by his Bill exhibited to this Parliament averred had divers times at sundry Parliaments in his time holden said that hee would have his intent and pleasure concerning his owne matters whatsoever betide of the residue and if any withstood his will or minde he would by one meanes or other bring him out of his life And further said to him at Lichfield in the one and twentieth yeare of his raigne that he desired no longer for to live then to see his Lords and Commons have him in as great awe and dread as ever they had of any his Progenitors so that it might bee chronicled of him that none passed him of honour and dignity with condition that he were deposed and put from his said dignity the next morrow after So wilfull was hee as to preferre his will before his Crowne or safety In the yeares 1440. and 1441. Richard Duke of Yorke came into the Parliament House and there in a large Oration laid claime and set forth his Title to the Crowne of England which King Henry the sixth had long enjoyed desiring the Parliament to determine the right of the Title betweene them both sides submitting to their resolution as the proper Iudges of this weighty royall controversie After long debate and consideration of the case among the Peeres Prelates and Commons of the Realme it was finally agreed and resolved by them That in as much as Henry the sixth had beene taken as King for 38. yeares and more that he should enjoy the name and title of King and have possession of the Realme during his naturall life And if he either died or resigned or FORFAITED THE SAME for breaking any part of this concord then the said Crowne authority royall should immediately descend to the Duke of Yorke King Edward the 4. his Father if he then lived or else to the next heire of his line And that the said Duke from thenceforth should be Protector and Regent of the Kingdome Provided alway that if the King did closely or apertly study or goe about to breake or alter this agreement or to compasse or imagine the death of the said Duke or his bloud then he TO FORFEIT THE CROWNE and the Duke TO TAKE IT These Articles made by the Parliament betweene them they both subscribed sealed and swore to and then caused them to be enacted Loe here we have these two Kings submitting their Titles to the Crowne and Kingdome it selfe to the Resolution of both houses of Parliament as the Soveraigne Judge betweene them who setled the Crowne in this order under paine of forfeiting it by King Henry if he violated their Decree herein and appointing a Lord Protector over the Kingdome in his full age as Walsingham informes us a Parliament constituted Duke Humfry to bee Protector of him and his Kingdome of England and the Duke of Bedford to bee Regent of France during his minority who exercised all regall power by vertue of that authority which the Parliament derived to them After this in these two Kings reignes the Crowne and its descent were variously setled by Parliament as I have formerly manifested yet so as that which one Parliament setled in this kinde continued firme till it was altered or reversed by another Parliament King Richard the third comming to the Crowne by usurpation to strengthen his Title procured the Lords and Commons to passe an Act of Parliament wherein they declare him to bee their lawfull King both by election and succession entaile the Crowne upon him and the heires of his body lawfully begotten create his Sonne Edward Prince of Wales and declare him heire to succeed him in the royall Crowne and dignity after his decease In which Act of Parliament recited at large by Speed there is this memorable passage That the Court of Parliament is of such Authority and the people of this land of such a nature and disposition as experience teacheth that manifestation or declaration of any Truth or Right made by the three Estates of this Realme Assembled in Parliament and by the Authority of the same makes before all other things most faith and certainty and quieting of mens mindes removeth the occasion of all doubts and seditious language Henry the seventh afterwards slaying this usurping Richard at Boswell-field to avoyd all ambiguities and questions of his Title to the Crowne in his first Parliament procured the Lords and Commons by a speciall Act to settle the inheritance of the Crownes of England and France on him and the heires of his body lawfully begotten perpetually by the grace of God so to endure and on none other and all attainders and Acts against him by Edward the fourth and King Richard this Parliament annihilated After him King Henry the eighth to ratifie his divorce from Queen Katherine caused it to be confirmed and his marriage with her to be utterly dissolved by Act of Parliament and by sundry Acts ratified his subsequent Marriages and setled the descent of the Crowne to his posterity somewhat different from the course of the Common Law which Statutes were afterwards altered and the descent of the Crowne setled by other speciall Bils in Parliament both in Queene Maries and Queene Elizabeths Reignes whose Titles to the Crowne were setled and in some sort created by the Parliament By the notable Sta. of 13. Eli. c. 1. worthy reading for this purpose it is made no lesse then high Treason to affirme That the Queene WITH and BY THE AUTHORITY OF THE PARLIAMENT of England is not able to make Lawes and Statutes of sufficient force and validity to BINDE LIMIT RESTRAINE and governe all PERSONS THEIR RIGHTS AND TITLES THAT IN ANY WISE may or might claime any interest or possibilitie IN OR TO THE CROWNE OF ENGLAND in POSSESSION REMAINDER INHERITANCE SUCCESSION or OTHERWISE HOWSOEVER and all other persons whatsoever King Edward the sixt Queene Elizabeth and other our Princes holding their Crownes by a Parliamentary Title rather then by the course of the Common Law which this Statute affirmes the Parliament hath power to alter even in case of descent of the Crowne It is observable that the Statutes of 25 H. 8. c. 22. 28 H. 8. c. 7. and 35 H. 8. c. 1. doe not onely Nulliâ—ie some of this Kings marriages and ratifie others of them declaring some of his issues legitimate and hereditable to the Crowne others not and appoint the Queene if living to be Protector of the infant King or Queene that should inherit the Crowne or such of the Lords as the King by his last will should designe But likewise prescribe strict Oathes for every Subject to take to maintaine the Succession of the Crowne as it is limited by those Acts which Oathes for any to refuse is made high Treason or to write or speake any thing against the succession of the Crowne as it is therein limited And withall they derive a plenary authority to the King who thereupon acknowledgeth the
goe unto it petitioning the King to desist from this Warre and at last caused the King in Parliament to release these services And Anno 1205. The Lords and Commons for this very reason refused to go with King Iohn to his warres in France to recover his inheritance there In the sixt yeare of King Richard the second in a Parliament holden at London it was for many dayes together debated whether the Bishop of Norwich Henry Spensâ—r whâ—m the Pope had made Generall of his Forces against the Schismatickes of Flanders giving great indulgences to those who should assist him in person or with Monies in this Warre should undertake that Warre or no and after muâ—h opposition of the Captaines of the kingdome alledging that it was not safe to commit the people of the King and kingdome to an unexpert Priest it was at last resolved in Parliament through the constancy and valour of the Knights and Commons that he should undertake this war and goe Generall of the Army Which office he valiantly managed with good successe being a better Souldier than Preacher And the same yeare in another Parliament at London it was Decreed BY THE PARLIAMENT that because the Scots had broken their Faith with the English Faith should be broken with them Frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem And that a select power should be sent into Scotland out of England to wit a thousand Lances and 2000. Archers to curbe their attempts under the conduct of the Lord Thomas of Woodstocke which the Scots being informed of were greatly afraid and in the end of the Parliament sent humble supplicants to it to treat with them about a peace or truce which they desired But the English having had such frequent experience of their falshood would neither treat nor compound with them but reviling their messengers commanded them to returne home wishing them to defend their heads and rights as well as they could Who returning the Northerne Lords undertooke the defence of their Country untill Thomas of Woodstocke should be pâ—epared to ayd them with greater Forces Loe here both Generalls Armies Warres appointed by the Parliament and Subsidies likewise granted to supply them and the making of a peace or truce referred to them it being agreed in a former Treaty that if any dammage or injury should be done by either Nation one to another some speciall Committees should be sent to the Parliament of both kingdomes every yeare who should publikely relate the injuries sustained and receive amends according to the dammage suffered by the judgement of the Lords In the Printed Statutes of 18 Ed. 3. Parliament 2. and in our Historians too I finde this preamble recited almost verbatim the next Parliament the same yeare chap 1. It is to be remembred that at the Parliament hâ—lden at Westminster the munday next after the Utas of the Holy Trinity in the Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord the King that now is of England the 18. and of France the 5. many things were shewed in full Parliament which were attempted by the adversary party against our Soveraigne Lord the King of France against the Truce late taken in Britaine betwixt our Soveraigne Lord the King and him And how that he enforceth himselfe as much as he may to destroy our said Soveraign Lord the King and his Allies Subjects Lands and places and the tongue of England And that was prayed by our said Soveraigne Lord the King of the Prelates great men and Commons THAT THEY WOULD GIVE HIM SUCH COUNSELL and AIDE AS SHOULD BE EXPEDIENT IN SO GREAT NECESSITY And the same Prelates great men and Commons taking good deliberation and advice and openly seeing the subversion of the Land of England and Kings great businesse which God defend if hasty remedy be not provided HAVE COUNSELLED JOYNTLY and SEVERALLY and prayed with great instance our Soveraigne Lord the King that he would make him as strong as he might to passe the Sea in assurance of the ayde of God and his good quarrell effectually at this time TO MAKE AN END OF HIS WARRES BY WAY OF PEACE OR ELSE BY FORCE And that for Letters words nor faire promises he shall not let his passage till he see the effect of his businesse And for this cause the said great men do grant to passe and adventure them with him And the said Commons doe grant to him for the same cause in a certaine forme two Quinzimes of the Commonalty and two Dismes of the Cities and Burroughes to be levyed in manner as the last Quinzime granted to him and not in other manner c. So that the money levyed of the same be dispended in the businesse shewed to them this Parliament BY ADVICE OF THE GREAT MEN THERETO ASSIGNED And that the aydes beyond Trent BE PUT IN DEFENCE OF THE NORTH A pregnant Precedent of the Parliaments interest in concluding Warre and Peace and disposing of the ayde contributed towards warres to such persons and uses as they deeme meete to confide in By these with infinite other precedents the Statute of 1 Iac. c. 2. and the Act of Pacification and oblivion betweene Scotland and England made this very Parliament enacting that no warre shall be levyed or made by any of either Nation against the other without consent of Parliament under paine of High Treason It is evident that the principall right of concluding denouncing Warre or peace resides in the Parliament and that the King without its previous advice and consent ought not to proclaime any open warre since the Subjects estates and persons must support wage it and receive most disadvantage by it a truth not onely implyed but resolved by his Majesties owne royall assent this very Parliament in the Act of Pacification betwixt England and Scotland Neither is this thing unusuall but common in other Kingdomes Livy Polybius Grimston Plutarch Iohn Bodin expresly affirme and confirme by sundry examples That in the Roman State both under their Kings and Emperours the chiefe power of denouncing warre and concluding peace was in the Senate and people And if any of their Emperours Consuls or Generals concluded peace without their consents it did not binde but was meerely voyd unlesse the Senate and people ratified it by a new decree neither might any warre be decreed but in the great assembly of the Senate and people together and by a publike Law And because Caesar had without command of the people made warre in France Cato Uticensis delivered his opinion in the Senate that the Army was to be called home and Caesar for his presumption delivered up to the Enemy So in the States and Kingdomes of the Athenians Aetolians Polonia Sweden Denmarke and Norway no Warre was begunne nor Peace concluded by their Kings but by the authority and preceding decree of their Senates Parliaments and Diets as Bodin proves at large The like Buchanan affirmes of the Kings of Scotland and we have divine authority
and Statutes of the Realme be by him defeated and frustrated at his will to the destruction of the King his Soveraignty Crowne and Regality and of all his Realme in defence whereof in all points they would live and dye Hence the Kings of England have alwayes setled entailed and disposed of the succession and Revenues of the Crowne by speciall Acts of Parliament and consent of the whole Realme because the whole kingdome hath an interest therein without whose concurring assent in Parliament they had no power to dispose thereof as the Statutes of 21 R. 2. c. 9. 7 H. 4. c. 2. 25 H. 8. c. 22. 26 H. 8. c. 13. 28 H. 8. c. 7. 35 H. 8. c. 1. 1 Mar. c. 1. and Parl. 2. c. 1 2. 1 Eliz. c. 3. 13 Eliz. c. 1. 1 Iac. c. 1. Hals Chron. f. 10. 15. 1 H. 4. p. 763. 928. to 932. Doniels hist. p. 122. 138 139. abundantly manifest and Cooke l. 8. the Princes case Upon which ground King Edward the sixt his devise of the Crowne of England to the Lady Iane by his last will in writing without an Act of Parliament contrary to the Statute of 35 H. 8. c. 1. was adjudged voyd though subscribed and sworne to by all the Lords of the privy Counsell and all the Iudges but one and Queene Iane with the Duke of Northumberland and others who proclaimed her as Queen of England by vertue of this devise were condemned and executed as Traytors Whereas auy private Subject may devise and settle his estate as he pleaseth without any speciall Act of Parliament to authorize him Hence in the Parliament Roll of 1 H. 6. Num. 18. The last Will and Testament of deceased Henry the fifth and the Legacies therein bequeathed of 40000. Markes in Goods Chattels Jewels Moneyes for Payment of the Kings debts are ratified by the Lords Commons and Protectors concurring assents by an Act of Parliament as being otherwise invalid to binde the King or Kingdome And Num. 40. Queene Katherines Dower of 40000. Scutes per Annum concluded on by Articles upon her Marriage and by a Parliament held the second of May in the 9. yeare of King Henry the fifth well approved authorized and accepted which Articles that King then swore unto and the three Estates of the Realme of England to wit the Prelates Nobles and Commons of England in that Parliament and every one of them for them their Heires and Successors promised well and truely to observe and fulfill for ever as much as to them and every of them appertained Was after her Husbands death upon her petition by a speciall patent made by this Infant King her Son WITH THE ASSENT OF THE LORDS SPIRITUALL and TEMPORALL and COMMONS OF ENGLAND IN THAT PRESENT PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED assigned setled and confirmed out of the Crowne Lands therein specified else it had not beene binding to the Successor King or Realme the Crowne Lands being the Kings but onely in the Kingdomes right whence all our Queenes Dowers and Joyntures have usually been setled and confirmed in and by Parliaments wheras any other man may endow or make his Wife a good Joynture without the Parliaments assent or privity And in 2 E. 3. the Queene Dowagers great Ioynture which tooke up three parts of the Kings Revenues by common consent in a Parliament held at Nottingham was all taken from her because not duely setled by Parliament and too excessive to the Kings and kingdomes prejudice and she put to a pension of 1000. li. per annum during her life And by the Statute of 1 H. 6. c. 5. it is expressely resolved That King Henry the fifth could not alien or pledge the ancient Jewels or Goods of the Crowne to maintaine his Warres without a speciall Act of Parliament and if he did those to whom he pawned or sold them were still accomptable to the Crowne for them and the alienation voyd whence the carrying of the Jewels Treasure and Plate of the kingdome over Sea into Ireland without assent of the Nobility and Parliament was one of the Articles objected against Richard the second in Parliament when he was deposed the Jewels and Crowne Lands being not the Kings in right of property and interest but the kingdomes onely and so all alienations of them without the Parliaments consent voyd and usually resumed by the Parliament witnesse the notable Act of Resumption in 8 H. 6. and 31 H. 6. c. 7. of all the Kings grants of any Honours Castles Townes Villages Manors Lands Rents Reversions Annuities c. from the first yeare of his Reigne till then with divers other precedents of Resumptions in the Margin in King Stevens Rich. 1 2. Hen. 2 3 5. their Reignes These resolutions of our Common and Statute Law are seconded by many forraigne Civilians as Baldus in Proem de Feud n. 32. 33. Aretine in Rubric Lucas de Penna Cod. de omni agro deserto l. Quicunque f. 184 185. Albericus de Rosate Quodcunque praescrip bene a Zenone n. 4. f. 3. 1. 4. Boetius Epan Haeroic quest qu. 3. n. 43. qu. 5. n. 19. 27. 34. Didacus Cavaruvius Practic qu. c. 4. n. 1. Martinus Laudensis de Confaed Tract 1. qu. 13. Ioan. Andreas in cap. dilect de Maior Obed. Franciscus Vargas de Author Pontif Axiom 1. n. 2. Concilium Toletanum 8. Surius Concil Tom. 2. p. 865 866. with sundry others many of whose words you may reade in Doctor Crakenthorps defence of Constantine p. 169. to 175. who affirme That the Emperour or any other King cannot give away any Townes or Territories belonging to their Empire or Kingdomes contrary to their Oathes and Trusts they being the Kingdomes not theirs in right Whence they conclude Constantines pretended Donation of Rome and Italy to the Pope a meere Nullity And Francis the first King of France An. 1525. professed publikely to all the world That it was not in the power of a French King to bind himselfe to the alienation of any Lands Townes or Territories belonging to the Crowne without the consent of the generall Estates of France of his Soveraigne Courts and Officers in whose hands the Authority of the whole Realme remained And therefore â—e refused to consigne the Dutchy of Burgoyne to the Emperour Charles the fifth who had taken him prisoner in the Battle of Pavia or to release his right to any territories belonging to the Crowne of France though he had sworne to do it to procure his Liberty alledging that he had no power to do it without his kingdomes and Parliaments consents It is true our Law-bookes say That the King cannot be seised of Lands to any private Subjects use by way of feofment because it stands not with his honor to be any private mans feoffee because no Subpena lieth to force him to execute it he is a Corporation yet he may have the possession of lands in others right and for their uses as of Wards Ideots Lunaticks
sweare to observe before they are crowned the words of which law are these The King shall take heed that he neither undertake warre nor conclude peace nor make truce nor handle any thing of great moment but by the advise and consent of the Elders to wit the Iustitia Arragoniae the standing Parliament of that kingdome which hath power over and above the King And of later dayes as the same Author writes their Rici-homines or selected Peeres appointed by that kingdome not the King have all the charges and offices both of warre and peace lying on their neckes and the command of the Militia of the kingdome which they have power by their Lawes to raise even against their King himselfe in case he invade their Lawes or Liberties as he there manifests at large So in Hungary the great Palatine of Hungary the greatest officer of that kingdome and the Kings Lieutenant Generall who commands the Militia of that Realme is chosen by the Parliament and Estates of that country not the King It was provided by the Lawes of the Aetolians that nothing should be entreated of CONCERNING PEACE OR WARRE but in their Panaetolio or great generall Councell of state in which all Ambassadors were heard and answered as they were likewise in the Roman Senate And Charles the fifth of France having a purpose to drive all the Englishmen out of France and Aquitain assembled a generall assembly of the estates in a Parliament at Paris by their advise and wisedome to amend what by himselfe had not beene wisely done or considered of and so undertooke that warre with the counsell and good liking of the Nobilitie and people whose helpe he was to use therein which warre being in and by that Councell decreed prospered in his hand and tooke good successe as Bodin notes because nothing giveth greater credit and authority to any publike undertakings of a Prince and people in any State or Commonweale then to have them passe and ratified by publike advise and consent Yea the great Constable of France who hath the government of the Kings Sword the Army and Militia of France was anciently chosen by the great Councell of the three Estates Parliament of that kingdome as is manifest by their election of Arthur Duke of Britaine to that office Anno 1324. before which Anno 1253. they elected the * Earle of Leycester a valiant Souldier and experienced wise man to be the grand Seneschall of France ad consulendum regno desolato multum desperato quia strenuus fuit fidelis which office he refused lest he should seeme a Traytour to Henry the third of England under whom he had beene governour of Gascoigne which place he gave over for want of pay In briefe the late examples of the Protestant Princes in Germany France Bohemia the Low countries and of our brethren in Scotland within foure yeares last who seised all the Kings Forts Ports Armes Ammunition Revenues in Scotland and some Townes in England to preserve their Lawes Liberties Religion Estates and Country from destruction by common consent without any Ordinance of both Houses in their Parliament will both excuse and justifie all the Acts of this nature done by expresse Ordinances of this Parliament which being the Soveraigne highest power in the Realme intrusted with the kingdomes safety may put the Ports Forts Navy Ammunition which the King himselfe cannot manage in person but by substitutes into such under Officers hands as shall both preserve and rightly imploy them for the King and kingdomes safety and elect the Commanders of the Militia according to the expresse letter of King Edward the Confessors Laws which our Kings at their Coronations were still sworne to maintaine wherewith I shall in a manner conclude the Legall part of the Subjects right to elect the Commanders of the Militia both by Sea and Land Erant aliae potestates dignitates per provincias patrias universas per singulos Comitatus totius regni constitutea qui Heretochii apud Anglos vocabantur Scilicet Barones Nobiles insignes sapientes fideles animosi Latine vero dicebantur Ductores exercitus apud Gallos Capitales Constabularii vel Marâ—schaâ—li Exercitus Illi vero ordinabant acies densissimas in praeliis aâ—as constituebant prout decuit prout iis melius visum fuit ad Honorem Coronae ET AD UTILITATEM REGNI Isti vero viri ELIGEBANTUR PER COMMUNE CONCILIUM PRO COMMUNI UTILITATE REGNI PER PROVINCIAS ET PATRIAS UNIVERSAS ET PER SINGULOS COMITATUS so as the King had the choyce of them in no Province or Countrey but the Parliament and people onely in pleno Folcmote SICUT ET VICECOMITES PROVINCIARUM ET COMITATUUM ELEGI DEBENT Ita quod in quolibet Comitatu sit unus Heretoch PER ELECTIO NEM ELECTUS ad conducendum exercitum Comitatus sui juxta praeceptum Domini Regis ad honorem Coronae UTILITATEM REGNI praedicti semper cum opus adfuerit in Regno Item qui fugiet a Domino vel socio suo pro timiditate Belli vel Mortis in conductione Heretochii sui IN EXPEDITIONE NAVALI VEL TERRESTRI by which it is evident these popular Heretochs commanded the Militia of the Realme both by Sea and Land and might execute Martiall Law in times of war perdat omne quod suum est suam ipsius vitam manus mittat Dominus ad terram quam ei antea dederat Et qui in bello ante Dominum suum ceciderit sit hoc in terra sit alibi sint ei relevationes condonatae habeant Haeredes ejus pecuniam terramejus sine aliqua diminutione recte dividant inter se. An unanswerable evidence for the kingdomes and Parliaments interest in the Militia enough to satisfie all men To which I shall only adde that observation of the learned Antiquary Sir Henry Spelman in his Glossarium Title Dux and Heretochius where he cites this Law of King Edward That the Heretoch was Magister Militiae Constabularius Mariscallus DVCTOR EXERCITVS SIVE NAVALIS SIVE TERRESTRIS called in Saxon Heretoga ab Here Exercitus Togen Ducere Eligebantur in pleno Folcmote hoc est non in illo sub initio eaâ—endarum Maii at in alio sub capite Calendarum Octobris Aderant tune ipsi Heretochii QUAE VOLUERE IMPERABANT EXEQUENDA consvlto tamen PROCERUM COETU ET JUDICIO TOTIUS FOLCMOTI APPROBANTE Then he subjoynes POPULARIS ISTA HERETOCHIORUM SEU DUCUM ELECTIO nostris Saxonibus cum Germanis aliis COMMUNIS FUIT Vt in Boiorum ll videas Tit. 2. cap. 1. S. 1. Siquis contra Ducem suum quent Rex ordinavit in Provincia illa AUT POPULUS SIBI ELEGERIT DUCEM de morte Ducis consiliatus fuerit in Ducis sit potestate c. Hue videtur pertinere quod apud Greg. Turon legas l. 8. Sect. 18. Wintro Dux à Pagensibus
of the Lords House and some Judges from the House and City By plundering divers Parliament mens houses imprisoning their persons without Bayle Maineprise or Redemption and laying intolerable taxations on their estates By Declaring both Houses Traytors if not in positive yet at least in equivalent words and by necessary consequence By divers unparalleld violations of the Parliaments Priviledges by extrajudiciall Declarations out of Parliament penned by Malignants in his Majesties name and avowed by him published of purpose to oppose annull reverse the solemne legall Resolutions Declarations and Votes of both Houses in sundry cases and by name that against the Commission of Array And finally by the manifold invectives in severall his Majesties Declarations and Proclamations against the Parliaments Votes Proceedings Members seconded with expresse commands and invitations to the People to Contemne its authority and disobey all its Orders made without his personall consent which is indeed nought else but to nullifie Parliaments to make them altogether contemptible ridiculous and trample them under feete and hath wrought a strong malignity disobedience if not disaffection in many people to Parliaments to the end they may never desire or enjoy them hereafter notwithstanding the Act for trienniall Parliaments when this is once dissolved All these unparalleld apparent high attempts against the very honour essence of this and all other future Parliaments transcending both for quantity and quality all the violations of Parliaments Priviledges in all his Majesties Predecessors Reignes since England was a kingdome summed up in one together with the late Oxford Propositions for an Accommodation wherein the Houses finall Resolutions Declaring what is Law are called illegall and required to be reversed the power of imprisoning and fining men denyed and prostituted to the censures Writs and Examinations of inferiour Courts by way of Habeas Corpus the just expulsions of their owne Members denyed them all high Violations and denials of the knowne priviledges of Parliament contrary to his Majesties many former and late Printed Protestations and those Acts newly passed concerning Parliaments which will never recover their pristine dignity honour power priviledges if this should miscarry induce the most intelligent to opine that his Majesty long since weary of the yoke of all Parliaments the only Remora to his absolute intended Monarchy and repenting of the Act for continuing this since he hath gained his ends for which it was summoned more out of absolute necessity then love to Parliaments to wit peace with the Scots for the present by an Accommodation wrought by this Parliament purchased with his Subjects mony when as he saw no hopes of repelling them hence by force the paying of his then raised Army against them by the Parliaments free supply is now resolved in prosecution of his pristine Counsels by force or policy to dissolve this Parliament in discontent as he hath done all former and that with such advantages of a generall ill opinion of Parliaments in the ignorant mis-informed vulgar on the one hand and of a prevailing conquering power on his part on the other hand as shall either utterly extinguish the hopes and Bill of summoning any future trienniall Parliamentary Assemblies or at least so emasculate the vigour and eclipse the power of them if called that they shall neither have courage nor might nor meanes to resist his foresaid grand designe if he can now either by force or policy resume the Militia Forts Navy Ammunition into his absolute dispose the onely present obstacle now his forces are so great to gaine a compleate long-expected conquest over his peoples Liberties Lawes Estates and all Parliaments Priviledges if not beings too And if our Parliaments the onely Bulwarkes to protect our Lawes Liberties Estates Lives Religion Peace Kingdome against the devastations of oppressing lawlesse Princes and Officers be once conquered or weakned in the least degree we can expect no other issue but that Tyranny slavery popery shall be ere long entailed upon us and our Heires Soules and bodies forever Secondly By his Majesties frequent imposing of many unlawfull Taxes and Impositions on his Subjects contrary to his Coronation Oath the ancient Lawes of the Realme yea his owne late Statutes Declarations Vowes Promises which designe hath beene carryed on with a strong hand all his Reigne till now and at this present with a farre higher hand then ever which they exemplifie by the Loanes with other Taxes Impositions Grievances complained of in the Petition of Right in the third yeare of his Reigne which Act when first passed with this his Majesties solemne Oration and Protestation Printed with it I doe here declare That these things which have beene done whereby men had some cause to suspect the Liberty of the Subject to be trenched upon shall not hereafter be drawne into example for your prejudice And in time to come IN THE WORD OF A KING you shall not have the like cause to complaine backed with his Royall Declaration to all his Subjects at the breach of that Parliament to like purpose made most men thinke they should never be grieved with illegall Taxes more though the very annexing and Printing of his Majesties two Answers this Speech when he passed the Petition at the end thereof with the Scope and matter of this Speech and other then concurring circumstances made the wisest men suspect it was onely a baite to catch the Temporalties and Clergies five a peece extraordinary great Subsidies then aymed at a greater ayd then was ever before granted at once to any of his Majesties Predecessors and a policy then seemingly to content but subsequently to delude the over-credulous impoliticke Vulgar the verity whereof was at that instant much confirmed by his Majesties clayming even in his very speech when he passed the Petition of Right Tunnage and Poundage as a meere right and his taking it as a just duty without grant by Parliament from his comming to the Crowne till then and since by his extraordinary strange commission granted under the great Seale to divers Lords and others for the laying of an intolerable illegall excise on all the Subjects throughout England and Ireland seconded with the Commission to Dalbere and others for the raysing and importing of German Horse and the billeting of Irish foot in sundry places of England to joyne with those horse to set on this excise even at that very instant when this Petition of Right was debated and passed the breaking up of that Parliament as soone as these Subsidies were granted and the unpatterned inundation of all kinde of unjust Taxes as soone as ever that Parliament was dissolved as fines for Knighthood New-buildings Inclosures exacted Fees not to redresse but authorize them by compositions to get money Shipmony Monopolies of Tobacco Sope Brickes Pins and a world of other particulars upon which annuall rents were reserved Forrest-bounds and offences prosecuted with all Rigour Impositions upon Coale Beare Salt Wines Tobacco and all kinde of Merchandise Lieutenants
manner as the Noble Duke of Exceter was before appointed and designed to execute which charge he was sent for out of France the yeare following In the three and thirtieth yeare of this Kings reigne Richard Duke of York was made Protector of the Realme the Earle of Salisbury was appointed to be Chancellor and had the great seale delivered to him and the Earle of Warwick was elected to the Captainship of Calice and the territories of the same in and BY THE PARLIAMENT by which the Rule and Regiment of the whole Realme consisted onely in the heads and orders of the Duke and Chancellor and all the warlike affaires and businesse rested principally in the Earle of Warwick From which Offices the Duke and Earle of Salisbury being after displaced by â—mulation envie and jealousie of the Dukes of Somerset Buckingham and the Queene a bloody civill warre thereupon enfued after which Anno 39. H. 6. this Duke by a solemne award made in Parliament between Henry the sixth and him was againe made PROTECTOR AND REGENT OF THE KINGDOM By the Statutes of 25. H. 8. c. 22. 28. H. 8. c. 7. and 35. H. 8. c. 1. it is evident that the power and Right of nominating a Protector and Regent during the Kings minoritie belongs to the Parliament and Kingdome which by these Acts authorized Henry the eighth by his last Will in writing or Commission under hiâ— seale to nominate a Lord Protector in case he died during the 〈◊〉 of his heire to the Crowne and the Duke of Somerset was made Lord Protector of the King and Realme during King Edward the sixth his nonage BY PARLIAMENT And not to trouble you with any more examples of this kinde Mr. Lambard in his Archaion p. 135. Cowell in his Interpreter title Parliament Sir Henry Spelman in his Glossarium tit Cancellarius out of Matthew Westminster An. 1260. 1265. Francis Thin and Holinshed vol. 3. col 1073. to 1080. 1275. to 1286. and Sir Edward Cook in his Institutes on Magna Charta f. 174 175. 558. 559. 566. acknowledge and manifest That the Lord Chancellour Treasurer Privy Seale Lord chiefe Iustice Privy Counsellors Heretochs Sheriffs with other Officers of the Kingdome of England and Constables of Castles were usually elected by the Parliament to whom OF ANCIENT RIGHT THEIR ELECTION BELONGED who being commonly stiled Lord Chancellour Treasurer and chiefe Iustice c. OF ENGLAND not of the King were of right elected by the representative Body of the Realme of England to whom they were accomptable for their misdemeanors Seeing then it is most apparent by the premises that the Parliaments of England have so frequently challenged and enioyed this right and power of electing nominating recommending approving all publike Officers of the Kingdome in most former ages when they saw iust cause and never denuded themselves wholly of this their interest by any negative Act of Parliament that can be produced I humbly conceive it can be no offence at all in them considering our present dangers and the manifold mischiefes of the Kingdome hath of late yeeres sustained by evill Counsellors Chancellors Treasurers â—udges Sheriffs with other corrupt publike Officers to make but a modest claime by way of petition of this their undoubted ancient right nor any dishonour for his Maiesty nor disparagement to his Royall Prerogative to condiscend to their request herein it being both an honour and benefit to the King to be furnished with such faithfull Counsellors Officers Iudges who shall cordially promote the publike good maintaine the Lawes and subiects Liberties and doe equall iustice unto all his people according to their oathes and duties unfaithfull and corrupt officers being dangerous and dishonourable as well to the King as Kingdom as all now see and feele by wofull experience In few words If the Chancellors Iudges and other Officers power to nominate three persons to be Sheriffe in every County annually of which his Majesty by law is bound to pricke on â—lse the election is void as all the Iudges of England long since resolved and their authority to appoint Iustices of the Peace Escheators with other under Officers in each shire be no impeachment at all of the Kings prerogative as none ever reputed it or if both Houses ancient priviledge to make publike Bills for the publike weale without the Kings appointment and when they have voted them for lawes to tender them to the King for his royall assent be no diminution to his Soveraignty then by the selfe-same reason the Parliaments nomination or recommendation of Counsellors State-officers and Iudges to his Maiesty with a liberty to disallow of them if there be iust cause assigned can be no encroachment on nor iniury at all to his Maiesties Royalties it being all one in effect to recommend new Lawes to the King for his royall assent when there is need as to nominate meet Officers Counsellors Iudges to him to see these Lawes put in due execution when enacted So that upon the whole matter the finall result will be That the Parliaments claime of this their ancient right is no iust ground at all on his Maiesties part to sever himselfe from his Parliament or to be offended with them much lesse to raise or continue a bloody warre against them That the King hath no absolute Negative voyce in the passing of Bills of Common Right and Iustice for the publike good THe fourth great Objection or Complaint of the King Malignants Royallists against the Parliament is That they deny the King a negative Voyce in Parliament affirming in some Declarations That the King by his Coronation Oath and duty is bound to give his royall assent to such publike Bills of Right and Iustice as both howses have voted necessary for the common wealth or safety of the Realme and ought not to reject them Which is say they an absolute deniall of his royall Prerogative not ever questioned or doubted of in former ages To this I answer first in generall That in most proceedings and transactions of Parliament the King hath no casting nor absolute negative voyce at all as namely in reversing erronious Iudgments given in inferiour Courts damning illegall Pattents Monopolies Impositions Exactions redressing removing all publike grievances or particular wrongs complained of censuring or judging Delinquents of all sorts punishing the Members of either house for offences against the Houses declaring what is Law in cases of difficulty referred to the Parliament of which there are sundry presidents In these and such like particulars the King hath no swaying negative voice at all but the houses may proceed and give Iudgement not only without the Kings personall presence or assent as the highest Court of Iustice but even against his personall Negative vote or dissassent in case he be present as infinite examples of present and former times experimentally manifest beyond all contradiction Nay not only the Parliament but Kings Bench Common Pleas Chancery and every
RIGHTFVLL LAWES and Customes the which THE COMMONS OF YOVR REALME SHALL CHVSE in the future and where but in the Parliament House when and where they meet together to make good Laws and shall strengthen and maintain to the worship of God after your power The King shall answer I grant and beheâ—e But that which puts this past all doubt is the Coronation Oath of K. Edward the 6. thus altered by the Lord Protectour and Kings Councell in words but not sence Doe you grant to make NO NEW LAWES but such as SHALL BE to the honour and glory of God and to the good of the Common-wealth and that the same SHALL BEE MADE BY CONSENT OF YOVR PEOPLE AS HATH BEEN ACCVSTOMED Where this clause of the Oath referres wholly and onely to future new LAWES to be chosen and made by the Peoples consent not to Lawes formerly enacted And certainly it must do sâ— else there would be much Tautology in this short solemne Oath unsutable to the grave wisdome and judgement of an whole Kingdom to prescribe and continue for so many ages and for our Kings in discretion to take For the first clause of the Oath both in the Latin French and English Copieâ— of ancient and present times is this Sir will you grant and keep and by your oath confirme to the people of England THE LAWES AND CVSTOMES GRANTED TO THEM BY ANCIENT KINGS OF ENGLAND rightfull men and devout to God and namely the Lawes and Customes and Franchises granted to the Clergy and to the people by the glorious King Edward to your power Which clause relating to all Lawes and Customes granted by formeâ— Kings to the people if this latter clause should be in the pretertense too HATH CHOSEN as the King and his mistaken Counsell object it would be a meer Suâ—plusage or Battology yea the same insubstance with the first part of the oath and ouâ— Kings should be onely bound by their oathes to observe their Ancestors Lawes not their owne as they now argue the reason perchance why the Petition of Right and our other new Lawes are so ill observed which is ridiculous to imagine And whereas they obiect that the word CVSTOMS joyned to lawes in the last clause cannot be meant of such Customes as the people shall chuse after the Oath made because all Customes are and must be time out of minde The Answer is very easie For Customes here are not taken strictly for ancient usages time out of minde but for Statutes Franchises just Liberties or Taxes for the Kingdoms defence chosen freely granted by the Commons or people and to be confirmed by the King in Parliament as appears by the first clause of the oath the laws customs granted to them by the ancient Kings of England And by Bracton himself who expounds this clause of the oath to relate to future Laws newly made by our Kings after their Coronations in this observable passage Hujusmodi vero leges Anglicanae CONSVETVDINES regum authoritate jubent quandoque quandoque vetant quandoque vindicant puniunt transgressores quas quidem cum FVERINT APPROBATAE CONSENSV VTENTIVM ET SACRAMENTO REGVM CONFIRMATAE mutari non poterunt nec destrui SINE COMMVNI CONSENSV EORVM OMNIVM quorum CONSILIO ET CONSENSV FVERVNT PROMVLGATAE Now no Customes properly so called can commence by way of grant especially of the King alone but only by the people and common usage for a good space of time as the Customes of Gavelkinde Burrough English and such like never granted nor commenced by Charter or Act of Parliament did and if the King by Charter or Act of Parliament should grant a new Custome before it were a Custome in this sense it would be utterly void in law because there was no such custome then in being and no granâ— or act can make or create a custome or prescription that had no former being Therefore Custome in this oath coupled with just and reasonable must needs be meant only of such iust and reasonable statutes liberties privilidges immunities aides taxes or services for the subjects ease and benefit and the publike service as they upon emergent occasions shall make choice of in Parliament of whose iustnesse and reasonablenesse not the King alone but the grand Councell of the Kingdom assembled in the Parliament to this very end to iudge of make and assent to iust and profitable Laws are and ought to be the proper Iudges as I have elswhere manifested and the very words of the oath QVAS VVLGVS ELIGERIT to which justas leges consuetudines relates resolve beyond contradiction And King David and Achish both were of this opinion 1 Chron. 13. 1. to 6. 2 Sam. 18 2 3 4. 1 Sam. 29. 2. to 11. and King Hezekiah too 2 Chron. 30. 1. to 7. 23. yea God himselfe and Saunel too 1 Sam. 8. 4 to the end Fifthly Because it is directly contrary to the preambles and recitals of sundry Acts of Parliament in most of our Kings reignes comprising the two last reasons To instance in some few of many the ancient statutes of Marlbridge begin thus The yeare of grace 1267. for the better estate of the Realme of England and for the more speedy ministration of Iustice AS BELONGETH TO THE OFFICE OF A KING the more discreet men of the Realme being called together as well of the higher as of the lower estate It was provided agreed and ordained that whereas the Realme of latâ— had beene disquieted with manifold troubles and distractions for reformation whereof statutes and lawes BE RIGHT NECESSARY whereby the peace and tranquility of the people may be conserved wherein the King intending to devise convenient remedy hath made these Acts underwritten The statutes of 3 Edw. 1. have this Prologue These be the Acts of King Edward c. at his first Parliament generall after his Coronation Because our Soveraigne Lord the King hath great zeal in desire to redresse the state of the Realm in such things AS REQVIRED AMENDMENT for the common profit of the holy Church and of the Realme c. the King hath ordained and established these Acts underwritten which he intendeth TO BE NECESSARY AND PROFITABLE unto the whole Realme And cap. 17. in the Marches of Wales and elsewhere where the Kings Writs be not currant the King which is chiefe and soveraigne Lord there SHALL DOE RIGHT THERE unto such as will complaine And cap. 48. The King hath ordained these things unto the honour of God and holy Church and for the commonwealth and for the remedy of such as be grieved and for as much as it is great charity which is oft times put for Iustice as here TO DOE RIGHT VNTO ALL MEN AT ALL TIMES WHEN NEED SHALL BE by assent of all c. it was provided The statute of Glocester in the 6. year of King Edw. 1. is thus prefaced For the great mischiefs and disinherisons that the people of the
subject to Legall Ceremonies So therefore the King lest his power should remaine unbridled there ought not to be a greater than he in the Kingdome in the exhibition of Justice yet he OUGHT TO BE THE LEAST or AS THE LEAST IN RECEIVING JUDGEMENT if he require it That a King is created and elected by whom but by his kingdome to this purpose to doe justice unto all That a King cannot doe any thing else in earth seeing he is Gods Minister and Vicar nisi id solum quod de jure potest but that onely which he can doe by Law That God the Law and his Court to wit the Earles and Barons in Parliament are above the King and ought to bridle him and are thence called Comites because they are the Kings Companions Fleta an ancient Law-booke written in King Edward the third his Reigne l. 3. c. 3. 17. useth the selfe-same words that Bracton doth and concludes That the King hath a Superior to wit God and the Law by which he is made a King and his Court of Earles and Barons to wit the Parliament Fortescue a Lawyer Chancellour to King Henry the sixt proves at large That the King of England cannot alter nor change the Lawes of his Realme at his pleasure for why be governeth his people by power not onely Royall but Politique If his power over them were royall onely then he might change the Lawes of his Realme and charge his Subjects with tallage and other burthens without their consent and such is the Dominion the Civill Lawes purport when they say The Princes pleasure hath the force of a Law But from this much differeth the power of a King whose Government over the people is Poâ—itique For HE CAN NEITHER CHANGE the LAW without the consent of his Subjects NOR YET CHARGE THEM WITH STRANGE IMPOSITIONS AGAINST THEIR WILL. Wherefore his people doe frankely and freely enjoy and recover their owne goods BEING RULED BY SUCH LAWES AS THEMSELVES DESIRE neither are they pilled off their their owne King or any other Like pleasure also should the Subjects â—ave of a King ruling onely by Royall power sol ong as he falleth not into tyranny St. Thomas in the Booke he wrote to the King of Cyprus justifieth the State of a Realme to be such that it may not be in the Kings power to oppresse his people with tyranny which thing is perfomed onely when the power Royall is restrained by power Politique Rejoyce then O Soveraigne Prince and be glad that the Law of the Realme wherein you shall succeed is such for it shall exhibit and minister to you and your people no small security and content Chap. 10 11 12. He showes the different sorts of Kings or kingdomes some of greater others of lesser power some elective others successive proceeding meerely from the peoples free consents and institution and that the ancient Aegyptian Aethiopian and other Kings were subject to and not above their Lawes quoting sundry passages out of Aristotle concerning the originall of kingdomes Chap. 13. He proceeds thus A People that will raise themselves into a kingdome or other Politique body must ever appoint one to be chiefe Ruler of the whole body which in kingdomes is called a King In this kinde of Order as out of an Embryo ariseth a body naturall ruled by one head because of a multitude of people associated by the consent of Lawes and communion of wealth ariseth a kingdome which is a body mysticall governed by one man as by an head And like as in a naturall body the heart is the first that liveth having within it blood which it distributeth among the other members whereby they are quickned semblably in a body Politique THE INTENT OF THE PEOPLE is THE FIRST LIVING THING having within it blood that is to say Politique provision for the Utility and wealth of the same people which it dealeth forth and imparteth AS WELL TO THE HEAD as to the Members of the same body whereby the body is nourished and maintained c. Furthermore the Law under which a multitude of men is made a people representeth the forme of sinews in the body naturall because that like as by sinews the joyning of the body is made sound so by the Law which taketh the name a Ligando from binding such a Mysticall body is knit and preserved together and the members and bones of the same body whereby is represented the soundnesse of the wealth whereby that body is sustained doe by the Lawes as the naturall body by sinewes retaine every one their proper function And as the head of a body naturall cannot change his Sinewes nor cannot deny nor with-hold from his inferiour members cheir proper powers and severall nourishments of blood SO NEITHER CAN THE KING who is the head of the Politique body CHANGE THE LAWES OF THAT BODY nor with-draw from the said people THEIR PROPER SUBSTANCE AGAINST THEIR WILLS OR CONSENTS For such a King of a kingdome politique is made and ordained for THE DEFENCE OF THE LAWES OF HIS SUBJECTS and of their bodies and goods WHEREUNTO HE RECEIVETH POWER OF HIS PEOPLE SO THAT HEE CANNOT GOVERNE HIS PEOPLE BY ANY OTHER LAW Chap. 14. be addes No Nation did ever of their owne voluntary minde incorporate themselves into a kingdome FOR ANY OTHER INTENT BUT ONELY TO THE END that they might thereby with MORE SAFETY THEN BEFORE MAINETAINE THEMSELVES and enjoy THEIR Goods free from such misfortunes and losses as they stood in feare of And of this intent should such a Nation be defrauded utterly IF THEIR KING MIGHT SPOYLE THEM OF THEIR GOODS WHICH BEFORE WAS LAWFULL FOR NO MAN TO DOE And yet should such a people be much more injured if they should afterwards be governed by Foraine and strange Lawes and such peradventure as they deadly hated and abhorred and most of all if by those Lawes their substance should be diminished for the safeguard whereof as also for their honour and of their owne bodies THEY OF THEIR OWNE FREEWILL SUBMITTED THEMSELVES TO THE GOVERNEMENT OF A KING NO SUCH POWER FREELY COULD HAVE PROCEEDED FROM THEM and yet IF THEY HAD NOT BEENE SUCH A KING COULD HAVE HAD NO POWER OVER THEM And Chap. 36. f. 86. He concludes thus The King of England neither by himselfe nor his Ministers imposeth no Tallages Subsidies or any other burthens on his Lieges or changeth their Lawes or make new ones without the concession or assent OF HIS WHOLE KINGDOME EXPRESSED IN HIS PARLIAMENT Thus and much more this Learned Chancellour in point both of Law and Conscience sufficient to stop the mouthes of all Malignant Lawyers and Royalists being Dedicated to and approved by one of our devoutest Kings and written by one of the greatest and learnedest Officers of the Kingdome in those dayes In few words Raphael Holinshed Iohn Vowell and others in their Description of England Printed Cum Privilegio resolve thus of the Parliaments power This House HATH THE
MOST HIGH AND ABSOLUTE POWER OF THE REALME for thereby KINGS AND MIGHTY PRINCES HAVE FROM TIME TO TIME BEENE DEPOSED FROM THEIR THRONES and Lawes are enacted and abrogated Offenders of all sorts punished and corrupted Religion either disanulled or reformed It is THE HEAD AND BODY OF ALL THE REALME and the place where every particular man is intended to be present if not by himselfe yet by his Advocate and Atturney For this cause any thing that is there enacted is not to be withstood but obeyed of all men without contradiction or grudge and to be short all that ever the people of Rome might doe either Centuriatis Comitiis or Tribunitiis the same is and may be done by the Authority of Parliament Now the Romans in their Assemblies had power to enact binding Lawes to create and elect their Kings and Emperours and likewise to judge censure and depose them to create and elect all kindes of Officers and to change the very forme of their State and Government as I shall hereafter manifest Therefore by these Authours resolution the Parliament hath an absolute power to doe the like when they see just cause Sir Thomas Smith one of the Principall Secretaries of State of King Edward the 6. and Queene Elizabeth and a Doctor of Law in his Common-wealth of England l. 2. c. 1. in the old but 2. in the last Edition hath the same words in effect with Holinshed and addes that the Parliament giveth forme of Succession to the Crowne c. Our Kings Royall power being then originally derived to them conferred on them by the Peoples and kingdomes common consents in Parliament and all their new additionall Prerogatives too as the premises evidence it cannot be denyed but that the whole kingdome and Parliament are really in this sense above him and the most Soveraigne primitive power from whence all other powers were and are derived Fourthly This is undeniable because the whole kingdome in Parliament may not onely augment but likewise abridge allay abolish and resume some branches of the Kings royall power and prerogative if there be just cause as when it becomes onerous mischievous or dangerous to the Subjects inconvenient to or inconsistent with the kingdomes peoples welfare peace safety Liberty or the Lawes This is most apparent by Magna Charta Charta de Foresta Statutum De Tall agio non concedendo Articuli super Chartas Confirmatio Chartarum 1 E. 3. c. 6 7. 2 E. 3. c. 2. 8. 3 E. 1. c. 35. 9 E. 3. c. 12. 5 E. 2. c. 9. 10 E. 3. c. 2 3. 14 E. 3. c. 1. 14. 18 E. 3. c. 8. 25 E. 3. c. 4. Stat. 3. c. 1 2. Stat. 5. c. 8. 11. 36 E. 3. c. 10. 37 E. 3. c. 18. 42 E. 3. c. 3. 10 R. 2. c. 1. 11 R. 2. c. 1. to 7. 1 R. 3. c. 2. 4 H. 4. c. 13. 21 Jac. c. 3. 24. 7 H. 8. c. 3. The Petition of Right 3 Caroli most Statutes against Purveyens Pardons Protections and for regulating the Kings Charters Grants Revenues the Acts made this Parliament against Ship-money Knighthood Forest-bounds Pressing of Souldiers the Star-Chamber High-Commission the Trienniall Parliament the continuance of this Parliament whiles they please with sundry other Acts which restaine abridge repeale resume divers reall and pretended branches of the Kings royall Prerogative because they proved grievous mischievous dangerous pernicious to the people and kingdome This then answers that irrationall groundlesse position of Doctor Ferne That the Subjects neither lawfully may nor ought in any case to resume all or any part of that Regall power wherewith they have once invested their Kings by common consent though it prove never so mischievous and be never so much abused to the peoples prejudice Which as it is contrary to that received principle of nature and reason Eodem modo quo quid constituitur dissolvitur That all Governments created by mens consents especially being but officers in trust for their good and welfare onely to sundry presidents and Prophesies in Scripture concerning the Alterations Subversions Diminutions of Kings and kingdomes to the constant practise of all Realmes all States whatsoever from Adam till this instant who have undergone many strange alterations eclipses diminutions yea Periods of Government to the Resolution of Aristotle and all other Politicians who hold all formes of Government changeable and revocable without any injustice if necessary or convenient So likewise to the very end for which Kings have regall power as well as other Governours and Governements and for which they were ordained to wit their kingdomes peoples welfare safety peace protection c. Salus populi being not onely that Suprema Lex but principall end for which all royall power was instituted by God and Man and to which it must submit in case it becomes incompatible or inconsistent with the publique weale or safety What therefore that learned Father Augustine Bishop of Hippo long since resolved touching the now much contested for Lordly State of Episcopacy which he and neere three hundred African Bishops more were then ready to lay downe for the Churches peace I may fitly apply to the now over-much contended for supposed royall Prerogatives of Kings to effect peace in our State in these times of uncivill military that I say not bloody dissentions raised about them betweene King and Parliament Anâ— vero c. What verily did our Redeemer descend from heaven into humane members and shall we lest his very members he rent in pieces with cruell division feare to dâ—scend out of out Thrones we are ordained Bishops for Christian peoples sake what therefore may profit them for Christian peace that let us doe with our Bishoprickes Quod autem sum propter te sim si tibi prodest non sim si tibi obest What I am I may be for thee if it profit thee I may not be if it be hurtfull to thee If we be profitable servants why doe we envy the eternall gaines of our Lord for our temporall sublimities or Prerogatives Our Episcopall dignity will be more fruitfull to us if being laid downe it shall more unite the flocke of Christ than disperse it if retained If when I will retaine my Bishopricke I disperse the flocke of Christ how is the dammage of the flocke the honour of the Shepherd c. Old statute Lawes yea the common Law of England though above the King and his Prerogative may be and oft are repealed and altered by Parliaments when they become mischievous or inconvenient therefore by like or greater reason may any branches of the Kings Prerogative inferiour to these Lawes be restrained yea resumed when they prove grievous or dangerous to the Subject It is the Kings owne professed Maxime in full Parliament Printed and inrolled by his speciall command in all his Courts That the Kings Prerogative is but to defend the Peoples Liberties when therefore it either invades or subverts them it
may justly it must necessarily be restrained diminished or resumed by the Parliament from whose assent or grant it first proceeded and that onely for the publique weale not prejudice of the people The Emperour Otho the first and our King Richard and second as some imagine voluntary resigned relinquished their Crownes to their immortall honour to prevent the effusion of their Subjects blood by civill warres and settle peace within their Realmes and shall not other Kings then most joyfully part with some Punctilioes of their reall or branches of their supposed Prerogatives for the selfesame ends if their Parliaments see good cause to resume them and of right may doe it Fifthly The King though he be the chiefe and principall yet he is onely one member of the Parliament and kingdome the least because but one person though the highest branch the Lords and Commons not elected by but assigned Counsellors to the King by the kingdome and people being the greatest and most considerable part as representing the intire body of the Kingdome Now common reason Law and experience manifests and Aristotle Polit. l. 1. c. 2. with Marius Salamonius de Principatu l. 1. p. 40 41. conclude that the whole or greatest part in all politique or naturall Bodies is of greater excellency power and jurisdiction than any one particular member Thus in all our Corporations the Court of Aldermen and Common Councell is of greater power than the Mayor alone though the chiefe Officer the Chapter of greater authority than the Deane the Deane and Chapter than the Bishop the whole Bench than the Lord chiefe Iustice the whole Councell than the President the whole Parliament then either of the Houses and by like reason than the King especially since one of the three Estates is lesser than the three Estates together who in Parliament by the fundamentall Constitutions of the Realme are not Subordinate but Coordinate parts of the same great Common-Councell of the kingdome It is Aristotles expresse determination that in an Oligarchie Aristocracie and Democracie whatsoever seemes good to the major part of the Governours of the Common-wealth that is ratified that the whole City Kingdome Family is more excellent and to be preferred before any part or member thereof And that it is unfit the part should be above the whole And in all Courts of Justice Corporations and Elections the major part have alwayes had the greatest sway and constantly over-ruled the lesse though it be but by one casting voyce as is evident to all in the Elections of Knights and Burgesses of and votes in the Parliament in which the King Lords and Commons by the Common Law make up but one intire Corporation since then even in Parliament it selfe the major part over-swayes the rest yea the King himselfe who hath no absolute negative voyce but onely in refusing to passe some kind of Bills not all of which more hereafter doubtlesse the whole or major part of the Parliament which in Law is the whole is above the King the chiefe member of it Which consideration together with the Statutes of 5 R. 2. State 2. c. 4. 6 H. 8. c. 16. Enacting That none elected to be in any Parliament shall depart or absent himselfe from the same Parliament till it be fully ended or proâ—ogued without speciall license of the Speaker of the Commons to be entred of Record in the journall Booke under paine of amercement losse of wages other punishment nor any Member of the Vpper House without that Houses license under paine of inditement imprisonment or fine as appeares by the Bishop of Winchesters case 3 E. 3. 19. Fitz. Coron 161. and Stamford l. 3. c. 1. f. 153. compleatly answers that fond cavill of Malignants and Royalists against this Parliament that the King and many of the other Members have wilfully absented themselves from the House of purpose to dissolve it if they could notwithstanding the late speciall Act made by their joynt consents for its continuance Ergo this unlawfull Action of theirs to effect this pernicious designe must nullifie or at least invalid in their new non-sence Law and Logicke the lawfull proceedings of those worthy faithfull members who continue in it to preserve both Parliament Kingdome Religion Lawes Liberties from ruine and dissolution If these absent Members be the greater number why doe they not come and over-vote the rest in the House in a peaceable legall usuall Parliamentary way rather than challenge them into the field in a military illegall unusuall bloody manner unheard of in former ages If the lesser party then present or absent the major part must over-rule them volens nolens as it hath ever used unlesse they will be wilfuller I cannot say wiser than all their predecessors put together As for his Majesties absence from the Parliament by the pernicious advise of evill Counsellors so much insisted on by Malignants I answer First That it was without any just cause given by the Parliament Secondly It was much against their wills who have oft importuned petitioned and used all possible meanes to procure his returne Thirdly His absence was procured and is yet continued by those alone who most unjustly taxe the Parliament for it and would take advantage of this their owne wrong Fourthly though he be personally absent as a man yet he is still Legally present in Parliament called the Kings presence as he is a King as he is in all other his Courts of Justice where all proceedings are entred Coram Rege though the King never yet sate personally in either of them as he hath oft times done in this Parliament for the continuance whereof he hath passed such an Act as will inseparably tye his royall presence to it though the Cavaliers about him should be force with-draw his person from it not onely as farre as Yorke but the remotest Indies yea he must first cease to be King of England ere he can be legally absent from his Parliament of England This his wilfull personall absence from his greatest Counsell which desires and needs it is as many conceive an Act of the highest injustice that ever any Prince could offer of his Parliament worse than Rehoboams forsaking the counsell of his ancient Sages to follow the hare-brain'd advise of his young Cavaelieres for though he followed not their ancient prudent counsell yet he with-drew not himselfe from them as his Majesty now severs himselfe from his Parliament not only without but against all precedents of his Royall predecessors except King Richard the second who once absented himselfe from his Parliament above forty dayes yet then returned to it upon better advise and the very common custome and Law of the Land which he is obliged by his Coronation Oath and many late Protestations added to it constantly to maintaine This appeares most clearely by the ancient Treatise Of the manner of holding of Parliaments in England both before and since the
Conquest tendered to and approved by the Conquerour himselfe newly Printed 1641. which in the Section Touching the Kings absence from Parliament resolves thus The King is BOUND by all meanes possible TO BE PRESENT AT THE PARLIAMENT unlesse he be detained or let therefrom by bodily sicknesse and then he may keepe his Chamber yet so as he lye not without the Manour or Towne at the least where the Parliament is held and then he ought to send for twelve persons of the greatest and best of them that are summoned to the Parliament that is two Bishops two Earles two Barons two Knights of the shire two Burgesses and two Citizens to looke upon his person to testifie and witnesse his estate and give Authority to the Arch-bishop of the place the Steward of England and chiefe Iustice that they joyntly and severally should begin the Parliament and continue the same in his name See 8 H. 5. c. 1. Cromptons Iurisdiction f. 13. a. 17. b. according herewith expresse mention being made in that Commission of the cause of his absence there which ought to suffice The reason is because there was wâ—nt to be a cry and murmure in the Parliament for the Kings absence because his absence is hurtfull and dangerous to the whole commonalty of the Parliament neither indeed OUGHT OR MAY HE BE ABSENT BUT ONELY IN THE CASE AFORESAID And whereas Malignants clamour that most of the Lords are absent as well as the King and therefore this can be no lawfull Parliament The same Authour will informe them That if the Lords be once summoned to Parliament and then appeare not or absent themselves the King may hold the Parliament with the Commonalty and Commons of the kingdome every of which hath a greater voyce in Parliament then the greatest Earle in England because he represents a whole County Towne or City the other himselfe alone without Bishops Earles or Barons because in times past before there was either Bishop Earle or Baron yet even then Kings kept their Parliaments but on the contrary no Parliament can be kept by the King and Peeres if all the Commons for the Kings misgovernment or such like cause should absent themselves This is the judgement of Master Iohn Vowel too who writes in this manner Yet neverthelesse if the King in due order have summoned all his Lords and Barons and they will not come or if they come they will not yet appeare or if they come and appeare yet will not doe or yeeld to any thing then the Kings with the consent of his Commons may ordaine and establish any acts or Lawes which are as good sufficient and effectuall as if the Lords had given their consents But on the contrary If the Commons be summoned and will not come or comming will not appeare or appearing will not consent to doe any thing illedging some just weighty and great cause the King in these cases cannot with his Lords devise make or establish any Law The reasons are these When Parliaments were first begun and ordained there were no Prelates or Barons of the Parliament and the temporall Lords were very few or none and then the King and his Commons did make a full Parliament which Authority was never hitherto abridged Againe every Baron in Parliament doth represent but his owne person and speaketh in the behalfe of himselfe alone But in the Knights Citizens and Burgesses are represented the Commons of the whole Realme and every of these giveth not consent onely for himselfe but for all those also for whom be is sent And the King with the consent of his Commons had ever a sufficient and full authority to make ordaine and establish good and wholesome Lawes for the Commonwealth of his Realme Wherefore the Lords being lawfully summoned and yet refusing to come sit or consent in Parliament cannot by their folly abridge the King and the Gommons of their lawfull proccedings in Parliament Thus and more Iohn Vowel in his Order and Vsage how to keepe a Parliament Printed Cum Privilegio And Sir Edward Cooke in his Institutes on Magna Charta proves that the Lords and Peeres in many Charters and Acts are included under the name of the Commons and Commonalty of England But we need not retire to this last doubtfull refuge the Honourable faithfull Lords now present though not so many as could be desired are the intire House of Peeres in judgement of Law as those present at the election of Knights of the Shire or Burgesses though the major part be negligently or wilfully absent are the whole Shire or Burrough and the wilfull absence of the residue though the greater number being contrary to Law contrary to the Priviledges of Parliament and their late Protestations tending to the very subversion of Parliaments for which high contempt they and their Posterities too may justly be disabled for ever to sit as members of that House which they have so dishonourably if not treacherously deserted even as well as Knights and Burgesses whose personall attendance is so necessary that if during the Parliament they absent themselves from it about any businesses of their owne without leave of the House or be so sicke or elected Mayors of a Towne or any other judiciall Officers so as they cannot attend the service of the House they may thereupon be lawfully expelled the House and a new Writ expressing the cause of their removall shall issue for a new election of others in their places to make the House compleat as was resolved by the Commons House 38 H. 8. Br. Parliament 7. can no more disable those now present from being a true and lawfull House of Peeres than the multitudes departing from the true Church of God to the faâ—se disprove it to be the true Church of Christ whose true flocke is but little In a word divers Parliaments have beene kept and held and Acts made without Bishops or Abbots heretofore even while they were reputed members of the Lords House and one of the three Estates in Parliament therefore this Parliament which hath taken away Bishops Votes for ever may be lawfully held notwithstanding any Lords or Commons wilfull absence from it in person who yet as long as they are members of the Parliament shall still be adjudged legally present whether they will or no. One puny Judge in the Courts of Westminster may and doth usually give judgement and make binding Orders though the Chiefe Justice and his fellowes be negligently or wilfully absent Much more then may the Lords and Commons now present doe the like in case of the Kings and other Members wilfull absence of purpose to ruine both Parliament and Kingdome against which they are now in armes and have levyed open warre Sixthly it is most apparent both by Scripture the verdict of all Politicians and writers of note the Statutes of our Realmes and Lawyers that kingdomes Subjects and Parliaments were not created by God for the
of the People he is then no Soveraigne Whence it followes that the Kings of England who cannot make any Law to obliege either all or any of their Subjects nor impose any Taxes nor repeale any Common or Statute Law but in and by their Parliaments are no absolute Soveraigne Princes as some Royalists and Court Divines most falsly averre them to be but meere mixt Politique King inferiour to their Lawes and Parliaments the sole Law-makers Law-alterers though not against but with the Kings assent considered not abstractively as Kings but copulative as a branch and member of the Parliament And indeed to speake impartially though the Kings Royall assent be generally requisite to passe and retifie Lawes yet I humbly conceive that the originall prime Legislative power of making Lawes to binde the Subjects and their Posterity rests not in the Kings owne Royall person or Jurisdiction but in the Kingdome and Parliament which represents it For first admit the King should propound any Lawes to his people as Kings and Law-givers usually did at first yet these Lawes would not wayes obliege them unlesse they voluntarily consented and submitted to them in Parliament and the sole reason why our Acts of Parliament binde the Subjects in former times and at this day is not because the King willed them but because the people gave their generall consents unto them in Parliament as Sir Thomas Smith in his Common-wealth of England Holinshed the Prologues to most ancient Statutes the King by the advise and assent of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons and at the speciall request of the Commons in Parliament assembled and by THE AUTHORITY OF THE SAME PARLIAMENT doth grant and ordaine c. The Kings Coronation Oath Quas vulgus Elegerit and all our Law-bookes resolve and that upon this received Maxime of Law Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus debet approbari Hence Marius Salamonius defines a Law to be Expressa Civium Conventio and averres that Ligatur populus suis legibus quasi pactis conventis quae verae sunt Leges And he likewise proves at large That the Lawes to which Princes assent are more the Peoples Lawes than the Kings because Kings doe passe and grant them but as the publicke Ministers of the people and by their command and direction and they could neither assent to Lawes nor doe any other Act of Royalty unlesse the people had given them such authority with which Fortescue concurres c. 9. 13 14. The King in passing Bils doth but like the Minister in Marriage declare it to be a Law but it is the parties consents which makes the Marriage and the peoples onely that makes it a Law to binde them whence those in Scotland Ireland Man Garnsey and Iersie are not bound by our English Statutes nor Tenants in Ancient Demesne as hath beene oft times judged because they consented not to them Therefore the chiefe Legislative power is in the people and both Houses of Parliament not in the King as it was in the Roman State where the people had the Soveraigne Jurisdiction of making and confirming Lawes to binde them not their Kings Emperours or Senate as I shall hereafter manifest Secondly This appeares by the case of Customes of By-Lawes in Corporations and Manours which binde all the Corporation and Tenants if they be reasonable without the Kings or Lords consents by reason of their mutuall assents alone and as these private By-Lawes oblige all those who consent to them by reason of their ownefree assents onely so doe all publicke Acts of Parliaments obliege all Subjects onely because of their generall assents to them in their Knights Citizens and Burgesses elected by and representing their persons Thirdly all Bills or Acts of Parliament are usually made framed altered thrice read engrossed voted and fully agreed upon in both Houses without the Kings personall knowledge or privity for the most part before they come to have his Royall assent And when they are thus agreed on by both Houses the King cannot alter any one word or letter in them as the Houses may doe but must either absolutely asâ—ent to or consider further of them And if the King send any Bill he desires to have passe it must be thrice read and assented to in both Houses which have power to reject alter enlarge or limit it as they thinke meete else it can be no Act at all A cleare Demonstration that the chiefe power of enacting and making Lawes is onely in the people Commons and Peeres not the King who by his Writ doth purposely summon them to meete and enact Lawes as the chiefe Legislators Witnesse this notable clause in the Writ for the Election of Knights and Burgesses Ita quodiidem Milites plenam sufficientem Potestatem pro SE COMMUNITATE Comitatus praedicti dicti Cives Burgenses pro SE COMMUNITATE Civitatum Burgorum praedictorum divisim ab ipsis habeant AD FACIENDUM ET CONSENTIENDUM HIS quae tunc ibidem DE COMMUNI CONSILIO DICTI REGNI not Regis nostri contigerint ORDINARI super negotiis antedictis Ita quod PRO DEFECTU POTESTATIS HUJUSMODI c. dicta negotia INFECTA NON REMANEANT quovis modo answerable to which is that clause in Pope Elutherius his Epistle to our first Christian King Lucius about An. 185. Ex illis Dei gratia PER CONSILIUM REGNI VESTRI SUME LEGEM per illam Dei potentia vestrum reges Britania regnum Fourthly all publicke Acts are the whole Kingdomes Lawes not Kings alone made principally and solely for the Subjects benefit if good their prejudice if ill therefore the whole Kingdome represented in and by both Houses not the King knowing much better what is good or bad for themselves than the King alone it is just and reasonable that they and not the King should be the principall Law-makers to binde or burthen themselves with any new Lawes penalties or restraints This is the ground of that notable Rescript of the Emperour Theodosius to the Roman Senate which proves the Roman Emperours to have no right nor power to declare or make Lawes but by the Senates concurring assent and approbation Humanum esse probamus si quid de caetero in publica privatave causa emerser it necessarium quod formam generalem antiquis Legibus non insertum exposeat id AB OMNIBUS autem tam Proceribus nostri Palatii quam gloriosissimo caetu vestro Patros conscripti tractari si UNIVERSIS tam Iudicibus quam VOBIS placuerit tunc legata dictari sic ea denuo COLLECTIS OMNIBUS recenseri CUM OMNES CONSENSERINT tunc demum in sacro nostri numinis consistorio recitari ut UNIVERSORUM CONSENSUS nostrae Serenitatis authoritate firmetur Scitote igitur Patres conscripti NON ALITER IN POSTERUM LEGEM a nostra clementia PROMULGANDAM nisi supradicta forma fuerit observata Bene enim
to his estate All these things concluded they ELECTED his son Edward King in the great hall at Westminster with the UNIVERSALL CONSENT OF THE PEOPLE THERE PRESENT and the Archb. of Canterbury thereupon makes there a Sermon on this Text Vox populi vox Dei exhorting the people to invoke the king of kings for him they had then chosen It was further ordered and agreed that during the Parliament time a solemne Message should be sent to the King to Kenelworth Castle where he was kept prisoner to declare unto him not only the determination of the three estates concerning HIS DEPOSING FROM THE KINGDOME but also to resigne unto him IN THE NAME OF THE WHOLE REALME all their homage that before time they had done him and to doe this message there was certaine select persons chosen by the Parliament namely the Bishops of Winchester Hereford and Lincoln two Earles two Abbots foure Barons two Iustices three knights for every County and for London the Cinqueports and other Cities and Burroughes a certaine chosen number with the Speaker of the Parliament whose name was Sir William Trâ—ssell who comming into the Kings presence told him That the Common-weale had received so irrâ— concileable dislikes of his government the particulars whereof had been opened in the Assembly at London that it was resolved never to indure him as King any longer That notwithstanding those dislikes had not extended themselves so farre as for his sake to exclude his issue but that with universall applause and joy THE COMMON-WEALE HAD IN PARLIAMENT ELECTED HIS ELDEST SONNE THE LORD EDWARD FOR KING That it would be a very acceptable thing to God willingly to give over an earthly kingdome for the common good and quiet of his Country which they said could not otherwise be secured That yet his honour should be no lesse after his resignation then before it was onely him the Commonweale would never suffer toraigne any longer They finally told him That unlesse he did of himselfe renounce his Crowne and Scepter the people would neither endure him nor any of his children as their Soveraigne but disclaiming all homage and fealty would elect some other for king who should not be of the blood This message strucke such a chilnesse into the King that he fell groveling to the earth in a swoun which the Earle of Leicester and Bishop of Winchester beholding run unto him and with much labour recovered the halfe dead King setting him on his feet who being come to himselfe the Bishop of Hereford running over the former points concludes saying as in the person of the Commonwealth That the king must resigne his Diadem to his eldest sonne or after the refusall suffer THEM TO ELECT SUCH A PERSON AS THEMSELVES SHOULD JUDGE TO BE MOST FIT AND ABLE TO DEFEND THE KINGDOME The dolorous King having heard this speech brake forth into sighes and teares made at the last this answer to this effect That he knew that for his many sinnes he was fallen into this calamity and therefore had the lesse cause to take it grievously That he much sorrowed for this that the people of the kingdome were so exasperated against him as that they should utterly abhor his any longer rule and soveraignty and therefore he besought all that were there present to forgive and spare him being so afflicted That neverthelesse it was greatly to his good pleasure and liking seeing it could none other be in his behalâ—e that his eldest sonne was so gracious in their sight and therefore he gave them thanks for chusing him their King This being said then was a proceeding to the short Ceremonies of his resignation which principally conâ—isted in the surrender of his Diadem and Ensignes of Majesty to the use of his Sonne the new King Thereupon Sir William Trussell the Speaker ON THE BEHALFE OF THE WHOLE REALM renounced all homage and allegiance to the said Edward of Carnarvan late King in these words following I William Trussell IN THE NAME OF ALL MEN OF THIS LAND OF ENGLAND AND OF ALL THE PARLIAMENT PROCURATOR resigne to thee Edward the homage that was sometimes made unto thee and from this time now forward I defie thee AND DEPRIUE THEE OF ALL ROYALL POWER I shall never be attendant to thee as King after this time After which King Edward the third being solemnly crowned proclaimed his peace to all his people in these words Edward by the grace of God King of England Lord of Ireland and Duke of Aquiâ—ane to N. N. our Sheriffe of S. greeting Because the Lord Edward our Father late King of England by THE COMMON COUNSELL AND ASSENT OF THE PRELATES EARLS BARONS AND OTHER THE CHIEFE MEN AND WHOLE COMMONALTIE OF THE KINGDOM did voluntarily remove himselfe from the government thereof willing and granting that We as his eldest Sonne and Heire should take upon us the rule and regiment of the same and we with the counsell of the Prelates Earls and Barons aforesaid yeelding therein to our Fathers good pleasure and will have taken upon Vs the Governanse of the said Kingdome and as the manner is have received the Fealties and Homages of the said Prelates and Peeres We therefore desirous that Our peace for the quiet and calme of Our people should be inviolably observed do will and command you that presently upon sight of these presents you cause Our Peace to be proclaimed throughout your Bayli-wick forbidding all and every one on Our behalfe under paine and perill of disinheritance and losse of life and limbs not to presume to violate or infringe Our said Peace but that every one pursue or follow his Actions and Complaints without any manner of outrage according to the Laws and Customs of Our Kingdome for We are ready and alwayes will be to administer full right to all and singular complaints as well of poore as rich in Our Courts of Iustice. The second President is that of King Richard the second who being taken prisoner by Henry Duke of Lancaster An. 1399. the Duke soone after on the thirteenth of September called a Parliament in the Kings Name wherein was declared how unprofitable King Richard had been to the Realme during his reigne how he subverted the Lawes pâ—lled the people ministred Iustice to no man but to such as pleased him And to the intent the Commons might be perswaded that he was an unjust and unprofitable Prince and a Tyrant over his Subjects and THEREFORE WORTHY TO BE DEPOSED there were set forth certaine Articles to the number of 32. or 38. as some record very hainous to the eares of many some whereof I have formerly recited and the residue you may read in Hall Grafton Haywood Trussell and others After which Richard was charged with the foresaid Articles there was an instrument made declaring his Answers and how he consented willingly to be deposed the Tenor of which instrument was as followeth This present Instrument made the Munday the 29. day of September and feast
frequently disposed of the Crowne of that Kingdome determined the controversies of the right and titles pretended to it and elected Protectors or Regents of the Realme during their Kings minorities or distractions of which I shall cite divers precedents in the Appendix to which I shall referre you Nor yet to trouble you with Spanish Precedents of this nature where the severall claimes and titles of the pretenders to the Crownes have beene oft referred to debated in and finally resolved by their Parliaments and generall assemblies of the States the proper Iudges of such controversies as Ioannes Mariana Euardus Nonius and other Spanish writers determined as Philip the second the 18. King of Portugall his title to that Crowne and his competitors together with the rights and claimes of Alfonso the 1. 3. 5. Iohn the 1. Emanuel and other Kings of Portugall and their Corivals were solemnly debated and determined in the assembly of the States of that Realme and of divers Kings and Queenes of Arragon Castile Navarre A pregnant argument that their assemblies of States are the soveraigne Tribunall since they have power and right to determine and settle the descent right and succession of the Crowne betweene those who pretend titles thereunto I shall confine my selfe to domesticke precedents Not to repeate the forementioned precedents how the Lords and commons when the Title to the Crowne hath been in dispute have transferred it from the rightfull Heires to others I shall give you some other pregnant evidences where the Parliament hath finally determined the Title to the Crowne when it hath beene in competition and setled it in a legall manner to avoid debates by way of Appeale to them by competitors or reference from the Kings themselves as the onely proper Judges of such a superlative controversie Not to mention any stories of our British Kings to this purpose where the Kingdome Lords and Commons then disposed of the Crowne in cases of minority want of Heires misgovernment and controversies about the Title to the Crowne Canutus after the death of King Edmund Anno 1017. clayming the whole Realme against Edmunds Brethren and Sonnes referred his Title upon the agreement made betweene Edmund and him for this purpose to the Parliament who resolved for Canutus Title and thereupon tooke an Oath of fealty to him Offering to defend his right with their swords against all others claimes After his decease the Title to the Crowne being controverted betweene Hardicanute the right Heire and Harold his elder but base Brother it was referred to a Parliament at Oxford who gave their voyces to Harold there present and presently proclaymed and consecrated him King Anno 1036. After whose death the States of England sent and adjudged the Crowne to Hardicanute then in Denmarke He dying Edward the Confessor by a generall consent of the Nobles Clergy and People who presently upon Harold◠death enacted by Parliament That none of the Danish blood should any more Reigne over them was elected King and declared right Heire to the Crowne Anno 1126. King Henry the first having no issue male but onely one Daughter Maude to succeed him summoned a Parliament in the presence of himselfe and David King of Scotland wherein the Crowne was setled upon Maude after his decease being of the ancient Royall English blood whereupon Stephen his Sisters Sonne and all the Nobles presently swore fealty to her As much as in them lay after King Henries death if hee died without issue male to establish her Queene of the Monarchy of great Britaine But Stephen after his decease usurped the Crowne against his Oath By the unanimous consent and election of the Lords and Commons And after seventeene yeares civill wars to the devastation of the Realme King Stephen and Henry the Sonne of Maude came to a Treaty at Wallingford where by the advise of the Lords they made this accord That Stephen if he would should peaceably hold the kingdome during his life and that Henry should be his adopted Sonne and Successor enjoy the Crowne as right Heire to it after his death and that the King and all the Bishops and Nobles should sweare that Henry after the Kings death if he survived him should possesse the Kingdome without any contradiction Which done the civill warres ceased and a blessed peace ensued and then comming to Oxford in a Parliament all the Nobles did fealty to Henry who was made chiefe Justiciar of England and determined all the affaires of the kingdome In the 8. and 25. of E. 3. there was a doubt moved in Parliament whether the children of the King or others borne beyond the Seas within his Allegiance should inherit lands in England The King to cleare all doubts and ambiguities in this case and to have the Law herein reduced to certainty charged the Prelates Earles Barons and other wise men of his Councell assembled in Parliament in the 25. yeare of his Raigne to deliberate of this point who with one assent resolved That the Law of the Realme of England is and alwayes hath beene such that the children of the Kings of England in whatsoever parts they be borne in England or elsewhere be able and owe to beare inheritance after the death of their Ancestors Which when they had declared the King Lords and Commons by a speciall Act did approve and affirme this Law for ever the onely Act passed in that Parliament And in a Parliament 1◠E. 3. this Kings eldest sonne was created Duke of Cornewall by Parliament which then also entailed the Dutchy of Cornewall upon the eldest sonnes 〈…〉 of England So 21. R. 2. c. 9. the Principality of Chester 〈…〉 on the Prince by Act of Parliament King Henry the 〈…〉 the inheritance of the Crownes and 〈…〉 his posterity caused them by a speciall 〈…〉 his raigne to be entailed and setled on 〈…〉 and Prince Henry his eldest sonne to be established 〈…〉 heire apparant to him and to succeed him in the said 〈◊〉 and Realmes to have them with their appurtenances after the Kings death to him and the heire◠of his body begotten And if hee should die without heire of his body begotten 〈…〉 remaine to the Lord Thomas the Kings second sonne with successive remainders to Lord John the third and Lord Humfry the Kings fourth sonne and the heires of their bodies begotten After which Act passed for the avoyding of all claimes titles and ambiguities to be made unto the Crowne he thought never by any of his Subjects to be molested or troubled the rather because in this Parliament it was first concluded that deposed King Richard should continue in a large prison and be plenteously served of all things necessary both for viande and apparell and if any persons should presume to reare warre or congregate a multitude to deliver him out of prison that then he should be the first that should die for that seditious commotion Which King Richard as Sir Iohn Bagot
as I am confident no age can Paralell and if not severely vindicated by exemplary punishments of the highest nature upon those ill Counsellors and corrupt Lawyers who contrive and pen them will bring this highest greatest and most honourable Court wherein the whole Kingdom and every Member of it are represented into greater contempt and lesse estimation with all men whether Natives or Forraigners then the basest Court of Pipouders is No King nor Subject ever yet attempted such affronts against the Resolutions of any Judges in inferiour Courts Let no person whatsoever then presume by pen or tongue any longer to arraign or traduce the Resolutions and Ordinances of this highest Tribunall If Kings or Counsellors of State will instruct or excite the Subjects peremptorily to disobey and contemne the Ordinances the Judgements of the Parliament let them never expect the least obedience or submission to any of their own commands which are of lesser credit and Authority which all former Ages have most reverenced and submitted to Fourthly That the Parliament and whole Kingdom being the highest Power or any Member of the Parliament cannot by any publike Acts or Votes of theirs consented to in Parliament become Traytors or guilty of high Treason against the King either by the Common Law or the Statute of 25 Edw. 3. chap 2. of Treasons which running in the singular number If A MAN c. That is any private man or men by their own private authority shall levy warre against the King c. it ought to be judged high Treason extends not to the whole Kingdom or Court of Parliament representing it of which no treason was ever yet presumed the rather because the Parliament by this very act is made the Iudge of all Treasons that are doubtfull and was never yet included within the words or meaning of any Law concerning Treason and therefore cannot be guilty of it Hence the depositions of Archigallo and Emerian two ancient British Kings by the unanimous assent of the Lords and Commons for their rapines oppressions and Tyranny with other forenamed Saxon Kings and of Edward the second Richard the second Henry the sixth Edward the fourth by Acts of Parliament the creating of Richard the third King with the frequent translations of the Crown from the right Heir at Common Law to others who had no good Title by the whole Kingdom or Parliament no lesse then high Treason in private persons was never yet reputed much lesse questioned for or adjudged high Treason in the whole Kingdom or Parliament or any chief active Members in those Parliaments which by the Law are uncapable of Treason for any their judiciall actions and resolutions in such cases being only Tortious and Erroneous reversible by other Acts in Parliament not Trayterous and Rebellious as appears by all the forequoted Statutes and by 13 Eliz. cha 1. which makes it high Treason for any person to affirm That the Queen by Authority of the Parliament of England is not able to make Laws and Statutes of sufficient force to alter limit and binde the Crown of this Realm and the Descent Limitation Inheritance and Government thereof and any mans Title or right thereto And for direct Authorities in this very point Robert Trisylian and Belknap then chief Justices Holt Fulthorp and Burgh Judges Locton King Sergeant and Blake the Kings Counsell in the Parliament of 11 Rich. 2. Were condemned executed and banished the Realm as guilty of high Treason only for affirming under their Hands and Seals That the Duke of Glocester the Earls of Arundel and Warwick were and the other Lords and Commons might be guilty of high Treason for procuring a Commission and other proceedings Voted in Parliament and be punished it as Traytors Which opinion of theirs being afterwards affirmed for Law in a packed Parliament 21 Rich. 1. was the very next Parliament in 1 Hen. 4. c. 2. 3 4. repealed and the judgement given against those Judges for this Trayterous opinion tending to the utter subversion of Parliaments resolved and enacted to be just This Iudge Belknap foresaw and therefore was unwilling to put his Seal to this opinion saying There wanted but a hurdle a horse and halter to carry him where he might suffer the death HE HAD DESERVED For if I had not done this I should have dyed for it and because I have done it I DESERVE DEATH for betraying the Lords Which makes me wonder at a passage in Speed who records it now frequent in Malignants mouthes That the very shop where the Barons originall Treasons were forged was THE PARLIAMENT-HOUSE wherein from time to time they forced on the King Edward the second presumptuous and TREASONOUS ORDINATIONS not only to reform the Kings House and Counsell and to place and displace all great Officers at their pleasure but even claimed a joynt interest in the Regiment of the Kingdom together with the King which William Iâ—ge a Iudge of the Common Law with other like sticklers trayterously perswaded them was according to Law Which grosse slander of the Parliament House would have been capitall at least in former ages and may now indanger the necks of those who speak or write the same of the present Parliament Never did any of our Kings charge any Parliament with high Treason hitherto much lesse indict or wage warre against their Parliaments as Traytors though they have questioned and deposed Kings for offences against and being Enemies or Traytors to the Kingdom Let none then dare affirm That the Houses of Parliament are or can be Traytors now for providing for their own and the Kingdoms safety by a necessary defensive Warre which I shall in the third part fully clear to be neither Treason nor Rebellion against the King in point of Law or Conscience either in the Houses of Parliament or any that bear Arms by their command Fifthly That to conspire or levy warre against the Parliament or Kingdom to dissolve or destroy it or the Members of it is no lesse then High Treason as hath been solemnly adjudged in Parliament 15 E. 2. in the Act entitled Exilium Hugonis le de Spenser in 1 E. 3. the Preface and cap. 1. in 11 Rich. 2. c. 2 3 4. and in the Parliament Roll Printed by Order of both Houses August 27. 1642. And before both these in Glanvil who declares it to be Treason even at the Common Law Si quis machinatus fuerit vel aliquid feoerit in SEDITIONEM REGNI Agreeable to Vlpian and the Saxon Laws which inform us of Treasons against the Common-wealth and Kingdom the case of Cateliâ—â— and others as well as against the King and to the Statute of 13. Eliz. c. 1. which makes it High Treason for any person to stirre up any Forraigners or strangers with force to invade this Realm or Ireland And if it be no lesse then high Treason against the King to slay the Chancellour Treasurer or any of
concurring with it Iosh. 22. 11 12 c. Iudg. 20. 1. to 48. compared with Prov. 20. 18. c. 24. 6. and Iudg. 11. Secondly All preparations belonging to warre by Land or Sea have in the grosse and generall beene usually ordered limited and setled by the Parliaments as namely First What proportions and summes of money should be raised for the managing of the warre in what manner and time it should be levyed to what hands it should be paid and how disbursed which appeares by all the Bills of Subsidies Tenths Taxes Tonnage and Poundage in the Reignes of all our Kings Secondly How every man should be Mustered Arrayed Armed According to his estate as is cleare by all our Statutes of Armour Musters Captaines Ships Horses Warres reduced under heads by Rastall where you may peruse them by Justice Crookes and Huttons Arguments against Ship-money Sir Edward Cookes Institutes on Magna Charta f. 528 529. the Parliaments two late Declarations against the Commission of Array and the Statute of Winchester 13. E. 1. c. 6. Thirdly How farre every man shall March when he is Arrayed when he shall goe out of his owne County with his Armes when not who shall serve by Sea who by Land how long they shall continue in the Warres when they shall be at their owne when at the Kingdomes when at the Kings costs or wages and for how long time as the Marginall Statutes and next forecited Law Authorities manifest Fourthly When where and by whom Liveries Hats Coates shall be given in Warres when not and what Protections or Priviledges those who goe to Warres or continue in them shall have allowed them Fifthly What shares or proportions of Prisoners Prises Booties Captaines and Souldiers should be allowed in the Warres And at what Ports and rates they should be Shipped over Sea Sixthly How and by whom the Sea shall be guarded and what Jurisdiction Authority and share of Prises the Admirals of England shall have When the Sea shall be open when shut to enemies and strangers What punishments inflicted for Mariners abuses on the Sea And what redresse for the Subjects there robbed by enemies or others Seventhly What Castles Forts Bulwarkes shall be built or repaired for defence of the Realme in what places and by whose charges Eightly What punishment shall be inflicted upon Captaines who abuse their trust detaine the Souldiers wages and on Souldiers who sell their Armes or desert their colours without speciall License Ninthly What provision there shall be made for and maintenance allowed to Souldiers hurt or maimed in the Warres by Land and for Mariners by Sea Tenthly That no ayde Armour Horses Victuals shall be conveyed to the enemies by way of Merchandise or otherwise during the Warres that all Scots and other enemies should be banished the Kingdome and their goods seised whiles the warres continued betweene England and them Eleventhly How Frontier Castles and Townes toward Waâ—es and other places of hostility should be well manned and guarded and no Welchmen Irish Scots or alien Enemies should be permitted to stay in England to give intelligence or suffered to dwell or purchase Houses or Lands within those Townes and that they shall all be disarmed Twelfthly After what manner Purveyances shall be made by the Captaines of Castles and how they shall take up victuall In one word Warres have beene ended Leagues Truces made confirmed and punishments for breach of them provisions for preservation of them enacted by the Parliament as infinite Precedents in the Parliament Rols and Printed Acts demonstrate So that our Parliaments in all former ages even in the Reignes of our most Martiall Kings have had the Soveraigne power of ordering setling determining both the beginning progresse and conclusion of our Warres and the chiefe ordering of * all things which concerned the managing of them by Sea and Land being indeed the great Counsell of Warre elected by the Kingdome to direct our Kings who were and are in truth but the kingdomes chiefe Lord Generalls as the Roman Emperours and all Kings of old were their Senates States and Peoples Generals to manage their Warres and fight their battailes the Soveraigne power of making and directing Warre or Peace being not in the Emperours or Kings themselves but in their Senates States and Parliaments as Bodin proves at large And being but the Kingdomes Generals who must support and maintaine the Warres there is as great reason that they should direct and over-rule Kings in the Ordering of their Warres and Militia when they see cause as that they should direct and rule their Lord Generall now or the King his Generals in both his Armies During the minorities of King Henry the sixth and Edward the sixth the Parliament made the Duke of Bedford Regent of France and the Dukes of Glocester and Sommerset Lord Protectors of England committing the trust of the Militia and Warres to them And i 39. H. 6. the Parliament made Richard Duke of Yorke Lord Protector of the Realme and gave him like power when the King was of full age And in our present times The King himselfe this very Parliament voluntarâ—ly committed the whole care and managing of the Warres in Ireland and the Militia there to this present Parliament who appointed both the Commanders and al other Officers of the Forces sent hence into Ireland and that without any injury or eclipse to his Majesties Royall Prerogative If then the Subjects and Parliament in ancient times have had the election of their Generals Captaines Commanders Sheriffes Mayors and other Officers having the chiefe ordering of the Militia under the King if they have constantly Ordered all parts and matters concerning the Warres in all former Kings Reignes appointed Regents and Protectors committing to them the Kings owne Royall power over the Militia during their Minorities and his Majesty himselfe hath permitted this Parliament to Order the Militia of Ireland to which they have no such right or Titleash to that of England without any prejudice to his Prerogative I can see no just exception why his Majesty should at first or now deny the Parliament such a power over the Militia as they desired for a time or why in point of Honour or Justice their Bill for setling the Militia in safe under hands in such persons as both sides may well confide in should now be rejected being for the Kings Kingdomes and Parliaments peace and security much lesse why a bloody intestine Warre should be raised or continued upon such an unconsiderable point on his Majesties part who seeing he cannot manage the Militia in proper person in all Counties but onely by Substitutes hath farre more cause to accept of such persons of Honour and quality as his Parliament shall nominate in whom himselfe and his whole Kingdome in these times of Warre and danger may repose confidence to execute this trust then any whom his owne judgement alone or
some private Lords or Courtiers shall recommend in whom the Kingdome and Parliament in these jealous deceitfull times dare not confide The yeelding to the Parliament in this just request will remove all feares and jealousies restore our peace re-gaine his Majesty the reall affections of his discontented Subjects the persisting in the contrary course will but adde fuell to our flames feares doubts dangers and frustrate all hopes all endevours of Peace From the Militia it selfe I descend to the consequencies of its denyall the Parliaments seising upon Hull with other Ports and Forts the Royall Navy Ammunition Armes Revenues and detaining them still from his Majesty the grand difference now pretended whence the present warre hath emerged which these ensuing considerations will in a great measure qualifie if not altogether satisfie First his Majesty and all Royalists must necessarily yeeld that the Ports Forts Navy Ammunition Armes and Revenues thus seised on by the Parliament though his Majesties in point of possession yet are not his but the Kingdomes in point of right and interest they being first transferred to and placed on his Predecessors and himselfe by the Parliament and Kingdome not in right of propriety but conditionally upon trust his Majesty being but a publike Officer for the defence and safety of the Realme and though his Majesty came to them by descent yet it was but in nature of the Heire of a Feoffee in trust for the use and service of the kingdome as a King in his politicke not as a man or Proprietor in his naturall capacity as our Law Bookes Terminis terminantibus resolve Hence it hath been oft adjudged that the King can neither by his will in writing nor by his Letters Patents Devise or alien the Lands Revenues Jewels Ships Forts or Ammunition of the Crowne unlesse it be by vertue of some speciall Act of Parliament enabling him to doe it by the kingdomes generall consent and if any such alienations be made they are voyd in Law and may be yea have beene oft resumed reversed by the Parliament because they are not the Kings but kingdomes in point of intereâ—t and propriety the Kings but in possession and trust for the kingdomes use and defence Hence it is that if the King dye all his Ships Armes Ammunition Jewels Plate Debts to the Crowne Moneyes Arrerages of Rents or Subsidies Wards and Rights of presentments to voyd Churches goe onely to his Successors not to his Executors as in case of a common person because he enjoyes them not as a Proprietor as other Subjects doe but as a Trustee onely for the kingdomes benefit and defence as a Bishop Abbot Deane Mayor or such like Corporations enjoy their Lands not in their naturall but politicke capacities for the use and in the right of their Churches Houses Corporations not their owne Upon this ground King Harold pleaded his Oath and promise of the Crowne of England to William the Conquerour without the Kingdomes consent to be voyd and King Philip with all the Nobles of France and our owne Parliament 40 E. 3. rot Parâ— nu 8. unanimously resolved King Iohn his resignation and grant of the Crown and Kingdome of England to the Pope without the Nobles and Parliaments consents to be a meere nullity voyd in Law binding neither King nor Subject the Crowne and possessions of it being not the Kings but kingdomes And before this Anno Doâ— 1245. in the great Councell of Lyons under Pope Innocent to which King Henry the third sent foure Earles and Barons together with the English Prelates and one Master William Powyke an Advocate to complaine of the Popes exactions in the Councell which they did where they likewise openly protested against the annuall tribute extorted by the Pope by grant from King Iohn whose detestable Charter granting that annuall tribute was reported to be burnt to ashes in the Popes closet by a casuall fire during this Councell as a meere nullity and that in the behalfe of the whole kingdome of England EO QUOD DE REGNI ASSENSU NON PROCESSERAT because the kingdome consented not thereto and because the King himselfe could make no such Charter to charge the kingdome Which Matthew Paris thus expresseth W. De Poweric Anglicanae Vniversitatis Procurator assurgens gravamina Regni Angliae ex parte universitatis Angliae proponens satis eleganter conquestus est graviter quod tempore Belli per â—â—uriam Romanam extortum est tributum injuriose in quod nunquam patres Nobilium regni vel ipsi consenserunt nec consentiunt neque in futurum consentient unde sibi petunt justitiam exhiberi cum remedio Ad quod Papa nec oculos elevans nec vocem verbum non respondit Upon this reason l Matthew Paris speaking of King Henry the third his morgaging his kingdome to the Pope Anno 1251. for such monies as he should expend in the Warres useth this expression Rex secus quam deceret aut expediret Se suumque Regnum sub paena exhaeredationis QUOD TAMEN FACERE NEC POTUIT NEC DEBUIT Domino Papae obligavit Hence King Edward the third having the Title of the King and Crowne of France devolved to him which made some of the English feare that they should be put in subjection to the Realme of France against the Law the Parliament in the 14. yeare of his Reigne Stat. 4. passed a speciall Act declaring That the Realme of England never was nor ought to be in subjection nor in the obeysance of the Kings of France nor of the Realme of France and enacting that the King of England or his Heires by colour of his or their Titles to the Crowne Seale Armes and Title of the King of France should not in any time to come put the Realme of England or people of the same of what estate or condition soever they be in subjection or obeysance of him nor his Heires nor his Successors as Kings of France nor be subject nor obedient but shall be free and quite of all manner subjection and obeysance as they were wont to be in the time of his Progenitors Kings of England for ever By the Statute of 10 R. 2. c. 1. it is resolved That the King could not alien the Land Castles Ships Revenues Jewels and Goods of the Crowne and a Commission is thereby granted to inquire of and resume all such alienations as illegal Hence the Commons in the Parliament of 16 R. 2. c. 5. of Praemunire in their Petition to the King and the whole Parliament in and by that Law declared That the Crowne and kingdome of England hath been so free at all times that it hath beene in subjection to no Realme but immediately subject to God and to none other which by the prosecution of suites in the Court of Rome for Benefices provided against by this Act should in all things touching the Regality thereof be submitted to the Bishop of Rome and the Laws
deliver up the Seale and Iustices Roles unto him who answered that they could by no meanes doe it without the Barons consent and pleasure concurring with the Kings with which answer the King being moved presently without consulting with the Baronage made Walter Merton Chancellour and the Lord Philip Basset Chiefe Justice to him and the Kingdom removing those the Barons had appointed from those and other places Which the Barons hearing of considering that this was contrary to them and their provisions and fearing least if the King should thus presume he would utterly subvert the Statutes of Oxford thereupon they poasted to the King guarded with Armes and power and charged him with the breach of his Oath forcing him at last to come to an agreement with them which the King soone violating the Barons and he raised great Forces met and fought a bloody battle at Lewes in Sussex where after the losse of 20000. men the King and his Son Prince Edward with sundry Lords of his party were taken and brought Prisoners to London where all the Prelates Earles and Barons meeting in Parliament Anno 1265 as Mathew Westminster computes it made new Ordinances for the Government of the Realme appointing among other things that two Earles and one Bishop elected by the Commons should chuse 9. other Persons of which three should still assist the King and by thâ— Counsell of those three and the other nine all things should be ordered as well in the Kings House as in the Kingdome and that the King should have no power at all to doe any thing without their Counsell and assent or at least without the advice of three of them To which Articles the King by reason of menaces to him to elect another King and Prince Edward for feare of perpetuall Imprisonment if they consented not were enforced to assent all the Bishops Earles and Barons consenting to them and setting their Seales to the Instrument wherein these Articles were conteined After which the Earle of Leicester and his two Sons being three of the twelve devided all the Kings Castles and strong holds betweene them and bestowed all the chiefe Offices in the Kings House upon his Capitall enemies which indiscreete disloyall carriage of theirs much offended not only the King and Prince but the Earle of Glocester and other of the Barons so that they fell off from the Earle to the King and Prince and in a battell at Eusham slew the Earle and most of his Partisans after which victory the King calling a Parliament at Winchester utterly repealed and vacated those former Ordinances which had they only demaunded the Nomination of great Officers Counsellours and Judges to the King and not entrenched so far upon his Prerogative as to wrest all his Royall power out of his hands not only over his Kingdom but houshold too I doubt not but they had beene willingly condiscended to by the King and Prince as reasonable and not have occasioned such bloody wars to repeale them by force In K. Edward the second his Reigne the Lords and Commons by an Ordinance of Parliament having banished out of Court and Kingdome Pier Gaveston his viâ—ious favourite and pernicious grand Counsellour in a Parliament held at Warwick nominated and constituted Hugh Spenser the Sonne to be the Kings Chamberlaine and in that Parliament further enacted that certaine Prelates and other Grandees of the Realme should remaine neare the King by turnes at set seasons of the Yeare to counsell the King better without whom no great businesse ought to be done challenging writes Speed by sundry Ordinances madâ— by them in Parliament not onely a power to reforme the Kings House and Councell and TO PLACE AND DISPLACE ALL GREAT OFFICERS AT THEIR PLEASVRE but even a joynt interest in the Regiment of the Kingdome After which the Spensers engrossing the sole Regiment of the King and Kingdome to themselves and excluding those Lords from the King appointed by the Parliament to advise him not suffering the King so much as to speake with them but in their presence they were for this and other offences banished the Land by Act of Parliament This King towards the end of his raigne after the Queenes arrivall with her Army obscuring himselfe and not appearing by advise and consent of the Lords the Duke of Aquitaine was made High Keeper of England and they as to the Custos of the same did sweare him fealty and by them Robert Baldocke Lord Chancellour was removed the Bishop of Norwich made Chancellour of the Realme and the Bishop of Winchester Lord Treasurer without the Kings assent In the 15 Yeare of K. Edward the 3d. chap. 3 4. there was this excellent Law enacted Because the points of the great Charter be blemished in divers manners and lesse well holden then they ought to be to the great perill and slaunder of the King and dammage of the people especially in as much as Clerkes Peeres of the Land and other freemen be arrested and imprisoned and outed of their goods and Cattels which were not appealed nor indighted nor suite of the party against them affirmed It is accorded and assented that henceforth such things shall not be done And if any Minister of the Kings or other person of what condition he be doe or come against any part of the great Charter or other Statutes or the Laws of the Land he shall answer to the Parliament as well as the suite of the King as at the suite of the party where no remedy nor punishment was ordained before this time as farre forth WHERE IT WAS DONE BY COMMISSION OF THE KING as of his owne Authority notwithstanding the Ordinance made before this time at Northampton which by assent of the King the Prelates Earles and Barons and the Commonalty of the Land in this present Parliament is repealed and utterly disanulled And that the Chancellour Treasurer Barons and Chancellour of the Eschequer the Iustices of the one Bench and of the other Iustices assigned in the County Steward and Chamberlaine of the Kings house Keeper of the Privie Seale Treasurer of the Wardrobe Controuler and they that be chiefe deputed to abide nigh the Kings Sonne Duke of Cornewall shall be now sworne in this Parliament and so from henceforth at all times that they shall be put in Office to keepe and maintaine the Priviledges and Franchises of holy Church and the points of the great Charter and the Charter of the Forrest and all other Statutes without breaking any point Item It is assented that if ANY THE OFFICERS AFORESAID or chiefe Clerke to the Common Bench or the Kings Bench by death or other cause be out of his Office that our Soveraigne Lord the King BY THE ACCORD OF HIS GREAT MEN which shall be found most nighest in the County which hee shall take towards him and by good Councell which he shall have about him shall put another convenient into the said Office which shall be sworne after the forme aforesaid And
and 14. The Bishop of Durham late Chancellour of England to Henry the 5. deceased and the Bishop of London Chancellour of the Dutchy of Normandy severally shew that upon King Henry the 5. his decease they delivered up their severall Seales after their homage and fealty first made to King Henry 6. in the presence of divers honourable persons whom they name particularly desiring the Lords to attest their surrender of the said Seales at the time and place specified which they did and thereupon they pray that a speciall act and entry thereof may be made in the Parliament Rolls for their indemnity which is granted and entred accordingly Numb 15. It was enacted and provided by the said Lord Commissioner Lords and Commons that in as much as the Inheritance of the Kingdomes and crownes of France England and Ireland were now lawfully descended to the King which title was not expressed in the Inscriptions of the Kings Seales whereby great perill might accrue to the King if the said inscriptions were not reformed according to his Title of Inheritance that therfore in all the Kings Seales as well in England as in Ireland Guyen and Wales this new stile should be engraven Henricus Dei Gratia Rex Franciae Angliae Dominus Hiberniae according to the effect of his inheritances blotting out of them whatever was before in them superfluous or contrary to the said stile and that command should be given to all the keepers of the said Seales of the King to reforme them without delay according to the forme and effect of the new Seale aforesaid Numb 16 Duke Humfrey the Kings Commissary and the other spirituall and temporall Lords being sate in Parliament certaine Knights sent by the Speaker and whole House of Commons came before them and in the name and behalfe of the said Commonalty requested the said Duke that by the advise of the said Spirituall and Temporall Lords for the good government of the Realme of England he would be pleased to certifie the said Commons to their greater consolation what persons it would please the King to cause to be ordained for the Offices of Chancellor and Treasure of England and Keeper of his Privie Seale Vpon which request so made due consideration being had and full advise taken and the sufficiency of those persons considered which deceased King Henry the Kings Father now had in his descretion assigned to those Offices as fitting enough the King following his Fathers example and advise by the assent of the said Lord Duke his Commissary and of all and every one of the Lords spirituall and temporall hath nominated and ordained anew the Reverend Father Thomas Bishop of Durham to the Office of his Chancellour of England William Kinwolmaâ—sh Clerk to the Office of Treasurer of England and Mr. Iohn Stafford to the Office of the Keeper of the Privie Seale And hereupon the King our Lord willeth By THE ASSENT AND ADVISE aforesaid that 〈◊〉 well to the said Chancellor of England as to the said Treasurer of England and to the said Keeper of his Privie Seale for the exercise of the said Offices severall letters patents should be made in this forme Henâ—icus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Franciae Dominus Hâ—berniae omnibus ad quos presentes liteâ—ae pervenerint 〈◊〉 Sciatis quod De AVISAMENTO ET ASSENSV TOTIVS CONSILII NOSTRI IN PRAESENTI PARLIAMENTO NOSTRO EXISTENTES constituimus venerabilem patrem Thomam Episcopum Dunelmensem CANCELLARIVM nostrum ANGLIAE dantâ—s concedentes DE AVISAMENTO ET ASSENSV PRAEDICTIS eidem Cancellario nostro omnes omnimodas auctoritatem potestatem adomnia ea fingula quae ad officium cancellarii Angliae de jure sive consuetudine pertinent seu quovis tempore pertinere consueverunt c. The like Patents verbatim are in the same role mutatis mutandis made to the said Treasurer of England and Keeper of the Privy Seale After which the said Duke by advice and assent of the Lords spirituall and temporall sent the Archbishop of Canterbury the Bishops of Winchester and Worâ—ester the Duke of Excester the Earle of Warwicke the Lords of Ferrers and Talbot to the Commons then being in the Commons House and notified to the Commonalty by the said Lords these Officers to be nominated and ordained to the foresaid offices in forme aforesaid Vpon which notice so given THE SAID COMMONS WERE WEL CONTENTED with the nomination and ordination of the foresaid Officers so made rendring many thanks for this cause to our Lord the King and all the said Lords as was reported by the said Lords in the behalfe of the Commons in the said Parliament Numb 17. The liberties Annuities and Offices granted by King Henry the 5. and his Ancestors to Souldiers in forraigne parts are confirmed by Parliament and their grants ordered to be sealed with the Kings new Seales without paying any Fine Numb 18. Henry the 5. his last Will and the legacies therein given are confirmed by the Kings Letters Patents with the assent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament Numb 19. A subsidy is granted to be imployed for the defence of the Realme of England to which end the Lord Protectour promiseth it shall be diligently imployed Numb 22. and 23. The King by assent of all the Lords spiritual and temporall wills and grants that his deare Vncle the Duke of Gloucester shall have and enjoy the Office of the Chamberlaine of England and of the Constableship of the Castle of Gloucester from the death of the Kings father so long as it shall please the King with all the fees profits and wages thereunto belonging in the same manner as they were granted to him by his Father Numb 24. The 27. day of this Parliament the tender age of the King being considered that he could not personally attend in these dayes the defence and protection of his Kingdome of England and the English Church the same King fully confident of the circumspection and industry of his most deare Vncles John Duke of Bedford and Humfrey Duke of Gloucester By ASSENT AND ADVICE OF THE LORDS as well Spirituall as Temporall and LIKEWISE OF THE COMMONS in this present parliament hath ordained and constituted his said Vncle Duke of Bedford now being in forraigne parts PROTECTOR and DEFENDER OF HIS KINGDOME and of the Church of England and PRINCIPALL COVNSELLOR of our Lord the King and that he shall both be and called Protector and Defendor of the Kingdome and the Principall Councellor of the King himselfe after he shall come into England and repaire into the Kings presence from thenceforth as long as he shall stay in the Kingdome and it shall please the King And further our Lord the King BY THE FORES AID ASSENT and ADVICE hath ordained and appointed in the absence of his said Vncle the Duke of Bedford his foresaid Vncle the Duke of Gloucester now being in the Realme of England PROTECTOR of his said Realme and Church of England
R. 2. c. 8. 21. R. 2. c. 2. 4. 20. 3. H. 5. Parl. 2. c. 6. 28. H. 8. c. 7. 1. Mar. c. 6. 13. Eâ—iz c. 1. 3. Iaco. 1. 2. 3. 4. and the Act of Pacification this present Parliament declaring those persons of England and Scotland TRAITORS TO EITHER REALME who shall take up Armes against either Realme without common consent of Parliament which Enact The levying of Warre against the Kingdome and Parliament invading of England or Ireland treachery against the Parliament repealing of certaine Acts of Parliament ill Counselling the King coyning false Money and offering violence to the Kings person to take away his Life to be high Treason not onely against the King and his Crowne but THE REALME TO and those who are guilty of such crimes to bee High Traitors and Enemies TO THE REALME as well at to the King Hence Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster being accused in a Parliament held in 7. R. 2. by a Carmâ—lite Frier of High Treason for practising sodainely to surprise the KING and seize upon his Kingdome the Duke denied it as a thing incredible upon this very ground If I should thus said he affect the Kingdome Is it credible after your murder which God forbid that the Lords of this Kingdome could patiently endure me Domini mei ET PATRIAE PRODITOREM being a Traitor both of my LORD and COVNTREY Hence in the same Parliament of 7. R. 2. Iohn Walsh Esquire Captaine of Cherburg in France was accused by one of Navarre DE PRODITIONE REGIS REGNI Of Treason against the King and Kingdome for delivering up that Castle to the Enemies And in the Parliament of 3. R. 2. Sir Iohn Annesley Knight accused Thomas Ketrington Esquire of Treason against the King and Realme for betraying and selling the Castle of Saint Saviour within the Isâ—e of Constantine in France to the French for a great summe of money when as he neither wanted Victuals nor meanes to defend it both which Accusations being of Treasons beyond the Sea were determined by Battle and Duels fought to decide them Hence the great Favourite Pierce Gaveston Tanquam Legum subversor Hostiâ— Terrae Publicus Publicus Regni Proditor capite truncatus est and the two Spensers after him were in Edward the second his Raigne likewise banished condemned and executed as Traitors to the King and Realme ET REGNI PRODITORES for miscounselling and seducing the King and moving him to make Warre upon his people Hence both the Pierces and the Archbishop of Yorke in their Articles against King Henry the fourth accused him as guilty of High Treason and a Traitor both to the King Realme and Kingdome of England for Deposing and murthering Richard the second And hence the Gunpouder Conspirators were declared adjudged and executed as Traitors both to the KING REALME for atteâ—pting to blow up the Parliament House when the King Nobles and Commons were therein assembled If then the King shall become an open enemie to his Kingdome and Subjects to waste or ruine them or shall seeke to betray them to a Forraigne Enemy which hath beene held no lesse then Treason in a King to doe who by the expresse resolution of 28. H. 8. cap. 7. may become a Traitor to the REALME and thereupon forfeit his very right and titleâ— to the Crowne it can be no Treason nor Rebellion in Law or Theologie for the Parliament Kingdome Subjects to take up armes against the King and his Forces in such a case when he shal wilfully and maliâ—iously rent himselfe from and set himselfe in direct opposition against his Kingdome and by his owne voluntary actions turne their common interest in him for their good and protection into a publicke engagement against him as a common Enemy who seekes their generall ruine And if Kings may lawfully take up armes against their Subjects as all Royallists plead after they reject their lawfull power and become open Rebels or Traitors because then as to this they cease to be Subjects any longer and so forfeit the benefit of their Royal protection By the self-same reason the bond and stipulation being mutuall Kings being their Subjects Liege Lords by Oath and Duty as well as they their Liege people When Kings turne open professed Foes to their Subjects in an Hostile Warrelike way they presently both in Law and Conscience cease to be their Kings de jure as to this particular and their Subjects alleagiance thereby is as to this discharged and suspended towards them as appeares by the Kings Coronation Oath and the Lords and Prelats conditionall Fealty to King Steven so that they may justly in Law and Conscience resist their unlawfull assaults as enemies for which they must onely censure their owne rash unjust proceedings and breach of Faith to their People not their Peoples just defensive opposition which themselves alone occasioned Seventhly It must of necessity be granted that for any King to levie warre against his Subjects unlesse upon very good grounds of Law and conscience and in case of absolute necessity when there is no other remedy left is directly contrary to his very Oath and duty witnes the Law of King Edward the Confessor cap. 17. and Coronation Oathes of all our Kings forementioned To keepe PEACE and godly agreement INTIRELY ACCORDING TO THEIR POWER to their people Contrary to all the fundamentall Lawes of the Realme and the Prologues of most Statutes intirely to preserve and earnestly to indeavour the peace and welfare of their peoples persons goods estates lawes liberties Contrary to the main tenor of all Sacred Scriptures which have relation unto Kings but more especially to the 1 Kings 12. 21. 23. 24. and 2 Chron. 11. 1. 2. Where when King Rehoboam had gathered a very great army to fight against the ten Tribes which revolted from him for following his young Counsellors advice and denying their just request and crowned Ieroboam for their King intending to reduce them to his obedience by force of armes God by his Prophet Shemaiah expressely prohibited him and his army to goe up or fight against â—hem and made them all to returne to their owne houses without fighting and to Isay 14. 4. 19. to 22. where God threatens to cast the King of Babilon out of his grave as an abhominable branch as a carcasse trodden under foot marke the reason Because thou hast destroyed thy Land and slaine thy People to cut off from Babylon his name and remembrance and Sonnes and Nephewes as he had cut off his peoples though heathens Yea contrary to that memorable Speech of that noble Roman Valerius Corinus when he was chosen Dictator and went to fight against the Roman conspirators who toke up armes against their Country Fugeris etiam honestius tergumque civi dederis quam pugnaveris contra patriam nunc ad pacificandum bene atque honeste inter primos stabis postulate aequa et forte quanquam vel iniquis standum est potius
these Lords and their companions thus taking up Armes from any the least guilt of Treason and rebellion against the King because they did it onely for the advancement of the publike weale the setting the Realme in a better condition the removing ill Counsellors and publike oppressors of the Realme from about the King and to rescue his person out of their hands then questionlesse by their resolutions our present Parliaments taking up defensive armes upon the selfe-same grounds and other important causes and that by consent of both Houses which they wanted can be reputed no high Treason nor Rebellion against the King in point of Law and no just no rationall Iudge or Lawyer can justly averre the contrary against so many forecited resolutions in Parliament even in printed Acts. The Earle of Richmund afterward King Henry the seventh taking up armes against Richard the third a lawfull King de facto being crowned by Parliament but an Vsurper and bloody Tyrant in Verity to recover his Inheritance and Title to the Crowne and ease the Kingdome of this unnaturall blood-thirsty Oppressor before his fight at Boswell Field used this Oration to his Souldiers pertinent to our purpose If ever God gave victory to men fighting in a just quarrell or if he ever aided such as made warre for the wealth and tuition of their owne naturall and nutritive Countrey or if he ever succoured them which adventured their lives for the reliefe of Innocents suppression of malefactors and apparent Offenders No doubt my Fellowes and Friends but he of his bountifull goodnesse will this day send us triumphant victory and a lucky revenge over our proud Enemies and arrogant adversaries for if you remember and consider the very cause of our just quarrel you shall apparently perceive the same to be true godly and vertuous In the which I doubt not but God will rather ayde us yea and fight for us then see us vanquished and profligate by such as neither feare him nor his Lawes nor yet regard Iustice and honesty Our cause is so just that no enterprise can be of more vertue both by the Laws Divine and Civill c. If this cause be not just and this quarrell godly let God the giver of victory judge and determine c. Let us therefore fight like invincible Gyants and set on our enemies like untimorous Tygers and banish all feare like ramping Lyons March forth like strong and robustious Champions and begin the battaile like hardy Conquerors the Battell is at hand and the Victory approacheth and if wee shamefully recule or cowardly fly we and all our sequele be destroyed and dishonoured for ever This is the day of gaine and this is the time of losse get this dayes victory and be Conquerours and lose this dayes battell and bee villaines And therefore in the name of God and Saint George let every man couragiously advance his standard They did so flew the Tyrannicall Vsurper wonne the Field And in the first Parliament of his Raigne there was this Act of indemnity passed That all and singular persons comming with him from beyond the Seas into the Realâ—e of England taking his party and quarrell in recovering his just Title and Right to the Realme of England shall be utterly discharged quit and unpunishable for ever by way of action or otherwise of or for any murther slaying of men or of taking and disporting of goods or any other trespasses done by them or any of them to any person or persons of this his Realme against his most Royall Person his Banner displayed in the said field and in the day of the said field c. Which battell though it were just and no Treason nor Rebellion in point of Law in those that assiâ—ted King Henry the 7 th against this Vsurper yet because the killing of men and seising their goods in the time of Warre is against the very fundamâ—ntall Lawes of the Realme they needed an Act of Parliament to discharge them from suits and prosecutions at the Law for the same the true reason of all the forecited Acts of this nature which make no mention of pardoning any Rebellions or Treasons against the King for they deemed their forementioned taking up of Armes no such offences but onely discharge the Subjects from all suites actions and prosecutions at Law for any killing or slaying of men batteries imprisonments robberies and trespasses in seising of Persons Goods Chartels What our Princes and State have thought of the lawfulâ—esse of necessary Defensive Warres of Subjects against their oppressing Kings and Princes appeares by those aides and succours which our Kings in former ages have sent to the French Flemmings Almaines and others when their Kings and Princes have injuriously made Warres upon them and more especially by the publike ayde and assistance which our Queene Elizabeth and King Iames by the publike advise and consent of the Realme gave to the Protestants in France Germany Bohemia and the Netherlands against the King of France the Emperour and King of Spaine who oppressed and made Warre upon them to deprive them of their just Liberties and Religion of which more hereafter Certainely had their Defensive Warres against their Soveraigne Princes to preserve their Religion Liberties Priviledges beene deemed Treason Rebellion in point of Law Queene Elizabeth King Iames and our English State would never have so much dishonoured themselves nor given so ill an example to the world to Patronize Rebells or Traitours or enter into any solemne Leagues and Covenants with them as then they did which have been frequently renued and continued to this present And to descend to our present times our King Charles himself hath not onely in shew at least openly aided the French Protestants at Ree and Rochel against their King who warred on them the Germane Princes against the Emperour the Hollanders and Prince of Oâ—aâ—ge to whose Sonne hee hath married his elstest Daughter against the Spaniard and entred into a solemne League with them which hee could not have done in point of Law Iustice Honour Conscience had they beene Rebells or Traytors for standing on their guards and making defensive Warres onely for their owne and their Religions preservation but likewise by two severall publike Acts of Parliament the one in England the other in Scotland declaring the Scots late â—aking up Armes against him and his evill Counsellors in defence of their Religion Lawâ—s Priviledges to be no Treason nor Rebellion and them to bee his true and loyall Subjects notwithstanding all aspertions cast upon them by the Prelaticall and Popish Party because they had no ill or disloyall intention at all against his Majesties Person Crowne and Dignity but onely a care of their owne preservation and the redresse of thâ—se Enormities Pressures grievances in Church and State which threatnâ—d desolation unto both If then their seizing of the Kings Fortes Ammunition Revenues and raising an Army for the foresaid ends hath by his Majesty himselfe and his two Parliaments
manus meas devenient sine difficultate restituere procurabo Ad hanc autem pertinent tota terra quae est de Radicafano usque ad Ceperanum Exarcatus Ravenna Pentapolis Marchiae Ducatus Spoletanus terra Conitissâ—e Mathildis Comitatus Bricenorij cum alijs adjacentibus terris expressis in multis privilegijs Imperatorum à tempore LVDOVICI PII FRANCORVM ET ROMANORVM IMPERATORIS CHRISTIANISSIMI Has omnes propossâ— mâ—â— restituam quietè dimittam cum omne jurisdictionâ— districtâ— honore suo Verunt amen cum adrecipiendam Coronam Imperij vel pro necessitatibuâ— Ecclesia Romanaâ— ab Apostolica sede vocatus accessero demandato summi Pontifâ—â—â—â— ab illis terris praestationes accipiam Praetereà adjutor ero ad retinendum defendendum Ecclesiae Romanae REGNVM SICILIAE Tibi etiam Domino meo Innocentio Papae Successoribus tuis omnem obedientiam honorific entiam â—xhibeo quam devoti Catholiâ—i Imperatores consueverunt Sedi Apostoliâ—ae exhibere Stabo etiam ad consilium arbitrium tuum de bonis â—onsuetudinibus populo Romano servandis exhibendis de negotio Tusciae Lombardiae Et si proptâ—r negotium meum Romanam Ecclesiam oportuerit inâ—urrere guerram subveniam ei sicut necessitas postulaverit in expensis Omnia vero praedictatâ—m juramento quam scripto firmaâ—o cum Imperij Coronam adeptus fuero Actum Aquis-Grani Anno Incarnationis Dominicae Millessimo Ducentessimo Quinto mense Marcy Regni nostri septimo William Rishanger Monk in the Abbey of Saint Albane in England continueâ— of the History of Matthew Paris observeth under the year 1263. that the king of England Henry the third and the Barons of England who made warre upon him committed their whole difference and quarrell to be judged by the Parliament of France Vt pax reformaretâ—r inter Regem Angliae Barones ventum est ad istud ut Rex pâ—oceres se submitterent ordinationi Parliamenti Regis Franâ—ae in the time of Saint Lewis in prâ—emissis provisionibus Oxoniae Nec non pro depraedationibus damnis utrobique illatis Igitur in crastino S. Vincentij congregato Ambianis populopene innumerabili Rex Franciae Ludovicus coram Episcopis Comitibus alijsque Francorum proceribus solâ—mniter dixit sententiam pro Rege Angliae contra Barones statutis Oxoniae provisionibus ordinationibus ac obligationibus penitus annullatis Hoâ— excepto quod antiquae Chartae Joannis Regis Angliae universitati concessae per illam sententiam in nullo intendebat penitus derogare In this Parliament at Amiens were present the King of England Henry the third Queen Elenor his wife Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury Peter Bishop of Hereford and Iohn Maunsell and on the Barons of Englands side a very great number of choice elected Lords who the same year repassed back into England after the Parliament as the same Monk speaketh Thus Favine in the behalfe of the French Parliaments concerning whose power and priviledges you may read much more in him and others But to returne to the former History The Queen Mother was much discontented with this Remonstrance of the Parliament pretending that they had an intent to call her Regency in question which all had commended that they could not speak of the Government of the affaires of the Realm without touching her c. Whereupon she commanded the Chancellour to give them this answer in the kings name That France was a Monarchy wherein the king alone commanded holding his Realm Soveraignly from God That he had Lawes and Ordinances by which to governe them for the which he was not to give an account to any man That it did not belong unto the Parliament to controll his Government That they neither could nor ought to complain of the Queens Regencie which had been so happy That the Queen was not to give an account of her Regency but to God onely That no man could prescribe unto the King what Councellors he should entertain c. with many other such bigge words After which there was a Deâ—ree made in the Councell of State against the Decree and Remonstrance in Parliament disanulling and revoking them as void and forbidding the Parliament hereafter to meddle with affairs of State The Court of Paliament in generall complained much of this Decree the kings learned Counâ—â—ll refuse to carry or cause it to be read in Parliâ—ment because it would cause an alteration of the good affections and devotions of the Kings good subjects and the dis-union of the greatest companies of the Realme who administer justice which makes kings to Reign After which this controversie was compremised and the Decree of the Councell against the Parliament suspended and not enrolled Soon after the prince of Conde with divers others seeing all things disordered at Court and little or no reformation of their former grievances desert Paris expressesse their grievances in â—undry letters and Articles of complaint wherein they complain of the want of freedom and redresse of their grievances presented in the last assembly of the three Estates of the Decree and proceedings against the Iurisdiction Remonstrance and proceedings of the Parliament of Paris Of suffering some Councellâ—rs of State to usurpe all the power of the Kingdom to pervert the Lawes and change all things as they list with sundry other particulars In these they intreat and exhort all men of what condition or quality soever that call themselves Frenchmen to assist and ayde them in SO IVST A CAVSE conjuring all Princes and forraign Estates to do the like and not to suâ—â—er such good and loyall subjects to be supprest by such a conspiracie Vpon this the king and Q. Mother through advise of these ill Counsellors raise an Army declare these Princes and Nobles Rebels and Traitors if they submit not by a day wherupon they Arm raise Forces in their own the publikes defence and being at Noyon concluded That as their Armes were levyed forthe maintenance of the Crown so they should be maintained by it to the which end they seized on the kings Rents and Revenues in sundry places Mean while the Protestants being assembled in a generall Synod at Grenoble Marsh. Desdiguires makes an Oration to them to disswade them from opposing the mariage with Spaiâ— wherein he hath this memorable passage to justifie the lawfulnesse of a necessary defensive war for the preservation of Religion and Liberties We have leisure to see the storme come and to prepare for our own preservation Finally having continued constant in our Duties if they seek to deprive us of our Religien and to take that from us wherein our libertie and safetie depends purchased by the blood of our Fathers and our own and granted unto us by that great King Henry the fouâ—th the restorer of France we shall enter into this comerce full of justice and true zeale finde againe in our breasts the courage and vertue of our Ancestors We shall be supported IN OVR JVST DEFENCE
obedience to their King deserted Magnus and chose Albert King Magnus seeking to regaine his Realme was defeated in battell and died in exile Queen Margaret taking Albert prisoner and conquering Sweden left it and two Kingdoms more to Ericus her adopted son But the Swedes weary of a forraigne yoke by the helpe of Engelbert denied subjection to him and waged warre so long with him that he was forced to place Swedes in all the Castles by agreement and to receive onely halfe the revenues of the Realme in his absence and at last tired out with the wars deserted both Crowne and Kingdome After this the Swedes elected Charles for their King who after seven yeers reigne perceiving that he grew grievous and displeasing to the States of Sweden taking his owne private goods onely with him and leaving the treasure of the Realm in a safe place left the Kingdome Whereupon they elected Christierne the first the King of Denmarke and Norway for their King against whom they took up armes because he had broken that paction prescribed to him when he tooke the Crowne whereupon Anno 1499. Christierne came with a great power to subdue the Swedes but he was easily conquered repulsed thence twice one after another by the Swedes united forces who elected them a Governour whom they called a Marshall which had power to call generall Assemblies of the States and execute the Kings Office and might have beene elected King upon such conditions as the States propounded which he reâ—used to submit to King Iohn thinking to subdue the Swedes after Christiernes death was repulsed by them and his Queen taken prisoner His sonne Christierne the second King of Denmarke by the treachery of Gustavus Archbishop of Vpsalis after many encounters upon promise to continue their Laws Liberties and Priviledges inviolably and to remit all offences past by a solemne Oath was elected by the Swedes for their King who swearing these Articles and confirming them by his Charter was upon this admitted into the Towne and Castle of Holmâ— where feasting all the Nobles and principall men of Swethland two dayes together suspecting no treachery he suddenly apprehends them imprisons murthers all the Nobles Gentry Citizens Commons yea Bishops and Monkes with extraordinary cruelty spoils their wives and Orphans of all their goods and exerciseth more then barbarous tyranny over them which Gustavus Erichson a noble Swede then in Denmarke hearing of escapes thence privily and comes into Swethland â—iâ—gâ—ised raiseth an Army to revenge this butchery delivers his Country from this Tyrant and for 〈◊〉 noble service was by their unanimous vote elected and crowned 〈…〉 of Sweden in his stead the Swedes in a publike Declaration manifesting then expulsion and deprivation of Christierne for his treachery and tyranny to be just and lawfull Ericus the seventeenth King of Sweden imprisoning his brother murdering his faithfull Counsellours warring upon his Subjects playing the tyrant and matching himselfe unworthily to a woman of meane condition was for these his misdemeanors taken prisoner with his Queene deposed and his brother made King in his stead Anno 1599. And Sigismund King of Sweden taking upon him the Crowne of Poland after fourteen yeers reigne was deposed and dâ—spossessed of his Kingdom Anno 1607. and Charles his Uncle made King in his stead Assyria Cyprus Lombardy Naples Venice I Could now acquaint you with many such like passages and stories in the Kingdomes of Assyria as how effeminate Sardanapalus for his vices and misâ—government was deprived by his Subjects burned in his Palace and Arbactus made King in his stead In the kingdom of Cyprus where King Peter murthering his brother and those of Geneva was soon after taken prisoner and made a tributary Prince King Iohn governed by Helena his wife and she by his Nurse which made the people weary of the government had a Regent by consent of the Nobles Iohn of Portugall whom they married to his daughter Carlota set over him and the Realm and all the royall power soon after put into his hands who being soon poysoned by Helena Lewes sonne to the Duke of Savoy was sent for the crowned King by generall assent and Iohn and Iames his sons put by Clephus the second King of Lombardy was so cruell that after his death they would have no more Kings but chose thirty Dukes to governe them who continued this government eleven yeeres Desiderius the last King of Lombardy was taken prisoner with all his children in Pavia by Charles the great and so that Kingdome ceased Anno 774. Tancred the fourth King of Naples was deposed by Pope Celestine the third with his peoples consent Momfrey a Bastard poysoning Conrade the seventh King of Naples and usurping the Crown was deposed by Charles Earle of Aniou who enjoyed the Crowne till Aragon seased on the Realme Ione Queene of Naples married Andrew second sonne to Charles King of Hungary whom she hanged at her window for insufficiency after marrying Iames of Tarragon she beheaded him for lying with another woman and was at last driven out of her Kingdome by Lewes of Hungary and hanged at the same window where she hanged her first husband Peter Duke of Venice was for his tyranny and misgovernment besieged in his palace by the people which they fired and then taking him his wife and sonne dragged them unto the butchery where they chopped them in pieces and threw him to the dogs to be devoured notwithstanding all their submissions and intreaties on their knees Anno 977. So Duke Falier and many othe Dukes have beene condemned to death and executed by the States of Venice and that justly as Bodine grants Multitudes of such like presidents occur in most other Dukedoms and Principalities which I will not name because they want the title of Kings though Aquinas truly holds That a Kingdome is so called from ruling therefore he who hath others under his government is said to have a Kingdome in reality though not in propriety of speech and so are Kings in verity though not in title I might adde to these many more examples manifesting what miseries and untimely deaths tyrannicall Kings and Princes have undergone in all ages and States being commonly deposed poysoned murthered but I shall for brevity passe over these examples remitting the Readers to Aristotle Aelian and Doctor Beard his Theatre of Gods Judgements and come nearer home to Scotland as having nearest relation to England Scotland WHat soveraigne power and jurisdiction the Realme Parliaments and Nobles of Scotland have claimed and exercised over their Kings who saith Buâ—â—anan can neither make Laws Warre Peace nor conclude of any great affairs of the Realm without a Parliament which hath there and in Hungary Poland Denmarke Swethland been oft-times summoned not onely without but against their Kings consents and how frequently they have questioned imprisoned censured deposed yea judicially sentenced their Kings for their tyrannies oppressions whoredoms murders rapines and evill administrations you may reade at large in George Bucanan
his Crowne-lands to King Henry without his peoples consents so farre incurred their hatred that upon his returne they beseiged him at Barwick and almost tooke him prisoner but by the mediation of some of his Councell who informed the Nobles that the King was by violence fraud circumvented by the King of England of the ancient patrimony of the Crowne land they resolved to recover it by war the Scottish Nobility affirming that the King had not any power to diminish or part with any lands appertaining to the Crown without all their consents in Parliament This King after some encounters making a peace with the English upon unequall termes wherin he parted with some of his ancient territories out of his pusilanimity against his Nobles consent hereupon he grew so odious and contemptible to them that they were all weary of his government and caused many to take up Armes and Rebell against him After the death of King Alexander the third there was a Parliament summoned at Scone to consult about the creating of a new King and the government of the Realme during the Inter-regnumâ— where first of all they appointed six men to rule the Realme for the present and then heard and discussed the severall Titles pretended to the Crowne the finall determination whereof they referred to King Edward the first of England as to the Supreame Soveraigne Lord of the Realme who selecting 12. Sâ—ottish and 12. English Councellors to assist him After full hearing by generall consent of all adjudged the Crown to Iohn Baylioll husband to King Alexanders â—ighest Kinswoman The Scots considering his simplicity and unaptnes to governe them and scarce confiding in him being an Englishman and elected by the K. of England coÌ„stituted them 12. Peers after the manner of France to wit 4. Bishops 4. Earles and 4. Lords by whose advise the King and all the affaires of the Realme were to be governed and directed He was taken and kept prisoner by the English After the death of Robert Bruce the Scots before their King was crowned created a Vice-Roy to govern the Realme who suppressed the theeues and Robbers Edward Bayliol sonne to Iohn Bayliol succeding Bruce was afterwards rejected and deposed by the Scots for adhereing too closely to the English K. Edward and David Bruce elected K. in his place Robert the 2d. of Scotland when a peace was propounded between France England and Scotland by the Pope willingly consented there unto but his Nobles being against it his assent alone was in vaine because the King of Scotland alone can make no firme peace nor truce nor promise which shall bind but by publike consent in Parliament King Robert the 3d. dying of griefe for the captivity and imprisonment of his Son Iames taken prisoner by our King Henry the 4 th as he was going into France the Scots hereupon appointed Robert his uncle by common consent for their Vice-roy till Iames the first of that name right heire of the Cowne were enlarged Iames being freed and Crowned summoned a Parliament wherein an ayde was granted him to pay his ransome with much difficulty he had many Civill wars with his Subjects and at last was murthered by Robert Grame and his confederats from whom he received 28. wounds in his Chamber in the night wherof he presently died Iames the 2. his son being but 7. yeares old at his death Alexander Leviston was chosen Protector and William Crichton made Chancellor by Parliament Which the Earle Douglas storming at committed many insolencies in a hostile manner After which Alexander and his faction opposing the Chancellor and commanding that none should obey him the Chancellor thereupon fortified Edenborough Castle and as the King was hunting early in the morning seized upon him with a troop of Horse brought him to Edinburgh Castle where he detained him from the Protector till the peace of the Kingdom and present divisions should be setled which lasting very long by reason of Earle Douglas his ambition power and covetousnes who raised many grievous civill wars he was at last stabbed to death by the King himselfe Anno 1452. contrary to his promise of safeâ— conduct to the Court under the Kings and Nobles hands and seales Wherupon his brethren and Confederats meeting at Sterling resolved to revenge his death and tied the Kings and Nobles writing of safe conduct to an horses taile which they led through the streets of Sterling railing at the King and his Councell as they went and when they came into the market place where they had 500. trumpets sounding they by an Herald proclaimed the King and all that were with him fedifragus perjured and enemis of all good men and then spoiled and burned the Towne Country with all places else that were firme to the King betweene whom and the kings party a bloody civill warre to the spoyle of the Countrey continued above two yeares space with various successe till at last with much difficulty this fire was extinguished and the King casually slaine with the breaking of a Cannon whose sonne Iames the 3. being but 7. yeeres old was proclaimed king in the Campe and the Queen Mother made Regent till a Parliament might be called to settle the government but when the Parliament assembled upon the Oration of Kenneth Archbishop of Saint Andrewes shewing the Inconveniences and unfitnesse of a womans Government they Elected 6. Regents to governe the King and Realme during his minority After which Bodius was made Vice-roy This king being seduced by ill Courtiers and Councellors which corrupted him thereupon divers of the Nobles assembling together resolved to goe to the Court to demand these ill Councellors and seducers of the King and then to execute them which they did accordingly and that with such fury that when they wanted cords to hang some of them they made use of their horses bridles and every one strave who should be forwardest to doe this execution The king promising reformation was dismissed but in steed of reforming he meditated nothing but revenge blood and slaughter in his minde and plotting secretly to murther the Nobles in Edenburg by the helpe of Earle Duglasse he detesting the fact and revealing the Treachery thereupon the Nobles who formerly desired onely his reformation took up Armes to deâ—â—roy him as one incorrigible and implacable whereupon they made the Kings sonne Vice-roy and knowing the kings perfidiousnesse would yeeld to no termes of peace unlesse he would resigne up his Crown to his son which he refusing thereupon they gave him battle and slew him as a common enemie After which calling a Parliament they created his son Iames the fourth king who comming under the power of the Duglasses rescued himselfe at last from them and invading England Anno. 1542 when he proclaimed Oliver Sincleer his favorite Geneâ—all the Scottish Nobility tooke it in such indignation that they threw downe their weapons and suffered themselves to be taken prisoners whereupon the king growing sicke with griefe and anger soone after
dyed Anno. 1555. Mary the Daughter of king Iames the sixth of Scotland and heire to the Crowne being within age her mother Queene Mary by common consent was made Regent and shee by common consent and councell of the Nobles married to Francis Dolphine of France In the meane time there hapning some troubles and warres about the reformed Religion which many of the Nobles and people there contended for the Queene Mother granting those of the Religion a confirmation of their liberties and Religion by way of Truce for 6 moneths she in the meane time sends for Souldiers out of France wherewith she endeavoured to suppresse Religion with the remaining liberty of the Scots and to subject them to the French Whereupon the Nobles of Scotland who stood for the defence of their Religion and Liberties by a common decree in Parliament deprived the Queene Mother of her Regencie make a league with our Queene Elizabeth being of the reformed Religion and receiving ayde both of men and money from her besieged the Queene Mother in Edenburgh Castle where she dyed of griefe and sicknesse After which they expelled the French and procured free exercise of the Reformed Religion In the meane time Francis dying the Queene sends for Henry Steward out of England where he and his Father had beene Exiles marries and proclaime him king Iuly 29. 1564. which done she excluded the Nobility from â—er Councells and was wholly advised by David Ritzius a Subaâ—dian whom she brought with her out of France and did all things by his Councell wherewith the Nobles being much discontented finding him supping with the Queene in a little Chamber commanded him to rise out of the place which did little become him and drawing him out of the Chamber stabbed him to death Anno. 1565. The Queene soone after was delivered of a sonne and heire Iames the 6. and then admits Iames Hepburne Earle of Bothwell into most intimate familiarity with her setting him over all affaires of the Realm granting nothing to any petitioner almost but by him and her husband Steward being dead whether of a naturall death or poyson is yet in controversie she married Bothwell openly without the Lords and Parliaments consents Hereupon the Nobles tooke up armes against Bothwel and the Queen besâ—eged the Queen till she rendred her selfe prisoner upon this condition that she should abjure and resigne her interest in the Crowne and Kingdome to her infant sonne which they compelled her to performe and appointed Iames Earle of Morton Vice-roy and Protector during the Kings Minority In the meane time the Queene was committed prisoner to the Castle of the Isle of the Lake Leuine where corrupting Duglasse her keeper the Earle of Mortons Nephew and a shipmaster she escaped to the Hamiltâ—ns in safety who having raised Forces to free her waited her comming on the shoare But the Vice-roy scattering these forces soone after the Queene thereupon fled into England Anno. 1568. Where Queene Elizabeth taking her expulsion ill laboured that she might be restored to the Crowne which could not be effected but by Armes or mediation and neither of them without knowledge of the cause Whereupon the Queene sent for the Vice-roy and Councell of Scotland into England to answere the complaints of their Queene against them which they did in a writing composed by Buchanan and afterwards Printed both in Latine and English wherein they shewed the grounds and order of their proceedings against their Queene wherewith the Queene and Councell were satisfied that they had proceeded rightly and orderly yet to keepe both sides in suspence she pronounced no definitive sentence The Vice-roy departing into Scotland was afterwards murthered by the Hamiltons and Matthew Steward Earle of Lenâ—ux made Vice-roy in his steed The Queene in the interim treated with Thomas Howard Duke of Nerthfolke about a match with him and to seise upon the Realm of Scotland whereupon he was committed to the Tower and she restrained after which she was solemnely arraigned and condemned to death by the Parliament of England for conspiring Queene Elizabeths death c and for it beheaded at Fotherringham Castle Feb. 8. 1587 The History of which Queenes life is more at large related by Buchanan and others and her imprisonment and Deposition professedly justified as lawfull by his Treatise De Iure Regni apud Scotos compiled for that purpose to which I shall referre the Reader What thâ— Lords and Realm of Scotland have done within these 5. yeers last past in defence of their Religion Lawes Liberties by holding generall Assemblies Parliaments taking up armes seising the Forts and Ammunition of the Realm and marching into England against the Kings consent and Proclamations is so fresh in memory so fuâ—ly related in the Acts of Oblivion and Pacification made in both Parliaments of England and Scotland ratified by the King himselfe and in particular Histories of this Subject that I shall not spend time to recite particulars but will rather conclude from all the premises with the words of Buchanan The Ancient custome of our Ancestors in punishing their Kings suffers not our forcing of the Queene to renounce her right unto the Crowne to her sonne to seeme a Novelty and the moderation of the punishment shewes it proceeded not from envie for so many Kings punished with death bonds banishment by our Ancestors voluntarily offer themselves in the ancient Monuments of Histories that we neede no forraigne examples to confirme our owne act For the Scottish Nation seeing it was free from the beginning created it selfe Kings upon this very Law that the Empire being conferred on them by the suffrages of the people if the matter required it they might take it away againe by the same suffrages of which law many footsteps have remained even to our age for in the Islands which lye round about us and in many places of the Continent wherein the Ancient language and constitutions have continued this very custome is yet observed in creating Governours likewise the Ceremonies which are used in the Kings inauguration have also an expresse image of this Law out of which it easily appeares that a Kingdome is nothing else but the mutuall stipulation betweene the people and their Kings the same likewise may be most apparently understood out of the inoffensive tenor of the ancient Law preserved from the very beginning of raigning among the Scots even unto our age when as no man in the meane time hath attempted not onely not to abrogate this Law but not so much as to shake it or in any part to diminish it Yea whereas our Ancestors have deprived so many Kings as would bee tedious to name of their Realme condemned them to banishment restrained them in prisons and finally punished them with death yet there was never any mention made of abating the rigor of the Law neither perchance undeservedly since it is not of that kinde of Lawes which are obnoâ—ious to the changes of times but of those ingraven in the mindes of men
sit with the Lord of the Fee as Peers but likewise heard the Causes oft times between the Superiour Lord and his Vassall We likewise see these Senators of France to have oft times judged between the King and Subjects so that when Charles the 6. would have pronounced sentence against the Duke of Britain they withstood him and said THAT THE IVDGEMENT WAS NOT THE KINGS BVT PEERS FROM WHOSE AVTHORITY HE COVLD DEROGATE NOTHING Hence even at this day the Parliament at Paris which is called the Court of Peers or Senators is in some sort constituted a Iudge between the King and People yea between the King and every private man and is bound as with an obligation to right every one against the King Procurers if he invades any thing against Law Besides if the King determines any thing or makes any Edict at home if he make any compact with neighbour Princes if any Warre be to be waged if any Peace be to be made as of late with Charles the fifth The Parliament ought to approve and bée Authour of it and all things which appertain to the Common-wealth ought to be registred among its acts which verily are not ratified untill they shall be approved by it Now that the Senators might not fear the King heretofore none could be preferred into that Order but such who were nominated by the Senate neither could they Lawfully be removed but by its Authority for a lawfull cause Finally even the Kings Letters unlesse they be subscribed by the Kings Secretary and rescripts unlesse they be signed by the Chancellour who hath a power of cancelling have no authority There are likewise Dukes Marquesses Earles Vicounts Barons Castellanes also in Cities Maiors Deputies Consuls in Sindeches Auditors and the like to whom some particular Region or City are severally commended that they may defend the People so farre forth as their jurisdiction extendeth although some of these dignities at this day are reputed Hereditary And besides this yearly heretofore at leastwise as often as necessity required there was held an Assembly of the three Estates wherein all the Countries and Cities of any note did send their Deputies namely Commons Nobles Ecclesiasticks in each of them apart where they publikely determined of those things which appertained to the Republike Now such was evermore the authority of this Assembly that not only those things which were therein accorded were reputed sacred and holy whether Peace were to be concluded or War to be waged or the Guardianship of the Realm to be committed to any one or a Tax to be imposed was there concluded but even Kings themselves for their luxury slothfulnes or tyrannie were thrust into Monasteries by their authority even all their Ofsprings deprived of the succession of the Kingdom no otherwise then at first when as they were called to the kingdom by the peoples authority verily those whoÌ„ consent had advanced dissent did pull down again those whom imitation of paternall vertues had as it were called into that inheritance a degenerate and ungratefull minde as it had made then uncapable and unworthy so it did make them to be disinherited From whence verily it appears that succession truly was tolerated to avoid competition succession an interregnum and other incommodities of Election but truely when greaâ—er damages would follow where Tyranny should invade the Kingdom where a Tyrant the Throne of a King the lawfull Assembly of the people Perpetually reserved to themselves an Authority of expelling a Tyrant or slothfull King and of deducing him to his Kindred and of substituting a good King in his place Verily peradventure the French received this from the Gauls Caesar in the fifth Book of the Gallic War being the Author For Ambiorix King of the Eburoni confessed that all that time the Empires of the Kings of Gallia were such that the people duely assembled had no lesse authoritie over the King then the King over the people which also appears in Vercingetorix who pleaded his cause before an assembly of the people In the Kingdoms of Spain especially in Valentia and Catteloigne of the Arragonians it is even thus for the Soveraignty of the Realme is in the Justice of Aragon as they call it therefore the great men who represent the people fear not to tell the King in direct terms both in his very Coronation it self and likewise every third year in the generall assembly of their Estates Tantum valemus nos quantum vos We are as powerfull as you but the Iustice of Aragon is above us both who rules more than you Yea oftentimes what things the King hath asked what he hath injoyn'd the Iustice hath prohibited nay he never dares to impose any tribute without the authority of that Assembly In the Realms of England and Scotland the Supreme power is in the Parliament usually wont to be held almost every year Now they call a Parliament the Assembly of the Estates of the Realme where the Bishops Earls Barons Deputies of the Cities and Counties by common suffrage determine of the Republikes affairs whose authority is so sacred that what things soever it shall once establish it is unlawfull or a wicked act for the king to abrogate Likewise all the Officers of the Realme are wont to receive their Offices from that Assembly and those who ordinarily assist the King or Quéen in Councell In brief other Christian Kingdoms as Hungary Bohemia Denmarke Sweden and the rest have all their Officers of the Realm or Consuls of the Royall Empire who by their own Authority have sometimes used even to depose their Kings themselves as Histories teach or fresh memory sufficiâ—ntly manifests Neither is there verily any cause that we should think the Royall Authority to be thereby deminished or that Kings should hereby suffer as it were a diminution of their heads Truly we deem not God the lesse potent for this because he cannot sin by himself nor his Empire more restrained because it cannot be ruined nor grow worse therefore not a King if that he who may offend by himself be sustained or kept from sinning by anothers help or if peradventure he had lost any Empire by his own negligence or fault that he may retain by anothers prudence What do you think any man lesse healthy because Phisitians â—it round about him who dehort him from intemperance who interdict him the eating of hurtfull meats who likewise oft-times purge him against his will and resisting Or whether doest thou think those Phisitians who take care of his health or flatterers who obtrude the most unwholsome things to be more his friends Therefore this distinction is altogether necessary to be adhibited Some are friends of the King others of Caesar those are friends of Caesar who serve Caesar those friends of the King or Emperour who serve the Kingdom For since any one is called a King for the Kingdoms sake and the Kingdom consists in the people but the Kingdom being lost or decayed the King must altogether
wils pleasures profit or benefit of Kings who by birth and nature differ not at all from the meanest of their Subjects but Kings were at first constituted and still continued for the protection welfare benefit service of their kingdomes Parliaments People whose publicke Servants Ministers Shepherds Fathers Stewards and Officers they are Now Nature Reason and Scriptures resolve that he who is instituted meerely for the benefit and service of another as all the Creatures were created for mans use and therefore are inferiour unto man in dignity and power is of lesse dignity power and jurisdiction than the intire body of those for whose good he was instituted as the servant is inferiour to his Master the Wife to her Husband for whom they were created the Mayor to the whole Corporation and the King to his whole Kingdome and Parliament which consideration hath caused sundry Kings and Emperours not onely to adventure their lives in bloody battles but to lay downe their Crownes for the peace and safety of their Subjects witnesse Otho the first and others with the Examples of Moses Exod. 32. 9. to 15 32. Numb 14. 11 to 15. of David 2 Sam. 29. 17. 1 Chron. 21. 17. and Iohn 10. 11. 15. with other precedents which I pretermit And the reason is apparent for if the King be slaine in defence of the kingdome or People yet the kingdome and people may remaine secure and another succeed him in that office of trust In which respect a Politique body differs from a Naturall that it hath life continuance and meanes to guide defend and Order it selfe though the King and head be cut off by death But if the Realme and People be destroyed though the King survive them as a Man yet he must necessarily perish in and with them as a King since he cannot possibly be a King without a kingdome and people for whose good and safety alone he was made a King Hence Aristotle Polit. l. 3. c. 4. and Marius Salamonius de Principatu l. 2. p. 50. define a Principality to be A just Government for the benefit of the people respecting onely the publique good and welfare not its owne private advantage Hence Plato de Repub. l. 1. thus describes the Office of a Prince towards the Common-wealth That as he is a Prince he neither mindes nor commands what is advantagious to himselfe but what is beneficiall to his Subjects and whatever he saith or doth he saith and doth it for the profit and honour of the Republicke which Cicero in his Offices hath more elegantly thus translated As the defence so the procuration of the Common-weale is to be managed to be benefit of those who are committed not of those to whom it is committed And de Finibus l. 3. A good and wise man not ignorant of his civill Office is more carefull of the utility of all than of any one or of his owne Neither is a Traytor to his Country to be more dispraised than a deserter of the common profit and safety for his owne profit and safety And the Emperour Iustinian used this golden sentence Quod communiter omnibus prodest hoc privatae nostrae utilitati praeferendum esse censemus nostrum esse proprium subjectorum commodum Imperialiter existimantes Imperialis benevolentiae hoc esse judicantes in omni tempore Subjectorum commodatam investigare quam eis mederi procuremus I shall conclude this with Salamonius his words Let the Prince be either from God or from men yet think not that the world was created by God and in it men that they should serve for the benefit of Princes for it is an absurdity above what can be spoken to opine that men were made for Princes since God hath made us free and equall But Princes were ordained ONELY FOR THEIR PEOPLES BENEFIT that so they might innocently preserve humane and civill societie with greater facility helping one the other with mutuall benefits Which he there largely proves by sundry Histories and Authorities That of Peter Matthew being a certaine verity All the Actions of a Prince must tend to the good and health of his people for whom he lives and more than for himselfe as the Sun doth not shine and give heat but for men and the elements The King then being made King onely for the Kingdomes Parliaments Peoples service must needs in this regard be inferiour to not Paramount them in absolute Soveraigne power though greater better than any particular Subjects Seventhly The Parliament as our Law-bookes and Writers resolve is the most high and absolute power the supreamest and most ancient Court of the Realme of England and hath the power of the whole Realme both Head and Body and among other Priviledges this is the highest that it is above the Law it selfe having power upon just grounds to alter the very common Law of England to abrogate and repeale old Lawes to enact new Lawes of all sorts to impose taxes upon the people Yea it hath power to declare the meaning of any doubtfull Lawes and to repeale all Patents Charters Grants and Iudgements whatsoever of the King or any other Courts of Iustice if they be erroneous or illegall not onely without but against the Kings personall consent so farre as finally to obliege both King and Subjects Now it is cleare on the contrary side that the King hath not the power of the whole Realme vested in his person that he and his Prerogative are not above but subordinate to the Lawes of the Realme that he cannot by his absolute regall power alter the Common Law of the Realme in any particular point whatsoever that he cannot repeale any old nor enact any new Law whatsoever nor impose the least taxe or common charge upon his people nor imprison their persons distraine their goods declare any Law or reverse any judgement in the meanest of his Courts without or against his peoples joynt consents in Parliament For Potest as sua Iuris est non injuriae Nihil aliud potest Rex in terris nisi ID SOLUM QUOD DE JURE POTEST Bracton l. 3. c. 9. f. 107. Therefore without any peradventure the Parliament in this regard is the most Soveraigne Authority and greater in jurisdiction than the King Iohn Bodin that great Lawyer and Politician resolves That the chiefe marke of an absolute and Soveraigne Prince is to give Lawes to all his Subjects in generall and to every of them in particular without consent of any other greater equall or lesse than himselfe For if a Prince he bound not to make any Lawes without the consent of a greater than himselfe he is then a very Subject if not without his equall he then hath a Companion as Bracton and others forecited say our English King hath namely his Earles and Lords thence stiled Comites if not without the consent of his inferiours whether it be of his Subjects or of the Senate or
by these men for these be those which brought me into this lamentable plight and the misery thou seest me in A memorable strange speech of a distracted Prince And thus the Emperour Wenceslaus was likewise deposed by the Princes electors of the Empire For besotting himself so with pleasures c. as that he became altogether unfit for the government and a man unprofitable for the Empire and Christian Common-wealth and Rupert Count Palatine of Rhine and Duke of Bavaria was elected Emperour in his stead The like no doubt might be lawfully done here in England by the whole Kingdom and Parliament if any such cases of incurable folly or frenzy should befall any of our Kings who might then either create a Lord Protector to govern both King or Kingdom during such disabilities of Government in the King as Childricke for a time before his deposition was governed and over-ruled in all things by the Marshall of the Palace or else Crown the next Heir King if he be capable to Govern Yea in the time of our Saxon Kings when the right Heir was an Infant unable to govern the Crown usually descended to the next Heir of full age Hence Wibba King of Mercia deceasing Penda his son being an Infant the Crown descended to his Nephew Câ—orl of full age after whose death Penda being of ripe age inherited the Kingdom So King VVulfcher deceasing leaving his son Kenred within age his Brother Ethelred succeeded him who resigning his Crown and turning Monke after he had Reigned 30. yeers Kenred then of full age enjoyed the Crown So Ethelfred King of Northumberland dying Edelwald his Brother entred the Government and Reigned Aldulfe Ethelherds son being then a minor who enjoyed not the Crown till after Edelwalds death So Casseâ—elan succeeded Lud his Brother in the Kingdom of Britain Luds sons being too young and insufficient to Reign The like was very usuall in Scotland of which there are divers presidents in Grafton Hector Boetius and Buchanan which I pretermit All which particulars laid together are a most clear unanswerable demonstration that the Soveraignest power and Jurisdiction of all others resides in the whole Kingdom and Parliament not in the King himself since they may thus dispose of the very Crown it self and are the sole and onely supream Judges to determine all controversies all titles which concern it The King alone having no power to transfer it to any other without the Lords and Commons free consents as was resolved in the case of King Iohn who resigned and granted his Crown to the Pope without the Kingdoms consent and therefore the resignation and grant were adjudged void not onely by the French King and his Lords but by our own Parliament as you may read in 40. Ed. 3. Nu. 8. and in Doctor Crakenthorpe Of the Popes temporall Monarchy Cap. 2. p. 251. to 255. I shall conclude this point with the words of this memorable Record The Prelates Dukes Counts and Barons being in the white Chamber and the Commons in the Painted Chamber it was shewed unto them by the Chancellour how they had understood the cause of the Summons of Parliament in generall but the will of the King was that the causes should be shewed unto them in speciall telling them how the King had understood that the Pope by vertue of a Deed which he said that King John had made to the Pope to do him homage for the Kingdom of England and the land of Ireland and that by reason of the said homage that he ought to pay him every yeer perpetually one thousand Marks and that he purposeth to make out Processe against the King and his Realm for the said Service and Rent concerning which the King prayed the advice and counsell of the Prelates Dukes Earles and Barons and what he should do in case the Pope would proceed against him for this cause or against the said Realm And the Prelates prayed the King that they might thereupon advise alone by themselves and return their answer the next morning which Prelates by themselves the next morning and after the said Dukes Earls Barons and great men answered and said That the said King John NOR NO OTHER MIGHT PUT HIMSELF NOR HIS REALM NOR HIS PEOPLE IN SUCH SUBJECTION WITHOUT THE ASSENT AND ACCORD OF THEM And the Commons being advised and consulted with thereupon answered in the same manner Whereupon it was ordained and assented BY COMMON CONSENT in manner following In this present Parliament held at Westminster the Munday next after the Invention of holy Crosse in the yeer of the reign of King Edward the 40. as well to maintain the estates of holy Church as the rights of his Realm and his Crown it hath been shewed amongst other things how it hath been reported and said that the Pope by vertue of a Deed which he said that the said John late King of England had made to the Pope in perpetuity to do him homage for the realm of England and land of Ireland and by reason of the said homage to render to him an Annuall rent and hath purposed to make Processe against the King for to recover the said Services and rent The which thing being shewed to the Prelates Dukes Earls Barons and the Commons to have their advice and counsell thereupon and to demand of them what the King should do in case that the Pope should proceed or attempt any thing against him or his Realm for this cause Which Prelates Dukes Earles Barons and Commons having taken full deliberation thereupon answered and said OF ONE ACCORD That the said King John NOR NO OTHER MIGHT PUT THEMSELVES NOR HIS REALM NOR HIS PEOPLE IN SUCH SUBJECTION WITHOUT THEIR ASSENT And as it appears by many evidences that if it were done it was done WITHOUT THEIR ASSENT AND AGAINST HIS OATH IN HIS CORONATION And moreover that the Dukes Earls Barons great men and Commons accorded and granted That in case the Pope would endeavour or attempt any thing by Processe or any other act to constrain the King or his Subjects to perform what is said he will claim in this behalf That THEY WILL RESIST AND OPPOSE HIM WITH ALL THEIR MIGHT And before this in the great Councell of Lyons the Proxies and Procurator of the Church and realm of England in the name of the whole Realm complained and protested against this grant of King Iohn as a meer Nullity BECAUSE IT WAS MADE WITHOUT THE CONSENT OF THE REALM AND LORDS which neither did do nor ever after would consent thereto as I have elsewhere proved This being the common received opinion of all Civilians and Statists That no King or Emperour can alien or engage all or any part of his Kingdom to another without his Subjects generall consents and that such an alienation or Morgage is meerly void in Law to all intents as Albert. Gent. De jure Belli l. 3. r. 15. and Hugo Grotius proves at large De jure Belli
and for the common profit of the Realme of England our Soveraigne Lord the king hath ordained c. for the quietnesse of his said people the Statutes and Ordinances following c. cap. 2. with 2. H. 4. c. 1. Our soveraign Lord the king greatly desiring the tranquility and quietnes of his people willeth and straitly commandeth that the peace within his Realme of England be surely observed kept so that all his lawful subjects may from henceforth safely and peaceably goe come and dwell after the Law and usage of the Realme and that Iustice and right be indifferently ministred to every of his said subjects as well to the poore as to the rich in his Courts 1. H. 4. Henry by the Grace of God c. to the honour of God and reverence of holy Church for to nourish peace unity concord of all parties within the Realm of England and for the reliefe and recovery of the said Realm which now late hath been mischievously put to great ruine mischief and desolation of the assent c. hath made and established c. 6. H. 4. c. 1. For the grievous complaints made to our Soveraigne Lord the king by his Commons of the Parliament of the horrible mischiefes and damnable custome which is introduced of new c. Our soveraign Lord the King to the honor of God as well to eschew the dammage of this Realme as the perils of their soules which are to be advanced to any Archbishopricks or Bishopricks c. hath ordained Divers such recitalls are frequent in most of our statutes in all Kings raignes viz. 37. E. 3. c. 2 3 4 5. 3. R. 2. c. 3. 5. R. 2. Stat. 1. 2. 6. R. 2. Stat. 1. 7. R. 2. 8. R. 2. For the common profit of the said Realme and especially for the good and just government and due execution of the common Law it is ordained c. 10. R. 2. Prologue c. 1. 11. R. 2. c. 1. 12. R. 2. 13. R. 2. Prologue c. 3 5 6. 14. R. 2. 21. R. 2. 1. H. 4. 5. c. 7. 1. H. 6. 8. H. 6. Prologue c. 25. 10. H. 6. c. 3. 12. H. 6. c. 12. 39. H. 6. Prologue 1. R. 3. c. 2. 6. 8. 3. H. 7. c. 5 6. 11. H. 7. c. 18. But I shall conclude with some more punctuall ones 18. E. 3. stat c. 1 2. To nourish love peace and concord between holy Church and the Realme and to appease and cease the great hurt and perils impertable losses and grievances that have been done and happened in times past and shall happen hereafter if the thing from henceforth be suffered to passe c. for which causes and dispensing whereof the ancient lawes usages customes and franchises of the Realm have been and be greatly appaired blemished and confounded the Crown of the king minished and his person falsly defrauded the treasure and riches of his Realme carried away the inhabitants and subjects of the Realme impovirished troubled c. the King at his Parliament c. having regard to the quietnesse of his people which he chiefly desireth to sustaine in tranquility and peacâ— to governe according to the Lawes Vsages and Franchises of this Land as HE IS BOVND BY HIS OATH MADE AT HIS CORONATION following the wayes of his Progenitors which for their time made certaine good Ordinances and provisions against the said grievances c. by the assent c. hath approved accepted and confirmed c. 2. R. 2. c. 7. Because the King hath perceived as well by many complaints made to him as by the perfect knowledge of the thing c. the King desiring soveraignly the peace and quietnesse of his Realme and his good Lawes and Customes of the same and the Rights of his Crowne to be maintained and kept in all points and the offenders duly to be chastised and punished AS HE IS SWORN AT HIS CORONATION by the assent of all the Lords c. hath defended c. And moreover it is ordained and established c. 3 R. 2. Rot. Parl. Num. 38. 40. The Commons desiring a grant of new power to Iustices of Peace to enquire into extortions the Bishops conceiving it might extend to them made their protestation against this new grant yet protested that if it were restrained only to what was law already they would condiscend to it but not if it gave any new or further power The King answers that notwithstanding their protestation or any words conâ—eined therein he would not forbeare to passe this new grant and that BY HIS OATH AT HIS CORONATION HE WAS OBLIGED TO DO IT And 6 H. 6. c. 5. We for as much as by reason of our Regality WE BE BOVNDEN TO THE SAFEGVARD OF OVR REALM round about willing in this behalfe convenient hasty remedy to be adhibite have assigned c. By these with infinite such like recitalls in our ancient and late statutes in the Kings owne Proclamations Commissions yea and in writs of law wherein wee find these expressions Nos qui singulis de regno nostro in EXHIBITIONE IVSTITIAE SVMVS DEBITORES plaenam celerem justitiam exhiberi facias Nos volentes quoscunque legios nostros in curiis nostris c. justitiam sibi c. nullatenus differri Ad justitiam inde reddendam cum omni celeritate procedatis Nos oppressiones duritias damna excessus gravamina praedictae nolentes relinquere impunita volent esque SALVATIONI QVIETI POPVLI NOSTRI hac parte PROSPICERE VT TENEMVR eidm celeris justitiae complementum debitum festinum iustitiae complementum fieri facies Nos huiusmodi praeindicio precavere volentes prout ASTRINGIMVR IVRAMENTI VINGVLO Quiaâ— iudicia in curia nostra cito reddita in suis roboribus manuteneri volumus defendi prout AD HOC IVRAMENTI VINCVLO ASTRINGIMVR TENEMVR c It is most apparent that the Kings of England both by their oath duty and common right even in point of justice and conscience are bound to assent to all publike Acts as are really necesâ—ary for the peace safety ease weale benefit prevention of mischiefs and redresse of greivances of all or any of their subjects without any tergiversation or unnecessary delayes when they are passed and tendered to them by both Houses and that in such acts as these they have no absolute Negative voice at all but ought to give their speedy free and full consents thereto unlesse they can give satisfactory reasons to the contrary Sixthly All our ancient Kings of England as the premises with all publike usefull statutes enacted in their reigne evidence have alwayes usually given their free and full consents in Parliament to such publike acts as these without deniall or protraction conceiving they were bound by oath and duty so to doe and if they ever denyed their royall assents to any Petitions or Bills of the Lords and Commons of this nature they alwayes gave such good
Spensers and other ill Counsellors about this king in the last yeare of his raigne though the King himself were in their Company and taken prisoner by the Forces raised against them for the necessary preservation reliefe and safety of the Queene Prince Nobles Kingdome to be no high Treason nor offence at all namely the statute of 1. E. 3. c. 1. 2. 3. which I shall recite at large Whereas Hugh Spenser the Father and Hugh Spenser the Sonne late at the suite of Thomas then Earle of Lancaster and Leycester and Steward of England by the common assent and vote of the Peers and Commons of the Realme and by the assent of King Edward Father to our Soveraigne Lord the King that now is AS TRAITORS ENEMIES OF THE KING OF THE REALME were Exled disinherited and banished out of the Realme for ever And afterward the same Hugh by evill Councell which the king had about him without the assent of the Peeres and Commons of the Realme came againe into the Realme and they with other proâ—â—cured the said king to pursue the said Earle of Lancaster and other great men and people of the Realme in which pursuite the said Earle of Lancaster and other great men and people of the Realme were willingly dead and disinherited and some outlawed banished and disinherited and some disinherited and imprisoned and some ransommed and disherited and after such mischiefe the said Hugh and Hugh Master Robâ—rt Baldocke and Edmoâ—d Earle of Arundell usurped to them the Royall power so that the king nothing did nor would doe but as the said Hugh and Hugh Robert and Edmond Earle of Arundell did councell him were it never so great wrong during which usurpation by duresse and force against the Will of the Commons they purchased Lands as well by fines levied in the Court of the said Edward as otherwise and whereas after the death of the said Earle of Lancaster and other great men our Soveraigne Lord the King that now is and Dame Isabel Queene of England his Mother by the Kings will and Common Councell of the Realme went over to Francâ— to treate of peace betweene the two Realmes of England and France upon certaine debates then moved The said Hugh and Hugh Robert and Edmond Earle of Arundell continuing in their mischiefe encouraged the king against our Soveraigne Lord the king that now is his sonne and the said Queene his wife and by royall power which they had to them encroached as afore is said procured so much grievance by the assent of the said King Edward to our Soveraigne Lord the King that now is and the Queene his mother being in so great jeopardy of themselves in a strange Country and seeing the Destruction Dammage Oppressions and Distractions which were notoriously done in the Realme of England upon holy Church Prelates Earles Barons and other great men and the Commonalty by the said Hugh and Hugh Robert and Edmond Earle of Arundell by the encroaching of the said royall power to them to take as good Councell therein as they might And seeing they might not remedie the same unlesse they came into England with an Army of men of warre and by the Grace of God with such puissance and with the helpe of great men and Commons of the Realme they have vanquished and destroyed the sayd Hugh and Hugh Robert and Edmond Wherefore our Soveraigne Lord King Edward that now is at his Parliament holden at Westminster at the time of his Coronation the morrow after Candlemas in the first yeare of his reigne upon certaine Petitions and requests made unto him in the said Parliament upon such Articles above rehearsed by the common councell of the Prelates Earles Barons and other great men and by the Commonalty of the Realme there being by his Commandment hath provided ordained and stablished in forme following First that no great man or other of what estate dignity or condition he be that came with the said king that now is and with the Queene his mother into the Realme of England and none other dwelling in England who came with the said king that now is and with the Queene In ayde of them to pursue their said enemies in which pursuite the King his Fatâ—er was taken and put in ward and yet remaineth in ward shall not be molested impeached or gâ—ieved in person or goods in the kings Court or other Court for the puâ—suite of the said king taking and with holding of his body nor pursuâ—te of any other nor taking of their persons goods nor death of any man or any other things perpetrate or committed in the said pursuite from the day the said king and Queene did arme till the day of the Coronation of the same king and it is not the kings minde that such offenders that committed my trespasse or other offence out of the pursuites should goe quit or have advantage of this statute but they shall be at their answere for the same at the Law Item that the repeale of the said Exile which was made by Dures and force be adnulled for evermore and the said Exile made by award of the Peeres and Commons by the kings assent as before is said shall stand in his strength in all points after the tenure of every particular therein contained Item that the Executors of the Testament of all those that were of the same quarrell dead shall have actions and recover the Goods and Chattels of them being of the said quarrell whose executors they be as they of the same quarrell should c. Certainely here was an higher pursuite and levying warre against the King and his evill Councellors then any yet attempted by this Parliament and a warre rather offensive then defensive in which the king himself was both taken and dâ—tâ—ined Prisoâ—â—r and then forced to resigne his Crowne to his sonne yet this is here justified as a necessary just and lawfull warre by an Act of Parliament never yet repealed and all that bare Armes against the king and his ill Councellors yea they who pursued apprehended and imprisoned the king himselfe are as to this particular discharged by the king and whole Parliament from all manner of guilt or punishment or prosecution whatsoever against them Which consideration makâ—s me somewhat confident that this King and the Parliament held in the 25. yeare of his Raigne ch 2. Which declares it high Treason to levie warre against the King in his Realmâ— did never intend it of a necessary defensive warre against a seduced King and his evill Councellors especially by the Votes of both Houses of Parliament who doubtlesse would never passe any Act to make themselves or their Posteritie in succeeding Parliaments Traytors for taking up meere necessary defensive Armes for their owne and the Kingdomes preservation for that had beene diametraâ—ly contrary to this statute made in the very first yeare and Parliament of this King and would have lâ—yd an aspertion of High Treason upon the king himself the Queene his
particular person not that he was the Soveraigne highest power above the Senate and people collectively considered And the occasion of these words will discover the Authors intention to be no other which was this The Christians in that age were persecuted and put to death by Scapula President of Carthage to whom Tertullian writes this Booke because they refused to adore the Emperour for a God to sweare by his Genius and to observe his solemnities and triumphs in an Ethâ—icall manner as is evident by the words preceding this passage Sic circa Majestatem Imperatoris infamamur c. and by sundry notable passges in his Apologeticus In answer to which accusation Tertullian reasons in the Christians behalfe that though they adored not the Emperour as a God yet they reverenced him as a man next under God as one onely lesse then God as one greaâ—er then all others whiles lesse onely then the true God and greater then the Idol Gods themselves who were in the Emperours power c. Here was no other thing in question but whether the Emperour were to be adored as God not whether he or the Roman Senate and people were the greatest highest Soveraigne power And the answer being that he was but a man next under God above any other particular officer in the Roman State is no proofe at all that he was paramount the whole Senate and people collectively considered or of greater Soveraigne power then theâ— which the premises clearely disprove Adde that this Father in his Apologie thus censures the Pagan Romans for their grosse flattery of their Emperours whom they feared more then their Gods appliable to our present times Siquidem majore formidâ—ne callidiore timiditate Caesarem observatis quam ipsum de Olympo Iovem c. â—deo in isto irreligiosi erga deos vestros deprehendimini cum plus timoris humâ—no Domino dicâ—tis citius denique apud vos per omnes Deos quam per unum genium Caesaris pejeratur Then he addes Interest hominis Deo cedere satis â—abeat appellari Imperator grâ—â—nde hoc nomen est quod a Deo tradetur negat illum imperatorem qui deum dicit nist homo sit non est imperator Hominem se esse etiam triumphans in illo sublimissimo curru admonetur Suggeritur enimei a tergo Respice post te hominem memento tâ— Etiam hoc magis gaudet tanta se gloria coruscare ut illi admonitio conditionis suae sit necessaria Major est qui revocatur ne se deum existimet Augustus imperii formator ne Dominum quidem dici se volebat et hoc enim Dei est cognomen Dicam plane Imperatoâ—em Dominum sed mâ—re communi sed quando non cogor ut Dominum Dâ—i vice dicam Concluding thus Nullum bonum sub exâ—eptione personarum administramus c. Iidem sumus Imperatoribus qui vicinis nostris Male enim velle male faceâ—e male dicere male cogitare de quoquam ex aequo vetamur Quodâ—unque non licet in Imperatorem id nec in quenquam quod in neminem eo forsitan magis nec in ipsum qui per deum tâ—ntus est c. From which it is evident that the Christians did not deifie nor flatter their Emperours more then was meet and deemed they might not resist them onely in such cases where they might resist no others and so by consequence lawfully resist them where it was lawfull for them to resist other private men who did injuriously assault them If then the Roman Emperors were not the highest Soveraigne power in the Roman State when Paul writ this Epistle but the Roman Senate and State as I have cleared and if the Parliament not the King be the supremest Soveraigne power in our Realme as I have abundantly manifested then this objected Text so much insisted on by our opposites could no wayes extend to the Roman Senate State or our English Parliament who are the very higher powers themselves and proves most fatall and destructive to their cause of any other even by their owne Argument which I shall thus doubly discharge upon them First that power which is the highest and most soveraigne Authority in any State or kingdome by the Apostles and our Antagonists owne doctrine even in point of conscience neither may nor ought in what case soever say our opposites to be forcibly resisted either in their persons ordinances commands instruments offices or Armed Souldiers by any inferiour powers persons or subjects whatsoever especially when their proceedings are just and legall under paine of temporall and eternall condemnation But the Senate among the Romans not the Emperour and the Parliament in England not the King really were and are the higher Powers and most soveraigne Authority Therefore by the Apostles owne Doctrine even in point of conscience they neither may nor ought to be disobeyed or forcibly resisted in any case whatsoever either in their Persons Ordinances Commands Instruments Officers or Armed Souldiers by the King himselfe his Counsellors Armies Cavaliers or by any inferiour powers persons or Subjects whatsoever especially when their proceedings are just and legall as hitherto they have beene under paine of temporall and eternall condemnation I hope the Doctor and his Camerads will now beshrew themselves that ever they medled with this Text and made such a halter to strangle their owne treacherous cause and those who have taken up armes in its defence Secondly that Power which is simply highest and supreame in any State may lawfully with good conscience take up Armes to resist or suppresse any other power that shall take up armes to subvert Religion Lawes Liberties the Republike or the juâ—t Rights and Priviledges of the Subject or of this higher power This is our opposites owne argumentation Therefore the Parliament being in verity the highest supreame Power in our State may lawfully with good conscience take up Armes to resist or suppresse his Majesties Malignant Popish Forces or any other power which already hath or hereafter shall be raised to subvert Religion Lawes Liberties the Republike just Rights and Priviledges of Parliament or the Subjects and every man with safe conscience may chearefully serve in such a warre upon the Parliaments encouragement or command without guilt of treason or rebellion either in Law or Conscience For the third Question Whether Tyrants or unjust oppressing Magistrates as they are such be within the intendment of this Text and not to be resisted in any case I have fully cleared this before from the occasion scope and arguments used in this Chapter that they are not within the compasse of this Text as they are such and may be resisted in their Tyranny and oppressions notwithsâ—anding this inhibition I shall not repeat but onely fortifie this Position with some new reasons and authorities First then that which is not the ordinance of God but rather of the Devill and the meâ—re sinne and enormity of the Governour himselfe
sence and reason that any man or Nation should so absolutely irresistably inslave themselves and their Posterities to the very lusts and exorbitancies of Tyrants and such a thing as no man no Nation in their right sences were they at this day to erect a most absolute Monarchie would condescend to then clearly the Apostle here confirming onely the Ordinances of men and giving no Kings nor Rulers any other or greater power then men had formerly granted them for that hâ—d been to alter not approve their humane Ordinances I shall infallibly thence inferre That whole States and Subjects may with safe conscience resist the unjust violence of their Kings in the foresaid cases because they never gave them any authority irresistably to act them nor yet devested themselves much lesse their posterity whom they could not eternally inslave of the right the power of resisting them in such cases whom they might justly resist before whiles they were private men and as to which illegall proceedings they continue private persons still since they have no legall power given them by the people to authorize any such exorbitances Fourthly The subjection here enjoyned is not passive but active witnesse ver 15. For so is the will of God that by WELL DOING to wit by your actuall cheerfull submission to every Ordinance of man for the Lords sake c. you put to silence the ignorance of foolish men as free and not using your liberty c. If then this Text be meant of active not passive obedience then it can be intended onely of lawfull Kings of Magistrates in their just commands whom we must actually obey not of Tyrants and Oppressours in their unjust wicked proceedings whom we are bound in such cases actually to disobey as our Antagonists grant and I have largely evidenced elsewhere Wherefore it directly commands resistance not subjection in such cases since actuall disobedience to unjust commands is actuall resisting of them And that these Texts prescribing resistance tacitely should apparantly prohibit it under pain of Treason Rebellion Damnation is a Paradox to me Fifthly This Text doth no way prove that false conceit of most who hence conclude That all Kings are the Supream Powers and above their Parliaments and whole Kingdoms even by Divine institution There is no such thing nor shadow of it in the Text. For first This Text calls Kings not a Divine but Humane Ordinance If then Kings be the Supreamest Power and above their Parliaments Kingdoms it is not by any Divine Right but by Humane Ordination onely as the Text resolves Secondly This Text prescribes not any Divine Law to all or any particular States nor gives any other Divine or Civill Authority to Kings and Magistrates in any State then what they had before for if it should give Kings greater Authority and Prerogatives then their people at first allotted them it should alter and invade the settled Government of all States contrary to the Apostles scope which was to leave them as they were or should be settled by the peoples joynt consent It doth not say That all Kings in all Kingdoms are or ought to be Supreame or let them be so henceforth no such inference appears therein It speaks not what Kings ought to be in point of Power but onely takes them as they are according to that of Rom. 13. 2. The Powers that ARE c. to wit that are even now every where in being not which ought to be or shall be whence he saith Submit to the King as supreame that is where by the Ordinance of man the King is made supreame not where Kings are not the supreamest Power as they were not among the ancient Lacedemonians Indians Carthaginians Gothes Aragonians and in most other Kingdoms as I have elsewhere proved To argue therefore We must submit to Kings where the people have made them supreame Ergo All Kings every where are and ought to be supreame Iure divino as our Antagonists hence inferre is a grosse absurdity Thirdly This Text doth not say That the King is the supreame soveraigne Power as most mistake but supreame Governour as the next words or Governours c. expound it and the very Oath of Supremacie 1. Eliz. Cap. 1. which gives our Kings this Title Supreame Governour within these his Realms Now Kings may be properly called Supreame Magistrates or Governours in their Realms in respect of the actuall administration of government and justice all Magistrates deriving their Commissions immediately from them and doing justice for and under them and yet not be the Soveraign Power as the Romane Emperours the Kings of Sparta Arragon and others the German Emperours the Dukes of Venice in that State and the Prince of Orange in the Nether-lands were and are the Supreame Magistrates Governours but not the Supreame Soveraigne Powers their whole States Senates Parliaments being the Supreamest Powers and above them which being Courts of State of Justice and a compound body of many members not alwayes constantly sitting may properly be stiled The Supreame Courts and Powers but not the Supreame Magistrate or Governour As the Pope holds himself the Supreame Head and Governour of the Militant Church and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury stiles himself the Primate and Metropolitane of all England and so other Prelates in their Provinces yet they are not the Soveraigne Ecclesiasticall Power for the King at least Generall Councells or Nationall Synods which are not properly tearmed Governours but Powers are Paramount them and may lawfully censure or depose them as I have elsewhere manifested To argue therefore that Kings are the highest Soveraign Power because they are the highest particular Governours and Magistrates in their Realms as our Antagonists do is a meer Fallacie and Inconsequent since I have proved our own and most other Kings not to be the highest Powers though they be the Supreamest Governours Fourthly This Text speaks not at all of the Romane Emperour neither is it meant of him as Doctour Ferne with others mistake who is never in Scripture stiled a King being a Title extreamly odious to the Romanes and for ever banished their State with an Oath of execration by an ancient Law in memory whereof they instituted a speciall annuall Feast on the 23. of February called Regifugium the hatred of which Title continued such that Tully and Augustine write Regem Romae posthac nec Dii nec Homines esse patiantur And Caesar himself being saluted King by the multitude perceiving it was very distastfull to the States answered CAESAREM SE NON REGEM ESSE which Title of Caesar not King the Scripture ever useth to expresse the Emperour by witnesse Matth. 22. 17 21. Mark 12. 14 16 17. Luke 2. 1. chap. 20. 22 24 25. chap. 23. 2. John 19. 12 15. Acts 11. 28. chap 17. 7. chap. 25. 8 10 11 12 21. chap. 26. 32. chap. 27. 24. chap. 28. 19. Phil. 4. 22. Which Texts do clearly manifest that no Title was
it should please the King that Mounseur de Guyen because he is the most suffiâ—ient person of the realme shall goe to the same Tâ—eaty And the King said that he liked it well if it pleased the said Lord de Guyâ—n and thereupon Mounseur de Guyen said that he would with a very good will travell and doe any thing which might turne to the honour and profit of the King and of his realme In the Parliament of the 14 H. 6. Num. 10. The Kings grant of the câ—stody of the Town and Castle of Calice the Towne of Risbanke the Castles of Hamures Marke Oye Stangate Bavelingham and of the Castle and Dominion of Guynes in Picardy to be made to Humfrey Dâ—ke of Glocester his unkle in the presence of the Lords spirituall and temporall then being in the present Parliament was on the 29 day of October read before them which being understood and maâ—ure deliberation taken thereupon the severall reasons of the said Lord being heard it was at last by their assent and consent agreed and ordered that the said Duke should have the custody of the said Towne Castles and premises to the end of nine yeeres then next ensuing which Charter was subscribed by all the Lords there present In the Parliament of 31 H. 6. Num. 41. procustodia Maris it was enacted For as much as the King considering that as well divers His Clergy men of this his realm inhabiting nigh the coast of the Sea and others His Subjects using the Trade of Merchandises have been oftentimes grievously imprisoned distressed put to great sufferances and ransomes and their Ships Vessels and Merchandises of great value taken upon the Sea by his enemies and also Merchant strangers being under his leageance amity safegard or safe conduct upon the Sea have been robbed and spoyled against the forme and contents of such truces and safe conducts signed His Highnesse willing and intending sufficiently to proviâ—e for the remedy of such inconveniences and to eschew and avoyd all such 〈◊〉 and dispoylers HATH BY THE ADVICE AND ASSENT OF THE LORDS SPIRITUALL AND TEMPORALL in his high Court of Parliament assâ—mbled deâ—iâ—ed certaine great Lords of this reâ—lme that is to say Richard Earle of Salisbury Iohn Earle of Shrewsbury Iohn Earle of Worcester Iames Earle of Wiltshire and Iohn Lord Sturton with great Navies of Ships and people defensible in great number purveyed of abiliments of warre to intend with all diligence to their possibility the safeguard and keeping of the Sea For which cause the subsidies of Tonnage and Poundage granted to the King for his naturall life this Parliament that they might be applied to such uses and intent as they be granted the King BY THE ADVICE AND ASSENT OF THE LORDS SPIRITUALL AND TEMPORALL AND COMMONS IN THIS PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED AND BY AUTHORITY OF THE SAME were granted to the said Earles and Lord Sturton and the survivers of them for three whole yeeres with power for them to appoint Collectors to receive and collect them in every Port without rendering any account so as they kept the covenants and endentures made between the King and them for the safegard of the Seas with a proviso that this Act during the three yeeres should not be prejudiciall to the custome of the Towne or Castle of Calice or Rishbanke for the payment of the wages and arreares of the Souldiers there And over that if the goods of any of the Kings liege-people or any of his friends be found in any Vessell of the Kings enemies without any safe conduct that then the said Earles and the Lord Sturton shall take and depart it among them and their retinue without any impeachment according to the Statute thereupon made In the Parliament of 33 H. 6. Num. 27. the said Lords were discharged of the custody of the Sea by the Parliament in these words For as much as the Earles of Salisbury Shrewsbury and Worcester and the Lord Sturton besought the Kings Highnesse in this present Parliament that it might like his Highnes and Excellency of his Noble grace to have them clearely discharged of the keeping of the Sea the King therefore and for other causes moving his Highnesse BY THE ADVICE OF THE LORDS SPIRITUALL AND TEMPORALL IN THE SAID PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED the 30 day of Iuly the 23 day of the same Parliament admitted their desire and would that the said Earles and Lord Sturton or any other THAT HAD THE KEEPING OF THE SEA BY AN ACT MADE IN THE LAST PARLIAMENT begun and holden at Redding and ended at Westminster be 〈◊〉 the 30 day of July fully discharged of the keeping of the same and that IT SHOULD BEENA CTED OF RECORD In the Parliament of 39 H. 6. Num. 32. The King BY THE ADVICE OF THE LORDS SPIRITUALL AND TEMPORALL AND COMMONS IN THIS PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED AND BY AUTHORITY THEREOF ordained and established that his dearest cosin Richard Duke of Yorke rightfull heire to the Countries of England and France and of the Lordship and Land of Ireland have and take upon him the power and labour to ride into the parts of England and Wales where great rebellions murders riots spoylings executions and oppressions be used committed and attempted to represse subdue and appease them And also to resist the enemies of France and Scotland within the realme And further granted ordained and established by the said advice and authority that every Sheriffe with the power and might of his Sheriwicke and every Major Bailiffe Officer Minister and Subject of the said realme of England and of Wales shall attend upon his said cousin for the said intent as the case shall require and to the same intent be ready at the command of his said cousin and the same obey and performe in like case as they ought to doe at his commandement after the course of the Lawes of England and in Wales after the customâ—s there c. And to cite no more presidents in so cleare a case in the Parliament of 21 Iacobi ch 33. The Temporalty having granted three intire Subsidies and three Fifteenes and tenths to King Iames towards the maintenance of the warres that might then suddenly insue upon the breach with Spaine and more particularly for the defence of the realme of England the securing of Ireland the assurance of the states of the united Provinces with the Kings friends and allies and for the setâ—ing forth of the Navy-royall did by that Act for the better disbursing of the said 〈◊〉 and mannaging that warre according to the Parliaments true intention by that very Act wherein they gave the Subsidies did especially appoint eight Aldermen and other persons of London Treasurers to receive and issue the said moneys and appointed ten Lords and Knights particularly named in the Act to be of the Kinge Councell for the warre by whose warrant under five of their hands at least all the moneys they granted were to be issued and exported for and towards the uses expressed in the Act to such
moving sedition against the Roman State was beheaded with an axe at Antioch without any legall triall to prevent further seditions which never befell any King before that time writes Alexander ab Alexandro And Agrippa not long after put Bogus King of the Mores to death for siding with Antonius Of later times I read that Ludovicus Pius the Emperour taking Bernard his Nephew King of Itâ—ly prisoner for rebelling and denying his superiority over him carried him into France to determine what should be done with him according to Iustice for this his offence where though a King hee was condemned to death and executed as some or at least cast into prison and had his eyes put out as others write So Charles of France taking Conradine King of Sicily prisoner publikely arraigned and condemned him of high Treason and cut off his head Anno 1208. Yea our owne King Iohn being a Feudatary to the King of France was by Philip the French king in a full Parliament there during his absence in England arraigned condemned to dâ—ath and deposed from his Crown by the sentence of his Peeres for murthering his Nephew Arthur then a Subiect of France with his owne hands So Iohn Bailiol king of Scotland renouncing his homage for that Crowne to king Edward the first was for this offence compelled to resigne his Crown with all his right to the kingdome of Scotland to King Edward the first and sent Prisoner to the Tower of London and Mary Queene of Scots within many mens memories after long debate in Parliament was condemned and beheaded at Fothringham Castle Febr. 8. An. 1587. for laying claime to the Crowne of England and other particulars mentioned in our Historians And thus much for the Roman Grecian German Emperours kings and kingdomes I shall now give you a brieâ—e Survey of what Greeke Authors write concerning Kings and Kingdoms and of the power the kinds of ancient Kings and Kingdomes in Greece and other places That great Father of Learning and policie Aristotle Tutor to the greatest Emperour Alexander the Great whose Authority is irrefragable in our Schooles resolves That true Kingdoms were erected at first and conferred on the worthiest men by the free voluntary joynt consent of the people and founded confirmed by the customes and Lawes of each country which Polibius also affirmes That there are 4 severall sorts of Kings some of greater some of lesser Authority and continuance then others some elective some successive some during â—ife some Annuall all of them receiving their distinct jurisdictions Formes Limitations and different Royalties from the peoples primitive or subsequent institutions and consents For all men being equall by the Law of nature can have no dominion nor Superiority one over another but by their own voluntary consents That the Lawes not the Kings Princes or Magistrates be they one or more or never so good ought to be the sole Lords or Rulers of the Common-wealth and that Princes and Governours ought to governe by the Lawes who cannot command what the Lawes doe not command That those who command that the Law should rule command that God and the Lawes should rule but he that commands a man to be a Prince he commands that both a man and beast should be Princes for covetousnesse and the lust of the minde is a certaine beast which perverts both Magistrates and the very best men but the Law is a constant and quiet Minde and Reason voyd of all motions of lusts and desires That the power of the greatest things and greatest power ought DE IVRE of right to be in all the people because their wisdomes resolutions and revenues considered altogether are greater and more considerable then those of a few wise or honest men plased in the highest offices of Magistracie who are but a small particle of the State in respect of all the people That the people ought to be of more power then the King or greatest Magistrates to prevent their Tyranny and Oppression and that a King ought to governe by his Lawes and not to doe any thing against them according to his lust wherefore he ought to have so much power and force wherewith he may protect the authority of the Lawes yea he must necessarily have forces and power yet so much onely as thereby he may be able to curbe every particular man or many also yet not so great power but that a populo auâ—em universo idem REX ILLE IPSE COERCERI POTEST the very King himselfe may yet BE CVRBED by all the people such Guards verily the Ancients gave to their Kings when they would set any Tyrant or Governour over the City And when Dionysius required Guards a certaine Syracusan perswaded them to curbe such Guardâ— to which Polybius also suffragates According to these Rules of Aristotle I read in Dionysius Halicarnassaeus and Polybius that in the Lacedemonian Common-wealth the Kings had not the chiefe Dominion so as they might doe what they pleased sed summa totius Reipub. administratio penes Senatum erat but the chiefe Government of the whole Commonweale was in the Senate from whence the Romanes tooke their paâ—terne Alexander ab Alexandro Boemus and Xenophon write That the Lacedemonians sometimes elected a King out of the Family of the Heracliâ—â—â— or of Agis but more often two joynt Kings of equall Authority out of the stock of Proclus and Aemisthenes who yet had not the chiefe Command as Kings Quiajuris omâ—is publici potestas penes Senatum erat because the power of all publike law or rule was in the Senate the better to keep their Kings from attempting and usurping a Tyranny they being Kings rather in name then Dominion and like the Achaean two Annuall Praetors whence Aristotle makes them the lowest ranke of Kings Iohn Bodin informes us That in the Lacedemonian Aristocracie the Soveraignty remained in the State wherein were two Kings without any Soveraignty at all being indeed nothing else but Captains and Generals for the managing of their Warres and for that cause were by the other Magistrates of the State sometimes for their faults condemned to pay their fine as was Agesilaus and sometimes to death also as was Agis and Pausanias Agis the last of the Lacedemonean kings as Plutarch records being apprehended and condemned by the Ephori without an Indictment and then hanged in a halter Finally Aristotle himself and Xenophon informe us that the Kingdom of the Lacedemonians flourished very long yea longer then any other forme of Government because their Kings power was but small and their Kings never desired greater things then the Lawes would beare by which they had received their Kingdome in the beginning for in the beginning that Kingdome was divided between two joynt Kings After which Theopompus left it more moderated to his successours and constituted the Magistracie of the Ephori who had power even to depose and execute their kings if they offended and rose not up out of their seates unto them to retain that
pursuit where of they raise an army of ten thousand men whereof he was made Generall they send Ambassadours to the Pope and Councill whereof Roderic was chief and upon a full hearing of the cause before Rupâ—rt Cardinall of â—aint Sabria the Popes Legat at Tholouse judgement was pronounced for the liberty of Spain and it was decreed That the German Emperors should from thenceforth have no power nor jurisdiction over the Kings of Spain which was afterwards confirmed by the customes of the people the consent of other Nations the publike resolution and judgement of Lawyers as Iacâ—obus Valdesius in his Book de dignitate Regum Hispaniae printed 1602. Cap. 18. proves at large The Generall History of Spain records that the Councill of Florence resolved that seeing the Kings of Spain had defended and conqâ—ered their Realms by Arms without any ayd from the Emperours they were free and exempt from all subjection and acknowledgement to the Emperours whereof we may read the Glosse upon the Chapter Adrianus Papa distinct 63. The like priviledge have the Kings of France the State of Venice the Kings of England and some others Which clearly demonstrates the Soveraign power of Kingdoms and Nations even over their Kings and Princes and that they may justly desend themselves and Elect other Princes when they are deserted or destroyed by them Anno 1083. Sacho Ramires king of Aragon to supply the chargâ—s of his wars against the Moors was sometimes forced to use the revenues of his Clergy his Treasure being not able to furnâ—sh so great a charge but the Bishops of his Countrey who affected nothing more but to enrich their own Order and State opposed themselves against him and afflicted him in such sort as putting him in a vain fear that he was damned for this cause They made him do Penance in the Church of Roda before Saint Vincents Altar in the presence and at the pursuite of Raymund Dolmare Bishop of that place the Bishop of Jarca and others and to confesse publikely that he had grievously offended Thus those good Fathers publikely insulted over their Soveraigne Anno 1091. king Alphonso granted this priviledge among other to Toledo That the City of Toledo might never be alienated from the Crown nor given upon any Title whatsoever to man woman or child Anno 1076. Sancho King of Naâ—arre was slain in battell by his brother Raymond thinking to reigne after him but the Navarroyes expelled him out of their confines disdaining that he should raigne over them who had embrued his hands in his kingly brothers blood and sending to Sancho Ramires 4. king of Aragon called him to raigne over them because their slain kings sonnes were â—oo young to raigne and protect them from their enemies by which meanes the kingdomes of Arragon and Navarre were united Veracha Queen of Castile a most lascivious open Adultresse by her unchast life so farre provoked her husband Alphonso that he was divorced from her made warre against her and confined her After which she still continuing in her lewdnesse the Nobility and States of Castile and Leon revolt from her take armes against her depose her from the Crowne and elect and crown her sonne Alphonso the 8. king An. 1122. allowing her onely a pension to support her life Alphonso King of Arragon by his last Will and Testament most solemnly ratified for the expiation of his sins gave divers crown Lands Tenements Revenues and Legacies to Religious houses and persons An. 1132. but being prejudiciall to the Crown his Will after his death was held void and not put in execution he being slain by the Moores An. 1134. the States of Arragon elected one Peter Tares for their King who growing exceeding proud of his new dignity began to despise the Nobles and abrogate the Lawes and customes of the Country And the Nobles being assembled at a general Assembly of the States going to visit him he comanded his Porter to shat them out saying that Mounsieur was busie about matters of great importance but they understood afterwards that the great affairs causing him to exclude his friends were his Barbar was trimming him which so incensed the Nobles and great men that the nexâ— day they held their generall Assembly of the Estates without the King where they first of all decreed to depose their new king because being â—in honour he had no understanding of himselfe and because they found he would grow more proud and insolent afterwards whereupon expelling Peter the Estates assembling at Borta elected Ramier a Monke brother to king Alphonso for their King who was much derided of his Nobles for his Monkish simplicity and at last turned Monk againe But those of Navarre thinking a Monk to be better acquainted with the matters of a Monastery then how to govern a Kingdome and being jealous that the Arragonoys by chusing a King of the blood Royall of Arragon would by this meanes aspire to the chief places of honour and favour in Court it was concluded that the Estates of Navarre should assemble at Pampelone where they chose Garcia Remiâ—es their King of Navarre and so the Realmes of Arragon and Navarre which had been uâ—ited 58. yeers were seperated in these two Kings The Kingdomes of Spain being often before and since this time united and divided as the people and Realmes assented or dissented thereunto Not to mention the troubles of Castile by reason of the nonage of their king Alphonso the fourth of whose custody and tuition the assembly of the Estates disposed or how some Knights of Castile slew a Iew with whom this king was so enamoured that he forgot his new Spouse and almost lost hâ—s sences Aâ—no 1179. king Alphonso assembled the Estates of Castile at Burgon to leavie a Text upon the people whereto the Nobâ—litie as well as the rest should contribute imposing 5. Maravidis of gold for every person but it took no effect for all the Gentlemen of Castile being discontented that he sought to infâ—inge their Liberties fell to armes and being led by the Earle Don Pedro de Lara they were resolved to resist this tax and defend their Liberties with the hazzard of their lives Whereupon Alphonso changed his opinion and let them understand that from thenceforth he would maintain their immunities and that whatsoever he had then propounded was not to continue but only to supply the present necessity of affaires which he would seek to furnish by some other meanes For the great resolution which Don Pedro de Lara shewed in this action the Nobility of Castile did grant to him and his successours a solemn breakfast in testimony of his good endeavour in a businesse of so great consequence and thereby the Lords of Lara have the first voyce for the Nobility in the Court of Castile An. 1204. King Alphonso the Noble called a Parliament of the Lords Prelates and Deputies of the Townes of his Realm at Toledo to advise and assist him in his warrs against the Moores where they