spayne while he was there quite contrary to the malitious fictions lying detractions vsed heere against him for procuring the ruine death of his countrey men c. And finally where these accusants obiect against F. Persons that he caused the book of succession to be set forth in the name of one Dolman a secular priest and this for hatred of that order we are informed that it is no lesse false then a malitious cauillation that the author of the booke neyther knew any priest to be named Dolman when he wrote that book nor so much as thought on him but alluding to the word of the scripture vir dolorum he called himselfe Dole-man in respect of the greife and sorrow he bore in his hart for the affliction and calamity of his Countrey Afterward it fel out that there was a priest in England called Dolman who being drawne by these men to fauour their faction as it seemeth was persuaded also to coÌ„plaine that he was made to be the author of the book which no man yet we think that knoweth him and hath read the book wil easily beleeue or accuse him of his talent being knowen to be farre inferior to such a labour and consequently their complaint in this is both fond and ridiculous There ensueth in the said Epistle that F. Persons in Greenewat made the case cleere that difference in religion or matters of faith neyther ought nor could by the law of God of nature of nations or custome euer hard of in any natioâ— depriue any one inferior subiect much lesse said he in the same place any Soueraigne from the right of inheritance or lawful succession by byrth or bloud to any thing they had right vnto otherwise c. Heere now hearing them to name a perticular place and to auow a matter so stoutly yow may perchance thinke with your selfe gentle Reader whether all or some part of this may be true or no but doubt not therof For we assure yow vpon most certayne information had from the originalles themselues that all is most false F. Persons protesting by his letters that he remembreth not any such place called Greenewat that euer he was in in his lyfe nor knoweth what nor where it is And for the doctrine heere ascribed to him he detesteth it as fond absurd and tasting both of heresy and atheisme though allowed heere as it seemeth by our people he being not ignoraÌ„t that both ciuil lawes and Church Canons doe depriue heretiks of inheritances as our men ought to know also And yf the foresaid book of Titles or succession alleadged by them were wrytten by F. Persons as they affirme then is there proofe inough therin to shew him to be contrary to this doctrine seing that the whole drift of the first book especially the 6. 7. 8. and 9. Chapters is principally directed against this doctrine taught as there is said by one Belloy a French man and whome the said first book of titles reâ—uteth by many arguments so as these men by running headlong vpon F. Persons do breake their owne hornes and see not their folly But heare yet another calumniation more absurd then this against the same man There is say they a letter of F. Persons owne wryting wherein is set downe in playne tearmes to this effect scilicet How the Iesuits are the most infest enemyes both to the Cath. Church and common welth that are this day in the world to be found c. But heere againe we require the letter and aske
why it is not alleadged with the date and place and then consider moreouer good Reader how likely it is that F. Persons except he were mad should wryte these words of himself and of his whole order and whethet these men may be iudged to be in their right senses and fiue wits that wryte and put such things in print though wee haue heard of a certayne letter deuised amongst some of them to be printed as writen by him which yet others of the sayd company not so mad as the rest dissuaded them from as a thing that would easily be discouered yet haue they here another assertiō within a few leaues after as bold and ridiculous as this saying F. Persons so laboured himself and others in England about matters of state how he might set her Ma. crowne vpon anothers head as appered by a letter of his owne to a certayne Earle that the Catholiks themselues threatned to deliuer him into the hands of the ciuil magistrate except he desisted from such kynd of practises c. And heere also we would aske why they do not expresse this letter more particularly set downe the words therof For yf they meane a letter of his wrytten to the Earle of Anguise in Scotland and intercepted heere in Englād concerning his dutiful affection and good merits towards the K. of Scotlād there is no such woord ther in sense nor meaning if they haue any other which we assure our selues they haue not why do they not cite it as plaine dealing men ought to do as we haue done towards them and theirs in our Apologie VVhy also do they slaunder the Catholiques of England with so base and absurd a cogitation as to deliuer vp F. Persons to the ciuil magistrate which we assure ourselues neuer passed through their imaginations esteeming his discret and feruent labours for them and their common cause a hundred tymes more then all these vnprofitable wrangling people ioyned togeather And now hauing byn much more longer in this matter then we purposed at the beginning we would gladly end pretermitting infinite other such like stuffe of the same kind as in these books are euery wheare found yet must we not passe ouer one narration of theirs for that it toucheth great personages The story is this that when their two legats M. Bishop and M. Charnock came to Rome in the end of the yeare 1598. they went as heere is said first to the frēch Embasador residing there requesting his help to procure thē audiēce of the Pope who enquiring if they had brought the K. his masters letter in their fauour perceauing they had not told thē that albeit he would with the said letter if they had brought it more willingly enter into the said action with them yet without it also would he speake to his Hol. in their fauour and so he did making a speech which heere in their book they take vpon them to set downe and the very words he vsed wherby he obtayned ful promise of their audience with fauour at his Hol. hands VVhich the Spanish Embassadour vnderstanding of went presently to the Pope and made another speech in the behalfe of his maister to whome the Pope promised that they should not haue audience which being vnderstood by the french Embassadour he returned to his Hol. againe and renewed his oration and petitiō for their audience more earnestly then before and it was resolutely graunted him which being brought to the Spanish Embassadour he went to the Pope with great vehemency the second tyme and as it were threatning him from his king made him recal the second tyme his former promise Lo heere a sharp combat framed in the ayre neuer thought of by the partyes as we are informed from Rome it selfe And first it is to be considered how bold a deuise this is and how iniurious to his Hol. himselfe who is made heere like a doore opened by one and shut by another and geuing a creake to each one that moueth it which contumely how farre it is from the wisdome maturity and knowen constancy of his Hol. in his resolutions all men do know who haue dealt with him and it is extreame audacity for these to deuise such absurd and ridiculous matters of him as to say and vnsay fower tymes one thing to so great personages And thus much of his Holines person But now for the matter it selfe concerning the narration how or whether the two messengers went to the French Embassador in Rome whether the matter be wholy fayned or no we cannot precisely affirme but great probability there is that they were neuer with him seing that their arriual in Rome being about the 11. of December as in our Apologie we haue declared at what tyme the said Embassador was not there but in Ferrara with the Pope or in his way towards Rome his Holines entred not the citty but some 2. or 3. dayes before the floud which happened on Christmas eue and so empestred the citty as there was no going vp and downe and much lesse negotiating from that tyme to S. Thomas of Canterbury his day Decemb. 29. when they were restrayned and committed to ward by his Holines order and therby had no tyme afterward to go to the said Embassador But howsoeuer this was we are acertayned by due information taken at Rome both from Cardinal Burghesius Vice-protector of England priuy to all the whole negotiation and of the Duke of Sessa and Vayena the King of Spaynes Embassador whome our brethren appoint for cheef actor and orator of pleading this cause for of the other two Cardinal Caëtan the Protector and Monsieur Syllarie the king of France his Embassador the one is dead and the other gone from Rome these two great men we say do affirme that all this matter to their knowledge is a meere fiction and that his Hol. when he shal know it as before this it is likely he hath done cannot but laugh and yet be much offended with such audacity to be published in print And of the said Duke of Sessa Embassador of Spayne they write from Rome that he laughed hartily when he heard the Story saying wel then they make me at least the better orator of the two who finally preuayled with his Hol. But after his laughter past he asked seriously But is it possible that English Catholike priests should haue so litle shame conscience as to vtter such deuises of their owne in print and father them vpon vs heere who neuer thought nor dreamed therof what may be expected of them for the tyme to come These men said he wil not stick to fayne letters wrytings and speeches to wreake their wrath against any man To whome it was answered that this indeed was doubted against some and F. Persons by name whose letters they threaten in many places to bring forth and yet alleadge none hitherto for that perhaps they are not yet made or deuised VVel then there were
assaylant then the assayled Yow haue heard how boysterously not to say furiously these passionate people haue runne euery where vpon F. Persons dentibus ensibus to vse their owne phrase and surely if we did not know F. Persons and his merits towards our common cause and them in particular as we do yet knowing them as we may by these their books and libels and beholding their outragious dealing with him we must needs think the better of him for it and that there is some great good thing in him for which they enuy him so exceedingly and discouer such rancor and malice against him as they seeme to be content we meane of the principal that wryte these books to put out both their owne eyes according to the prouerb so they might put out one of his But this is the nature of enuy Let vs now examine some more particulars of their proceedings with him Besides all their former rayling and calumniation against F. Persons wherof we haue treated hitherto they obiect now further to leaue nothing vntouched the wryting of certayne books foure in number wherof 3. are extant in print and one only in wrytten hand The first is in latyn vnder the name of Philopater conteyning an answere to the English Edict and most rigorous law set forth against Catholiks in the yeare 1591. The second is in English named a VVardword to the VVatchword of Sir F. Hastings by N. D. which two books these men do inueigh against by name and yet in the first of them their owne cause if they be Catholike priests as also the Seminaries and English martirs are so diligently deâ—ended especially in the 3. 4. and 5. sections as if enuy had not vtterly extinguished in these people the sense and feeling not only of vertue and gratitude but of humanity also and ciuility they would neuer so enueigh against this book wrytten in their behalfes as neyther against the second to wit the VVardword which is wholy to the same effect and to defend the most innocent Catholike recusants of our countrey against the bloudy slaunders and imputations of that cruel mynded knight The 3. and fourth books obiected by them are the conference about Succession or Titles as they cal it and the high counsel of Reformation for so they fondly terme it of which two books we shal speake somwhat more in this place but most of the last for that it is not in print as all the other three are and so may be vewed and examined by the Reader himself to whome we giue only this aduertisment that none of the forsaid three haue F. Persons name vnto it and consequently are no otherwise knowne to be of his making but only by their owne coniectures albeit all three are such as be they his or no they yeild litle matter of aduantage to these poore men but much rather of greef and enuy as by reading them will appeare And as for the third of Succession we shal discusse some points therof afterwards beeing vrged therunto by their often carping therat and a childish answere set forth against it in print Now we wil begin with the fourth wherof they write thus This Polypragman Persons say they set out a booke intituled The high counsel of Reformation of England c. wherin he wil haue the old Roman Agrarian law so firmely established in this land no fee simple of inheritance shal be left for any English from the Prince to the freeholder to possesse enjoy and leaue by succession of birth and bloud to his posterity as to his next heyres further then as the Spanish Iesuitical court counsel and gouernors shal appoint for them Lo heere a great and heynous charge and if any one senteÌ„ce therof be true or sincerely set downe then shal we be content to beleeue them in all the rest and if we proue them to be all and euery one of them meerly false then yow know what to think of them First then we graunt that vpoÌ„ search made we haue found that the said Father not altogeather vntruly called heere Polypragmon for the multitude of his cares and labors in our publique cause hauing had occasion aboue others for more then xx yeares not only to know the State of matters in England but also of many forraine nations and Catholike kingdomes abroad hath vsed like diligence from tyme to tyme to obserue and note to himselfe certayne excelleÌ„t things found in other places which are not so much in vse among vs in England nor were when it was Catholike VVhich obseruations he hauing imparted somtymes with certayne confident freÌ„ds they seemed to them of so great importaÌ„ce for the tyme to come as they intreated him earnestly to put them at least in wryting for himselfe and for others after him to publike good when tyme might serue to vse them if now he would not make them common as he signified in no wiâ—e he would Herevpon he then being at Siuil in the yeare 1596. and receyuing letters from his Superiors to returne to Rome for appeasing the tumults there he was more earnestly intreated that before his departure he would performe the same and so he did calling it A memorial or Remembrance for them that shal lyue when Catholike religion shal be restored into England wherin he proposeth with all indifferency such matters as he hath obserued and noted to be thought and considered of at that tyme and eyther to be taken or reiected limited chaunged or altered as they should think best all which appeareth by his owne Preface to that treatese which for more satisfaction of the Reader and fuller declaration of his intent and purpose we shal heere set downe word for word as we find it in the said book wherof we haue procured a true copy out of the original though with great difficulty for that no copyes are giuen abroad but only to some few confident frends to haue a sight therof and giue their iudgement of the matter But yet before we set downe the said Preface we may note the falsity of these first words of our brethren affirming the book to be intituled The high counsel of Reformation for England c. wheras it is only intituled A memorial for Reformation c. conteyning certaine notes and aduertisments c. gathered and set downe by R P. 1596. Secondly it is not nor euer was set out or published as these men falsly affirme but is kept in secret to the author and his nearest frends only to the end aforesaid Thirdly the whole calumniation that follovveth of the old Romaine Agrarian lawes pretended therby to be so firmely established as no fee simple of Inheritance shal be left for any English c. All this we say is so notoriously false as the plaine contrary is therin to be found First for that nothing proposed in this Memorial is firmely established or set downe by way of resolution but only suggested to be considered of secondly
it is both often and expresly prouided in this book that the old auncient lawes customes and vses of Englād how so euer some of them may seeme incommodious and different from other natiōs in diuers poynts yet are they not easily to be chaunged or altered but rather conserued and persited by other good things to be added vnto them which being considered and the peeuish and maligne calumniation of these men therby vnderstood we shal leaue them to their wrangling and lying humour and so passe to set downe the said promised preface of the memorial whose title is this The Preface of the author shewing how and why these notes were gathered and the principal parts to be treated c. 1596. The notes and obseruations of this memorial following were gathered layd togeather in tyme of persecution when there was no place to execute or put them in vre and it is now more then 17. or 18. yeares past that the gatherer began first to put some of them in wryting and hauing had the experience of the yeares which haue insued since and his part also of trauel in the Cath. affayre of his coūtrey and seene the practise of diuers other Cath. nations abroad he was desyrous in case that himselfe should not liue to see the desyred day of the reduction of England yet that some of his cogitations and intentions for the publike good therof might worke some effect after his death and that therby other men might be the sooner mooued to enter into more mature consideration of these and such other like points yea and to descend also vnto many more particulars then heere are set downe for that the gatherers meaning was only to open the way to insinuate certayne general and principal heads that might serue for an awaking and remembrance at that happy day of the conuersion of our countrey vnto such persons as shal be then able and desyrous to further the common good and to aduaunce almighty Gods glory with an holy zeale of perfect reformation who yet perhaps may be so intangled with multitude of other busines and cogitations at that tyme as they wil not so easily enter into these except they be put in mynd therof by some such memorial and aduertisments as heere are touched And what is said in this Treatise for the kingdome of England is meant also for Ireland so farre forth as it may do good seing the author desireth as much benefit for Gods seruice and good of the nation to the one countrey as to the other And for that the principal members and braunches whome this memorial may concerne are three to wit the whole body of the realme iointly and then the Cleargie and temporalty apart therfore the same order shal be obserued for more perspicuityes sake in treating the matters that are to be handled according to these three parts First of things that appertayne to the whole body of the Realme in general and then to the Cleargie and Laytie in particular deuiding each one of these two later members into his particular braunches also as namely the Cleargie and spiritualty into Bishops priests and religious men and the laytie or temporality into the Prince with his counsel the nobility and commons making of euery one of these cheefe members their particular Chapters also a part as in prosecution of this Treatese shal appeare And to the performance of this the author was encoraged especially by two points which for diuers yeares he hath byn persuaded in the first that God wil most certainly at his tyme appointed restore the realme of England to the Catholike faith againe as may appeare by the euident hand he holdeth now in the worke the other that England being once conuerted may be made the spectacle of all the world and an example of perfection to all other Catholike countreys and churches round about it if want of zeale and good wil do not hinder it in those that God shal bring to see that blessed day which the gatherer of this memorial hopeth wil not And with this hope he setteth downe the notes and aduertisments ensuing This is the Preface verbatim and by this yow may in part conceyue of the Authors whole drift and meaning which he prosecuteth afterwards according to the former three parts to wit of the whole body iointly and then of the Cleargie Churches schooles and vniuersityes particularly and lastly of the laity or temporalty making 10. Chapters of the first part 7. of the second and 5. of the third proposing diuers and sundry most excellent obseruations concerning each one quite contrary to all that which his detractors do heere or els where set downe or insinuate vpon meere suspition coniectures and vpon the very name or hearing of this book without reading or seing it only to contradict his endeauors whome they haue neyther vertue nor ability to imitate It were ouer long and not standing with our purpose of breuity in this place to alleadge as we might many excellent places out of this memorial for our comfort yet some few peeces shal we touch as it were for a tast and to discouer these mens malitious enuying humour The first Chapter of the first part hath this inscription Some special reasons why England aboue all other Realmes ought to procure a perfect reformation when tyme shal serue c. And then it followeth in the Chapter thus If euer nation vnder heauen were bound to shew themselues grateful to almighty God and turne hartily and zealously vnto him and to seek his highest glory by a perfect reformation of their countrey when his diuyne Ma. shal open the way it is the English nation for these reasons following First for that no other nation in the world on whome God hath layd the scourge of heresy hath receaued so many helpes and graces to resist the same as England hath done which is euident by the multitude and valour of English Martyrs by the fortirude and zeale of so many and such confessors by the constancy patience and feruour at home by the store of Seminaryes abroad and by the seruent spirit of priests brought vp in them and by many other fauors and priuiledges vsed towards the English nation in these our dayes All which do require an extraordinary demonstration of forwardnes in English Catholiks when the tyme shal serue to be answerable in some sort to these extraordinary benefits This is his first reason wherunto he addeth 4. more of no lesse moment which we notwithstanding are forced for brenityes sake to pretermit our intention being only to giue a tast both of the argument handled in this book and of the maner how it is handled yet for that the fourth reason being further considered by vs seemeth to beare with it an euident demostration as wel of F. Persons syncere and plaine meaning as also of his good opinion of these priests that now make so many clamors against him we are induced to
wish that a playne contrary course were taken by vs towards them from that which they haue vsed towards vs seing that our cause doth beare it which is of contrary state and condition to theirs for wheras their cause being false and infirme they would neuer consent to come to any indifferent tryal or disputation with the Catholiks I would wish that seing our cause is true and substantial and the more it is tryed the more it wil appeare that once at least at the beginning ful satisfaction were giuen by all English Catholiks to them and all other heretiks of the world by as ful free equal and liberal disputations as possibly could be deuised within our Realme c. Thus he wryteth and then setteth downe diuers particulars about the meanes lawes and conditions that might be prescribed for the good preformance of this affayre cōcluding in these words And thus much for gayning of those that haue byn deceaued by error and are of good nature and think they do wel and do hold a desyre to know the truth and follow the same and finally do hope to be saued as good Christians and do make accompt of an honest and true conscience though they be in heresy c. So saith he and much more which we omit and by this we may see in part this mannes disposition that he resolueth nothing of himself but only propoundeth to be taken or left in parte or in whole as shal be thought best And thus much for a tast of the first part of this Memorial The second part of this worke concerneth the Cleargy contayning Bishops Priests Churches vniuersities and religious orders both men and women and hath this title to the first Chapter therof Of the Cleargie in general what they are and ought to do at the next chaunge and how soundly to be vnited with the laytie c. which Chapter beginneth thus Hauing to speak of the Cleargie in general which God from the beginning of his Church vouchsafed to name his owne portion for that they were dedicated more peculiarly then other men to his diuine seruice and our Sauiour to cal them by the most honorable name of the light of the world and sale of the earth the first point of all to be remembred vnto them seemeth to be that yf euer there were a tyme wherin the effect of these names were needful to be shewed and put in execution it wil be now at the begining of our countreys next conuersion whose fal and affliction may perhaps in great part be ascribed to the want of these effects in former tymes past c. And furthermore it may be considered that the State of the Cleargie in England after our long desyred reduction and happy entrance of some Cath. Prince ouer vs and after so long and bitter storme of cruel persecution wil be much like vnto that which was of the general Church of Christendome in tyme of the first good Christian Emperour Constantine the great after the bloudy persecutions of so many infidel Tyrants that went before him for thre hundred yeare togeather at what tyme as God on the one side prouided so many notable zealous and learned men for the establishing of his Church as appeareth by the three hundred and eightene most worthy Bishops gathered togeather in the first general counsel of Nice so on the other side the diuel ceased not to styrre vp amongest the Cleargie of that tyme diuers and sundry diuisions emulations contentions some of indiscreet zeale against such as had fallen and offended in tyme of persecution and some other grounded vpon worse causes of malice emulation and ambition tending to particular interest wherby both that good Emperour in particular and all the Church of God in general were much troubled and afflicted and many good men scandalized and God almighties seruice greatly hindred and the common enemy comforted And considering that the tymes men matters and occasions may chaunce to fal out very like or the same in Englād whensoeuer it shal be reduced to the Catholike faith againe great and special care is to be had least semblable effects should also follow to the vniuersal preiudice of our common cause VVherfore this ought to serue as a preparatiue both for our Prince and people to put on the same pious and generous mynd that Constantyne did to beare patiently with the infirmityes of men and remedy all matters the best he may and the people but especially priests to beware of like deceyt of the diuel and among other things if perchance in tyme of persecution cause hath byn giuen or taken of offence or disgust betweene any persons whatsoeuer that haue laboured in Gods seruice and do tend al to one end to procure effectualy now that it be altogeather cut of and put in obliuion and this especially amongst the Cleargie and by their meanes also amongst others And if there should be any vnquiet or troublesome spirit found that vnder any pretence would sow or reap or maytaine diuision that the holy Apostles counsel be followed with him which is to note and eschue him to the end that all may ioyne cheerfully and zealously to the setting vp of this great and important worke of reformation And thus much for concord This is his beginning of the second part and conforme therunto is the prosecution therof shewing in the second and third chapters how bishopricks deanryes and other cheefe prelatyes ought to be prouided with the first and what maner of men are to be procured for them And wheras some of these calumniators haue giuen out and wrytten also in books that this father would first destroy the auncient subordination and hierarchie of the english Church this is refuted by the very titles of these chapters and much more by his whole discourse therin and secondly haue affirmed that he would haue no clergie man to haue any propriety in any ecclesiastical lyuing but only to be put to pensions this also is euidently false in Bishopricks deanryes Archdeanryes Canonryes and the like as may appeare in the chapter heere mentioned for that he persuadeth these first of all to be prouided of incumbents and thirdly it is no lesse false in particular cures and common benefices as is cleare by that he suggesteth Cap. 2. for their furnishing with fit men by way of opposition and trial both for learning and maners And wherof then thinke yow arose the calumniations of putting priests to pensions yow shal heare it out of the fathers owne words I haue spoken before saith he of English preachers to be sent ouer into the realme with diligence at the beginning allotting to euery bishop so many as may be had for that purpose and that he deuyde them as he shal thinke most needful and that for some yeares it wil be more commodious perhaps for the publike and more liberty for the preachers priests themselues to haue no appropriation or obligation to any particular
benefices but ample commission rather for all parts with a sufficient stipend to liue vpon vntil things be better setled Lo heere that which is spoken to great good purpose for some few preachers only to be free from any particular charge and this for a while to the end they may attend to all places is turned odiously by these men to all priests in general VVhat wil yow say of this malitious kynd of dealing but the narrownesse of this place suffereth vs not to passe herein any further There remayneth then the third part of this book concerning the laytie conteyning the Prince with his counsel the nobility communalty and hath this title in the first chapter therof Of the laity temporalty in general of their agreement and concurrance with the Cleargie most needful for both their good the difference also of both their states And then the Chapter beginneth thus By that which I haue spoken in the first Chapter and second part of this memorial about Cleargymen the difference and distinction may appeare that is betwixt these two principal braunches of a Christian and Catholike comon-wealth to wit the Cleargie and layty which is a distinction obserued from the very beginning of Christian religion and the primatiue Church as may appeare by the first second third eight seauenty and diuers other cannons of the first general Counsel of Nice where often mention is made of this distinction And before that againe Tertullian a most learned and auncient wryter not only setteth downe the same distinction of cleargy and lay-men as receaued generally in his tyme but sheweth also and reprehendeth earnestly the emulation and enuy that euen then begonne by art of the diuel to be in diuers of the laity against the Cleargie c. VVe cannot prosecute the rest at large but only giue yow a gesse what manner of matter it is which ensueth by the first entrance and so the next chapter being of the Prince and the counsel begynneth thus As the Prince in euery common-wealth is the head and hart from whence all lyfe and vigour principally cometh vnto the same so aboue all other things is it of importance that he be wel affected and disposed and so much the more in England aboue other countreys by how much greater and eminent his authority is and power with the people more then in diuers other places by which meanes it hath coÌ„men to passe that England hauing had more store of holy kings in ancient tymes then many other contreys togeather came to haue also religion and piety more aboundaÌ„tly setled by their meanes then diuers realmes about them c. Thus there The 3. Chapter is of the nobility and gentry beginning in these words By the nobility of England we do vnderstand according to the fashion of other countreys not only noble men of title but gentlemen esquyres knights and other degrees that be aboue yeomen husband men and the communalty in which inferior sort of nobility beneath Barons I meane of knights esquyres and gentlemen there is not that distinction obserued betwixt their degrees in forraine countreys as in ours and I take ours farre the better and more laudable order This nobility then and gentry being the cheef members of our Realme are carefully to be preserued by our Catholike Prince in their ancient honors dignityes and priuiledges and whatsoeuer iniury or disestimation hath byn layd vpon them these later yeares by occasion of heresy it is to be remooued and particular inquiry is to be made by commissioners appointed by the parlament For this purpose wherin and in what points the nobility of England hath byn iniured dishonored or oppressed to the end that supplication may be made to the Catholike Prince for remedy therof And as the ancient nobility of England in tymes past came to that dignity in the common-wealth and to their credit estimation both with Prince and people first for their piety and zeale in Christian religion and secondly for their fidelity and valour in seruice of their prince and countrey so their heyres and posterity must conserue the same by the self same meanes c. And so he followeth on with many other considerations which wee pretermit The 4. Chapter of this part is intituled Of the Innes of Court and study of the common lawes with diuers considerations also about the lawes themselues c. About which subiect diuers important points are suggested for making that study to florish with more honour and profit of the weale-publike and the students good The 5. Chapter is Of the common people of England and how greatly they are to be cherished and made of which Chapter beginneth thus The communalty being the body and bulk of the Realme and those that sustayne the poyse and labour of the same they are greatly to be cherished nowrished esteemed conserued and next after the planting of true religion and knowledge of God greate care is to be had of their enâ—itching for that as Constantius the Emperour was wont to say the princes true treasure are the coffers of his subiects and especially of the communalty who if they be poore and needy can neyther pay their landlords nortil or mannure their ground nor help the Prince in his necessityes And by the communalty in this place I vnderstand labouring nun seruingmen husbandmen yeomen aertificers citizens and marchants all which labour and â—oyle to the end that others may liue in rest And in England their condition as before I haue touched was wont to be more prosperous and happy then in any countrey els of the world besides and may be againe by the grace of God with the restoring of true religion the losse wherof brought not only spiritual but also temporal misery vpon vs all and our Realme c. Thus wryteth he there laying downe many excellent meanes for comfort of this communalty which we wil not prosecute in this place for breuityes sake nor say any more at all of this whole book or Treatese but only remit our selues to the iudgment of the indifferent Reader to gesse by this litle he hath seene what manner of matter and with what piety moderation and tender loue of our countrey the whole is wrytten which these men so spitefully do maligne and cauil at And this shal be sufficient for a tast of this fourth book Touching the third intituled A conference about the next succession to the Crowne of England had in the yeare 1593. for that it is in printe and in the hands of many and the contents therof sufficiently knowen we shal need to say lesse but only to note vnto the Reader the like great passion and intemperate folly of these our brethren in exclaming now so eagerly against it which not long ago when they were in good tune they liked wel and highly commended and wheras it is knowen that it came forth with the consent liking and approbation at least of our
In the seauenth place yow are to ponder certayne notes of his set downe in the margent of his book wherby for breuityes sake we leaue yow to gesse what is handled more at large in the text First then he complayneth in one note thus That the Queene must seeme to be put in security for her tyme for these are the words of his marginal note and from that he passeth to other matters of like substance and quality as may appeare by these other marginal notes following to wit first that the wryter of this conference neyther profiteth the king nor the common cause by discourse of succession And then againe to the same effect he maketh this other annotation The disseruice done to the king by this Conference And yet further in another margent The book of Conference was not printed with the late Kings priuâ—â—y or liking And yet againeâ— This author and lawyer do mock and abuse the K. of Spaine By all which yow may see how dutiful a seruant to the K. of Spaine this discouerer would make himself which yet lying in Paris we maruaile much that he would professe so openly as also how he wil like of these confederates of his faction now gone thither out of England we meane the reuolted priests who in all their late books and libels do band against the said king and shew egregious hatred and enmity towards him But each one of these good fellowes speaketh for himself and for the tyme present and as it standeth best for him at that instant hauing no other vnion or agreement with his followes but to impugne a third and all their barking is but as of little whelpes against them that passe athwart them and when all is done they may be gotten againe with a bit of bread And we haue seene a letter of one of them wrytten from Paris to Spaine not long since wherin he offereth that yf he might haue but 4. or 5. Crownes the moneth from that king he would be content as before And we haue the original letter to shew yf need be though for this tyme we wil conceale his name And the like may yow presume of this eager discouerer that yf any least commodity might be had from Spaine or els where he would quickely bite at it as he did while it was to be had though for the present they say he is most busy and earnest in Paris to set forward the seditious that seek to lay the foundation of their fauour and credit as wel in England as with the K. most Christian by professing auersion from Spaine and this is thought a wise politike course by them but the end wil prooue all And so we returne to the treatese of our counterfet discouerer againe VVe haue shewed hitherto what trifles he hath handled in his vayne and idle discouery not touching any one substantial point of so many of great moment as are contayned and handled in the said two books of succession For to speak nothing of the second book wherin matters are treated historically for the most part what more weighty or important matters can be handled about the right and interest of the succession of any crowne then is treated in the first book by the author of the coÌ„ference as for example whether gouernmeÌ„t â—e by law of nature diuine or humane how monarchies and kingdomes were begon and continued and by what right how great and high reuerence is due vnto Princes and yet how in some cases they may be restrayned or chasisted by the common wealth what interest Princes haue in their subiects goods lands and lyues How oathes made vnto them do bynd and what oathes princes themselues as namely those of England do make in their coronation to the common wealth and how farre they bynd VVhat is due to only succession by birth or propinquity of blood without other needful circumstances concurring therwith what are the principal points which a Catholike and godly common welth ought to respect in admitting or excluding any pretender to a crowne or Principality and how greuously they do synne that neglect these considerations for interest feare negligence or other humane respects c. All these and diuers other most worthie and weighty points are handled in the first book only of the conference to say nothing of the second which is yet of more variety with great aboundance and store of proofes arguments and demonstrations wherof no one at all is answered or so much as touched by this discouerer but only certaine impertinent trifles as hath byn said and therby is discouered his owne weaknes and his folly displayed And yet to the end not to seeme wholy to say nothing he standeth finally vpon two fond calumniations the first that the conference conteyneth popular doctrine perilous to Princes states and common wealthes c. And herof he giueth certayne vayne and foolish examples of Antonio Perez that raysed some trouble against the K. of Spaine in Aragon and of George Buchanan in Scotland and of the Prince of Oreâ—ge in Flanders c. But this cauil is answered at large in the third Chapter of the said first book of Conference others that ensue shewing that there is no reason why the lawful graue iust and orderly proceeding of true subiects and moderate commoÌ„ wealthes against pernicious or vnlawful princes should be stayned or their iust authority left them by all law both diuine and humane should be denied for that some wicked and trooble some subiects haue against law and order misbehaued themselues against their lawful princes The other cauil is that this conference is iniurious to the king of Scotland with whome the discouerer would gladly get some credit by malitious impeaching of others and to this end he noteth in his margent these words The authors extreame malice against the king of Scotland But whether this lightheaded discouerer doth shew himselfe more malitious in setting downe so malignant a marginal note or the author of the conference in wryting so temperaâ—ly and reuerently as he doth as wel of the king of Scotlands pretence to England as of all other princes and pretenders to that crowne besides let the indifferent reader be iudge Sure we are that in reading ouer that part which toucheth his Maiestie of Scotland we neuer discouered any the least malice at all in the wryter but rather a very indifferent mynd to haue the vttermost right of euery man knowne without offering wrong or iniury to any according to which indifferency the said king of Scotlands title is set downe in the very first place in that book as first and cheef pretender among the rest neyther is there any one thing emitted to our knowledge that truly and rightly may be said or added in setting out of the same title And when the exceptions made by the opposite pretenders against him are declared nothing is auouched which is not openly knowne to be true neyther any thing
vrged or exaggerated more then against the rest neyther doth this flattering malignant discouerer so much as obiect any such thing done or attempted by the author of this conference nor can he with any shew of truth so do And if the said author any where doth shew lesse desyre of the aduancement of the King of Scots his title towards England which yet in words we find not expressed while he is of different religion from him and no Catholike his Maiestie is wise inough to consider that he could not do otherwise according to the cheef and mayne principle set downe throughout that book about the necessity of true religion that is to say Catholike required in all pretenders that must or may be admitted by Catholike subiects VVhich principle being granted as in the Conference it is prooued and demonstrated by all arguments both humayne and deuine to be a most true Christian religioâ—s and necessary principle it followeth we say that the author being a Catholike could not possibly according to the sincerity of that religion though otherwise he louing and reuerencing the K. of Scotland neuer so much wish or desyre his preferment ouer Catholiks whilst he remayneth of the opposite Religion Nether can this flattering discouerer or his mutinous parteners how desyrous soeuer of gayning fauour say or do the contrary yf they be Catholikes as they professe and haue Catholike consciences and wil conforme their actions therunto for that all true Catholike doctrine and piety is against them in this behalf And finally whatsoeuer this maleuolous calumniator doth prattle in this place of the Authors euil affection towards the king of Scotland to grace himselfe by another mans iniury yet yf he be the man that he is taken for and that the author of the Conference be the party whome the other and his consorts 〈◊〉 giue out it is easily seene and discryed by their former doyngs who do beare most true good wil to that king the one being constant in desyring his conuersion to Catholique religion and therby all true aduauncement both in this life and the next the other variable vp and downe heere and there and after many windings and turnings and castings about as offering their seruices now to one and now to another do now at length fawne vpon him for priuate interest whome before they most impugned and this vpon bare need being broken of where once they hanged on And this is sufficient for the present argument in hand and for confutation of so fond an answere to the book of Succession THEIR FOLLY AND DEceaued spirit in persuading themselues to get credit or recouer that which is lost with any sorte of men be they frendes or enemyes by this their maner of proceeding with clamors and libels CAP. VI. IT is said by a certayne spiritual wise man of some others that in their owne sight seemed farre more learned and wise then he obscuratum est insipiens cor eorum their foolish hart was blynded not to see and consider though they were learned philosophers that which euery simple man of meane vnderstanding being lightened with Gods grace may see and behold to wit that they ran to their owne perdition which folly also and blyndnes we feare hath so possessed the deceaued spirits of these our passionate if not possessed brethren as we may say thesame words of them Obscuratum est insipiens cor eorum for that hauing suffered their harts to be obscured and ouerwhelmed with the perturbation of enuy emulation malice reuenge anger and other like inchauntments and sorceryes of their soules yea rather â—uryes as we may say of spiritual madnesse do rage and runne a desperate course of rayling and rauing against all that stand in their way without any respect of persons state degree or merit or of their owne condition calling or function or credit therof and haue not so much inward light of vnderstanding or consideration as once to ponder or weigh with themselues as it seemeth what other men wil think of them or wether it wil turne to their credit or discredit help or hurt releef or ruyne thus to proceed wherfore to assist them somwhat in this consideration and to the end that we may lay before their eyes some few pointes of that which is most probable to ensue in this behalf and therby to styrre vp their memory and help their iudgment in this contemplation VVe shal runne ouer breefly the cheef partyes or persons with whome they may persuade themselues by this their manner of outeryes and printing libels to gaine or loose credit and to repayre or vtterly ouerthrow their owne reputation And first of all we may consider of forrayne Catholiks in all countreys Christian what they wil think of them when hearing as they haue and do of the tumults raysed by them heere in England and before in Rome and other places which are now renewed againe and more published then euer in other nations sending abroad lately their cheef Captaynes to diuulge the same by their iorney through Flanders France and other kingdomes and prouinces towards Rome as they pretend and giue out but as we persuade our selues they meane not to go thither hauing done said and wrytten as they haue no more then they went or sent thither for prosecuting of their Appeale when lawfully they might and should haue done before his Hol. determination made theron but they as now for certaine we vnderstand neuer so much as caused the same to be exhibited in Rome from them or in their names and much lesse prosecuted or prooued according to law notwithstanding all their clamors and vaunts in the meane space made heere in England as though they had made the same appeale lawfully and with true intention to follow it which was not meant in deed but only to gaine tyme and liberty and to persuade simple men that they were out of all obligation of obedience to their Superiors whilest that controuersy lasted to make a playne delusion of themselues and others VVel then this is their manner of proceeding hitherto which is of all mutinous and seditious people to make outcryes and great noyses that they haue receaued great iniuryes and intolerable oppressions and other like greuances that they wil both say do and proue and yet do meane nothing lesse but onely as curst childreÌ„ to vex their mother and trouble the whole house where they are by crying without cause only of stomack and stubbernesse and the more they are sought to be quieted and appeased by reason the more they cry and skrich VVe haue hard of their late iorney from Douer to Calis from Calis to Newport in Flanders where the Popes Nuntio was sending first a messenger or two before like great men that dout of their owne estate to aske a pasport or safe conduct consider how confident these men are in Cath. Countreys that they need such protections of his Hol. ministers which being graunted they went thither And it
is to be noted that one of their precursors sent before and falling into the company of a certayne Irishman in the way that went to the Camp he told him and by him others that he was a Iesuite therby to get the greater fauour at Cath. mennes haÌ„dsâ— so as yow see that when they are among good Catholiks they say they are Iesuits and when they are among heretiks other of that humour they say they are enemyes to Iesuits But now to their dealing at Newport First they shewed there diuers pasports the first as of banished men and this yow must think was to serue for deceauing some good Catholiks and to mooue them to compassion of their state but after being vrged they plucked out another much more general and ample ful of fauour and priuiledge to passe how when and where and with what they would and this was aswel for their safty and protection at the ports as also to grace themselues with all sorts of protestants or other aduersaryes of Iesuits or catholike religion beyond the seas seing that in Genena also this pasport would make them very grateful Hauing shewed their pasports they began to deale with the Nuntio of their affayres telling him first a notoriousâ—ly to wit that the cause why they durst not come vnto himâ— without a pasport nor had dealt with him before was for that they had heard him paynted our vnto them by some of the otherside yow must imagine for a seuere inhumane bitter and tetrical nature for these are the words of the Nuntio reporting them afterwards and that now finding the contrary by experience they would deale confidently with him and then conforme to this principle of flattery and false preoccupation they related vnto him many other vntruthes in like manner no lesse grosse and odious as this as for example that many priests in England being of their side and faction durst not wryte their mynds freely vnto him for feare and terror of the Archpriest and Iesuits in which kind of false detraction against those men they â—o enlarged themselues as though they were the greatest tyrants in the world and themselues ful innocent myld and meck creatures not offering but receauing wrongs and iniuryes and that for their owne parts they were most ready to conforme themselues to his Hol. wil and his L. in all points which when we saw wrytten these dayes we remember the lowly answers giuen by Luther and his frends at Augusta to Card. Caeâ—an the Popes legate registred both by Coclaeus Surius and others in the yeare 1520. and what insued after we wil not forbode in matter of religion God forbid but in sedition we see it already and God graunt the other do not follow also in some of them at length But let vs returne to their dealing with the Nuntio at Newport After many complaints the Nuntio at length as a wise man passing ouer their clamors and pressing neere the point it self he vrged them to vtter the principal causes of this their so scandalous tumultuation they resolued all vpon two principally The first that the Archpriest had taken away some of their facultyes for smal and light causes the other that he had not giuen them and theirs part of certayne almes sent vnto him to distribute The Nuntio maruayled to heare no greater causes of so great motions and offerred yf this were all he would take vpon him himself to end the matter wryting back first to the Archpriest to require his answere which they accepted of offering moreouer that two of theirs should go back into England to carry the said letters whilst the rest to wit M. Bagshaw and Bluet passed further to Paris to conferre with certaine of their companions there about this matter and so the Nuntio accepted all for that tyme not being acquaynted with their deceytful manner of speaking and dealing nor hauing vnderstood of their malitious books printed against Catholiks and the Popes Hol. himselfe wherof soone after their departure he had notice and consequently he wrote into England in another stile concerning their being with him then he would haue done as after he said yf he had byn so farre priuy to their doings and meanings before He shewed them also an authentical copy of his Hol. Breue of the 17. of Aâ—gust last past wherin their whole cause of Appellation is reiected and decided against them and they commaunded most seuerely to obey and to be quiet And the like also did shew to them or their fellowes the Nuntio in Paris but all was not sufficient to quiet them or bring them into order againe hauing promised as is likely to their true patrons in England to passe further in this stryf VVherfore they departing from Newport towards Paris they past by Lisle and Doway and as in the former place they receaued yow must imagine no smal good cheere and incoragement from one of their cheefe Captaynes residing there whose hand and hart is knowne to be deeply in these broyles for many years so in the second to wit in the Colledge of Doway though for treaty they receaued all competent curtesy and were conuited twise or thrise by the President Doctors and other graue men of that house yet were they dealt withall notwithstanding plainly touching their negotiation and told the truth and the greeuousnes of that scandalous and sinful action was layd open vnto them but in vayne as it semeth for they vttered by words no lesse folly and fury in diuers points then in their shameful libels is contayned which being testified by the witnesse of them that heard them proueth the said libels to be theirs or at least to be writteÌ„ and set forth by their consents From which notwith-standing some of their crew haue seemed of late to disclayme but these men shewing to disauouch nothing we shal attend to heare what they wil do in Rome And thus now haue we brought our Appellants so farre as Paris for thither they went from Doway where they are further to demurre vpon that they haue to do or how to proceed in their interprise being cryed out of in the meane space by all principal English Catholikes beyond the Seaâ— as we are certainely informed for this so horrible a scandal giuen by them And if Englishmen do so then much more would we haue yow consider what Catholike men of other nations abroad in the world â—â—â—ve began to say wil think and speak of these men that haue set such a fire and made such a diuision in our owne litle afflicted Church at home such a one and with so great and daungerous dammage of the publike cause of religion as neuer they wil be able to recompence or satisfie And truly it is strange to heare what is already wrytten vp and downe through other contreys about this their affayre and manner of proceeding For we haue seene letters both from Germany Flanders Venice Rome Paris other places euery one telling diuers particulars of
Colledge This they demaunded then being two cheef points as yow see in one demaund though they moderated the second by naming only the Roman Colledg where they resided but our tumultuous now not contented with that go further and do demaund to haue them remoued from all the Seminaryes yea from those also that were erected by them and their peculiar labors But what answere doth the said Card. Visitour set downe of the Fathers made to this demaund yow shal heere it in his owne words and we shal recite them first in latyn to the end the Reader may see the pure and elegant stile also of that learned man besides his wisdome piety experience Thus then he putteth downe the fathers answere Ad hanc petitionem nihil aliud respondent Patris quà m vt sua S. prosua prudentia ac voluntate statuat quod maximè ad Deigloriam expedire iudicauerit Societatem enim non sponte sua sed nonnulla etiam reluctatione iubente sede Apostolica vtramque hanc prouinciam ab â—nitio suscepisse maximisque deindè laboribus molestijs periculis sanguinis etiam profusione per viginti ferè annos administrasse cofructâ—â— quem omnes vident non deesse alia quoque alibi loca vbi suam operam Sâ—c homines vtiliter etiam ad â—andem diuinam gloriam eodem Domino cooperante impendant se nullam difficuliatem in vtraque Prouincia diâ—â—â—â—enda habere imâ— Collegij dimissionem R. Patrem Generalem aliquoties iam precibus apud S. S. instanter vâ—sisse ne tantis molestijs ab ingratissimis his tumultuantibus perpetuò afflictetâ—r These are the very words of that good Cardinal as they ly in the book of his Visitation and for more perspicuity to the vulgar reader we haue thought good to put them downe also in English thus To this petition saith he the Fathers of the Society answered no other thing but that his Hol. might determine according to his wisdome and wil what he should think most expedient for the glory of God seing that the Society had not taken vpon them from the beginning any of these two chardges or burdens to wit the gouernment of the colledge and mission of England of their owne choice or election but by comandement of the Sea Apostolike with some difficulty or resistance of their parts and that since that tyme they haue borne and prosecuted the same with great labors molestatioÌ„s daungers and with effusion of some of their bloods for the space of almost xx yeares togeather wherof haue ensued these fruits which all men see by increase of Catholike religion in that realme and that there want not other places also in the world where the men of this Society may imploy their labors profitably to the same glory of almighty God by the help of his holy grace and that they for their parts haue no difficulty at all in leauing both these charges if his Holines wil that the reuerend F. General of their order had already diuers tymes most instantly beseeched his Holines that they might giue ouer the gouernment of the Roman Colledge therby once to be deliuered from so great molestations as he was continually afflicted with by these most in grateful tumultuous people Thus he wrote in this Chapter and then in foure other that do ensue he setteth downe first what the speech and reasons of the quiet schollers were against these tumuâ—â—ous and then in the next what their petitions were for restoring of discipline and good order to the Colledge ouerthrowne by these men To which end also followeth another Chapter conteyning The petitions of the Fathers to the same effect And after that againe a distinct Chapter intituled A catalogue of abuses brought in by these tumults and seditions to the manners and conuersation of the schollers against both study and piety which of necessity are to be reformed Al which Chapter discourses being ended he setteth downe in the 30. Chapter this title Quid de tota remihi videatur what is my iudgement of all this affaire And then beginneth he the Chapter thus Iam ex ijs quae ab vtraque parte prolata hic exhibui noÌ„ solum videt Sanctitas vestra in quo statu res huius Collegij sint sed etiam pro sua singulari sapientia intelligit quid de tota re statuendum sic vt me de eadem pluribus disserere iam non magnoperè necessarium videatur praesertim cum adsit Illustriss Card. Caëtanus Anglicanae nationis Protector cuius consilio atque prudentea facilius commodius quaecunque huc pertinent transigi explicarique possint Vetunt amen vt vel aliquam villicationis meae rationem reddam cum bona S. vostrae venia meam de praecipuis huius negotij capitibus sententiam hoc loco paucis aperiam Now saith he your Hol. doth see by those things which I haue heer layd forth from both partyes not only in what state the affayres of this Colledge doe stand but moreouer by your singular wisdome yow wil easily consider what is to be resolued of all so as it shal not be much necessary that I should vse many words more about this matter especially seing that the most honorable Card. Caëtan Protector of the English nation is present by whose counsel and wisdome all things belonging to English affayres may better and more commodiously be determined and declared But yet to the end I may yeild some accompt of my labors in this visitation I shal with the good leaue of your Hol. lay open also myne opinion about the principal poynts of this busynes Thus wryteth he then to the next Chapter he maketh this title for the beginning of his resolution Patris Societatis ex Anglia nullo modo esse reuocandes vt tumultuantes censent That the Fathers of the Society are no wayes to be recalled out of England as the tumultuous do think expedient And this point he proueth by many reasons and prudent considerations which we for breuityes sake caÌ„not alleadge at length as they ly in his book but in effect these are the principal to wit that the said Fathers being of a spiritual body which besides the ordinary helpes of secular priests for spirit discipline and mortificatioÌ„ haue diuers other special helpes also to the same effect by the institute of their order and are more practised therin by the excercise both of their nouitiate and the rest of their lyfe and more bound therunto by their seueral vowes cannot but haue more force skil and vse in spiritual mannaging of soules then euery other priest that lacketh those particular helpes And consequently to remooue them out of the English Cleargy or mission now were as it were to let forth the best and most digested blood out of a mans body thinking therby to cure and preserue â—im Moreouer he addeth that the said Fathers being men of direction and hauing correspondence both
them and not matter of religion Their persons in that they make them the true authors and occasioners of all their owne troubles vexations and damages by their owne indiscreet and temerarious actions as hath byn said They iustifie also the cause of the persecutors do lay the fault vpon the presecuted what greater iniuryes can be offered then these Moreouer by these their later books and libels they discouering notoriously their passion venome of stomake indiscretion intemperance lack of conscience modesty shame and other such poynts as are euident to those that read their said books this cannot but worke in all Catholiks whose mynds are holylie bent and indued with the contrary vertues a great disreputation and auersion from them VVe passe ouer their follysh speches vsed comoÌ„ly against all Catholiks whome they thinke not to fauour them which are in effect all calling them mad dogges set on by Iesuits to barke and byte deuour their deare ghostly Fathers c. And then againe a litle after in the same place VVheras deare Catholiks many of yow do account vs disobedient true it is that we are so and would to God that yow were so likewise Yow inferre heervpon that we are factious seditious rebellious malecontents schismatiks c. marke how good opinion Catholiks haue of them by their owne confession but therin yow do bely vs by false suggestions put into yowr greene ignorant passionate affectionate indiscretly zealous heads Lo what Epythetons they giue them And in other place they cal them fancyful fellowes of the new fashion infected with the Spanish pip iniesuitated and the like But it litle importeth what names or coÌ„tumelious speeches they vse towards them in respect of the thinges themselues and crimes obiected and vrged against theÌ„ as before hath byn said wherby they seeme to labour to ouerthrow directly so much as in them lyeth the whole merit and honor of the Cath. cause and of Cath. mens sufferings making them not to be for conscience but for practise against the Prince and state a most wicked and iniurioÌ„s deuise practised principally by Constantius the Arrian heretik and Iultan the Apostata as Ecclesiastical historyes do recount And this is held for the principal point wherin these vnfortunate men are thought to be hyred by the publike aduersary in religion to ioyne with them in this Capital slaunder against their owne brethren and cause confirming herin the reports of our heretikes in forraine countreys who tel staungers that no man is troubled in England for matters of conscience but all that are punished are chastised for other delicts then which vnworthy reproch all men of iudgement do see that nothing can be more falsely sâ—aunderously or iniuriously laid vpon our publike cause For auoyding of which our late good Card. stryued so much in his learned book against the libel of English iustice as all men know and these men iest at and impugne This then being the effect of these mens labors and endeauors and their whole stryse and contentioÌ„ beeing to deuyde disgrace and discreedit both Catholiks and their cause we may immagine what credit they are like to gaine with them by these their doings And so much of this But yet further it shal not be amysse to ponder also what reputation they are like to wyn at length with the very aduersaryes themselues who setting a side the contrariety of religion being many of them very wise and discreet men and of no euil nature and condition especially of those with whome these men are said to deale they wil easily discouer the great and strange passion of these men togeather with their intemperate spirit and that they do not this they do or say for any loue towards them but for reuenge towards vs not of iudgemeÌ„t or affection but of enuy and precipitation and ther vpon it must needs follow that albeit their treason for the tyme he admitted yet must the traytors be contemptible and to this effect haue we a notable story recounted both by Eusebius Zozomenus of Constantius Father to our great Constantine who was gouernour once of England and perhaps the fact it self fel out heer so much the more to be noted by vs. The forsaid two authors do recount that this Constantius being a notable wise man though a heathen at the same tyme when Dioclesian and Maximinian the Emperors to whome he succeded afflicted infinitely Chirstians euery where he though misliking that extreme cruelty yet to seeme also to do somwhat for that he was declared Caesar successor of the Empyre made an edict or proclamation that so many of the Christians about him as would sacrifice to his Gods should not only haue his fauour and enioy honors in his court and common welth but be vsed and trusted also by him aboue other men and such as would not though he meant not to put them to death yet would he exclude them from his frendship and familarity and from all dignityes c. This being done euery man began say the forsaid authors to shew his affection some retyred themselues with greef and sadnes some held their peace some denyed flatly but none of all these had intention to please the Prince in his demaund others there were that thinking by this occasion to wyn the spurres and get themselues credit and authority aboue the rest came fawning to Constantius and his officers offering to do what he would haue them and therby shew their true dutyful affections towards his Ma. and the state with other such like flattering protestations wherof when Constantius heard and had coÌ„sidered wel of the matter he caused them all to be thrust out of his court depriued them of the honors and offices which before they had and the other that had refused of conscience so to do against their owne religion he willed to be called back from exile aduaunced and trusted aboue the rest vsing that notable wise saying as Eusebius recounteth it Quomodo fidem erga Imperatorem saith he seruare poterunâ— inuiolatam qui aduer sus Deum persidi esse manifesto conuincuntur Quapropter hos procul à regali suo domicilio statuit ainandandos illos verò stipatores suos custodes regni constiâ—uit How can they keep their faith inuiolate towards their Emperor saith he that are conuinced to be prefidious toward God and their owne religion For which cause he comaunded these that flattered to be banished farre from his royal pallace and these other that dealt plainly and syncerly though contrary to his wil and comaundements he took them into his owne gard and defence and made them guardians of his kingdome Behold heer a worthy wise example which our English magistrats cannot but remember and think of and our brethren ought not to forget to doubt rather and feare least the like may happen vnto them in tyme. For albeit our aduersaryes be content to vse them for a tyme as for a rod
to beate vs with all and therby to increase our affliction yet rods coÌ„monly are cast away or burnt afterward when the turne is serued or the occasioÌ„ past And this we say in case the Prince and state should meane to punish vs more by their incitation or assistance offered which yet we hope they do not but rather as noble mynds are wont to do wil conceaue the more compassion of our greeuous sufferings by that they see vs betrayed also and iniuriously vexed by our owne and if God almighty should at length mooue their harts for which we pray dayly to harken vnto that most honorable and holsome motion so often propounded by the best Catholiks for some toleration in religion wherof these men also do whisper and brag much in corners as they passe through forrayne countreys as though they were designed Embassadors for the same and that at their demaund the matter were in consultatioÌ„ yet do we most certainely assure our selues knowing the grauity honor and wisdome of our Counsel as We do that this is but a vayne vaunt and that when God shal inspire them to harken to this proposition they wil deale with other manner of men of the Cathol party then these who being deuided from the rest that is from the body head and principal of that cause can haue litle credit to treat or set forward any such weighty affayre in the name of the rest being like sâ—ayles that beare each one their castle on their owne backes that is hauing no further reputation then themselues beare about with them in their owne heads and immaginations or giue it out by their owne tongues to such as wil beleeue them And so much of this There remayneth to say a word or two of forraine Princes whose fauour they seek to gayne by this their dissenting from their fellowes as namely with the king of Scotland to whome they sent first to offer themselues as diuers wayes we vnderstand and after that to the K. of France by their knowne Agents in Paris promising to be at his disposition and to oppose themselues against all pretences for Spayne c. but these are deuises so ordinary in court and with so great Monarches as these are we meane to offer mountaynes and to curry fauour by accusing others that it cannot worke any great impression in them especially considering how litle these men caÌ„ do eyther pro or coÌ„tra in the weighty affaire which they pretend about the succession of England and this whether we consider eyther the protestant party or the Catholike of our realme for that with the former they haue but very poore credit hitherto except they go forward and with the second perhaps much lesse except they turne backevvard and so for the tyme they rest betweene both which the wisdome of princes and their counselors wil soone espy and discerne especially his Maiestie of Scotland being very wise as he is reported wil easily heare and come to know that since they dealt with him by their late messengers to offer their seruices they haue dealt againe another way in England and haue deuised a new discourse about the successioÌ„ as we are credibly informed more to the taste of some great personages of our State whose present fauour they most desyre He wil ponder furthermore that if they be truly Catholike as they pretend then can they not with a good conscieÌ„ce to God and to their owne religion desire sincerely and from their harts whatsoeuer they say or pretend his Maiesties gouernment ouer Catholiks except he be of the same religion which if it were then is the desire of his preferment not only theirs but common to all Catholiks and if it be not then are they in the case of those flatterers of Constantius wherof we spake before and not vnlike to be so esteemed by him as those were by the other though not so roughly handled And finally his Maiestie of Scotland wil weigh and remember that whatsoeuer these men do say or doe they being of so smal consideration and credit as they are and so mutable as we haue shewed and their motiues so weake and passionate as by their owne wrytings and doings appeareth no great account is to be made therof And the like may be said of his Maiestie of France who being so great and potent a monarch as he is must needs euery day haue store of such poore sawning people running vnto him for their owne interests but yet with pretence of offering seruices against Spayne whome though in wisdome and law of princely royalty he caÌ„not presently reiect yet considering with maturity of former points and circumstances to wit what they are why they come from whome and against whome what grouÌ„ds they haue to worke vpon to what end they tend what they can performe and other the like he wil quickely both discouer and discard them for seing by his wisdome that to deale much with these men can neyther be honorable not profitable as tending rather to alienate then oblige or gayne the Catholike party in England And this wil prooue the true euent of this action if we be not deceaued and when they shal haue spent in Paris the good sommes of money which they carryed out of England with them and shal want the supplyes which now perhaps they hope and expect and shal heare from all places as already they do and wil daylie more and more the general bad opinion that is of them among all good Catholikes both English and other they wil then begin if we be not deceyued to see the folly of this bad and mad course taken in hand which we beseech God they may so do before it be to late to amend it And this is all we shal say of this matter for the present OF FIVE OTHER BOOKES or rather absurd and sclanderous libels come forth since the answering of the former two and tenne more promised CAP. VII MOST pittiful it is to consider how the frailty and infirmity of man once beginning to slyde commeth soone after to rush on with violence and precipitation if stay be not made in tyme lik as when a violent riuer stopped or bayed vp beginneth to breake forth at a chinke or two and the breaches not remedied at the first it ouerfloweth all making a deluge irremediable euen so falleth it out in this disorder of our transported brethren who beginning to exceed the limits of modesty and truth vpon anger emulation and other such passionate motyues as before haue byn mentioned and not staying themselues with the consideratioÌ„ eyther of reason conscience or religion haue now made such an open breach to all licentious liberty of vnshameful rayling and being as the prophet saith deâ—rita fronte haue so inured both tongues pennes with a certaine veyne of opprobrious and contumelious scolding as euery day there come forth and appeare new books from them the later euer worse and more intollerable then the former In which kynd
epistle which discryeth the man sufficiently what is in him in what state he is for thus he beginneth his Epistle VVise was the painter in his amorous conceyt who in portrayting out the porport of Venus drew her picture with so great arte sleight and significant resemblance of her natural blazon as the portrayt of her fore-parts all ouer shadowed with the porch where she entred in posteriora eius on the backe being only seene going into the temple presented an abstract to the behâ—lders of so rare excellency as the type of the protâ—t ypon by signes and symptons semed to say giue back enamorades of ladyes bewtyes seeke not to se the face of the peerlesse content your curious eyes with this which though the meanest part of the delightful obiect yet of that perfection as wherin yow may behould the works of dame nature to be so farre aboue reasons reach as wit and art should skip beyond their skil yf they should attempt to set forth the worthiest parts of this goddesse paragon sance peere And yet was Venus but a very strompet a common queane fitter for Vulcan the blackesmith then for Mars the Captayne and more admired at talked of and followed for her wanton tricks in satiable lust and shape to frame an eye to vice them for any complemental perfection to be found in the purest parts of her filthy carcasse or lineaments of her vading though seming fayre sweet blisful cheeks shrewded in the auriflame of carnation die dropt in euery lyne mathematical with argent and gules milkewhite and scarlet red Now yf yow did not know this fellow before yow may take a scantling of him both in body and soule by this narration and therby make a gesse how poore defectuous and sinful he is in the one and other For as for his body and outward feature yf yow know him yow wil hardly think him a fit creature to talke so much of natural blazons or enamorades of ladyes bewtyes c. or of royal damsels of rare aspect himselfe being so wrong shapen and of so bad blinking aspect as he looketh nyne wayes at once as scarsely he can discerne any thing that toucheth not his eyes which yet we obiect not as natures defect but as representing rather the state of his mynd which seemeth by this filthy description of Venus and her posteriora so often mentioned as also by the wanton imaginations of pleasing obiects and sweet blisful cheeks and other such lasciuions phrases that he is so deeply ouerwhelmed with sensual and venereous apprehensins contemplations and desyres no maruayle though he cry out so hideously against Iesuits that are sworne enemies to the very thoughts therof and we know both by experience and otherwise that there is no other motiue of enmity greater then this set downe by the holy Ghost contrarius est operibus nostris Iesuits are of contrary life spirit iudgment wil works and maners to him and what maruayle then is there if he professe himselfe so mortal an enemy to them Yet we do know and can testifie that the tyme hath byn when this sinful and wretched poore fellow being in extreme necessity both of body and soule and in other sort of suddes then he now threatneth to leaue Iesuites in had his cheefest releefe by some of ther meanes though now most vngratfully he forget the same paying them euil for good as honest men are wont to be paid from such as he is But a iudgement day wil come to iustifie all and for that this lost lad and true stayne of his religion and order as falsly and wickedly he calleth the Iesuits is permitted by God and vsed by the diuel at this tyme to so publike a reproch of our profession as all the world seeth by so many infamous bookes as come daily forth from him or through his hands we are forced in this place ful sore against our wil and purpose to discouer the man somwhat further vnto yow to the end yow may see what a pillar and proctor the factious haue chosen to themselues for their bookemaister to defame by his labours their brethren and whole religion this being the especial seruice for which it seemeth M. Bluet so carefully made his peace with the counsel when he wrote to M. Mush as in our Apologie we haue set downe that M. VVatsons peace was made if he would which wil no doubt was to agree to some such good seruice of their side as this is which now he performeth vnder the direction of my L. of London of whome yet we cannot but maruaile being otherwise of that iudgment and temperate nature which some men report him to be that euer he would vse so base and absurd an instrument as this felow is hauing byn taken by them in so many trippes as he hath But yow wil say that to a base worke a base instrument is fittest and we see herin verified that obseruation which Philippus Cominaeus maketh in his story to wit that in tyme of sedition the worst men do grow fastest and he that in a quiet and ordinate state of things should be abiect and nothing esteemed in a troubled state becometh admirable by which meanes VVilliam VVatson for so at length he putteth downe his name in his book of Quodlibets who in tyme of quiet was worth nothing now by broyles is become vpon the suddayne a great maister in Israel amoÌ„g our mutined brethren whose coÌ„mon wealth is no lesse disordered since their rebellioÌ„ against their lawful Superiors then that of the Iewes since they left their obedience due to Christ and his law and for that we shal haue occasion after to mencion often this book maister of theirs or prefect rather of their print we are forced heere to tel yow breefly somwhat for better knowing him His coming out of England and maner therof we know not in particular nor greatly doth it import only we know that he came to the English Seminary of Rhemes in France a poore litle begging boy where being taken of charity his first allowance was for a good tyme pottage only and licking the dishes which other men had emptied before him after this he was admitted to serue at the table and carry away dishes after that againe he was admitted to make beddes swepe chambers and other like offices belonging thervnto in which kynd he serued especially one M. Boast a good priest and a holy martyr since which if he had knowne then or suspected that the squint eyed boy for so he called him would haue prooued so wicked a man he should neuer haue comen no doubt within his chamber dore And yet further yow must note that all this while VVil. VVats besides his poore estate vvas the most contemptible and ridiculous thing in all that house for many yeares for that his grace was in tumbling and making sport to others for which his body if yow know him was fitly made and so he passed by the
name of wil was or wat tumbler all that tyme. But at length after diuers yeares pretending much humility and deuotion he was vpon compassion and fauour made priest and sent into England where for a tyme he vsed himselfe not euil but by litle and litle falling to liberty and sensuality and not hauing eyther sufficient wit or learning but especially grace needful for the gouernmeÌ„t of such a charge he fel into diuers great disorders and absurdityes wherof one was his foule fal by going to the protestants Church and thervpon also the discouery of many Catholiks to the persecutors wherof M. Bishop if you remember speaketh in his depositioÌ„s at Rome 1598. and we haue made mention therof in our Apology and the matter is notorious and if there were not so many witnesses therof yet liuing as there be yet his owne letters written therof to aske forgiuenesse of priests for his fault were sufficient which we haue seene vnder his owne hand with this date and subscription Farewel from my Chamber vncertayne the 13. of December 1588. Your poore afflicted frend through bodely persecution and spiritual discomfort VVilliam VVatson This was the end of his letter but the beginning was as followeth Reuerend Fathers to whome this my true confession with low submission and humble supplication shal come to be read heard or seene may it please yow for Gods sake vvith compassion to heare my woful case and thervnto according to your I doubt not vnfained and Catholike charity I beseech yow make answer to mitigate my payne I do freely acknowledg to my wo shame and greefe to the diuels confusion and to the euer aduancement I trust if with reuerence I may speake it from hensforth euermore of Gods glory and our holy another his espoused church Catholike that my deadly fal knowne to many in generalty but to few in respect of the particular circumstances was in this doleful wise After that I had byn two dayes in Durance I hearing that I should be vrged to go to the heretical Church wickedly determined after a great though short conflict had with my self to preuent their euil attempt by pernicious pollicy in requesting conference with some learned protestant which being graunted I did though faynedly yet altogeather vnlawfully so farre condescend by a litle and a litle vnto him that lastly I went to their heretical seruice with this intent and truly with none other at that tyme God he knoweth thinking therby to haue escaped their hands adding herunto a blynd supposition that in such an obscure place I should not giue scandal to any Catholike by that wicked act because those being compelled oftentymes that wil not come voluntarily it should not be knowne til I had escaped whether I came without or with my owne accord But as this was a meere dissimulation with my Sauiour so did he iustly punish me for the same for as soone as I had depriued my selfe of his heauenly grace I had no power to resist that which before I did alwayes most detest and abhorre so that where I thought by schismatical pollicy to haue dallyed with God almighty vntil I might haue escaped the haÌ„ds of men and so to haue returned vnto his holy Church againe he most iustly seing my presumptuous sinne gaue myne enimyes power ouer me in such sort that although both at the court and other places in the tyme of my durance I had vtterly denyed my being with any Catholike after my release of imprisonment yet that wicked heretike Topcliff did vrge me so farre to tel vvhere I had byn and whome I knew protesting that my shew of coming to the Church should not serue except I vvould reueale such things vnto him that I most sinfully at the last did condescend vnto his diuelish request though at the first I was of that mynd rather to haue suffered death then to haue proceeded to any further wickedâ—nesse then that which was to much in going to their heretical seruice And so departing c. Thus farre we thought good to recite of his owne letter pretermitting a great deale more that followeth wherin he setteth downe the particular acts and circumstances of his bewraying and betraying Catholiks for which he confesseth that he was so much eschued and abhorred by all Catholiks as he complayning therof sayth My burden is too great already for me to beare but that God of his mercy I trust wil ease me with this grace yet I feele none so great discomfort now in my misery as the want I dare not say of charity but of compassion amongst Catholiks of this my wretched state in so much that it is not sufficient to deny me bodily releefe as some hard harts haue done in refusing to help me with a cup of cold water or a glasse of beere but further those that pitty this my wretched lyfe are glad to hold their peace least they should be suspected for speaking in my cause and therfore are priuately warned by their frends not to medle with or in my defence if they wil escape blame I therfore humbly desyre all good Catholiks first of forgiuenesse for that which is past secondly of their charity to iudge of me no worse theÌ„ they know thirdly if they can accuse me of any crime wherof I haue not accused and do not accuse my selfe for Gods sake let me know it and appoint the punishment due vnto me for the same and I wil withal my hart submit my selfe vnto their censure and vndertake the payne Last of all wheras I heare that diuers are incensed against me by wrong informatioÌ„ truly as I suppose in accusing me of a new great and fearful sinne in presuming to celebrate being in the state of excommunication or at least of irregularity as they say wherby if it were so I haue incurred a new irregularity consequently a great sinne if inuincible ignorance did not mitigate the offence as I doubt not but it would as being a thing wherof as yet I neuer stood in doubt and therfore had no cause to examine the case I wil therfore set downe my case plainly according to the true confession which I haue already made and set downe in this wryting and that is first that my lamentable fall was publike in respect of my schisme and alienation from Gods Church not by publike reuolt at the barre before a iudge but before ciuil magistrats in a court of common causes Secondly my great syn of accusation which diuines do cal Clerici percussio was not publike nether in respect of the company nor place but priuate as wrytten in my chamber or wards and sent vnto that wicked Tyrant very wickedly indeed closed vp like a letter c. Heere lo yow may see VV.VV. his accusation of his owne offences which grace would God he had not lost synce and that this is his owne style yow may iudge in part by the defence he hath made in his book of Quodlibets about the
shamelesse assertion as many wayes is convinced many other such points there discussed wherto now we ad that all that they talk heere Pag. 19. 20. 21. c. about almes and money wrongfully taken by Iesuits and their followers is as false as they are shamelesse to report it being neuer able to proue any one particular All their irreligious scoffing and deprauing of the spiritual exercises froÌ„ the pag. 21. of there libel vnto 28. vsed by Iesuits for reducing men from syn and wicked life to a more cleere feeling knowledge of almighty God which being mental exercises coÌ„sisting principally in heaueâ—ly meditations are highly commended by all learned Cath. men of our tyme that haue eyther read theÌ„ with attention or experienced theÌ„ in theÌ„ selues being confirmed also expresly by the Sea Apostolike tried by example of infinite mens conuersions to be an excellent rare instrument of Gods deuyne glory in these our dayes all this contemptuous and scoffing spirit say we against soueraigne helpes and remedyes must needes come eyther of infidelity or notable prophane irreligiosity and lack of spirit and sence in Gods affayres and consequently it is very probable that some egregious Apostata or other heretical or Atheal head had their parts also in so wicked a woork And thus much for the Iesuits in general But as for F. Persons in particular there is no end nor measure of their outragious detractioÌ„ when they fall on him as though he were the only but against which all heir fiery darts of hellish hatred serpentyne tongues were directed And yet if yow consider what hitherto they say or wryte of all their books against him yow shal not find one point of moment alleadged by them wherat worthily they may take iust offence but as mad or possessed men that raue and rage most at those that most seek their good and most haue assisted them hitherto And truly in this our English Cath. cause reduction of our countrey it seemeth that God hath suffered him to be in signum cui contradicetur as a marke oâ—signe set vp for all sort of bad people atheists heretikes apostaâ—aes seditious contentious tumultuous disastred and dissolute to inueigh against and this is to the immitation of his maister and Sauiour Christ who was and is and shal be to the worlds end a signe of contradiction in the highest degree to all wicked whatsoeuer VVe haue answered both truly and sufficiently in the 12. Chapter of our Apologie such malitious and enuious calumniations as these his passionate emulators in their first two books vttered of which two bookes the first being in latyn read in Rome by diuers great men that had some acquaintance in English affayres they found therin so many and manifest malitious slaunders especially against F. Persons as they professed afterwards to haue byn ashamed in reading therof and to haue wondred at the impudency of the wryters and more to esteeme of the said Father then euer before by discouering the diuels enuy against him And among others we vnderstand for certayne that the most honorable wise and learned Card. Burghesius Viceprotector of England giuing vp the said book to his Hol. protested vpon his conscience that he had read many things which himself knew to be stark lyes and malitious inuentions against the said Father in particular and therby made a gesse at the vntruth of all the rest And further yow haue seene by that we haue discussed in the fornamed chapter of our Apologie how many most euident and apparant calumniatioÌ„s we haue there refuted which heere yet in other their ensuing books these miserable men for yow know what a pittiful torment enuy is do repeate affirme vrge and amplyfie againe yea haue procured heretiks also to publish the same in their books as appeareth by that which a certayne impudent minister O. E. but not exceeding the malice of these hath wrytten and printed of late about the illigitimation of F. Persons byrth which these his emulators in their first latyn inuectiue do but cal in doubt saying that the said byrth was of euil fame raysed to wit by themselues but now as wicked men are wout to do they passe further and affirme it in all their later books for a thing certayne hauing deuised besides that his Father was parson of a church and that therof he was called Persons but as then we answered so now againe hauing informed our selues synce that tyme of more particulars we affirme auouch that this is a most vnchristian and diuelish deuise to slaunder and defame their neighbour and neyther is nor could be true For cleaâ—ing of which so egregious a calumniation we haue made diligent inquiry and do fynd that the said Father was borne in the parish of Stowey in Somerset shire in the yeare 1546. a yeare before K. Henry died to which parish there came soone after out of Deuonshire to be vicar their for parson their is none Iohn Hayward a vertuous good priest that had byn a cannon regular before and this man liued there for 30. yeares togeather vntil after F. Persons departure out of England who hauing byn his master in the latyn tongue and liking his forwardnes in learning did euer afterward beare a special affectioÌ„ towards him all the tyme he liued but yet was ther neuer any least suspection of that which these malitious people haue deuised and geuen out as those do and wil testifie that lyued at that tyme neyther could there be with any probability the one being borne as we haue said and appeareth by the register book before the other came into that countrey neyther is it likely that he should haue byn called Persons as they fondly say for that this priest was a parson seing that benefice is no personage but a vicaridge as all men know and more like it is he should haue byn called Hayward after the said priests name and not by his office if he had byn his sonne Moreouer as in our Apologie we haue said F. Persons had fiue brothers systers elder then himselfe by the same mother and father borne all many yeares before the forsaid priest came to that couÌ„trey other fiue yonger then he wherof one is now a preacher heere in England chaplayne to a noble man and all called by the name of Persons diuers vncles also nephewes and cosyns there are of the same name and how then do these lying lippes vrge so much that he was called Pâ—rsons for that his Father was Parson of a benefice Finally we haue shewed in our said Apologie that his parents were right honest people and of the most substantial of their degree among their neighbours while they liued and his Father was reconciled to the Cath. Church by M. Bryant the martyr and his mother a graue and vertuous matron liuing diuers yeares and dying in flight and out of her countrey for her conscience and was neuer so much as suspected for any such
matter as these wicked companions haue deuised And if there were no other argumeÌ„t but that neyther F. Persons himselfe nor any frend of his had neuer any doubt or least scruple therof hitherto as may appeare by that neyther in his entring into religion nor holy orders of priesthood any dispensation was required or sought for this we say were sufficient to any honest man that is tymerous of God and measureth other meÌ„s consciences by their owne to conuince this exorbitant malice of these coÌ„sciencelesse rayling people that make no scruple to publish so false a matter impossible to be knowen to them for a thing most certayne wheras in true conscience by Christian Cath. diuinity it is knowne to be a heynoÌ„s deadly synne to publish such a matter of infamy though it had bin true if it were otherwise secret and not knowen before but much more to deuise and spread the same of malice or being deuised or brought in suspition by others to auouch and diuulge it as in all their bookes they do wherin we can say no more considering there desperat course but remember with feare the saying of the scripture impius cùm in profundum venerit contemnit The wicked maÌ„ coÌ„temneth all when he is once ouer the eares in synne God help them out if it be his holy wil but yet in the meane space we are forced to admonish them that this other such slaunders must needs ly heauily vpon the consciences of the deuisers or publishers and be a daungerous chirographum against them at the day of iudgemeÌ„t except they repent and make due satisfaction heere which eyther willing or vnwilling once they must do est enim qui quaerit indicat God grant they do it in this lyfe wherunto we haue shewed before that their ghostly fathers are bound to oblige them if they wil remayne free theÌ„selues from the participation of so great iniquity And thus much we haue thought good to ad about this scurrilous obiection so often repeated and â—o odiously brought in by them in all their later books and as for the rest though in euery new book they tel againe the very same things which before they inuented and by often telling do seeme at length as it were to beleeue them for so it falleth out often in coyning aâ—d frequent repeating of lyes yet for that our former answers be such as do euidently demonstrate the falshood and folly of the said calumniations and calumniators especially about F. Persons departure from Oxford going into Italy entring the Society mission to England and returne thence into France with other his publike and priuate actions since we meane not to wryte againe here that which there we wrote but to remit the Reader to our said Apologie and only heere to ad a woord or two about certayne new fresh cauillations framed since the wryting of their two first libels among which one is this which followeth To wit that F. Persons within these later three yeares brought D. Bagshaw and some others for his sake in daunger of his life about the stratageâ—e vndertaken by one Squiar that was hanged c. But how meere and malitious a cauil this is all men may easily see For D. Bagshaw was neuer in daunger that we know but in special fauour with the state and so both his vsage at home and his late going ouer Sea do testifie The same doth witnesse also his authority with the keeper in VVisbich while he was there his frendly calling vp to London and vsage in the tower his power to draw thither from VVisbich whome he liâ—ted of his aduersaryes and other like circumstances which agree not to a man suspected and brought in question of so heynous a cryme as poysning her Maiestie and neuer quit by any trial which we know Secondly this fiction of Squiars attempt is sufficiently discouered already and prooued to be a meere fiction in deed and so it appeared by the miserable fellow at his death and hath otherwise byn declared by euident demonstrations of Catholike bookes and no man but a counterfeite or cauilling Catholike would for shame make â—â—â—ention therof againe But howsoeuer that matter were F. Persons cannot with any probability be presumed to haue had any part therin he being at that tyme in Rome and the thing fayned to be done in Spayne So aâ— heere is nothing els but malignity with folly and improbability shewed Another cauil is about F. Persons speech with one Iames Clark in London before his departure ouer the Sea to whome he should say that he meant to go to Padua to study phisick and not euer to be a papist offering also to sweare the same But this seemeth aâ—â—ale of a tubbe neyther probable not importaÌ„t for nether do they say that he swore in deed and if they did yet wil yow easily see how farre they were to be beleeued against F. Persons who are ready of pure malice and swelling enuy to conspire and sweare against him euery where if therby they might hurt him But whatsoeuer talk he might haue with M. Iames Clark 28. yeares past before his departure out of England about being a papist for the tyme to come which woord yow know is odious in England and was at that tyme and not a terme professed by vs and whatsoeuer M. Iames Clarke might report therof which yet if he be the man whome we imagine it is not like he would report iniuriously of his old frend yet God be thanked F. Persons proued after a good Catholike and if he had not it is very probable and morally also sure that many hundreds who are now such had not byn so at this day in which number we may recon diuers also of them that wryte these pestilent books so ingrateful are they to God and his instruments for their so great and singular benefits That which followeth of Cardinal Allens opinion of F. Persons violent nature is a violently or slander raysed against the one and the other and refuted before both by the testimony of the Cardinals owne letters yet extant as also of such as liued neerest him and knew best his intrinsecal iudgment affections and censure of men others also that know the said Father and conuerse daylie with him and do consider his actions euen towards these violent and virulent people that striue so desperately against him do both 〈◊〉 and some also reprehend the contrary disposition in him There ensueth another long reprehension of F. Persons for dealing in Sir Thomas Stukeley his action for Ireland and setting it forward in the yeare 1578. which only cauil if there were nothing els doth euidently conuince that these libellers haue neyther wit not honesty to see or care what maketh for or against them For first as hath byn touched F. Persons at that tyme had not byn aboue 2. or 3. yeares at most in the Society and was a student of diuinity in Rome and not yet priest and
for standing zealously in this breach against sedition whose feruour and fidelity would not perhaps otherwise so much haue byn knowne or published seing that the standing against open knowne enimyes is not so markable oftentymes as the withstanding of domestical But now the second effect of reuealing mens hâ—rts and inward cogitations mencioned by S. Simeon is also diligently to be considered by vs for that the same is more pertinent and important also to this our English affaire then the former for that by this reuelation made of harts and mynds by this contention English Catholiks do come to know what substance weight there is in euery man and how farre he may be credited when tyme shal require which is a point of no smal moment as matters stand with vs for if this reuelation and discouery had not byn made by this occasion but that so great a depth of daungerous and poysoned humors as now is broken out had lurked in mens brests vntil such tymes as their ability might haue byn equal to their naughty wil for setting of diuision and raysing broyles in our cause contrey what remediles hurts might haue byn wrought think yow both in the one and the other but now being reuelated the predictioÌ„ of S. Paul so often by vs repeated before wil no doubt take place vltra noÌ„ proficient insipientia enim eorum manifesta erit omnibus They wil not be able to go much forward in this their attempt for that their folly wil be manifest to all men VVel then and what wil be the end think yow both of men and matters in this affaire Surely for the matter we haue no doubt at all but that it wil receaue vtility by this temptation for that the holy ghost hath auouched it factet cum tentatione prouentum God wil giue profit also with temptations and this profit is euideÌ„t for that our church after this storme past wil remayne as area purgata ventilata as a barne floore swept and cleansed and our corne both winowed and purged But as for the men that haue mooued this tempest though we would be loath to make our selues prophets in their cause and successe but rather do pray hartily for them that it may be good yet if we wil consider matters according to the former prophesies of scripture or els by the foresight of reason and discourse which are the best grounds of prophesies of temperate and wise men in these our dayes we may probably make this triple coniecture that some especially the wryters publishers of these late libels and principal dealers with the aduersaryes are like inough if God worke not a miracle to passe further and become as Th. Bel and others haue done before vpon like and perhaps lesse ground of passion malice and these are to be deplored as yow see others that do offend vpon euil information only or haue byn misled by other mens persuasions not seing the daunger wherunto they are drawne wil we trust vpon sight of the truth returne againe and these are as hartily to be imbraced and highly esteemed as if they had neuer runne away the ground therof not being euil intention but sinister information A third sort there is that probably wil stand indifferent doubtful for a tyme and according to this wil good mens opinions be also of them to wit dubious and vncertayne vntil they see the final issues of their actions and thus coÌ„meth our Church of England as yow see to knowe her people distinctly as wel by manifestation of their actions as reuelation of their thoughts which are the two effects mentioned prophesied by S. Symeon and S. Paul It followeth that we say somwhat how Catholiks are to beare themselues in this tyme of trial which poynt may be considered eyther in respect of the enemy and persecutor or of the trouble some of our owneside that vaunt to be in credit and fauour with them and say that the fault is ours that we are not also And towards the former sort of men togeather with our Prince and State there is no doubt or question but that the dutiful maner of carriage hitherto vsed by our English recusant Catholiks in all humility patience longanimity obedience and true spirit of Christian sufferance whatsoeuer these brabling people do or haue calumniated them to the contrary is absolutely the best way and most pleasing in the sight both of God and man and the principal meanes wherby we may hope that God wil one day haue mercy vpon vs and our countrey and inspire the harts both of our Prince and State to deale more myldly and mercifully with vs. Yet notwithstanding if any question or matter should be vrged against religion faith or conscience in any one poynt of Christian Catholike doctrine and beleef therin it is necessary for euery good man to stand firme and immoueable and to say with the Apostles Oporiet mag is Deo obedire quam hominibus VVe must obay God more then men And in this point we do not thinke that any one religious Protestant in the world holding his faith for true would not do and say the like if the case were his and concerned his religion and consequently the yeilding or going further of these our vnquiet spirits in matters that be against true Catholike Doctrine to vrge other men also to the same for gayning to themselues some temporal fauour credit or to make therby others odious whome they enuy or mislike is more perfidiousnesse to God then fidelity to the Prince or State and so ought it to be held by all men of wisdome and iudgment of what religion soeuer and no wayes to be imitated by those that be true and sincere Catholiks And thus much for their carriage towards the Prince and state and persecutors in Religion And as for the second sort which are our passionate disordered brethren broken out from vs these monethes past by intemperate heate of emulation and contention the best direction that we can giue for Cath. mens behauiour and carriage towards them is as towards brethren and frends in a frenzie or traunce or as men rather possessed with violent and raging spirits that is to say to wish and worke all good vnto them that may be procured by good meanes but yet to beware of comming into their fingers or within their reach whiles they remayne in the fit of their fury and to the end we may know and consider with what spirits they are possessed or ruled by for the present albeit we haue discussed the matter somewhat particularly in the preface of this book and more largely throughout our Apologie but especially in the last Chapter therof yet now hauing seene and discerned more of their condition and state by reading their later bookes and by the manner of their proceeding and progresse in their affaires VVe meane in this place to ad somwhat to that which we haue said before noting first
tauerne with some disorderly schollers and put in prison he was deliuered againe soone after by F. Persons meanes and besides this when he meant a litle after to depart from Rome the said Father not only procured him the graunt of xxv Crownes in gold of his Hol. for his viaticum but also agreed with one Don Andrea de Cordua a noble Spanish gentleman in Rome auditor of the Rota that M. Middleton should go downe with his nephew a yong noble man into Flaunders in forme of a certayne tutor and therby haue his charges born by the way which yet took no effect for that two dayes before they should depart according to his former tricks he delighting more in priuate begging then otherwayes to be prouided for departed secretly out of Rome without taking his leaue of F. Persons or any of the English Colledge in so much as great doubt was cōceaued what was become of him vntil some monethes afterward it was vnderstood that he had passed beging through Germany into France where he placed himselfe in seruice with a certayne Bishop and thence againe in the yeare 1600. he returned to Rome and repayring to F. Persons was by him most courteously receaued and entertayned for diuers dayes in the Colledge notwithstāding all the former prankes played and ingratitude shewed which he fel vnto afterward againe ioyning with them that were factious abroad and so went from Rome againe without saluting him And this is the whole true story of M. Midleton so often obiected by our seditious people in their libels for which cause we haue thought best to relate the same once at large to the end yow may by this one exāple iudge of many more of like kynd alleadged against F. Persons the truth wherof we haue receaued by the relation of diuers graue and Reuerend priests that do know all this to be most true and can proue it by many witnesses and that F. Persons neuer so much as talked with Midleton in his whole lyfe of the Infanta to his remembrance or of her succession or marriage in England he being no fit man for such treatyes and much lesse that F. Persons euer had penny of his money by cosenage or other wayes but that whatsoeuer he brought to Ciuil with him he carryed away againe excepting only that litle contribution which for himself and his nephewes commons he paid to F. Peralta the Rector of that Colledge as he wil testifie which was much lesse then they spent or otherwayes could haue had for double in other places So as heerby yow may see the truth of these libels or rather the lying spirit of the wryters There were no end if we should go forward to repeat but the hundreth part of notorious slaunders and lyes which are diuulged in this infamous book of Quodlibets nay it would aske a particular volume to answere the manifest vntruthes and shamelesse assertions that are in one only article of one of his Quodlibets to wit the second article of the fourth Quodlibet where among many other absurdityes and notorious lyes he presumeth also like a bold blynd bayatd to put downe resolutely and particularly the Decrees particular statutes as he tearmeth them conteyned in the fornamed book ascribed to F. Persons about the reformation of our English Church in a Catholike tyme of which book we haue wrytten sufciently before in the 5. Chapter of this worke and only haue to ad in this place that the audacity of these people is such as not hauing seene or read that book as appeareth by their wryting yet do they euery where vrge the same first vnder a knowen false title deuised by themselues calling it the high Court of Reformation the true title being A memorial for Reformation c. as hath byn declared and then setting downe such decrees wheras indeed nothing is decreed but suggested only throughout that book as neuer were made wryttē or thought of by the author but rather the quite contrary As for example they say the first decree is that when England shal be restored to the Cath. faith no orders of religious people shal be suffered to returne into England or be permitted to liue within the Brytans Ocean as their words are but only Iesuits Capuchynes this for that Capuchines taking no rent or temporal possessions the Iesuits shal remayne with all c. VVheras first he that readeth the said Memorial shal not fynd the Iesuits so much as once named throughout all that book and secondly there is no speech of Brittish Ocean or Scotland therin contayned but only of England And thirdly the plaine contrary to that which they affirme is expressely set downe in diuers parts of the said Memorial to wit that all religious orders approued in the Church of God without exception should be restored in respect of the publike iniury done to all by their expulsion which is set downe in one place thus And for that religious orders haue byn more defaced dishonored persecuted in our realme then in any other Christian countrey in the world perhaps it would be cōuenient to make such amends and recompence as is not besides in any other kingdome to wit that all the approued religious orders that are in the Church of God should be called into Englād and placed iointly in the citty of London at least for that it is to be presumed that this citty would be capable of all and from thence they might be deryued afterwards by litle litle into other places of the Realme as commodity were offered and as mens deuotions should require and as they should be proued to be most profitable and agreable to the state of our countrey but altogeather to be in London and that in the perfection of their first institution would be a most excellent thing and a priuiledge aboue all other kingdomes in the world where all religious orders are not seene togeather and much lesse in the perfection of their first institute and obseruance which ought to be the condition of admitting any order into England at our next reformation be they men or women to the end that the greater glory of God be procured in all things Thus saith the memorial in this place which is afterward repeated againe vpon diuers occasions as namely in the second part and 6. chapter where it is said that as on the one side it is greatly desyred as before hath byn noted that all the approued religious orders of Gods Church should be admitted againe into England for more honorable satisfaction of impietyes comitted against them in tymes past by their eiectiō so is there no lesse desyre of good men that such persons therof may be called as wil promise the perfect obseruation of their first institution and rule and therby be true lights and salt of our countrey indeed c. This is there wrytten and now let euery one iudge how honest and true a man he is that putteth forth these Quodlibets and