who had a great desire to unite the Kingdoms of England and Scotland in their Laws and Religion as well as they were in their neighbourhood and to have them to be in Subjection under one and the same King and Sovereign were after long and learned Conferences and disputes constrained to forsake that impossible to be atchieved Enterprize and our great Incendiary Mr John Pym could in the Year 1641. harangue in that unfortunately seditious Parliament that our Laws which he might or should have known as to a great part of them to have been composed and derived unto us from our German and Northern Progenitors Feudall Laws intermingled with the Civill and Cannon Laws with some municipall Laws Consuetudines non Malos in se as Gavel kind and the Rescripts Edicta mandata principum Responsa adjudicata Judicum prudentum not dissonant or contradicting each other the Laws of God an rules of Right Reason were the Peoples Birth-Right and our persecuted untill he was Murthered blessed Martyr King Charles the First did in the 3. Year of his Reign when he signed that which they stiled the Peoples Petition of Right declare unto them that his maxime is that the Peoples Liberties strengthen the Kings Prerogative and that the Kings Prerogative is to defend the Peoples Liherties and may when all is done if well and truly weighed in the Ballance of Right reason and understanding and what hath hapned and may come to pass hereafter easily discern that in England there never was such a Confusion and overturning of our Laws and Ancient Monarchick Government through all the Successions of our Brittish Saxon Danish and Norman Kings as hath been in England since the beginning of that famously infamous Rebellious Parliament and their Undermining of our Laws and Libeties and turn all into an Anarchy that they might gain a power to enrich themselves by the spoil of 3 Kingdoms and ruining of as many as would not be as Wicked Rebells as they had been And that when his Majesty had Released unto them the arrears of his profits by his Tenures and Court of Wards and Liveries a Million and a half Sterling and in his pourveyances Nine Hundred and Fifty Thousand Pounds It was hugely praejudiciall to the King and beneficiall unto his Subjects too many of whom had Rebelled against his Royall Father persecuted and Murthered him Hunted and would have extirped his Royall Posterity And that it can be no otherwise accompted to be then a most Barbarously Ingratefull and unworthy Act of the Nation and People of England after many Knights fees and Lands freely given and granted by the Kings Royall Progenitors to their forefather and their Heirs to be holden by Knight-service and in Capite of which if the Sixty Thousand Knights fees and more reckoned by some Authors should be no greater a number then ten thousand and valued but at 20l. per Ann. as they may be conjectured to have been accompted in Anno. 1 Edwardi 2. they would amount unto 200000l per Ann. and if each of them have since increased but unto 300l per Ann which may be thought to be now the least improvement might amount in yearly value unto 3 Millions Sterling and if that should be multiplyed 60 times more as Ordericus Vitalis reckonet it the Yearly value thereof might swell unto one Hundred Eighty and 3 Millions Sterling besides great quantities of other Lands freely granted in the severall Reigns of his Majesties Royal progenitors unto others of them their heirs to be holden of them in Socage besides 200000l per An. or a very great Yeerly sums of Mony necessarily expended upon his Military Guards for the defence of himself his people against Sedition and Rebellion-mongers more then his Royal Father progenitors needed to have done if he had kept entire his said eminent and Legall Rights of Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service to endeavour to extinguish the Right use of them and forget their great and very great obligations to their Prince and Common parent and Royall progenitors and take away from our Kings the means whereby they should protect and defend themselves and their Subjects from damage and Injuries forreign and domestique And those Tax improvers and Advantage Catchers can as if that were not sufficient make it as too many of their Actions and business to cozen and beg all they can from him and instead of never ceasing to give him thanks for breaking the barrs of an Hell of Arbitrary power and slavery wherein their Counterfeit Commonwealth's men by their perjuries and Hypocriticall Rebellion had brought them And their Cheating Man of Sin Oliver Cromwell had by his Instrument of his own making lockt and bolted them fast enough as he hoped with a Domine quid retribuam what shall we render for all his benefits make it the greatest of their care and Imployment not only to take and keep from him all they can even at the same time when they had obteyned of him an unparalleld Act of Indempnity and Oblivion to pardon and forget all their Treasons and offences committed against him and his blessed Father which in a small kind of Calculation may not unprobably be believed to amount unto Sixteen Millions Sterling in arreres of his own Revenue and 2 or 3 Hundred Millions Sterling at the least for the forfeitures which our Laws would have given him with some Mercy and Moderation to boot for so small a Recompence as during his life in the Moyety or one half of the Excise to his Heirs and Successors to be drawn out of the Groans Tears Complaints and sorrows of which the main part of the Common People who never did or are like to hold any Lands of our Kings in Capite or by Knight Service And should not have forgotten how they promised him to be his Tenants in Corde and with what a Princely and Fatherly affection he told their Representatives that he was sorry to see so many of his Good People come to see him at Whitehall and had no Meat to feed or entertain them yet when he had bereaved himself of that grand and continuall part of the strength and support of his Crown Power and Dignity and those entire Rights of his Monarchick Government which our prudent second Fabius ever to be praised and remembred from Generation to Generation the late George Monke Duke of Albemarle for his military wary Conduct thorough almost insuperable Difficulties without hearkning to the Syren songs of those that pretended to be for a Common wealth or being tempted or deluded to restore his Majesty to a Cripled Monnarchy as the men of the Rebellious Rump or no Parliament with their Jugling Covenant or as many Faces as they should have occasion to impress or stamp upon it would have perswaded him to have done and that great Hero denyd to do And that ill advised framer of that Unhappy Act of Parliament to cut or take away the Arteries
respectively which had their Original contradistinct Powers and Customs to judge and determine such Errours and Offences in Words or Actions that shall be committed by any of their Members in the handling or debating any matter depending which was contradicted by Queen Elizabeth when she charged the Members of the House of Commons in Parliament not to intermeddle in matters of Church or State or receive any Bills of that nature and severely punished some Members that attempted to do otherwise Yet they complained in their so strange a claim of those their never to be found Priviledges that they were to their great grievance broken by the Kings endeavouring to put a Salvo Jury to their Bill or Act of Parliament forbiding the pressing of Souldiers at that instant when there was so great an occasion for the Wars in Ireland and went much higher than the great Earls the Constable and Earl Marshal of England and Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester did when in a Parliament of King Edward the first they denyed him his accustomed Salvo Jure where he or his Privy Councel or Councel at Law adjudged it necessary And therefore humbly intreated his Majesty by his Royal Power and Authority whereof it may 〈◊〉 they would leave him as little as possibly they couldâ— to protect them in those and all other their Priviledges of Parliament And for the time to come would not interrupt the same and that they may not suffer in his Majesties favour when he should be so greatly obliged unto his Subjects as to restore again to his knowledge and Judgment after the end of such a Parliament never before known in England or any other Nation of the Christian World such a kind of Priviledge neither being possible to be found or heard of on Earth or amongst the Antipodes or in the discovery which Gonzagua's Geese made of the Countrey of the Moon where the Servants are reported to govern the Masters and the Children their Parents And that his Majesty would be pleased to nominate those that have been his Advisers that they may receive such condign Judgment as may appertain unto Justice And this his most faithful Councel shall advise and desire as that which will not only be a comfort to themselves but of great advantage to his Majesty by procuring such a confidence between him and his People as may be a Foundation of honour safety and happiness to his Person and Throne And probably had never adventured to fly so high a pitch if some of the Lords and Commons in Parliament had not upon the Scotch petitioning Rebellion and entring into England borrowed 150000 l. upon their several personal securities to pay their quarters whilst they were here which Parliament Manacles of their King would have amounted to more than the aforesaid Sir Edward Cokes figment of a modus tenendi Parliamentum used as he beleived in Edward the Confessors time And in the absence of Parliaments might have the Name and Title of King until they should make an occasion to Print a Remonstrance against him or arraign him And as a Prologue to their intended Remonstrance the next day they seeming not a little to congratulate his safe coming from Scotland did beseech him to give more Life and Power to the faithful Councel of his Parliament and being necessitated to make a Declaration of their grievances and the corruption of some of his Bishops especially such as are in a near trust and employment about him and were divers of them of his Privy Councel and about the Prince his Son and have thereby a dangerous operation in his Councel and Government in this time of a preparation for War betwixt his Kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland which was then but procured and fomented by confederacy Insurrection of the Papists and Bloody Affairs in Ireland for prevention whereof they have ingaged themselves and their Estates in the sum of 150000 l. Sterling or thereabouts for the necessary supply of his Majesty in his dangerous Affairs therefore they prayed 1. That he would concur with the desires of his Parliament for the depriving the Bishops of their Votes in Parliament which was the one half of that grand Fundamental of the Laws and Government of England in the House of Peers in Parliament and abridge their immoderate power usurped over the Clergy to the hazard and prejudice of the Laws Liberty and Religion of his Subjects and the taking away oppression in Church Government and Discipline punishing such Loyal Subjects as join together in Fundamental Truths against the Papists and by the oppressions of unnecessary Ceremonies 2. Remove from his Councel all the promoters thereof and to imploy such persons in his great Affairs and trust as his Parliament may conside in which was to govern him both in times of Parliament and without when he hath at his Coronation taken his Oath to govern according to his Laws not any of the Peoples 3 That he would not alienate any of the forfeited Irish Lands which begot good bargains for some of the ungodly contrivers when they after purchased their Rebel perjured Soldiers arrears for xvj d. per pound Which being fulfilled they his most great and faithful Councel upon these conditions â—â—all by the blessing of God as they would have it cheerfully undergo the expence of the War and apply themselves to such other means and Councels as shall support him and make him glorious both at home and abroad In order whereunto the contrary way they did the 15th day of December 1641. notwithstanding his earnest request unto them print and publish it wherein besides some of their own or their instigators unquiet Spirits ambitious or evil designs to misuse and Govern their Soveraign plainly appearing may be seen and the many greivances of their own making in the oppressing of each other and undertaking to determine of matters and Mysteries of State and the Arcana's and necessities of State of which they could not possibly without necessary Praecognita's be competent Judgâ—s they made a great addition to that prologue to their subsequent Rebellion and abominable consequence of the murder of that excellently pious Prince insomuch is it may be over and over again a wonder to be ranked amongst the greatest in what untrodden or dark inaccessible Caverns of the Earth these unknown and never accustomed Priviledges of the Parliaments of England could lurk or lye hidden when in all the Conservatorships of liberties devised at Running Mede forced upon King John the â—ovisions made at Oxford in the Raign of King Henry the 3d. neither any thing in the Raigns of King Edward the 2d 3. 4. and Richard 2d Henry 4 5 6. Richard the 3d the Usurper Henry the 7th King Henry 8. E. 6. Queen Mary Queen Elizabeth and and King James had never such shackles desired or claimed to be put upon any of them unto which those Parliament Remonstrants were the more incouraged by that oppressed Princes having his three Kingdoms
pour contempt upon our Kings and Princes and not cause them to wander in the Wilderness where there is no way but offer up our daily Prayers unto God to send help to our Jacob in all his many difficulties Elenchus Capitum OR THE CONTENTS Of the Sections or Chapters § 1. THat our Kings of England in their voluntary summoning to their Great Councils and Parliaments some of the more Wise Noble and Better part of their Subjects to give their Advice and Consent in matters touching the publick good and extraordinary concernment did not thereby create or by any Assent express or tacite give unto them an Authority Coordination Equality or share in the Legislative power or were elected by them page 1 § 2. Of the Indignities Troubles and Necessities which were put upon King John in the enforcing of his Charters by the Pope and his then domineering Clergy of England joyned with the Disobedience and Rebellion of some of the Barons encouraged and assisted by them p. 7 § 3. Of the succeeding Iealousies Animosities Troubles and Contests betwixt King John and his over-jealous Barons after the granting of his Charters and his other transactions and agreements with them at their tumultuous meeting at Running Mede with the ill usages which he had before received of them during all the time of his Raign p. 26 § 4. The many Affronts Insolencies and ill Usages suffered by King Henry 3. until the granting of his Magna Charta Charta de Foresta p. 29 § 5. Of the continued unhappy Jealousies Troubles and Discords betwixt the Discontented and Ambitious Barons and King Henry 3. after the granting of his Magna Charta Charta de Foresta p. 36. § 6. That the Exceptions mentioned in the King of France's Award of the Charter granted by King John could not invalidate the whole Award or justify the provisions made at Oxford which was the principal matter referred unto him p. 58 § 7. Of the evil Actions and Proceedings of Symon de Montfort and his Rebellious partners in the name of the King whilst they kept him and his Son Prince Edward and divers of the Loyal Nobility Prisoners from the 14th of May in the 48th year of his Raign until his and their delivery by the more fortunate Battle at Evesham the â—th day of August in the 49th year of his tormented Raign p. 66 § 8. Of the Actions of the Prince after his Escape his success at the Battle of Evesham Release of the King his Father and restoring him to his Rights p. 98 § 9. Of the proceedings of King Henry 3. after his Release and Restauration until his death p. 100 § 10. That these new contrived Writs of Summons made by undue means upon such a disturbed occasion could neither obtain a proper or quiet sitting in Parliament or the pretended ends and purposes of the Framers thereof and that such an hasty and undigested constitution could never be intended to erect a third Estate in the Kingdom equal in power with the King and his great Councel the House of Peers or consistent with the pretended Conservatorships or to be coordinate with the King and his Great Councel of Peers or to be a Curb to any of them or themselves or upon any other design than to procure some money to wade through that their dangerous Success p. 108 § 11. Of the great Power Authority Command and Influence which the Praelates Barons and Nobility of England had in or about the 49th year of the Raign of King Henry 3. when he was a Prisoner to Symon Montfort â—d these Writs of Election of some of the Commons to Parliament were first devised and sent to summon them And the great power and Estate which they afterwards had to create and contain an Influence upon them p. 122 § 12. That the aforesaid Writ of Summons made in that Kings name to elect a certain number of Knights Citizens and Burgesses the probos homines good honest men or Barons of the Cinque Ports to appear for or represent some part of the Commons of England in Parliament being enforced from King Henry 3. in the 48th and 49th year of his Raign when he was a Prisoner to Symon de Montfort Earl of Leicester and under the power of him and his party of Rebellious Barons was never before used in any Wittenagemots Mikel-gemots or great Councels of our Kings or Princes of England p. 147 § 13. That the Majores Barones Regni and Spiritual and Temporal Lords with their Assistants were until the 49th year of the Raign of King Henry 3. and the constrained Writs issued out for the election of Knights Citizens and Burgesses whilst he was a Prisoner in the Camp or Army of his Rebellious Subjects the only great Councels of our Kngs. p. 151 § 14. That these enforced Writs of Summons to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal accompanied with that then newly devised Engine or Writ to Elect Knights Citizens and Burgesses to be present in Parliament were not in the usual and accustomed form for the summoning the Lords Spiritual and Temporal to the Parliament p. 204 § 15. That the Majores Barones or better sort of the Tenants in Capite Iustly and Legally by some of our Ancient Kings and Princes but not by any positive Law that of the enforced Charter from King John at Running Mede being not accounted to be such a Law were distinguished and separated from the Minores or lesser sort of the Tenants in Capite p. 207 § 16. That the General Councels or Courts mentioned before the Rebellious meeting of some of the English Baronage and the constraint put upon King John at Running Mede or before the 49th of Henry 3. were not the Magna Consilia or generale Consilium Colloquium or Communia Consilia now called Parliaments wherein some of the Commons as Tenants in Capite were admitted but only truly and properly Curiae Militum a Court summoning those that hold of the King in Capite to acknowledge Record and perform their Services do their Homage and pay their Releifs c. And the Writ of summons mentied in the Close Rolls of the 15th year of the Raign of King John was not then for the summoning of a great Councel or Parliament but for other purposes viz. Military Aids and Offices p. 218 § 17. That the Comites or Earls have in Parliament or out of Parliament Power to compel their Kings or Soveraign Princes to yield unto their â—onsults Votes or Advices will make them like the Spartan Ephori and amount to no more than a Conclusion without praemisses or any thing of Truth Law or Right Reason to support it p. 229. § 18. Of the methods and courses which King Edward the first held and took in the Reformation and Cure of the former State Diseases and Distempers p. 286. § 19. That the Sheriffs are by the Tenor and Command of the Writs for the Elections of the Knights of the Shires and Burgesses of
the Parliament Cities and Burrough-Towns the only Iudges under the King who are fit and unfit to be Members in the House of Commons in Parliament and that the Freeholders and Burgesses more than by a just and impartial Assent and Information who were the fittest were not to be the Electors p. 371. § 20. Of the small numbers of Knights of the Shires and Burgesses which were Elected and came in the Raign of King Edward the first upon his aforesaid Writs of Election and how their numbers now amounting unto very many more were after encreased by the corruption of Sheriffs and the Ambition of such as desired to be Elected p. 382. § 21. Who made themselves Electors for the chusing of Knights of the Shires to be Members of the House of Commons in Parliament after the 21st year of the Raign of King Edward the first contrary to the Tenor of his aforesaid Writs of Summo 〈…〉 made in the 22 year of his Raign for the Election of Knights of the Shire and Burgesses to come to the Parliaments and great Councils of several of our Kings and Princes afterwards p. 387. § 22. Of the Actions and other Requisites by the Law to be done by those that are or shall be Elected Knights Citizens and Burgesses to attend our King in their great Councils or Parliaments praecedent and praeparatory to their admission therein p. 388. § 23. That the Members of the House of Commons being Elected and come to the Parliament as aforesaid did not by vertue of those Writs of Election sit together with the King and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in one and the same Room or Place and that if any such thing were as it never was or is likely to be proved it cannot conclude or infer that they were or are co-ordinate or had or have an equal power in their Suffrages and Decisions p. 393. § 24. What the Clause in the Writs for the Election of Knights Citizens and Burgesses to come unto the Parliament ad faciendum consentiendum do properly signifie and were intended by the said Writs of 〈◊〉 to be Members of the House of Cowmons in Parliament p. 398. § 25. Of the many variations and alterations of our Kings Writs of Summons to their great Councels or Parliaments excluding some and taking in others to be assistant in that high and Honourable Court with its Resummons Revisions drawing of Acts of Parliament or Statutes dy the Judges or the Kings learned Councel in the Laws and other Requisites therein necessarily used by the sole and individual authority of our Kings and Princes p. 411. § 26. What is meant by the word Representing or if all or how many of the people of England and Wales are or have been in the Elections of a part of the Commons to come to Parliament Represented p 548. § 27. That no Impeachment by all or any of the Members of the House of Commons in Parliament or of the House of Peers in Parliament hath or ever had any authority to invalidate hinder or take away the power force or effect of any the pardons of our Kings or Princes by their Letters Patents or otherwise for High Treason or Felony Breach of the Peace or any other crime or supposed Delinquency whatsoever p. 573. § 28. Of the protection and priviledge granted unto the Members of the House of Commons in Parliament by our Soveraign Kings and â—rinces during their Attendance and Employments in their great Councils of Parliament according to the Tenor and purport of their Commissions p. 607. § 29. Neither they claim or ever were invested by any Charter or Grant of any of our Kings or Princes or otherwise of any such Priviledge or Liberty nor was or is in England any Law or Usage or Custom that a Parliament sitting cannot be Prorogued or Dissolved as long as any Petition therein exhibited remaineth unanswered or not determined p. 633. § 30. That in those Affairs peculiar only to so great and venerable an Assembly which should not be trivial or proper to lower and lesser Iurisdictions assigned for the determining of lesser matters for the publick ease and benefit our Kings and Princes have a greater burden and care upon them as Gods Vicegerents besides that of Parliaments to manage and take care of the Kingdom for the benefit and good of themselves and their people p. 637. § 31. That our Great Councils or Parliaments except anciently at the three great Festivals viz. Christmas Easter and Pentecost being ex more summoned and called upon extraordinary emergent occasions could not either at those grand and chargeable Festivals or upon necessities of State or Publick Weal and preservation ex natura rei continue long but necessarily required Prorogations Adjournments Dissolutions or endings p. 641. § 32. That Parliaments or Great Councels de quibusdam arduis concerning the defence of the Kingdom and Church of Enggland neither were or can be fixed to be once in every year or oftner they being always understood and believed to be by the Laws and Ancient and reasonable Customs of England ad libitum Regis who by our Laws Right Reason and all our Records and Annals is and should be the only Watchman of our Israel and the only Iudge of the necessity times and occasion of Summoning Parliaments p. 650. § 33. That all or any of the Members of the House of Commons in Parliament are not properly or by their original constitution intended or otherwise entituled or properly truly justly lawfully seized or to be stiled or termed Estates neither are to be so understood or believed to be and being to be no otherwise than subject to a Temporary Election and by the Authority of their Kings Writs paid their Wages and Charges by those that sent and elected them can have no Iust or Legal Right thereunto p. 656 § 34. A Series or accompt of the many Seditions Rebellions and Discords that have successively happened since the beginning of the Raign of King Henry 2. to our succeeding Kings and Princes until this present Age wherein we now live by mistaken and never to be warranted principles p. 717. A Vindication of the Antient and Present Establish'd Government of the Kingdom of ENGLAND under our Kings and Monarchs appointed by GOD from the Opinion and Claim of those that without any Warrant or ground of Law or Right Reason the Laws of God and Man Nature and Nations and the Records thereof would have it to be Originally deriv'd from the People Co-ordinate with the Houses of Peers and Commons in Parliament or by their Election SECT I. That our KINGS of ENGLAND in their voluntary Summoning to their Great Councels and PARLIAMENTS some of the more Wise Noble and better part of their Subjects to give their Advice and Consent in Matters touching the Publick Good and Extraordinary Concernment did not thereby Create Or by any Assent Express or Tacite give unto Them an Authority Co-ordination Equality or Share in the Legislative
and that long after both by the Feudal and common Laws of this Kingdom the Lords Spiritual and Temporal were in Parliament to Assess a proportionable Escuage upon such of their Tenants who held any Capite Lands and did not go with them in Person to serve their King and Country and were not to be their own Assessors but submit unto what they should in those great Councels subordinate to their King 's determine and as they anciently were used to do when Taxes were laid upon Knights Fees when the Common People that were to pay them were not all present or any for them Or never to intend to introduce such a Party of the Common People into a Co-ordination or Fellowship with them in a Subordination to their Soveraign which might as they did afterwards entice them to encroach and believe that a License of Petitioning for Redress of any Grievances which might happen and a Liberty to give an Approbation and Obedience to what should be there ordained by the King by the Advice of his Lords Spiritual and Temporal for the publick Good should be in or unto them or their Successors an Authority or original Power to controul what their Kings by the Counsel of their Lords Spiritual and Temporal should there find necessary to Enact when they could not forget that even in the time of the Imprisonment of King Henry the Third they did in his Letters Rescripts Writs and Edicts written and sent about the Kingdom in his Name amounting to no fewer than Sixteen mention that his said Orders Acts and Commands were done by the Counsel and Advice Procerum Magnatum suorum and in some of them his Prelates Barons hautes hommes but nothing at all of the Commons And that Rebellious part of the Baronage might the easier be led into that they never meant when they had some reason to think or assure themselves that such an Election of Members or the parts of the common People would much advance the fixing and setling their Designes when they could not but acknowledge that they owed much of their Liberties and happiness under their Kings and Princes unto them and their Ancestors as in particular unto an Earl of Oxford in procuring of the King Three Hundreds in the County of Essex to be diaforrested and might be glad to entail and perpetuate their Assistances Dependencies Hospitalities Priviledges and Favours upon their Posterity and after Generations and rather return a submissive Compliance unto them well accepted than to endeavour to prejudice or in the least to make themselves equal unto them or Mastors of them but would be content to be ruled by them and not endeavour to govern or domineer over them With which doth accord that well founded Opinion and Answer of that excellent Prince and very Martyr King Charles the First our late gracious and pious Soveraign in his Answer to the haughty and undutiful Nineteen Propositions sent unto Him by the rebellious and misled Parliament the Second Day of June One Thousand Six Hundred Forty Two That the House of Commons was never intended for any share in the Government or the Choosing of them that should Govern and were not likely in those early and troublesome times to get any Root or Foundation for such an unwarrantable Pretence And might have believed that the Prelates and Baronage of England had heretofore Power and Influence sufficient to have kept them in a better Order both towards them and their Sovereign SECT II. Of the great Power Authority Command and Influence which the Prelates Barons and Nobility of England had in or about the Forty-Ninth Year of the Raign of King Henry the Third when he was a Prisoner to Symon de Monfort and those Writs of Election of some of the Commons to Parliament were first devised and sâ—nt to Summon them And the great Power and Estates which they afterwards had to create and continue an Influence upon them WHen the then Prelates by the Papal great and exorbitant Power over the Bodies and Souls of the People of England as well high as low rich or poor their Power of certifying Illegitimations Bastardy or Ne unques loyalment accouplis en Matrimony with their Fulminations Excommunications Curses Interdictions Confessions Absolutions Pardons and Dispensations Denial of Christian burial Affrights of Purgatory undenyable Commands over the inferiour Clergy and they over the People together with the great Authority which their Episcopal Function and Dignity inseparably conjoynt with their Temporal Baronies had given unto them in the Parliaments of England the greatest and highest Councels and Assembly of the Nation were in the time of King Henry the Third's Imprisonment so much allured and drawn by some of their factious and naughty Incitements to Symon de Montfort's Party by a kind of Ordinance and Agreement before mentioned of the then over-ruling-Power of the rebellious Victors as there was an undertaking to preserve from Plunder and Spoil all the Lands and Estates of the Holy-Church affirm their Authorities and all that they should have reasonable Order for amends should be performed and full Power granted unto them by the King or Generality of the Earls Barons and great Men of the Land to provide things profitable for the bettering the Estate of the Holy-Church to the Honor of God And with their temporal Baronies unto which many Mannors of a great Extent and yearly Value were annext and some other Barons holding of them and had their many Milites for service of War and Multitudes of Tenants by Tenure Lease and Copy-holding of them And the regular and monastick part of the Clergy of England many of whose Abbots and Priors were admitted to sit amongst the Peers in Parliament were so envied for their great Revenues and Estates as the Commons in a Parliament in the Raign of King Henry the Fourth wherein Lawyers were prohibited to be elected Members and therefore stiled indoctum Parliamentum did petition the King to confiscate and take into his own Revenue all their Lands which they had calculated to be sufficient to maintain One Hundred and Fifty Earls no small Estate in those times being enough to satisfy the honourable Yearly expences of one Earl and his numerous Retinue after the rate of their then living One Thousand Five Hundred Knights Six Thousand Two Hundred Esquires and erect Two Hundred Hospitals for the Relief of maimed Souldiers And in that new Frame of a great Council or Parliament wherein a part of the Commons of England were to be Assembled which can find no other Original than the Fate of that unhappy King in the battle of Lewis as the close Roll of the Forty Eight of that King will tell us there were no fewer of the then well-wishing Clergy to Symon de Mortfort Summoned unto that new modelled Parliament than One Arch-Bishop Fourteen Bishops Thirty-Five Abbots Two Priors their good Friends and Confederates and for Companies sake in such an hopeful and popular
bearing the Sword before him to the Church where they Crowned him and after a Frown of Fortune did stoutly by the help of the Lancastrian Party give Battle to King Edward the Fourth at Barnet-field where but for a Mistake of Oxford's and Warwick's Soldiers and their Banners and Badges fighting one against the other in a Mist instead of King Edward the Fourth's Men they had in all Probability prevailed against him And the Interest Alliance and Estate of that Earl of Oxford was so great notwithstanding shortly after in the Kingdom as although he had very much adventured suffered and done for King Henry the Seventh led the Vanguard for him at Bosworth field against King Richard the Third and eminently deserved of him as the Numbers and Equipage of his Servants Reteiners Dependants and Followers did so asfright that King and muster up his Fears and Jealousies as being sumptuously Feasted by him at Hedingham Castle in Essex where he beheld the vast Numbers goodly Array and Order of them he could not forbear at his Departure telling him That he thankt him for his good Cheer but could not endure to see his Laws broken in his Sight and would therefore cause his Attorney General to speak with him which was in such a manner as that magnificent and causelesly dreadful Gallantry did afterwards by Fine or Composition cost that Earl Fifteen-Thousand Marks Did notwithstanding their great Hospitalities Magnificent manner of Living founding of Abbies Monasteries and Priories many and large Donations of Lands to Religious Uses and building of strong and stately Castles and Palaces make no small addition to their former Grandeurs which thorough the Barons Wars and long lasting and bloody Controversies betwixt the two Royal Houses of York and Lancaster did in a great Veneration Love and Awe of the Common People their Tenants Reteiners and Dependants continue in those their grand Estates Powers and Authorities until the Raign of King Edward the Fourth when by the Fiction of common Recoveries and the Misapplied use of Fines and more then formerly Riches of many of the common People gathered out after the middle of the Raign of King Henry the Eighth by the spoil of the Abbey and religiously devoted Lands in which many of the Nobility by Guifts and Grants of King Henry the Eighth King Edward the Sixth and Queen Elizabeth in Fee or Fee-tail had very great shares brought those great Estates of our famous English Baronage to a lower condition than ever their great Ancestors could believe their Posterities should meet with and made the Common People that were wont to stand in the outward Courts of the Temple of Honour and glad but to look in thereat fondly imagine themselves to have arrived to a greater degree of Equality than they should claim or can tell how to deserve And might amongst very many of their barbarously neglecting Gratitudes remember that in the times in and after the Norman Conquest when Escuage was a principal way or manner of the Peoples Aides especially those that did hold in Capite or of Mesne Lords under them to their Soveraign for publick Affairs or Defence the Lords Spiritual and Temporal being then the only parts of the Parliament under their Soveraign the sole Grand Councel of the Kingdom under him did not only Assess in Parliament and cause to be leavied the Escuage but bear the greatest part of the Burden thereof themselves that which the common People did in after times in certain proportions of their Moveables and other Estates or in the Ninth Sheaf of Wheat and the Ninth Lamb being until the Dissolution of the Abbies and Monasteries in the latter end of the Raign of King Henry the Eighth when they were greatly enriched by it did not bear so great a part of the Burdens Aides or Taxes or much or comparable to that which lay upon the far greater Estates of the Nobility there having been in former Times very great and frequent Wars in France and Scotland no Escuage saith Sir Edward Coke hath been Assessed by Parliament since the 8th Year of the Raign of King Edward the Second Howsoever the Commons and Common People of England for all are not certainly comprehended under that Notion their Ancestors before them and their Posterities and Generations to come after them lying under so great and continued Obligations and bonds of an eternal Gratitude and Acknowledgement to the Baronage and Lords Spiritual and Temporal of England and Wales for such Liberties and Priviledges as have been granted unto them with those also which at their Requests and Pursuits have been Indulged or Permitted unto them by our and their Kings and Princes successively will never be able to find and produce any Earlier or other Original for the Commons of England to have any Knights Citizens or Burgesses admitted into our Kings and Princes great Councels in Parliament until the aforesaid imprisonment of King Henry the Third in the 48th and 49th Year of his Raign and the force which was put upon him by Symon Montfort Earl of Leicester and his Party of Rebels SECT XII That the asoresaid Writ of Summons made in that King's Name to Elect a certain Number of Knights Citizens and Burgesses and the Probos homines good and honest Men or Barons of the Cinque Ports to appear for or represent some part of the Commons of England in Parliament being enforced from King Henry the Third in the 48th and 49th Year of his Raign when he was a Prisoner to Symon de Montfort Earl of Leicester and under the Power of him and his Party of rebellious Barons was never before used in any Wittenagemots Mikel-gemots or great Councels of our Kings or Princes of England FOr saith the very learned and industrious Sir William Dugdale Knight Garter King of Armes unto whom that Observation by the dates of those Writs is only and before all other Men to be for the punctual particular express and undeniable Evidence thereof justly ascribed which were not entered in the Rolls as all or most of that sort have since been done but two of them three saith Mr. William Pryn instead of more in Schedules tacked or sowed thereunto For although Mr. Henry Elsing sometimes Clerk to the Honourable House of Commons in Parliament in his Book Entituled The ancient and present manner of holding Parliaments in England Printed in the Year 1663. but Written long before his Death when he would declare by what Warrants the Writs for the Election of the Commons assembled in Parliament and the Writ of Summons of the Lords in Parliament were procured saith That King Henry the Third in the 49th Year of his Raign when those Writs were made was a Prisoner to Symon de Montfort and could not but acknowledge that it did not appear unto him by the first Record of the Writs of Summons now extant by what Warrant the Lord Chancellor had in the 49th Year of the Raign of that King caused
Rebellion with Montfort against him should bring his Action for the other Two Knight's Fees and an half From which most necessary and excellent Feudal Laws have proceeded those grand Honors fixed and appurtenant to our ancient Monarchy of England in our Kings and Princes Grant to several great Families in England in Fee or Fee-Tayl as to be Constable of England Earl Marshal of England Lord Steward of England Lord Great Chamberlain of England Chamberlain of the Queens of England Die Coronationis suae Butler to our Kings at their Coronations c. And likewise the Statute de Donis or Entailes the neglect whereof in leaving all the ruined Families of the Nobility Gentry and better sort of the English Nation to feigned Recoveries introduced about the Raign of King Edward the Fourth by an unhappy and unjust Trick of Law to make the Losers believe that they shall recover the Value of their Lands so Lost amounting in the whole unto the greatest part of all the Lands in England of the Bagbearer of the Court of Common-Pleas who in the Conclusion is only Vouchee to Warrants and to make it good out of his own Land and by the small Fees and Profits of his Office was never yet known to Inherit or to have been a Purchaser of ten Acres of Land yet walks about and is never molested or called to Account for those vast Sums of Money or his Land if he ever had or was re vera intended to have had any was to be liable by his being a Common Vouchee in all the Common Recoveries which are suffered in that Court It being in those more Obedient and Loyal Times esteemed no small Honour to serve our Kings or hold Lands by such a Kind of Tenure as it may be believed to have occasioned that Adage or Common saying in England before the ever to be lamented taking away of Tenures in Capite and by Knight-Service and Pourveyance No Fishing to the Sea no Service to the King and those Royal Services affixed unto Lands and Territories have been so immutable amongst other our Neighbor Nations as in the Aurea Bulla fastned upon the Empire of Germany about the 30th Year of the Raign of our King Edward the Third the Three Spiritual Electors viz. the Arch-Bishops of Mentz Cologne and Triers or Trevers do hold their Lands and Territories by their several Tenures of being Arch-Chancellors the First of Germany the Second of Italy and the Third of France the King of Bohemia to be Archipincerna Duke of Bavaria or Count Palatine of the Rhine Archidapifer Duke of Saxony Archimariscallus Duke or Marquess of Brandenburgh Archicamerarius of that Empire and might be with or amongst them exampled from our Pattern which was long before as also from the Scots who have to this day some of the like official Dignities annexed to their Lands and Estates and as in the Raign of our King Henry the First Count Tankervile was by Inheritance and Tenure of his Lands Chamberlain of Normandy And although not so ancient as the Customs of the Patroni and Clientes in the beginning of the flourishing of the vast Roman Empire which was so greatly advantageous both unto the greater and lesser part of the People the Patroni in their Popularities and Ambitions to gain and please them in their way of Advancements to Annual Magistracies not seldom exercising their Eloquence in pleading their Causes or Suits in Law before the Lawyers had for another kind of Advantages by the Gratifications of Fees and Rewards made it to be the greatest part of their Profession which before were principally employed upon seldom Occasions in matters of Difficulty in Jurisconsults and Decisions some of the more eminent sorts of them having about the Raign of the Emperor Augustus Caesar obtained Licenses of him ad respondendum Yet after the Irruption of the Goths Vandals Longobards and Hunnes with other Northern Nations into that Empire they found it to be more beneficial to do as the Germans and many other Northern Nations have done to be Feudalists and to have Lands given unto them and their Heirs to hold by Service of War and other necessaries under those grand Obligations of Interests Oaths Gratitude Homage and Fealty which proved to be better more certain and beneficial both for the Patroni and Clientes the poorer sort of the People alwayes or very often wanting the Aid and Protection of the greater from Wrongs and Oppressions like to be put upon them And the Patroni and Greater procuring to themselves thereby a more constant Observance of Duty Honour and Additions to their former Grandeur the greater and lesser thereby mutually supporting and assisting each other which in the Consequence was as it did likely to prove much better than the charge and trouble the Patroni were used to be as in the frequent courting and Humoring of the common People with their costly Epulae's and Ludi's not only to gain their own Preferments in their Annual poursuites of Offices of Magistracy but to keep the popular Votings from Mutiny and ruining them as much as themselves And howsoever that they with us in England by a great infelicity to our languishing Monarchical Government after an horrid Rebellion and murder of our late King Anno. 12. Car. 2. by an Act of Parliament made upon his now Majesties happy Restoration for the taking away the Court of Wards and Liveries Tenures in Capite and by Knight service and Pourveyance and for settling a Revenue upon His Majesty in lieu of a great part of the lands of England and Wales which the Rebels besides their great Estates had forfeited unto him which they were willing to retain to themselves and thank him as fast as they could with a more detestable Rebellion the Praeamble mentioning most unfortunately for want of a right Information and understanding thereof That the said Court of Wards and Liveries Tenures by Knight service in Capite holden of the King or others and Socage in Capite have been by consequence more praejudicial then beneficial to the Kingdome as if the Nerves and Ligaments of the Crown of England and the ancient Support and Defence of the Honour and glory thereof for more then one thousand years could any way deserve to be so Charactered and that after the Intromission of the said Court which hath been since the 24 th day of February 1645. when the Divel and his Reformation had made a large progress in the chasing Religion out of the Kingdom and washing over in blood the Blessed Martyr King Charles the first 3 Kingdomes of England Scotland and Ireland many Persons could not by their Will or otherwise dispose of their Lands by Knight Service whereby many Questions might possibly arise unless some seasonable remedy be taken to prevent the same Our Soveraign Lord by the Assent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled and by the Authority of the same did enact the taking away of the said Court
any Patern or to have any resemblance with the Writs of Summons framed by Simon Montfort and his rebell-party in the time of the Imprisonment of King Henry the 3d in the 49th year of his Reign having no other then these words viz. Rex vit Oxon precipimus tibi quod omnes milites ballivae tuae qui Summoniti fuerunt esse apud Oxon ad nos a die omnium Sanctorum in quindecim dies venire facias cum armis suis corpora vero Baronum sine armis similiter Et quatuor discretos milites de Comitatu tuo illuc venire facias ad nos ad eundem Terminum ad loquendum nobiscum de negotiis regni nostri meipso Westmonaesterium 7. die Novembris and not the 15th as Mr. Selden hath mis-recited the dates thereof Et eodem modo Scribitur omnibus vice Comitibus Which writs he saith seemeth to be a Summons to Parliament at Oxford by the Strangest Writ of Summons and without example that he had been and was ever-willing to prove the distinction betwixt the Barones Majores Minores to have its originall or foundation about that Time Whereunto pace tanti viri I may not subscribe for that it is more likely to be but a military Summons much of that roll being busied in Writs of Summons of Array to the Ports and others against a feared approaching invasion of the French to whom the Pope had given the Kingdom of England and so many Tenants in Capite would have made too great a number to appear in a Parliament or Great Councell and have been much fitter for a Muster and to come with Arms was not Parliamentary and there was nothing like a distinction in that Writ or Summons betwixt the Majores and Minores Barones for they held in Capite also as all the other did and the quatuor milites out of every County might all or some of them hold in Capite and if it had been to a Parliament the Barons would have had particular Writs of Summons directed unto them and the Praelates also who were usually Summoned at the same time and as other of the Baronage would have taken it ill to be driven to their Duties by Sheriffs Authorized by Writs of Venire facias and Samuel Daniell much disagreeing with Mathew Paris therein gives the reason of those Writs and that intended great assembly to have been only the great care of King John to gather all the Force and Strength he could to march with him to Dover to resist the French and to that end having before Summoned all Earls Barons Knights and who else could bear Arms to be ready at Dover presently upon Easter furnished with Horse Armour and all Military Provision to defend him themselves and the Kingdom against the intended invasion under the penalty of Culverage which was perpetuall Shame and Servitude Whereupon so great numbers came as for want of Sustenance being returned home he retained only some of the more able sort which amounted to the number of 60000. and some of the writs or Commissions of Array sent to the Ports had a clause therein unusquisque sequatur Dominum suum Et qui terram non habent arma habere possint as Mathew Paris hath it illuc veniant ad capiendum solidatas Regis and the words Corpora vero Baronum sine armis in the writts of resummons of the more speciall part of the men formerly summoned having nothing of the penalty of Culverage might be well understood to be that the Barons who were not to be arrayed by Sheriffs amongst Common Soldiers were in such a case of extremity to be desired to be there sine armis to encourage and lead on those that held of them And they with the quatuor milites discretos were besides ad loquendum cum Rege which being to be without Burgesses and not ad faciendum consentiendum to those things which the King and his Councell of Praelates and Barons should ordain can arrive to no nearer a resemblance of the forced writts of the Elections of some of the Commons to come to a Parliament in the 49th year of the Reign of King Henry the 3d then 4 Knights of every shire without Burgesses do unto 2. with as many Burgesses out of every City and Burrough some Citys having a County appertaining unto it but are not many and sending four whereof 2 were to be for the Connty and 2 for the City and as little resembling in the business or matters for which they were to come as ad loquendum de negotiis regni cum Rege doth with ad faciendum consentiendum to such things as the King and his Councell of Barons Lords Spirituall and Temporall should in Parliament advise and ordain In the first year of the Reign of King Henry the 3. when no Acts of Parliament are found to have been then made that King directed his writ to the Sheriffs of Devonshire and unto all his Sheriffs of the Counties and Shires of England quod venire faciat usque Oxon A die Iovis prox post nativitatem sancti Johannis in tres Septimanas Archiepiscopes Episcopes Abbates Priores Barones Com omnes milites libere tenentes omnes alios qui servitium nobis debent equis Armis cum fideli nostro Will. Marist aliis Magnatibus de Consilio nostro quae eis praeteperimus hoc sicut honorem suum sui Indempnitatem diligunt nullatenus omittant teste Com. apud Glouc. And in a writ directed to the Sheriff of Berks Commanded him quod venire fac usque Oxon. die Dominica prox post festum sancti Petri ad vincula totum servitium quod Archiepiscopi Episcopi Abbates viri religiosi Com. Baron Omnes alii de Balliva tua quaecunque fuerint nobis debent venire fac illuc ad diem illum similiter omnes illos de Baliva tua qui non sunt homines praeditorum per Catalla eorum alia Jurati sunt promptos paratos ad eundum in servitium nostrum quae eis praecepimus quae c. T. apud Oxon. So as it may with some confidence be asserted that the Commons of England otherwise then comprehended in the authority Votes and Suffrages of the Nobility and Bishops had before the imprisonment of H. 3. as aforesaid no Summons by election or otherwise to come unto the great Councels or Parliaments of our Kings or Princes Wherefore they must be more then a little confident of their art in tentering other mens Judgments and Opinions to affirm with any probability that the Commons or any elected number of them either in the now mode of Election or that which had its first creation in the imprisonment of King Henry the 3. otherwise then as he or the former Kings did sometimes use as they pleased to call some of the more Wise and Able of them for Advice or Information as King John did
and prudent King Edward the First when he did his Homage to the King of France for the Dutchy of Acquitaine carefully to except his ancient right to the Dutchy of Normandy and the French Kings denying his brave and victorious Grandchild Edward the 3. to do his Homage by proxy made him so Inquisitive into his own better Title unto that Kingdom as the French King paid dear for it and the English King at length the owner of that great and flourishing Kingdom When Fealty is conjoyned with the Oaths of Allgeance and Supremacy the true born only Legitimate Issue and Children of the Feudall Laws they will be like a 3 fold Cord not at all in Reason or Justice to be broken And in matters touching Inheritances Nobility Titles of Honour womens Dower of the 3 part of Lands and Tenements fees tenures in Capite and by Knight Service Rents Escheats Fines Felonies Forfeitures tryall by battell cum multis aliis c. our Laws being not only founded upon them but supported and guided by them It may be wondred it should be so unknown to our Common Lawyers whom a carefull reading of our Glanvil Bracton Britton and Fleta and a better acquaintance with their mother the Civill and Caesarean and Feudall Laws with a due inspection into the ever to be valued Records of the Kingdom might better instruct then the malecontent and ill affected Sr Edward Coke and some other of the later School or Edition of those which are called Common Saviors as not to believe with great assurance that that which they call so generally the Common Law is for the most part if not all the Feudall Law which they are pleased to call the Praerogativa Regis declared and acknowledged in Anno 17. E. 2. and likewise that of the view of Franck pledge the next Year ensuing and that it was therefore not unfitly wished by a Late Learned Author supposed to be a post-hume of Sr Henry Spelman that Some worthy Lawyer would diligently read the Feudall Laws and shew the severall heads from whence those of our Laws are derived wherein saith he the Lawyers beyond the Seas are diligent but ours are all for profit And An Act of Parliament in Anno 1662. made by King Charles the 2. for the Settlement of the Kingdom of Ireland wherein notwithstanding that it was in the â—3th Year of his Reign ordained that all lands and Tenements in England and Ireland should be holden of him his Heirs and Successors in Free and Common Socage there is a Proviso and Exception that all lands tenements and Hereditaments in Ireland setled or to be setled on the Soldiers who are out of said Act and not provided for shall be held of the King his Heirs and Successors by Knight Service in Capite and it is well known that our unruly Neighbours in Scotland that could never be satisfied with the Fat and plenty of our Land of Goshen untill the lean kine had eat up the fat and they had set our before happy Kingdom on fire with their Hypocriticall dissembling Illegall wicked Covenant did not in all the mischiefs and Miseries which they brought upon us and themselves in those their Rebellious Designs make it any part of their desires to change their ancient tenures in Capite and by Knight Service into free and Common Socage which by unhinging the Government would have set all the wild Beasts of the Forrests loose and at Liberty and made the otherwise unruly and never to be governed numerous vassalls so masterless as to tear in peices their Lords Lairds or Superiors and turn that Monarchy to do as well as it can amongst a herd of rudeness and Incivilities in their Plads and Blew Capps And the Hollandiae Zelandiae Frisiaeque principes terra marique potentes heretofore nullo externo usi milite ex veteri Longobardorum Consuitudine sub certa quadam feudalitiae necessitudinis lege hoc est mutuae inter dominicum patrocinum ac Fiduciariam Clientelam veluti pactionis nexu beneficiarii instituerentur qui Conceptis verbis interposita Juratae fidei religione pro beneficio accepto patrono suo militarem operam praeberent navarentque ut scilicet quoties usus posceret parati in armis essent id quod Jure Feudalistico proprium Feudatariorium munus atque officium est Et cum praediorum defectu in these Provinces which ingenio soli quod natura depressum ac uliginosium were naturally scituated cum incilibus passim fossis lacubusque ac paludibus intercussum haud sane faciles aditus ostentat confisa turbas Seditionum praemia converteret and therefore to untie those obligations betwixt the Lords and Tenants and enervate those strengths and promptitude to a confidence in their own Power Charles the 5th Emperour Edicto perpetuo Anno Domini 1518. officia haec militaria vulgo servitia dicta in universum abragavit vassallisque omnibus remisit Ea tamen lege ut fundi Clientelares functionibus publicis quibus hactenus Imunes fuissent in posterum non secus atque patrimoniales obnoxii existerent and having so farr inticed them out of their old into a much worse constitution with Taxes and the Spanish Inquisition managed by the Duke D'Alva in a most tyrannical arbitrary Goverment so desperated them as after a long time expended in Intercessions without any redress obteyned and those their discontents heightned and made use of by the Policies of their neighbours the English and French who had reason to fear the ambitious encrochments and evil designs of the King of Spain to oppress them that were his neighbours and by the assistance of his late Conquest of the West Indies with their Gold and Silver Mines endeavouring to make himself to be as it were the Atlas of the World and extend his Dominions to a Fifth Monarchy and a Ne plus ultra All which concurring and put together with the Conduct and Adventurous successfull care of the then Prince of Orange assisted by the united Seven Provinces whereof Holland Zealand and West Freisland were the greatest Incouragers of the other caused that faedus ultrajectinum which in a long series and continuance of Time of Years making those netherland Belgick Provinces to be a Campus Martius and field of Bloud hath with an intermission only of 12 Years Truce after that Centnry ended occasioned greater ruines effusion of blood then the Wars Joyned all together between Rome and Carthage and Caesar and Pompey in the Pharsalian Fields So long and fatall from the beginning to the ending hath been that unhappy project of the dissolving the Hollandish Zealand and West Freizland ancient Feud 〈◊〉 Laws by the altering their Tenures in Capite and by military service which howsoever they had so continued depressed during the heat and fury of that Spanish War been laid aside and intromitted saith Neostadius haec olim celeberrima Feudalis Curiae quam Oraculum Bataviae was wont to be called the Lords
faceret And that greatly learned man could not but acknowledge that there were afterwards resumptions of Crown-Lands in the Reign of King Henry the 2. the alienation of some of the Crown-Lands severely charged upon King Richard the 2d Anno. 33. H 6. by an Act of Parliament and in the reign of King Edward the 4th at the request and upon the Petition of the Commons and were much more needfull then those that had been before in the Reign of King Henry the 2. made Leoline Prince of Wales to come and do him Homage and Baliel King of Scotland attending in our Pâ—rliament to arise from his State placed by the Kings and Stand at the Bar of the House of Peers whilst a cause was pleaded against him And it might not be improbable that that League betwixt that King and the aforesaid Christian Princes might be entred not amongst the Common Rolls and records of England but of Gascoigne where it was most proper and that some Vestigia of his great Actions might be there found of it as well as that of the 22th Year of his Reign of a Summons of divers English Barons to come to his great Councell or Parliament in England and it could not be unknown to that great man of learning that as Authors and Writers have learned and Writ one out of another so have many Wrote that singly and alone which many of the Contemporaries have either not been Informed of or did not think fit to Mention the dreadfull plagues of Egipt and the most remarkable that ever were in so short a Time inflicted by God upon any Nation of the Earth since the universall Deluge destroying all but the Righteous Noah his Family the several Kinds of Creatures perserved with him the passage of Moses thorough the Red-Sea in his conduct of the People of Israel into the land of Canaan were not to be thrown out of the belief of Christians all others Venerating the Sacred Scriptures because Plato or Pythagoras travailing into Egypt in the inquest of learning have given us no particular accompts thereof and it will ever be as truly said as it hath been that Bernardus non videt omnia the ancient institution rites ceremonies of the most Honourable Garter is not to be suspected because our Law and Statute books have not made such Discoveries Recherches or a worthy and most elaborate Record thereof as the learned and Judicious Mr Elias Ashmole hath lately done or our Glauviles Book de legibus Consuetudinibus Angliae is not to fall under the question whether he was the Lord Chief Justice of England that Wrote it because there hath not been so much heed taken of him as ought to be by our Common-Law Year-Books or Memorialls of Cases adjudged in our Courts of Justice and later Law Books when the learned Pancirollo in his Book de deperditis Ac etiam de novis repertis and the exquisitely learned Salmuthius in his Comment or Annotations thereupon or the learned Pasquier in his Recherches and our ever to be honored Mr Selden in his rescuing from the Injuries of Time those many before hidden truths which he in his history of Tithes Jauus Anglorum Analett Brittanniae Titles of honor de Synedriis Judeorum uâ—or Jus naturae Gentium Historia Ead mei cum multis aliis and those very many discoveries of learning and Truth which the world must ever confess ought to be attributed to his walking in unknown paths nullius ante trita pede have very Justly escaped any such suspicions and that long and Eminent Treaty for Peace at Nimiguen for divers Years last past managed by most of the Monarchs of Europe and their concerns wherein the care and mediation of our King in the charge of his Plenipotentiaries have not wanted gratefull Testimonialls of the many very much concerned Kings and Princes in the putting a stop to the Warrs effusion of Blood and devastation of so great a part of Christendom is not or ought to be placed amongst the non liquets or Doubtings of after Ages because which by some Incuria or neglect of our Recording of it amongst our Archives which the more is to be pittied is not much unlikely to happen it is not to be met with amongst our Records or Historians When the so much Deservedly admired speculations and Experiments of the excelently Learned Sr Francis Bacon Lord Verulam in his Philosophy more then Aristotle and many others had made those Discoveries of des Cartes Depths and Investigations of our Sr Kenelme Digby into the most abstruse parts of Learning and that great addition now every where allowed to be true to that most necessary and usefull Art or Faculty of Physick of the circulation of the Blood in the Bodies of men first Discovered and made apparent by our late Learned Doctor Harvey though the Egiptian Arabian and Grecian Doctors and the greatly Famed Galen and Hypocrates had in all their labors knowledge and Practice not so much as taken notice of it were never the worse but rather much the better that former ages and men in the length of Art and the short Curriculum of their lives often intermitted with Sickness and the Cares and Troubles of the World had no sooner communicated it neither ought the Truth and value of our allways highly to be esteemed Seldens Labours in the vindication of our Kings Sovereignty in our Brittish Seas suffer any abate because no Englishman before had undertaken it or of his learned Observations and Comments upon Sr John Fortescues Book de laudibus Legum Angliae because he did not mention or had Discovered that that over-tossed and turmoiled worthy and learned Chancellor was after the Expulsion of the 3 Henrys 4. 5. 6th of the House of Lancaster under the later of whom he had Faithfully served from the Inheritance of the Crown of England by King Edward the Fourth with his better Title enforced publickly to beg his Pardon and with much ado and by Writing and delivering unto him a Book contradicting the Title of those former Kings and asserting that of his own which appeareth in that Act of Parliament in the 13th Year of that King for the Reversall of his Attainder And those disturbers and misuses of our Fundamental Laws might do well to sit down and consider that our uncontrolled every where in England venerable Littleton can certify us that if a man hold Land of his Lord by Fealty only for all manner of service it behoveth that he ought to do some service to his Lord for if the Tenant ought to do no manner of service to his Lord or his Heirs then by long Continuance of time it would grow out of memory whether the Land were holden of the Lord or his Heirs and thereupon the Lord may loose his Escheat of the Land or some other Forfeiture so it is reason that the Lord and his Heirs have some service done unto them to prove
incepit a quarto die Aprilis Anno. Regni dicti patris nostri 48 quando vexillis explicatis exivit cum exercitu suo ab Oxonia versus Northt duravit continue usque Sextum decimum diem Septembris Anno Regni dicti patris nostri xl nono quando apud Wyntouiam pacem suam post bellum de Evesham in presentia Baronum suorum qui ibidem convenerant firmari fecit clamari no Commons or Knights or Burgesses representing for them Provisium fuit etiam ne aliquis amittteret vitam vel membra pro Roberiis aut homicidiis aut aliis commissis sub specie guerrae per illos qui contradictum patrem nostrum erant a quarto die Junii Anno Regni ejusdem patris nostri xlvii quando illi vexillis explicatis primo per terram suam incedentes roberias homicidia incarceraciones tam personis Ecclesiasticis quam secularibus fecerunt usque ad predictum tempus quo ab Oxonia versus Northt cum exercitu suo recessit De aliis autem quae tempore illo sub specie guerrae non fiebant haberetur tempus illus velnd tempus pacis A tempore autem supradicto quo apud Winton pacem suam firmari fecit clamari curreret Lex pro ut tempore pacis currere consuevit Ita tamen quod illi qui fuerint apud Axeholm sive apud Kenill vel Insula Elyens vel apud Cestrefeld vel postmodum apud Suwerk observaretur plene pax sua prout eam habere deberent sive per dictum de Kenileworth sive per privilegia sua de pace sua sibi concessa De illis autem qui cum Com. Gloverniae in ultima turbatione fuerunt observaretur pax facta inter dictum patrem nostrum ipsum Com. Ita quod a tempore quo dicto Comes recessit a Wall versus London usque ad diem quo recessit a Civitate praedict non procederent Justic. contra ipsum vel eos qui erant in parte sua Et hoc de illis tantummodo intelligeretur De depredationibus autem utrobique factis tempore praedicto observaretur hoc quod pace inter dictum patrem nostrum ipsum Comitem facta continetur Et ideo vobis mandamus quod hec omnia in prefato Itinere diligenter observari faciatis T. R. apud Kickleton xix die Marc. 6. E. 1. He commanded the Sheriffs to distrain every man that had 20 l. per Annum in Land or a whole Knights Fee of the liâ—e value and hold of him in Capite milites esse debent ad arma militaria within such a Time a nobis suscipiend which was like a Nursery for military affairs for the continuance of those gallant necessaries for publique Defence in and by the obligations of their Tenures wherein a great part of our Fundamentall Laws Oaths of Allegeance Loyalty and Duties of Subjects do subsist And by an Inquisition taken in the same Year at Launceston in Cornwall by a Commission out of his Court of Exchecquer it was found by a Jury that Dominus ratione Regiae dignitatis Coronae suae habet privilegium quod nullus in Regno suo aliquo qui sit de Regno Angliae alieni homagium sine fidelitatem facere debeat vel aliquis hujusmodi homagium vel fidelitatem ab aliquo recepire debeat nisi facta mentione de fidelitate domino Regi debita eidem Dominus Regi observanda Episcopus Exon adfuit contrarium c. Et in contemptu c. Et le Evesque mis a respond And like a second Justitian did cause John le Breton one of the Justices of the King's-bench Or as others have written Bishop of Hereford to compile in his name a Book of the Laws and Customs of England wherein the King directring the Book to all the People which were under his protection par la Soufrance de Dieu saith for that peace could not be without Laws he had caused those which had been heretofore used in his Realm to be put in Writing which he Willed and Commanded should be Observed in all England and Ireland en toutz pointz Sauve a nous de repealer de eunoiter d' amander a toutz les faitz que nous verron que bon a nous serra par l'assent de nos Countes de nos Barons autres de nostre Conceil Sauve les usages a ceux que prescription de temps oul autrement use en taint que leur usages soyent mys discordants a droiture in which Book and the Droits de Roy there is no mention made of the Election and Summoning of Knights of the Shires Citizens and Burgesses to Parliament By his Edict or Proclamation prohibited the burning of Seacole in London and the Suburbs thereof for avoiding its noysom Smoak and without any Act of Parliament divided Wales into Shires and ordained Sheriffs there as was used in England caused some London Bakers not making their bread as they ought to be drawn upon Hurdles and 3 men for rescuing a prisoner arrested by an Officer to have their right hands cut off by the Wrists Fined without advice or assent of Parliament which might well be so understood to have been so upon the Act of Parliament in Anno 3 of his Reign ordained that such offenders should be ransomed and Punished at the Kings Will and Pleasure Sr Ralph Hengham Chief Justice of his Bench 7000 Marks Sr John Lovetot Chief Justice of the Common Pleas 3000 Marks Sr William Brompton 6000 Marks Sr Solomon Rochester or Roffey 4000 Marks Sr Richard Boyland as much Sr Thomas Sodenton 2000 Marks Sr William Saham 3000 Marks Roobert Littlebury Clark Master of the Rolls 1000 Marks Roger Leicester no less Henry Bray Escheator and Justice of the Jews 1000 Marks Sr Adam Stratton Chief Baron of the Exchequer 34000 Marks and Thomas de Weyland being the greatest delinquent and of the greatest substance could not be so easily excused but was Banished and had all his Goods and Estate Confiscate to the King only John de Metingham Elias de Beckingham two of the itinerant Judges to their eternall honour saith Henry Spelman appearing Guiltless and Righteous in that severe and Kingly examination and Justice purged his Courts of Justice and the Officers and clarks thereof from Bribery and extortion banished the usury of the Jews hanged 297. of them for abusing the Coyn and Money of the Kingdom curbed the pretended Independent power of the Clergy Clipped their Jurisdictions and upon their refusall to pay Tallage towards his Wars Seized many of their Temporallities put them out of the protection of his Laws and Justice and caused them to be excluded out of one of his Parliaments untill their Submission whom he had by wofull experience understood to have had too great an Influence upon some of the unquiet Nobility Made himself the Arbitrator and Umpire betwixt the many great Pretenders to
was glad to receive his Pardon In the 25th Year of his Reign directed his Writ Custodi Northwallia mentientes falsos rumores contra Regem castigand The like to punish conventus conventicula Another to respite the King's Debts aliorum dum in obsequio Regis With a Proclamation for the confirmation of Magna Charta Charta de Foresta and to Command that two discreet Knights be chosen in every County to Attend Prince Edward the King's Son his Lieutenant in England during the Kings absence in partibus transmarinis to procure the King's Letters-Parents for confirmation of the Peoples Liberties In the 27th Year of his Reign a Parliament being called at Westminster wherein the two Charters were confirmed with the allowance of what Deafforestation had been formerly made but with ommission of the clause Salvo jure Coronae nostrae which the King laboured to have inserted being a small return and Civility to a Sovereign whose Royall progenitors had freely granted those Liberties and Priviledges and himself willing to confirm them but by no means it would be agreed unto Was so incensed at the revolt of the Scots and so fixt in his resolution of subduing them as going to fight a battle with them whose army much exceeded his own when he was with one foot in the Stirrop getting on horseback the horse upon some great noise or shout in the Scottish army who were Marching on to engage him Started and throwing him to the ground with his hinder foot Strake him so on one side as he brake two of his Ribbs which could not so hinder either his Courage or Resolution but he again remounted the same Horse and charged with good Success as he wan the field and slew as some of their Historians mention about 60 thousand of them In the 30th Year of his Reign the Constable of Dover having upon an Order or Sentence of the Court of Sheppey which was the Magna Curia of the Cincque-Ports arrested the Abbot of Feversham pro quibusdam transgressionibus per ipsum perpetratis in laesionem Coronae regiae dignitatis was cited and excommunicated by the Archbishop of Canterbury the King thereupon as the record mentioneth nolentes nobis super Statu regio nostro aliqualiter derogari aut ministros nostros pro hiis quae judicialiter fuerint indebite fatigari commanded the Archbishop in fide qua sibi tenetur firmiter injungentes quod hujusmodi citationibus of the Constable or his Ministers ea de causa faciendis supersedeat sententias praedictas in ipsos per ipsum ut praemittitur fulminatas faciat sine dilatione aliqua revocari ita quod non operteat nos ad hoc aliter apponere manum nostram In the claim which he made and deduced to the Pope of his right to the Superiority of the Kingdom of Scotland attested by an hundred hands and seals of the Earls and Baronage of England in a Parliament holden at Lincoln when he gave an answer to a letter of the Pope mediating in the behalf of the King of Scotland and claiming that Kingdom to belong to the Church of Rome wherein he had desired him to send his procurators and evidence to be heard and determined at Rome the historian and our records have informed us in these words that quoniam vero ad hoc quod Papa petivit quod si Rex Angliae jus haberet in regno Scotiae vel aliqua ejus parte procurators instructos mitteret fieret eis justitiae complementum Rex per se noluit respondere sed hoc commisit Comitibus aliisque terrae Baronibus who gave him a choaking and flatly denying answer on the behalf of their King And pursuing his Victories against that Nation took out of Edenburgh the Crown Scepter and Cloth of Estate with the Marble Chair wherein the King 's of Scotland used to Sit whilst they were Crowned wherein according to an old Scotch Prophecy the fate of that Kingdom so resided as wheresoever it should be the Rule and Government of that Nation should follow and offered up the same at St Edwards shrine at Westminster intending to unite the Kingdom of Scotland to England imprisoned the King of Scotland in the Tower of London where he long detained him subdued Malcolmus King of Man and the Kings of the Other Isles and was so unalterable in those his purposes as he ordered that his bones should after his death be carried along with such English Armies as should afterwards be employed against that Nation Did in the 31st year of his Reign treat with the foreign Merchants and by his Charta mercatoria without the trouble advice or assent of his great Councel or Parliament relinquish unto them his former kind of customs called Prises upon their granting unto him 3d of the pound now called the Petit Customs out of all foreign Merchandises imported except wines for every sack of wool to be exported 40d for every 300 woolfells the like and for every last of leather a demy mark over and above the duties payable by Denizens for the same commodities which grant being by the Merchants of several nations not incorporate into a body-politick of no force by the rules of the common Law the Kings Charter only made it good and maintained it untill it was confirmed by Act of Parliament in Anno. 17. E. 3. which was 50 Years after which Charter being made in England by that great and valiant Prince was afterwards by him exemplyfied and transmitted into Ireland with a speciall Writ to the Officers of the Customes there to leavy the 3d penny in the Pound and other duties mentioned in that Charter as appeareth in the Records of the Exchequer of Ireland by virtue of which writ without any Act of Parliament there the 3d penny in the pound with the other duties were ever after leavied in that Kingdom and paid to the Crown In the 32d year of his Reign he was so little afraid of his potent Nobility under whose greatness and power many of common people sheltered their Oppressions of one another by wrongfull disseisins and making themselves Tenants to their greater Landlords for those Lands which they had no right unto as he made severe Laws for the regulation thereof And in Declaratione Juris Regis in regno Scotiae protestavit se jus Coronae suae usque ad effusionem sanguinis defensarum ab quem Rex illo Anno omnia Monasteria Angliae Scotiae Walliae perscrutari faceret ad dignoscendum quale jus posset sibi competere in hac parte repertum est in Chronias mariani Scoti Willielmi de Malmesburia Rogero Hoveden Henrici de Huntingdon Radulphi de Luzeto or diceto quod Anno Domini non gentesimo decimo Rex Edwardus subegit sibi Regis Scotorum Cambrorum Item ibidem que Anno domini non gentesimo vicesimo primo praedictae gantes Eligerunt sibi Edwardum praedictum in Domium
or Common Freeholder or the Widdows or Feme Soles of any of them resides or is incorporate in that one Knight of a Shire or how much in the other Knight of the Shire when by the Kings Writs there were to be no more than two and by Oliver Cromwels the Usurpers Writs there was as many as six and when in his Time of Villany two English Earls Knights of the Kings Honourable Order of the Garter sate as Members of that which was miscalled the House of Commons in Parliament although it might well deserve the Question of what Nation they were or Riddle my Riddle what is this how much of them were Earls or Commons or what Epiccen or Hermophrodite kind of men they were or whom if not very Rebels they did then and there represent Or whether the Knights and Burgesses of England and Wales as they were admitted into the House of Commons from the 48th and 49th year of the Raign of King Henry 3. until the Raign of King Henry the 7th did or could represent for Ireland Gastoign the Isles and other Dominions of our Kings and sometime Scotland for which until then there were Receivers and Triers of Petitions particularly appointed for those other Dominions and places or who did represent for Wales the Bishoprick of Durham before there were Knights of the Shires and Burgesses allowed by our Kings or for the Town of Newark upon Trent so lately priviledged by his now Majesty or whether they do in one entire and complexed Body represent for all the Commons of England when as the Journals Parliament Rolls and Memoriols can inform us that sometimes the City of London as also other particular places have separately petitioned the King and not at all Times in a generality name and behalf of all the Commons of England Servants Mechanicks and Labourers c. which being no Freeholders or Electors can never be understood to have given any of the Members of the House of Commons any procurations jointly or separately to give any consent or represent for them in Parliament So that whatsoever hath or shall be done or acted in Parliament either for Lease or Copyholders villani Bordarii Mechanicks Labourers Servants c. Neither is or can be obliging to those multitudes otherwise than by the Soveraign power of the King when by the Energy and Vertue of his Royal Assent that which was before but an Embrio comes to be aminated and have as it were a Life and a Soul breathed or put into it by his sanction or giving it the force of a Law by his and no others Act of Parliament further than the advice of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Assent or Approbation of the Commons in Parliament assembled Or how they can by or with any Law Right Reason Construction propriety of Speech or Grammar be said or believed to represent those of the Commons of England whom they have many times accused and take upon them to imprison or punish When our Parliaments have been or should be founded upon the Feudal Laws our Monarchick best of Governments and there could be no Election of Members of the House of Commons to come to Parliament ad faciendum consentiendum iis which the King by the advise of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal should there ordain not in omnibus in all matters for that was the proper care and business of our Kings and Princes and their private Councel by whose advice the Writs of Summons issued out under the Kings great Seal of England to Summon the Lords Spiritual and Temporal to a Parliament to consult not de omnibus or de omnibus arduis but de quibusdam arduis and until the 49th of King Henry 3. when Simon Montforts Rebellious Parliament and his Counterfeit Writs of Election of Members to be a then endeavoured to be constituted House of Commons in Parliament received its first foundation and gave the occasion and encouragement to many Rebellions and Mischiefs afterward and from the 21 and 22 E. 1. until that gave it some rectifyed allowance unto such a kind of Election and Convention of Members in an House of Commons in Parliament to be assembled the so Elected Members of Commons of Parliament could neither meet or assemble until there were Writs of Summons issued out to assemble the Lords Spiritual and Temporal as Peers not unto the King but one unto the other in Parliament for when the Lords Spiritual and Temporal are not to be assembled by the Kings Writs of Summons the Commons cannot be Elected to attend the King and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal for to meet without so much as unto Markets or Fairs or Indulgent allowance of our Kings would be a breach of the Kings Peace which should be so sacred and ever was accompted to be of so great a concernment unto him and his people as when he pardoned any of his offending Subjects against his Laws the ancient forms of our Kings pardons were only without enumerating or particular specification of the Crimes damus concedimus pacem nostram and gives us the reason that all our Parliaments as well relating either to the upper or lower House do specially except Treason Felony or breach of Peace which seemeth certainly to be no other than a necessary Clause added by our Kings in their priviledges of Parliament And otherwise it would be an unread unheard unintelligible mixture of a Supremacy or Soveraignty that a King deriving his Soveraignty only from God and his People and Subjects sworn unto him by their Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy and obliged unto him for their Estates and Self-preservation at the same time be invested with a Soveraignty which is to be certainly placed amongst the most puzling Riddles of Madam Sphinx and none of the over-turning Republicans can give us no manner of solution until all the Vulgus or Rabble multitude of the World can be persuaded to be of one mind and for many years continue therein and all impossibles come to be possible And there cannot be a greater absurdity offered to the Common Intellect or understanding of mankind than to endeavour to perswade them that there is a plurality of Soveraigns and that all the Subjects of England do or can represent the King and are his Soveraigns or that he is the Subject or general Servant of so many Millions of people as he is rightfully King of and are sworn unto him by the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy but are conditionally only his Subjects until some fair opportunity to Arraign him at the suit of his own Subjects cut off his head and extirpe him and his Illustrious Family by no other Warrant than to set up the Kingdom of Jesus Christ who never yet gave them any Order or Authority to attempt any such egregious Villany And should not have been so locked up in their Morphaeus commonly erring wandring dreams or imaginations as to think that two or three necessary priviledges only
said to be per Dominum Regem And a second of the same date and tenor with a perclose said to have been per Dominum Regem magnum Concilium John Pechies pardon for whom that House of Commons in Parliament was said to intercede only mentioneth that it was precibus aliquorum Magnatum 15 E. 3. The Archbishop of Canterbury before the King and Lords humbling himself before the King desired that where he was defamed through the Realm he might be arraigned before his Peers in open Parliament Unto which the King answered that he would attend the Common Affairs and afterward hear others 5 H. 4. The King at the request of the Commons affirmeth the Archbishop of Canterbury the Duke of York the Earl of Northumberland and other Lords which were suspected to be of the confederacy of Henry Percy to be his true Leige-men and that they nor any of them should be impeached therefore by the King or his Heirs in any time ensuing 9 H. 4. The Speaker of the House of Commons presented a Bill on the behalf of Thomas Brooke against William Widecombe and required Judgment against him which Bill was received and the said William Widecombe was notwithstanding bound in a 1000 pound to hear his Judgment in Chancery And the many restorations in blood and estate in 13 H. 4. and by King E. 4. and of many of our Kings may inform us how necessary and beneficial the pardons and mercy of our Kings and Princes have been to their People and Posterities The Commons accuse the Lord Stanley in sundry particulars for being confederate with the Duke of York and pray that he may be committed to prison To which the King answered he will be advised And Pardons before Indictments or prosecution have not been rejected for that they did anticipate any troubles which might afterwards happen For so was the Earl of Shrewsburys in the Raign of Queen Elizabeth for fear of being troubled by his ill-willers for a sudden raising of men without a warrant to suppress an insurrection of Rebels Lionell Cranfeild Earl of Middlesex Lord Treasurer of England being about the 18th year of King James accused by the Lords and Commons in Parliament for great offences and misdemeanours fined by the King in Parliament to be displaced pay 50000 l. and never more to sit in Parliament was in the 2d year of the Reign of King Charles the Martyr upon his Submission to the King and payment of 20000 l. only pardoned of all Crimes Offences and Misdemeanors whatsoever any Sentence Act or Order of Parliament or the said Sentence to the contrary notwithstanding For whether the accusation be for Treason wherein the King is immediately and most especially concerned or for lesser Offences where the people may have some concernment but nothing near so much or equivalent to that of the Kings being the supreme Magistrate the King may certainly pardon and in many pardons as of Outlaries Felonies c. there have been conditions annexed Ita quod stent recto si quis versos eos loqui voluerit So the Lord Keeper Coventry in the Raign of King Charles the Martyr to prevent any dangerous questions touching the receiving of Fines and other Proceedings in Chancery sued out his Pardon The many Acts of Oblivion or general Pardon granted by many of our Kings and Princes to the great comfort and quiet of their Subjects but great diminution of the Crown Revenue did not make them guilty that afterwards protected themselves thereby from unjust and malicious Adversaries And where there is not such a clause it is always implyed by Law in particular mens cases and until the Soveraignty can be found by Law to be in the People neither the King or his people who by their Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy are to be subordinate unto him are to be deprived of his haute ex basse Justice and are not to be locked up or restrained by any Petition Charge or Surmise which is not to be accompted infallible or a truth before it be proved to the King and his Council of Peers in Parliament and our Kings that gave the Lords of Mannors Powers of Soke and Sake Infangtheif and Outfangtheif in their Court Barons and sometimes as large as Fossarum Furcarum and the incident Power of Pardons and Remissions of Fine and Forfeitures which many do at this day without contradiction of their other Tenants enjoy should not be bereaved of as much liberty in their primitive and supream Estates as they gave them in their derivatives And though there have been Revocations of Patents during pleasure of Protections and Presentations and Revocations of Revocations quibusdam certis de causis yet never was there any Revocation of any Pardon 's granted where the King was not abused or deceived in the granting thereof For in Letters Patents for other matters Reversals were not to be accounted legal where they were not upon just causes proved upon Writs of Scire facias issuing out of the Chancery and one of the Articles for the deposing of King Richard 2d being that he revoked some of his Pardons The recepi's of Patents of Pardon or other things were ordained so to signifie the time when they were first brought to the Chancellour as to prevent controversies concerning priority or delays made use of in the Sealing of them to the detriment of those that first obtained them And the various forms in the drawing or passing of Pardons as long ago His testibus afterwards per manum of the Chancellour or per Regem alone per nostre Main vel per manum Regis or per Regem Concilium or authoritate Parliamenti per Regem Principem per Breve de privat sigillo or per immediate Warrant being never able to hinder the energy and true meaning thereof And need not certainly be pleaded in any subordinate Court of Justice without an occasion or to purchase their allowance who are not to controul such an Act of their Sovereign Doctor Manwaring in the fourth of sixth Year of the Raign of King Charles the Martyr being grievously fined by both Houses of Parliament and made incapable of any place or Imployment was afterwards pardoned and made Bishop of St. Asaph with a non obstante of any Order or Act of Parliament So they that would have Attainders pass by Bill or Act of Parliament to make that to be Treason which by the Law and antient and reasonable Customs of England was never so before to be believed or adjudged or to Accumulate Trespasses and Misdemeanors to make that a Treason which singly could never be so either in truth Law right reason or Justice May be pleased to admit and take into their serious consideration that Arguments a posse ad esse or ab uno ad plures are neither usual or allowable and that such a way of proceeding will be as much against the Rules of Law Honour and Justice as of Equity and good
Prelats Counts Barons autres gentz du Parlement did in full Parliament as the Record it self will evidence Petition the King to restore the said Edmond Mortimer to his Blood and Estate which were to remain unto him after the death of his said Father to whom it was answered by the King in these words Et sur ce nostre Seigneur le Roi charge a les ditz Prelats Countes Barons en leur foies ligeance queux ils lui devoient de puis ce que le Piere nostre Seigneur le Roi que ore est estoit murdre per le dit Counte de la Marche person procurement a ce quil avoit mesmes comdevant sa mort que eux eant regarda le Roi en tiel cas lui consilassent ce quil devoit faire de reson audit Esmon filz le dit Counte les queux Prelats Countes Barons autres avys trete entre eux respondirent a nostre Seigneur le Roi de Common assent que en regard a fi horrible fait comme de murdre de terre leur Seigneur lige quen faist unques ne avoient devant en leur temps ne nes devant venir en le eyde de dieu quils ne scavoient uncore Juger ne conseiller ceque seroit affaire en tiel cas Et sur ce prierent a nostre Seigneur le Roi quils poierent ent aver avisement tanque au proche in Parlement la quelle priere le Roi ottroia sur ce prierent outre que nostre Siegneur le Roi feist au dit Esmon sa bone grace a quoi il respond quil lui voloit faire mes cella grace vendroit de lui mesmes Sir Thomas de Berkeley who Sir William Dugdale in his Book of the Baronage of England found and believes to have been a Baron being called to account by the King for the murder of his Father King Edward the Second to whose custody at his Castle of Barkeley he was committed not claiming his Peerage but pleading that he was at the same time sick almost to death at Bradely some miles distant and had committed the custody and care of the King unto Thomas de Gourney William de Ocle ad eum salvo custodiendi and was not guilty of the murder of the King or any ways assenting thereunto Et de illo posuit se super Patriam had a Jury of twelve Knights sworn and impannelled in Parliament who acquitted him thereof but finding that he had committed the custody of the King to the aforesaid Thomas de Gournay William de Ocle and that the King extitit murderatus a further day was given to the said Sir Thomas de Berkeley de audiendo Judicio suo in prox Parliamento and he was in the interim committed to the custody of Ralph de Nevil Steward of the Kings Houshold At which next Parliament Prierent les Prelatz Countes Barons a nostre Seigneur le Roi on the behalf of the said Sir Thomas de Berkeley that he would free him of his Baylor Mainprize whereupon the King charging the said Prelats Counts and Barons to give him their advice therein Le quel priere fust ottroia puis granta nostre Seigneur le Roi de rechef a leur requeste que le dit Mons'r Thomas ses Mainpernors fusseient delivres discharges de lure mainprise si estoit Jour donne a dit Thomas de estre en prochein Parlement which proved to be a clear Dismission for no more afterwards appeareth of that matter Neither after a fierce Impeachment in the said Parliament of 21 R. 2. against Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury and Chancellor of England of High Treason upon which he was by that injured Prince condemned and banished when as the Record saith Les dits Countz prierent au Roi ordenir tiel Jugement vers le dit Ercevesque come le cas demande le Roi sur ceo Recorda en le dit Parlement que le dit Ercevesque avoit este devant lui en presence de certeines Seigneurs confessor que en la use de la dite Commission il sey mesprise lui mist en la grace du Roi surquoi the Judgment was given against the said Archbishop that he should be banished and forfeit all his Lands Goods and Estate when in the first year of the Raign of the usurping King H. 4. that Archbishop not tarrying long in Exile the minds of the Commons became so setled on the prevailing side that there was so small or no opposition made by them against him as the Duke of York and Earl of Northumberland and others of the Blood of the said Archbishop of Canterbury did in Parliament pray the King that the said Archbishop might have his recovery against Roger Walden for sundry Wasts and Spoils done by him in the Lands of the said Archbishoprick which the King granted and thanked them for their motion The Bishop of Exeter Chancellor of England at the assembling of the Parliament taking his Text out of the Prophecy of Ezekiel Rexerit unus omnibus alledging the power that ought to be in Soveraign Kings and Princes whereby to govern and the Obedience in Subjects to obey and that all alienations of his Kingly Priviledges and Prerogatives were reassumable and to be Repealed by his Coronation-Oath Pour quoi le Roi ad fut assembler le Estatz de Parlement a cest faire pour estre enformer si ascun droitz de sa Corone soient sustretz ou amemuser a sin que par leur bon advis discretion tiel remedie puisse estre mis que le Roi puisse esteer en sa libertie ou poir Comme ses Progenitors ont este devant lui duissent de droit non obstante ascun ordinance au contraire ainsi le Roi as Tener Et les governera whereupon the Commons made their Protestation and prayed the King that it might be Inrolled that it was not their intente ou volunte to Impeach or Accuse any Person in that Parliament sans congie du Roi And thereupon the Chancellor by the Kings command likewise declared That Nostre Seigneur le Roi considerant coment plusieurs hautes offenses mesfaits on t estre faitz par le People de son Roialme en contre leur ligeance l' Estat nostre Seigneur le Roi la loie de la terre devant ces heures dont son People estiet en grant perill danger de leie leur corps biens voullant sur ce de sa royalle benignite monstre fair grace a son dit People a fyn quilz ayent le greindre corage volonte de bien faire de leure mieux porter devors le Roi entemps avenir si voet grante de faire ease quiete salvation de son dit People une generalle Pardon a ces liges forspries
that I have performed really what I expressed to you at the beginning of this Pailiament of the great trust I have of your affections to me and this is the great expression of trust that before you do any thing for me that I do put such a confidence in you Which was such an Assent to an Act of Parliament to ruin himself and his Monarchy as never was asked or imposed upon any King or Prince not a vassal unto any Prince or Republick or by any King granted unto his Subjects that did not intend to make himself to be either a Subject to his Subjects or a fellow Subject unto he could not tell who which that ensnared necessitated and every where almost betrayed Prince did never intend or think to be rational or any thing but an oppression and force put upon him by too many of his Rebellious Subjects when he was so pinched and surrounded with Perils and Hazards of the greatest importance either as to the saving of himself or his Royal Posterity and three Kingdoms when the Faction of 5 or 6 of some ambitious and unquiet Spirits backt with a lurking Scottish contrived Universal Rebellion the villany of some of the unquiet nonconforming Clergy and the Bestial ignorance of the Rabble had forced him to a condescension of an Act of Parliament in the 16 year of his Raign that if he did not summon a Parliament once in every three years his Chancellor or Keeper of the Great Seal of England or Commissioners thereof upon their Oaths after a certain prefixion of daies and under a penalty to be incapable and suffer such Censures as both Houses of Parliament should inflict should be obliged to do it wherein if he or they should in like manner fail any 12 or more of the House of Peers should do it and cause Writs under the great Seal of England to issue forth for the summoning of an yearly Parliament all Clerks of Offices that were used to officiate therein were commanded under the pain of incapacity and forfeiture of their Offices and such other Penalties as that terryfying Parliament should ordain if any Sheriff Mayor or Bayliff disobeyed he or they were to suffer the Penalties of a Praemunire and the people were to proceed to an Election and send those that they Elected to the Parliament to be holden once in every year wherein the King was to be personally present and he or both Houses within the year might adjourn prorogue or dissolve the same the House of Peers might appoint their own Speaker and the House of Commons theirs the King might nominate by Commission one or more to take of the Members of the House of Commons in Parliament the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy and they that refused to be punished by the House of Commons they that sought to disturb or hinder those Orders for frequency of Parliaments were to endure the Penalties of Praemunire take no benefit by the Laws be incapable of any Inheritance Legacy Gift or Grant and be disabled to purchase by themselves or any other or capable of any Office Use or Trust. §. 33. That all or any of the Members of the House of Commons in Parliament are not properly or by their original constitution intended or otherwise entituled or properly truly justly lawfully seized or to be stiled or termed Estates neither are to be so understood or believed to be and being to be no otherwise than subject to a temporary Election and by the authority of their Kings Writs paid their wages and charges by those that sent and elected them can have no Just or Regal Right thereunto FOr that the Title or usage of the Word Estate cannot bear or carry any other acceptation interpretation or signification than a party or condition of men elected by a Community composed of several sorts of men anciently and originally the Electors and the Sheriffs themselves excepted as their Procurators or Attorneys to be present in Parliament ad consentiendum iis to consent unto obey and perform such things as the King by the advice of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal should be pleased to ordain For the word Status or Estates truly legally and properly understood either now or anciently can have or receive no other signification Etymology Interpretation common use proper or true understanding or meaning than Status est duplex publicus est dignitatis honorum l. cognitionem l. 5. F. De extraordinariis cognitio privatus est hominis conditio ipsum privatum concernens spectatur in tribus in libertate in Civitate in familia l. Fin. F. de cap. dim Ideo statum mutare dicitur qui mutat illud Jus quod habet in isto casu servi statum non habent Cal. 9. Unde dici solet servus caput non habet Minsh statum unde capitis diminutio quod status diminutio Meulf p 71. Statum mutant liberi omnes qui vel ivitatem vel libertatem vel familiae Jus amittunt Cal. 5. Status personarum conditionem significat sicut Ingenui libertini servi Cal. 9. 29. prat Status dicitur conditio qualitasve personarum qua quis plurimum potest appellatur in Institutionibus Jus personarum Cal. 6. Gradum pro existimationis honoris loco usurpari notum est hinc in Gradum reponere est disjectum restituere Spieg. prat Gradus in Agone literario tres sunt ut doctores legum seq Baccularii Licentiati Doctores Status Curia comitatus Aula Regis Jacobus de vitriace lib. 3. pag. 1126. de sapphedino primo die recepit ipsos legatos Christianorum in prima scala de Cairon ubi semper est status ejus Statutarii sunt Magistratus qui statuta odunt vel horum observationes invigilant vel secundum ea judicia sua odunt Charta Annum 1322. infrascripta statuta conscripta per Dominos Jurisperitos electos per dominos statutarios Bulla p. p. data Lugduni in M. pastorali Eccl. parisiensi lib. 19. ca. 15. Excommunicatos nuncios Statutarios et Scriptores statutorum ipsorum Alia Bonifacii 9. p. p. Anno 1391. Apud Goldastum to 2 constit Imper. Potestates vero Consules statutarii Scriptores Statutorum praedict nec non consiliarii locorum ipsorum qui secundum Statuta consuetudines memoratas judicarent c. Status Statura Gregorius Taron lib. 4. Hist. cap. 24. Celsum Patriciatus honore donavit virum procerum statu in scapulis validum lacerto robustum c. Mon. Sangallensis l. 1. cap. 19. de quodam Ep. qui cum familiaritate illius animari caepisset in tantam progressus est proterviam ut virgam auream incomparabilis Caroli quam ad Statum suum fieri Jussit feriatis diebus vice baculi ferendam pro Episcopali ferula improvidus ambiret Status Sedes Statum facere sedere morari Ethelwerdus lib. 4. cap. 3. Attamen oppressi lassatu desistunt pugne barbari sterilem obticient tunc victorie Statum
calumniate their Kings by publick calumnies or Remonstrances for who would not in the course of ordinary friendship or in the case of Children or Servants to their Parents or Master take it to be an ill piece of love or duty publickly to abuse and rail at their Kings and those which were invited for helps in Councel worse than the accursed Chams discovery of his Father Noahs Nakedness or Jobs instead of comfort better censuring friends did it in no worse expressions than Walsingham hath related viz. Archiepiscopi Episcopi Abbato Priores Comites Barones tota terrae Communitas monstrant domino nostro Regi humiliter rogant eum ut ea ad honorem suum populi sui salvationem velit corrigere emendare And when they long after found themselves as aforesaid stiled one of the 3. Estates in some of the Parliament Rolls so as aforesaid mentioned could not by any Grammar or reasonable construction or by any Rules of any truth sense or reason believe the King to be one of the 3. Estates spoken of or at all intended in the Journals or Rolls of Parliament or understood so to be by the parties speaking or spoken of or unto the Sandy and britle foundation of which ill digested opinion being not likely to get any room in any serious mans well weighed consideration Being only made use of as a Trick of Faction and Sedition to exclude the Bishops and Lords Spiritual on purpose to put the King in their place whereby to make him co-ordinate with them and the House of Peers and help to justifie as much as they could the fighting against Imprisoning Arraigning and Murder of their King And being Elected and Introduced into the House of Commons as Procurators only and representing for some part not all of the Commons under their proper limitted conditions ad faciendum consentiendum iis to such matters and things as in that greatest of Councels in the Kingdom should be ordained by the King and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal there Assembled for the good and welfare thereof under the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy did not stile themselves Estates or think they were thereunto entituled when at the Coronation of their former and succeeding Soveraign Kings and Princes they were in suo genere though with different Species Degrees Estates Capacities comprehended under the notion of the vulgus or common People for until the 11th year of the Raign of King Richard the 2d they had no Title of Estates allowed or given unto them and if they could make any Title thereunto the Lords Spiritual or Praelates were the first the Lords Temporal and Nobility the 2d under and subordinate to their King Supream Head and Governour and the Commons who were dispares to the Peers of England the 3d. who did notwithstanding long after in their Petitions in Parliament take it to be honour enough to call themselves by no higher a Title than the Commons The Kings Leiges and his pouvrez Leiges the word Estate State or one of the Estates in Parliament being by the Invention or Phraseologie of their Clerks or Registers by hasty abbreviation and in and but sometimes saving of labour in the aforesaid 11th year of the unfortunate Raign of King Richard the 2d by Use and Custom fastned upon them as men and many learned Authors have often by an Incuria done when in their writing of Ancient and Former things or times they have made use of words or expressions of the present times as more intelligible as Duel for Battle or Camp Fight Parliament for our seldom or greatest Councels hint for intimation or spoken of before the last of which being known only to have been here introduced in the late Covenanted Scotch and English Rebellion by Mr. Alexander Henderson or the late Senseless Proud False and Insignificant Titles of Honour or Respect of an Alderman assumed by such as paid a great Sum of Money as a Fine not to be an Alderman and so became revera no Alderman with as little Reason as the Citizens Wives of London as low as the Meal-man's and Bricklayer's do think themselves clownishly handled or dealt with if they be not at every word stiled Madam cum multis aliis his nugis Curialibus of the misusage and impropriety of words misapplied without any consideration had of the intention and true meaning of the Authors and the times wherein they lived and the mode and usage of the words in former and latter times made use of for the better signification and expression of mens meanings either writings reading or modus loquendi viz. by an ignorant Bellum Grammatical make Rebellion to be as necessary as Religion and Rebellion to be Religion Who could not without the Power or impulse of dreaming or some wild imagination be Estates in very deed when they took and sued for their Wages in coming to the Parliament tarrying and returning and have been told by some of our Kings in Parliament that they were but Petitioners which they then did not contradict which the higher sphered Lords in Parliament never did more than enjoy a Priviledge Anciently allowed but rarely made use of by them in the hunting and killing a Deer as they travelled through any of the Kings Forests or Parks in their way to advise and serve their Kings in those their greatest of Councels and in our Statutes and Acts of Parliament penned by the Judges and Councel of our Kings in their former and much better Usage and Custom of drawing and penning our Acts of Parliament of late left only to be framed by Sollicitors and the Prosecutors and Contrivers thereof so as the word Estates is rarely to be found therein And so little were the Parliamentary Commons of England obliged to the old approved good Writers and Historians as Asser Menevensis Ingulfus Roger Hoveden Gervasius Tilburiensis William of Malmesbury Matthew Paris Brompton Knighton and many others contemporaries to our Brittish Saxon Danish and Norman Kings and their Successors and if their Testimonies will not pass with these Reeord Scrap-mongers who would wrest and wring every thing they can meet with to their Seditions and Treason hatching by false and wicked glosses and misinterpretations the Parliament and Statute Rolls that do every where give evidence as an everlasting truth unto what that blessed Martyr King Charles the first hath so truly asserted in his Answer to the Rebel Parliament 19 Propositions when the Secretary or Sir Edward Hyde by a mistake had allowed them the Title of Estates which being decryed by the Lawyers and Loyal Members of the Loyal Parliament at Oxford then attending viz. Sir Orlando Bridgman Sir Geffry Palmer and Sir Robert Holborn had not so passed but that the post could not be recalled yet howsoever the Rebellious party at London that were so willing to catch at that as they thought advantage might have seen read in the words cohaerent in the same Paragraph an exception in the
according to the great Charter nulli vendemus Justitiam unto which the King answered such as be of course shall be so and such as be of grace the King will command the Chancellour to be therein gracious Neither doth it appear that the Lords Spiritual who in the Raign of King Stephen held three several Councels in Secular Affairs and of King Henry the 2d were sundry times Mediators employed by him in Treaties betwixt him and the King of France or that the Lords Temporal the other part of the House of Peers and Baronage of England subordinate under their King and Soveraign did ever take esteem or believe the Members of the House of Commons in Parliament jointly or separately to be a 3d. Estate of the Kingdom for they neither had or enjoyed that Title or supposed Power In Anno 17. of King John in the Rencounter or Rebellion at Running Mede when in a pacification there made with some of his robustious Barons it was agreed that if the Conservators none of them which were then nominated to be the Conservators of the Kingdom being then called the Estates could not obtain a just performance of that constrained agreement by a complaint made unto the King or his Chief Justice of the Kingdom populus not then dreamed to be a 3d. Estate might â—um pravare with a salvo or exception to the Persons of him his Wife and Children do it and were not so imagined to be when the Popes Legat had by his Excommunication of that King and Interdiction of the use of Christianity in the whole Nation constrained him to do Homage to the Pope by an Investiture of the Sword Crown and Scepter and an yearly Tribute of 1000 Marks for the Kingdom of England and Ireland to the Church and See of Rome that Engine or Trick of Soveraignty Inhaerent in the People or a 3d. Estate representing for them in Parliament not then being thought necessary for a ratification of those that would magnifie themselves with that Factious and Fictitious Title of a 3d. Estate which they durst not adventure to make use of or mention in our Magna Charta and Charta de Foresta freely granted by King Henry the 3d. his Son and that more than thirty times Confirmations for the first whereof they believed they had made a good bargain when they had given unto that King the 15th part of their moveables and were not a 3d. Estate or called so in the 42 year of the Raign of that King when the Derogatory Act of Parliament to Kingly Government was enforced from him at Oxford in the 42 year of his Raign Anno 13. E. 3. The Bishop of Durham and Sir Michael de la Poole came from the King with a Message to the whole Estates which probably were then none other than the Lords Spiritual and Temporal concerning his Victories atchieved in France The Lords upon the Kings want of Money grant to the King the tenth Sheaf of Corn their Bond or Bond-Tenants excepted their 〈…〉 h Fleece of Wooll and 〈…〉 h Lamb for two years the Commons then not stiled Estates require time to go into their Countries to advise with those that sent them the Commons not Estates return their Assent and make several demands with a request that the Sheriffs of every County may in the next Summons to Parliament return two Knights girt with Swords A general Proclamation was made that all Persons having Charters of Pardon should resort to the Sea-coast for the Kings Service upon pain to forfeit the same The Commons do give the King for his Relief 30000 Sacks of Wooll upon conditions expressed in a pair of Indentures whereupon the Lords promised to send to the King to know his pleasure after long Debating the Commons promise to give presently to the King 2500 Sacks of Wooll so as if the King liked the conditions aforesaid the same should run in payment if not they would freely give it to him Remembrances of things not finished in one Parliament to be done in another They granted unto the King the ninth of their Grain Wooll and Lamb for two years to be Levyed out of all Towns-men the ninth of their Goods of such as dwelled in Forests and Wasts a Fifteenth upon condition the King would grant their Petitions contained in a Schedule so willing were the Commons to obtain and get what they could from the King and so little did they think themselves to be a 3d. Estate or an entire or any part of Soveraignty Sundry Bishops Lords and Commons were appointed daily to sit until they had reduced the aforesaid Grant into the form of a Statute and was agreed upon by the King and the whole Estates which could not be expounded that the King was one of those Estates or the other any more than the Lords Spiritual and Temporal leaving the Commons to be no more than they were in suis gradibus no 3d. Estate which beginneth To the Honour of God c. And such Articles as were to continue but for a time the King exemplified under the great Seal Know ye that with our Bishops Earls c. Certain Bishops and Lords requiring to be saved harmless against the Duke of Brabant for great sums of Money wherein they stood bound for the King if the Duke of Cornwal married not the Daughter of the said Duke which was granted and all which Letters Patents were inrolled in Chancery And for that the King in his Stile was named King of France and had changed his Arms whereby The Abridger of the Parliament Rolls or Records or Mr. Pryn the Rectifier or misuser of them hath given us a curtailed Abbreviation of the Parliament Remembrances in 14 E. 3. wherein all that the Abridger or Rectifier was pleased to give us was that Subjects were no longer bound to him than as King of France the Kings Letters Patents of Indempnity were granted beginning Edwardus c. Know ye that where some people intend c. When as in the Printed Statute according to the Parliament Record for so it may better be understood to have been the Abridger or Rectifier so miscalled might have seen that the King by the Title of King of England and France and Lord of Ireland by his Letters Patents under the great Seal of England reciting that whereas some people did think that by reason the Realm of France was devolved to him as Right Heir of the same and for as much as he is King of France the Realm of England should be put in Subjection of the King and of the Realm of France in time to come he having regard to the Estate of his Realm of England and namly that it never was nor ought to be in Subjection to the obeysance of the Kings of France which for the time have been nor of the Realm of France and willing to provide for the Surety and Defence of the Realm of England and of the Leige people of the same doth will and grant
Grammar or Construction of Reason or Sense will ever be able to comprehend the King The 17th day of December the Chancellor in the presence of the King and the 3 Estates which is surely to be understood to consist of other Persons separately and distinct from the King Prorogued the Parliament until the 20th day of January then next ensuing at Westminster and upon the 28th day of April was likewise Prorogued to the 5th day of May next following The Archbishop of Canterbury Chancellor of England in the presence of the King Lords and Commons declaring the cause of Summoning the Parliament said that the Kings pleasure was that all Estates should enjoy their Liberties which could not signifie that the King himself was one of those Estates to whom he granted that favour The 25th day of December the Chancellor in the presence of the King and the 3. Estates by the Kings Commandment giving thanks to the 3. Estates the King being then by the Chancellor or any other Master of Reason or Common Sense not understood to be any one of the 3. Estates to whom the thanks were given dissolved the Parliament An Act of Parliament was made wherein was declared that King Edward the 4th was the undoubted King of England from the 4th day of March last before and that all the Estates yielded themselves obeysant Subjects unto him and his Heirs for ever the late never to be maintained Doctrine of the pretended co-ordination of the House of Commons in Parliament as Subjects with their Soveraign in Parliament and the Government being not than that established or ever to be evidenced otherwise then God hath ordained a co-ordination betwixt the King and his Subjects which is that the People as Subjects should obey their King and the King as their Soveraign Protect Rule and Govern them and affirmed the Raign of King Henry the 4th to be an Intrusion and only Usurpation The Chancellor the King sitting in his Royal State in the presence of the Lords and Commons made an Eloquent Oration wherein he declared the 3. Estates to comprehend the Governance of the Land the preheminence whereof was in the Bishops the second to the Lords Temporal which the learned and men of that Age and other Chancellors understood to be no other than two separate and distinct Estates the one Temporal and the other Spiritual and the King to be Superiour The Bishop of London Chancellor of England in the presence of the King and the 3. Estates the King being none of them but Superior over them all Prorogued the Parliament to the 6th of June ensuing For where the Abridger or Mr. Pryn possessing himself to be the Rectifier or Corrector amongst his other faults and mistakings in his Epitomizings made it to be in the Parliament Rolls of 6 Edwardi 3. that many failing to come to the Parliament upon the Summons of the King did put a charge upon the whole Estate by a reassembly he will find neither words or matter for it All that appears of the Title of Estates in the Parliament and Statute Rolls of that year is no more than the Prelats grants gentz du Commune or les Prelats Counts Barons gentz des Countez gentz de la Commune No whole Estate mentioned in the Parliament Roll all that is said n. 42. is no more than a les requests des grantz come de ceuâ— de la Commune de le Clergie That which is translated the Estate of the King is no more in the Parliament Roll n. 5. than les beseignes nostre seigneur le Roy de son Royame Where the Abridger saith the Parliament was to treat and advise touching the Estate de nostre Seigneur le Roy le Governement le salnette de sa terre d' Angleterre de son people relevation de lour Estate there is no other mention of Estates than the Prelatz grantz Commons de son roiame and charged les Chinalers des Countes and Commons to assemble in the Chamber de Pinct A quel Jour vindrent les Chivalers des Counties autres Commons and gave their advice in a Petition in the form ensuant a tres excellent or tres honorable Seigneur les gentz de vostre Commun soy recommandent a vous obeysantment en merciant se avant come leur petitesse powre suffice de tant tendrement pervez a quer maintenir la pees a la quiete de vostre people c. Et en maintenance des autres Leyes as autres Parliaments devant ces heures grantees vostre poure Commons sil vous plaist sa gree semble a la dite Commune totes autres choses poent suffisantement estre rewelez Terminez en Bank le Roy Commune Bank devant Justices as Assises prendre nisi les delayes nient covenable soient aggregez oustez ore a ce Parliament per estatut En. Ro. Parl. 18. E. 3. Where the King desired the names of the absent Lords that he might punish them there is no mention of the Clergy or Commons or of any Estates and the King afterwards desiring their advice touching his Treaty with France charged the Prelats Countz Barons et Communs to give their advice therein Which they all did without naming themselves or being stiled Estates The Kings Letters of Credence sent out of France to his Parliament in England were directed a toutes Erchevesquis evesques Abbes Priours Counts Barons toutz autres foialx le Roy vendront au dit Parlement troter sar les beseignes le Roy whereupon he demanded an Aid of the said Prelats grantz Communs And the Lords without the Title of Estates having granted it the Chivalers des Counties Citizens Burges des Cities Burghs Prioront de avoir avisement entre eux and in Answer thereunto delivered a Petition unto the King for redress of Grievances not by the name of the Estates but a nostre Seigneur le Roy a son conseil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gentz de la Communes de sa terre ausi bien des 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de Counties Where it was supposed that a Pardon was granted and a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Sir John Matrevers of all his Lands by the whole Estates there appeareth no more in the 〈…〉 ment Roâ—â— than that he Petitioned A nostre Seigneur le Roy a son bon conscil wherein he recited that Restitution had been granted de poiar royal nostre Seigneur le Roy par bor accord 〈◊〉 Common assent des Prelatz Co 〈…〉 es Barons de son Roialme par plusieurs causes appearing in the 〈…〉 ings Charter of Pardon and prayed quil p 〈…〉 st a nostre dit Seigneur le Roy a son bon conscil par la boâ—dance de sa Noble Seignorie granter la restitution scisdite pâ—usse estre ore renovelle en cest Parlement quelle Petition lue fut respondue
endorse par les Seigneurs autres grantz du Parlement quil semble an conscil la Chartre doit estre renovelle entre en roule du Parlement est de Record sil plest au Roy pour ceo mesme cesse Petition fust pius monstre au Roy il ad ottroie aussint est ottroio per la Commune soit la dite Chanre renovelle per accord de tut le Parlement entre en roule de meisme le Parlement en le meliour mannere pourra estre pour bone gremdre assurance del estat le dit Johan in and by which the King repealing the Judgment given against him in Parliament Judicio predicto non obstante saith only nos ad requisitionem praedicti Johannis pro majori securitate status ipsius Johannis de assensu praelatorum ducum Comitum Baronum Comitatis Regni nostri Angliae in praesenti Parliamento nostro existentium restitutionem praedictam ratisicamus c. The Archbishop of Canterbury and those many Suffragan Bishops and Clergy of his Province not at that time deeming themselves to be an Estate Soveraign or Governing either in or out of Parliaments when in that Parliament they Petitioned unto him in this manner a nostre Seigneur le Roy supplient ses humbles Chapelleius Symon par divine soefrance Erchevesque de Canterbury ses frereres Evesques de sa Province par eux tote le Clergie quil pleise a nostre dit Seigneur le Roy pour le reverence de dieu et de Sainte Eglise et a sa benignite a eux granter et confirme totes les liberties et privileges et droits grantez et donez par lui et ses nobles progenitors avant ses heires a sainte Eglise par leur Chartres Estatuts et Ordinances c. Where it was in the Translation mistakenly said that the King gave thanks to the whole Estate and licensed them to depart The Record is only et si faict mercia le Roy as Prelatz grantz et Communs de leur venir et leur bone port en Parlement et leur done congie a departir et issint finist le Parlement Anno 42. E. 3. When the English Abridgment or Translation saith that the Archbishop of Canterbury on the 〈…〉 ings behalf gave thanks to the whole Estate for their Aids and Subsidies The original in the Parliament Roll is no more than et le Samedy suant les Communs esteanuts en la dite chambre Blanche fueront charges quils faissent leur Petitions et quilles baillerent le meskerdy sumant Et le Lundy Suant les Prelatz grantz en mesme la Chambre esteant fut monstrez a eux par lerchevesque coment le Roy leur mercie de grant Cuer de plusieurs aides quils lui avoeint faitz et meement des darreine aide quils lui facerent en le darrein Parlement des Subsides et Customs a lui grants de Leynes Quiers et Peaux lanuz pour un temps et ce fut il que le grant fust chargrant a son people nient moins per vint an demora au profit ou encres de lui per cause des grant chargez et payements faits et sustemis â—y bien a Caleis Guines Pontiff et ses autres terres de la come d' Irland et la marche de escoce que leur plat par tant avoir consideration a son Estat et honeur eta sgrantz charges que lui avoient faire et sustenue deners le marche d' Escoce pour la salvation dicelle pour cause qui semble plus la guerre qui pees par les respons des Escetz Sur que les choses les Prelatz et grantz en deliberation plein ove les Communs de une accord granterent a nostre Seigneur le Roy en aide de son et honeur somner et gardez et les grants custages que lui coment faire et mettre par diverse voies les Subsides et Customs de laynes c. par deux Aus prochein ensuant qui passe hors du dit roialme After which followed the Petitions des Commons without any Title of Estate The Chancellor on the Kings behalf commanded the Prelats Seigneurs and Commons there being to continue there until le besoignes del Roy were finished and not to depart without License and the Commons do in their Petitions stile themselves no otherwise than voz pouvrez et liges Commons Item prient la Clergie And the Commons made their Declaration in these and no other words a nostre Seigneur le Roy et a son conscilpar la Commune d' Angleterre Item prie le Commune at coine ils se sentent de jour en autres our agenses estre grievez par pluralitez des guerre as constage importables et plese nostre Seigneur le Roy et son sage conseil ordonne ent remede qur tieuxchargez autre porter la Commune ne purra en nul manere susteiner Unto which the King answered le Roy le faâ—â—e volunters ses honeurs et Estat â—ondâ—z salvez all which put together do not declare the Commons to be a third Estate and no ways agreeth with the Abridgers Translation that the Commons by their Speaker requiring the King to have consideration of their poor Estate He answered that it was necessary to provide as well for the safety of his own Estate as for the Common-wealth Where the Abridger or Corrector Translates after Receivers and Triers of Petitions named commandment was given that all Persons and Estates should return the next day to hear the cause of Summoning the Parliament declared The original saith no more than Touz ensemblez en my des Prelats et Seigneurs avant duz appellez eux Chancellor Terminer Seneschall Chamberlaine et les Sergeantz le Roy quat il beseignera et tiendrout lour place â—n la Chambre Mercalfe Et le Roy vous commande et vour retornez le de maine per temps pur avoir declaration en place especial manere sur les causes des le somonce avant dite et en oultre le Roy commande a touz et avoient la dite somonce quils vieguent de jour en autre audit Parlement et quils ne se absentent mye en de protentdycell sans especial congie de lui sur peril q' appont The Bishop of Exeter Chancellor of England at the assembling of the Parliament taking his Text out of the Prophecy of Ezekiel Rex erit unus omnibus alledging the Power that ought to be in Soveraign Kings and Princes whereby to Govern and the Obedience in Subjects to Obey and that all alienations of his Kingly Priviledges and Prerogatives were reassumable and to be repealed by his Coronation Oath pour quoi le Roy ad fat assembler de Estatz de Parlement a cest faire pour estre enformez si ascun droitz de sa
quaecunque in Actis Inae Gentilis sui Offae Merciorum Regis Ethelfredi magni Ethelbaldi qui primum Anglicos sacro Baptismate tinctus observata digna deprehendit ea collegit congessit reliqua plene omisit Or in any of the Books if they were extant said to have been written by that great King viz. Breviarium quoddam collectum ex Legibus Trojanorum Graecorum Britannorum Saxonum Danorum as hath been before mentioned Or in or by the Laws of King Edward who Raigned here in Anno 900. when iis omnibus quae republicae praesunt etiam atque etiam mandavit ut omnibus quoad ejus facere poterint aequos se praebeant Judices perinde ut in Judiciali libro Scriptum habetur no Warrant yet appearing for a Modus tenendi Parliamentum nor a third Estate over-ruling or voting their Soveraign nec quicquam formident Jus Commune audacter dicant litibus singalis dici quibus dijudicantur codicibus statuit Or in the Laws of King Athelstan who Raigned here in the year 924. the Heptarchy being then reduced to its pristine Estate of Monarchy or in or by his Laws in a Councel holden at Exeter or in or by any the Laws of King Edmond Or in or by any the first written Laws said to be of the Brittains in the Raign of their King Howel Dha stiled the good or in or by any the Laws of King Eldred made in or about the year 948. or in or by any the Laws of King Edgar who Raigned about the year 959. and stiled himself favente dei gratia not of the people totius Angliae Rex Imperator as he might well do when he was Rowed in a Ship or Barge upon the River Dee in Wales by four of his Tributary Kings Or by King Edward made in or about the year 950. in the Senatus Consultum League or Agreement made betwixt him and the Monticuli Walliae Angliae sapientum and Walliae consiliis Or in the pact or agreement made betwixt King Edmond Ironside and Canutes the Dane when they were perswaded to spare the dire effect of a Bloody Battle and leave the â—vent unto a personal combate betwixt the King and his Danish Competitor in the view of both Armies whereupon they both being ferried over into the near Isle of Alney the strong Ironside so wearied and almost vanquished the Dane as he willingly agreed to be content with the moity of the Kingdom Neither doth there any thing appear in or by the Laws of our King Canutus who Raigned here about the year 1608. ex sapientum Consilio Or in or by any the Laws or Constitutions of William the Conqueror or any of our succeedings Kings or Princes And the late new Framers of new Governments calculated for the meridian of their own Profit and Ambitious Factious designs might have better informed themselves by the reading those mischievous Provisions imposed at a Parliament at Oxford upon King Henry the third and his Son Prince Edward which being afterwards by the King and the contending Barons referred to the Arbitration of the King of France a not long before enemy enough of King Henry the third with an engagement on both sides upon Oath to abide by his award those Provisions were upon a full hearing before that King and his Great Councel the Parliament at Paris in the presence of all the contending parties adjudged to be null and void as derogatory to Kingly government as hath been here before expressed that although in those Provisions there was another solemn Jury Impannelled in every County to Enquire and Certify all and every the supposed Breaches of Liberties and their Verdict under their Hands and Seals were returned into the Court of Chancery there is nothing to be found of the contents or complaints expected and that there being by those Provisions to be 3 Parliaments in every year one at Michaelmas or 2 at Candlemas and a third at the first of June and 12 to represent the Common people were to be Elected by the Barons and they that were chosen were none other than Bishops and Barons and the hautes homes so small was then the trust in the Vulgus or Common people and so nothing at all either in behalf or consideration of modus tenendi Parliamentum or a third Estate or Soveraignty in the people or can any rationally beleive that the Clerks in the House of Peers which is the highest Court of Record under their Soveraign and the house of Commons none but often supplicating the other to Record and Inrol their Special matters and Protestations and in the Parliament of 11 R. 2. when the five great Lords appealed five other as big as they of High Treason and throwing down their Gauntlets with Armies ready to attend their purposes and the Bishops had made their protestation and forsook their places might not by a facile inadvertency have suffer'd the word Estates to have crept under their Pens and be a means of procreating some of the like unfortunate Errors yet were they now amongst the living and examined they would swear they intended none other than the Lords Spiritual and Temporal but subordinate to the King especially when the whole tenor and current of our multitudes of Acts of Parliament except those few of Richard the 3. that murdered his Nephew the young King to get into his Throne by flattering the people and calling them Estates seem to have no acquaintance with that since misused word or expression as some have done by saying when he came once to sit in Chancery the King can do no wrong And it might be more marvellous than the seven wonders of England that so great an Elevation and belief should be in that mistaken part of Parliament when in the storm and tide of a Faction and Sedition driving on a horrid Rebellion in order to the Murder of their King they had in their more than Pharisaical Fastings and Prayers with Protestations to make him a glorious King put him into insufferable Fetters as it were of Iron as to impose upon him in the 16th year of his Raign to put the power of summoning the Parliament once in every three years if he should omit it to the Lord Chancellor or Keeper of the Great Seal under severe penalties upon their Oaths at a certain praefixation of time and upon his failing to any twelve or more of the House of Peers and every house might choose their own Speaker and Administer the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to their Members and that therein should be omitted the title of Estates or some other Character of Grandetza if it had at all been justly due unto them When in December 1621 the House of Commons in Parliament by a Remonstrance made unto King James not being able to shew any good Law or Reason to the contrary did declare that they did not assume to themselves any power to determine of Religion or War nor did intend to
the Romans those Cordatissimi Mortales as the learned Pettus Cunaeus hath stiled them and most watchful of their Priviledges the wary long lasting Republick of Venice or the later Confederates of the United Provinces ever trouble themselves or any other with such reasonless incredible Whimsies it being impossible that Subject and Soveraignty should constare vel consistere in uno eodenque Subjecto neither when Jeroboam drew away the Ten Tribes of Israel from the Obedience of Rehoboam and made as the Holy Scripture saith all Israel to sin was there any such opinion amongst their Cabalistical Doctrines The Republicks of Venice Holland could not be capable of Leagues and Treaties with Monarch and Forreign Princes as unto War and commerce nor the little Common-wealths of Genoa and Geneva or those many Imperial free Cities or Towns in or near Germany or the Electors of the Empire or the Hanse Towns should they give entertainment unto such Fancies and Fopperies as a Soveraignty in the people neither would the Cantons of of Helvetia or Switzerland think themselves well used to be obliged to such a Parcel of unpracticable folly And if those Egregious Cavillators can find no way of retreat for those their notorious follies but to fly for Succour unto praescription that will if they could as they will never be able to prove it yeild them as little comfort for a Rebellious electing of some few Members into the House of Commons first formed as unto a small number of them during the Imprisonment of King Henry the third by Montforts Army of Rebels that would not mount unto a Prescription quia mala fide and if it could have come up to any thing like a Prescription there would be no reason or need for an Election of Members to be in the House of Commons in Parliament by the Sheriffs by the Mandate or Warrant of the Kings Writs or how could a party drawn out of such a pretended inhaerent Soveraignty in the people rationally subsist when those their untruly supposed Rights or Priviledges cannot upon the most exact enquiry be found or discerned amongst all the Records Charters and Patents of our Kings and Princes or those of any of our Neighbour Nations of Christendom or of any other Nation White Black or Tawncy but do plainly contradict it and declare the quite contrary and will manifest it to be the greatest Cheat and Villany that ever was put upon the Sons and Daughters of mankind either as unto a pretended inhaerent Soveraignty or a third Estate or the figment of a Modus tenendi Parliamentum Or how could any of our Kings Rightly and Justly stile them a third Estate when they could not choose a Speaker without their License nor leavy their Wages without his Writs directed to the Sheriffs for that purpose nor punish any that had arrested any of them or their maenial Servants whilst they attended the King in their Service for him and their own good and at all conferences either in their own House or in the House of Peers were to stand uncovered when the Lords sate covered could not grant Tax or Aid without the consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and in King Edward 1. His Raign and some of our after Kings have refused to intermeddle or give advice in matters of Peace and War but desired that the Councel of the Lords as the most able might be taken therein In the 34 and 35. H. 8. the Knights and Burgesses of Chester had no title of Estates but the same King in the Act of Parliament declaring in what Order and Manner the Lords should sit in the House of Peers in Parliament made no appointment for or concerning any of the House of Commons as if they had been no Essential part of Parliament that in the great case of Mr. George Ferrars a Member of the House of Commons as wel as a Servant of that Kings upon a complaint that he had been imprisoned and the Kings Serjeant at Arms attending their Speaker was beaten and abused the House of Commons in Parliament complained to the House of Lords who remitted it to them again and no remedy or punishment could be had until it came to the King himself who without any mention or Title given unto them of a third Estateship was pleased to grant it And in Queen Maries Raign 39. of their Members were Indicted by her for not attending the Parliament yet none either claimed a third Estateship or to be tryed by their Peers Queen Elizabeth imprisoned some and at several times charged them and their Speaker not to intermeddle with matters of Church or State but all the Masters of any Understanding Reason or Common sense ought to understand them to be no other than Petitioners and her Leige-men And it is well known that King James in his Instructions to his Son Prince Henry and his learned answer to Cardinal Peronius does assert the Jus Regium to be the Right of Kings from God immediately without any notice taken of a third Estate But if those Kingly Government or Monarchy Reformers would but give their contemplations and designs some little Respite they might easily perceive the frailty of the Materials out of which they mould would the Members of the House of Commons into a third Estate and might find Evidenee Records Reason and Law enough if they have not forsworn them to desist from such an impossibility And it might better become their own busying themselves in the government of the Kingdom wherein they have no manner of skill or knowledge to consult the consequences and the Events and having no knowledge of the causes Mediume contengencies or treacheries too much or too often attendant in Princes affairs not seldom also miscarrying for the Sins of the people or of some Jonas in the Ship deserving a punishment ought more seriously to weigh and consider how little the people of England will think themselves hereafter beholding or obliged unto them when in a popular and aboundance of Ignorance accompanied with sin and wiekedness they advised King Charles the Second to dissolve by Act of Parliament these Nerves and Sinews of the Crown which the Judges of England in the Raigns of King James the first and King Charles the first upon several consults have declared to be so inseparable to the Crown of England as the most potent and binding Act of Parliament that could be made will never be able to disunite them when they have thereby against their wills converted those Tenures of Honour and safety to their King and Protection peace and plenty to his people and the Releifs and Herriots due and payable to the King into a Chimney-Money granted afterwards by another Act of Parliament and what a profitable bargain they have made by forfeiture of all the Lands which they held by and under their Feudal Laws converted into Socage when by a Law made by King Athelstan ever plow Land in Socage was to find in Service
maintenance thereof against all designs and attempts of the Pope and his Adhaerents to subvert and suppress it whereby his Majesty will be much incouraged and enabled in a Parliamentory way for his aid and assistance in restoring his Royal Sister and her Princely Issue to those Dignities and Dominions which belong unto them and relieving the other distressed Protestant Princes who have suffered in the same cause 18. That his Majesty would be pleased by Act of Parliament to clear the Lord Kimbolton and the 5 Members of the House of Commons in such manner that future Parliaments may be secured from the consequence of that evil president 19 That his Majesty would be graciously pleased to pass a Bill for restraining Peers from sitting or voting in Parliament unless they be admitted thereunto with the consent of both Houses of Parliament which would have made him such a King as never was or can be found in any Christian or Heathen Kingdom or Nation and themselves such Subjects as until they could agree the matter amongst themselves or they should be couzened by some Republicans and those publick Plunderers by some Cromwel cheat those kind of extraordinary mad Men and Fools of both Sexes must have been all Kings Queens and Princes and that which they would have called their King to be but as a shadow or semblance or none at all which would have restrained the King from all power that other â—ings and Princes had to reward men of merit when as Joseph had the Honour done him by Pharaoh that they should make him ride them second Chariot and cry before him Bow the Knee and as Mordecai who had preserved King Ahashuerus Life was Arrayed with the Royal Apparel and rode upon the Horse on which the King used to ride with the Crown Royal on his Head and the Horse to be led by one oâ— his greatest Princes through the Street of the City who sh 〈…〉 Proclaim before him Thus shall it be done to the man whom the King delighteth to Honour All those or which their humble desires being granted by his Majesty they should faithfully apply themselves to regulate his present Revenue in such sort as may be for his best advantage and likewise to settle such an ordinary and constant increase of it as shall be sufficient to support his Royal Dignity in Honour and Plenty beyond the proportion of any former Grants of his Subjects of the Kingdom of his Majesties Royal Predecessors And what he owed to himself his Posterity People Prudence Honour and Dignity as to have granted what they desired they would too easily have obtained their advantages of bereaving him of his Monarchy by such their Propositions not fit to be advised and Petitions neither to be made or granted more than Pepin the Mayor of the Palace at Paris ever had when he perswaded the last King of the Merovignian Line to indulge his ease leave all his Affairs of State to his care manage which brought that Prince within a short time after to be shaved and put into a Monastery and the great Charles or Charlemain Son of Pepin established King of France or the like opportunities which Hugh Capet the Ancestor of the now King of France had by his getting the Rule and Reins of the Government into his own hands which did the like to the Family of that Great Charles and placed himself and his ever since flourishing Lineage in that Throne And would make him as small a King as Arise Evans a Fanatick Taylor in Black Fryers in London had proposed when Sir James Harrington had modelled his Government of Oceana Mr. Henry Nevil his Plato Redivivus and Mr. Charles George Cock his Houshold of God upon Earth and every one would be busy as he could in shooting of his bolt That a King should be Elected out of the Poorest sort of Men and have an 100 l. per Annum for his care and pains to be taken in the Government which would have been much better than the aforesaid 19 careful manackling Propositions when the Parliament must have been the King and the King only executive and as the Subject and the Parliament from time to time impowered to make Laws contrary to those which he and his predecessors had made and governed by and when they please is to execute quite contrary and procure a pardon when he can of God Almighty for it And having by the help of their Seditions and Rebellion gained as they hoped a new Magna Charta for themselves as representatives for the people their next care and industry were employed not only to guard and keep what they had thought themselves possessed of but to add as many more advantages unto them as the pressures and necessities of their King might join unto them and therefore when the Noble General Monke after Duke of Albemarle had by Gods mercy to King Charles the 2d under the mask of a Commonwealth by his wary conduct in almost a miraculous manner reduced the King to his Kingdoms Dominions and Monarchick Rights without as the Parliament Rebels would have perswaded him the taking of the Rebellious Covenant or the abstracting of any of his Regal Rights they did so contrive their matters as in an Act of general pardon larger than ever was granted by any of our Kings of England with some small exceptions prepared by two Serjeants at Law that had Sailed along with the Wind and Tide of that long lasting Rebellion they had bestowed upon it an especial praeamble That whereas divers Rebellions and Insurrections had been by vertue of divers Commissions of the King and of the Parliament as if any could be guilty of High Treason or other Misdemeanors or could forfeit that acted by the Kings Authority the King had pardoned all Treasons Felonies c. And as if they had nothing more to incroach upon the Monarchy did take it to be a breach of they knew not what Priviledge for their murdered King to send for a Printing-press from London to York or Oxford and the Members of the House of Commons in Parliament after that huge pardon granted by King Charles the 2d of the forfeiture of all the Lands in England which were in the Rebels possessions with all their rich Goods and Chattels together with another Act to unbastardize their Children and unadulterate their Fathers and Mothers fastened and entailed upon them by a new Fanatical way of Marriage before Justices of Peace as if they were only to part a fray or keep them from fighting for which they seemed not to be at any rest or quiet with themselves until every County City Burrough Market Town and Corporation or Company of Trade had attended his Majesty with Addresses of huge protestations of Loyalty and Obedience and the expence of their Blood Lives and Fortunes and all that could be dear unto them yet too many of them could after make their counterfeit Loyalty with promises to live and dye with him to
the Divine Providence of God had not in favour unto a sinful People prevented those very often attempts of Villany And may put us thus preserved from a ruin and confusion impending upon a Nation as unto too many of them nursed and enriched by plain or palliated Disloyalty seeing his now Royal Majesty his Indulgent Brother and Pious Father have taken their Coronation Oaths to observe the good Laws of King Edward the Confessor which are the same with our so often confirmed Magna Charta's and Charta de Foresta the Blessings of this Nation and ordained by Act of Parliament to be read in all the Cathedral Churches of England and Wales the Infringers whereof have been as aforesaid so bitterly Anathematized And that the Honour Dignity and Strength of the Nation may no longer remain Ecclipsed and that our weakness in the want of our most Honourable and Ancient Monarchick Fundamental Feudal Laws may not be told or made use of in Gath and Askalon and that our King may not be without the means to defend himself and his People and avoid the disadvantages and damages which Forreign Princes and his Allies may put upon him in all his Leagues and Treaties with them concerning his Imperial and Monarchick Crown and Dignity and in matters of Commerce wherein all his People are not a little concerned and that there is now more reason and necessity than ever was that the Temporal Nobility the principal and most concerned part of the Nation should as they did in a Parliament at Merton publickly and seriously declare that noluerunt mutare Leges Angliae Collapsa ruunt subductis tecta Columnis Moribus antiquis stant res Britannae viresque FINIS Thucidides Regale Necessarium per Fabian Philipps Plowdens Commentum Fabian Philipps Regale Necessarium c. Mich. 18. E. 3. coram Râ—gt Mich. 19. E. 3. coram Rege Ro. 161. Bracton in proâ—â—io Additament Mat Paris Dr. Brady in Histor. H. 3. in Appendix 221. 222. Dr. Stillingfleets Origines Brittannicae a Dr. Duck De authoritate Juris Civilis Romanorum Lib. 2. Spelman Conal 35. c. 8. Sect. 14. 16. Chronicon Io. Brompton 956. Selden Dissert ad Fletam c. 4. sect 4. b Sir J. Spelman de vita Aelfredi Regis 8. R. Ep. Chalâ—edon Nich. Smith appendix 190. doctissimae Annot. in lib. ejusdem Iohn Spelman 6. c Chronicon J. Brompton 788. d Dr. Duck lib. 2. c. 8. sect 14. 16. e LL Inae Reg. in legib Saxon per Ab. Whelock W. Lambard Latin reddit f Chronic. Joh. Brompton 700. g LL Alluredi Regis h Balaeus Jâ— Spelm. de vita Aelfredi Regis 166. i LL Edwardâ— Regis k LL Aethelstani Regis l LL Edmunds Regis m Dr. Duck de authorit Iuris civilis Rom. li. 2. c 8. sect 16. n Sammes Brit Antiq. iâ—â—str 100 101 102 103. n Sammes Brit Antiq. iâ—â—str 100 101 102 103. o Jo. Spelman in vita Aelfredi 124. ex Ingulfo p LL Edgari Regis Cook in Praefat 4. relat q LL Ethelredi Regis r LL Canuti R s LL Edwardi Reg. Confess t Tit. l. x Noricorum Danor in Britannâ—a u Chron. Lech seldense x LL Guilielmi Regis Conqu Matt. Paris y Tit. 95. z Seldeni notae spicilegium ad eadmerum 167. a Spelman gloffar in legib Reg. H. 1. b Mat. Paris 240 241. c Mat. Paris 21. d Spelman glossar in diatriba de Magâ—â— Charta e Balaeus de scriptoribâ—â— Anglix 93. f Dugdale's Origmes Juridiciales 17. g Chronicon Jo. Bromton 62. h Spelman's glossor i Mat. Paris 197. k Daniel 127. l Balaeus de scriptoribus Anglicis 102. m Sam. Daniel in the Life of King John n Daniel 129. o Daniel 130. p Daniel 131. q Ibidem 132. r Daniel 135. s Daniel 137. t Daniel 138. u Matt. Paris 134. 235. x Mat Paris 236 237. y Daniel 139. 140. z Râ—claus 15 Johannis part 2. m 8. dorso z Matt. Paris 226 and 239. Daniel 139. a Matt. Paris 212. h Matt. Paris 240. 241. Daniel 140. t Pat. 16 Johannis m. 1. Dorso d Anno 16 Johannis in Alba Turre London e A. 16 Johan in turre Lond. f Ro ' pat 17. Johannis in 16. in dorso 3. g Ro ' pat 17 Johan in 16 in dorso h Pryn's History of K. John 34 35. i Mat. Paris ad annos 14 15 16 17 Johan k Mat. Paris 249. l Daniel 140 141. m Daniel 143. Matt. Paris 244. 255. o Charta Reg. Johannis in Mat. Paris 254 255 256 257 258 259 260. p Balaeus de scriptoribus Angliae 102. Polydor vir gil lib. 15. q Cokes 1 part Institut 108 159. Vide L. I. Edwardi Confessor cart L. L. s Matt. Paris 161. 162. Daniel 145. u Daniel 149 147. x Ranulphus Cestrenfis Henry de Knighton Caxton's Chronicle y Pryns history of the Pope's Usurpation in England in the Reign of King John 36. z y Pryns Animadversions upon the 4th part of Cokes Instit. * Daniel 148 149. * Daniel 150 151. * M. Par. 323. * 9 H. 3. * Pryns history of the Pope's Usurpation in England 6 8. * Epist in turre Lond. inter Record ibid. * ibid. fo 61. * Inter recordd anno 8 H. 3. in turre â—ondon * Magna Charta 9 H. 3. * Spelman's glossar ' 376. * Mat. Paris * Pryn's Animadversions upon Coke's 4. part of the Institutes * M. Par. 257. * Pryn's Animadversions upon Coke's 4. part of the Institutes * Tabulae censuales Angliae Or Dooms-day-book Dugdale's Baronage 〈◊〉 â—ome â—it Warren Earl of Surrey and Ferrers Earl of Derby and his Preface to the Antiquities of Warwickshire illustrated * Magna Charta 9 H. 3. c. 31. * 9 H. 3. c. 29. * Mat. Paris 380. Spelman glossar ' 331 332. * Daniel 154. * Daniel 157. * Anno 21 H. 3. * Daniel 157. â—Ro ' Cart. 21. H. 3. m. 7. * Mat. Paris 458 459. Matthew of Westminster 249 Pryn's hist. of the Pope's Usurpation in England â—Ro'clause 23 H. 3. m 14. 18 80. a Daniel 161. b Ro ' claus 28 H. 3. c Ro ' claus 32 H. 3. m. 15. d Daniel in the life of K. H. 3. 164 165. e Daniel 165. Ro ' pat 35 H. 3. m. 6. f Mat. Paris 580 581 583. Mat. Par. 812 15. Ro ' clause 37 46 H. 3. h Mat. Paris i Mat. Paris 758 811 812. Ro ' claus 37 46 H. 3. k Pryns hist. col of the Pope's Usurpation in England 107. Daniel in the life of K. H. 3. l Ro ' pat 37 H. 3. m. 12. in dorso n Mat. Par. 977. in additament is o Spelmans Glos 〈…〉 p Mat. Parit q Mat. Westminster r Daniel 177. s Mat Paris 983. t Mat. Paris 986. Daniel 178. u M. Paris 992 w Mat. Paris 992. x Inter Recorâ— in recept ' scienti apud Camerar y Mat. Paris 261. z Hen. Knight de
of France until he were absolved and had confirmed unto them their Liberties whereupon the King much against his will was constrain'd to submit to the present pressure and necessity sent to the Archbishop of Canterbury and the other Bishops who were yet in France promising them present restitution and satisfaction under the Hands and Seals of 24 of his Earls and Barons undertaking for the performance thereof according to the form of his Charter and Agreement made and granted in that behalf and the better to prepare them to give him their assistance directed the ensuing Letter to meet them in these words Rex Venerabili in Christo Patri S. Dei gratiâ Cant ' Archiepiscopo totius Angliae Primati sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinali omnibus suffraganeis suis Episcopis cum eo existentibus Johannes eadem gratiâ Rex Angliae c. mandamus vobis quòd cùm veneritis in Angliam scientes quòd jamdiù vos expectavimus adventum vestrum desideravimus unde in occursum vestrum mittimus fideles nostros Dominum H. Dublin ' Archiepiscopum J. Norwici Episcopum W. Com' Arundel Mattheum filium Herberti W. Archidiaconum Huntindon rogantes quatenùs ad nos venire festinetis sicut praedicti fideles nostri vobis dicent T. meipso apud Stoaks Episcopi primo die Julii Whereupon Pandulphus with the Archbishop and the rest of the exiled Clergy upon his confiscation of their Estates forthwith came over and found him at Winchester who went forth to meet them and on his knees with Tears received them beseeching them to have Compassion on him and the Kingdom of England and being thereupon Absolved with great Penitence Weeping and Compunction accompanied with the Tears of the many Beholders did Swear upon the Evangelists to Love Defend and Maintain Holy Church and the Ministers thereof to the utmost of his Power that he would renew the good Laws of his Predecessors especially those of King Edward abrogating such as were unjust would Judge all his Subjects according to the just Judgment of his Court which was then and for many Ages before composed only of the King and his Nobility Bishops and Lords Spiritual with his great Officers of State and such Assistants as he would please to call unto it and that presently upon Easter next following he would make plenary satisfaction for whatsoever had been taken from the Church Which done he went to Portsmouth with intention to pass over into France committing the Government of the Kingdom to the Bishop of Winchester and Jeffrey Fitz-Peter Justiciar a man of a Generous Spirit Learned in the Laws and Skilful in Government who were also to take the Councel of the Archbishop of Canterbury The Souldiers being numerous and wanting Money to attend him desired to be Supplied out of his Exchequer which he refusing to do or wanting it in a great rage with his private Family took Shipping and put forth to the Isle of Jersey but seeing none of his Nobles and others followed him according to their Tenures and Homage was forced having lost his opportunity of the Season to return into England where he gathered an Army with intention to Chastise the Lords who had so forsaken him having for the like Offence some years before taken by way of Fine a great sum of Money Quòd noluerunt eum sequi ad partes transmarinas ut haereditatem amissam recuperaret But the Archbishop of Canterbury followed him to Northampton urging him that it was against his Oath taken at his Absolution to proceed in that manner against any man without the Judgment of his Court to whom the King in great wrath replyed that he would not defer the business of the Kingdom for his pleasure seeing Lay Judgment appertained not to him and marched to Nottingham The Archbishop followed him and plainly told him that unless he would desist he would Excommunicate all such as should take Arms against any before the releasing of the Interdiction and would not leave him until he had obtained a convenient day for the Lords to come to his Court which shortly after they did And a Parliament was assembled at St. Pauls in London wherein the Archbishop of Canterbury produced the said Charter of King Henry I. whereby he granted the ancient Liberties of the Kingdom of England according to the Laws of King Edward with those emendations which his Father by the counsel of his Barons had ratified upon the reading whereof gaudio magno valdè saith Matthew Paris they greatly rejoyced and swore in the presence of the Archbishop that for those Liberties viso tempore congruo si necesse fuerit decertabunt usque ad mortem Archiepiscopus promisit eis fidelissimum auxilium suum pro posse suo sic confederatione facta inter eos colloquium solutum fuit The Pope advertised of those disturbances by his Bull directed Baronibus Angliae but not to those Bishops displaying the Banner of his supposed Authority which had encouraged and animated and caused them to persist therein stiling those Quaestiones novitèr suscitatas grave dispendium parituras did prohibit under the pain of Excommunication all Conspiracies and Insurrections from the time of the Discords inter Regnum Sacerdotium which had been quieted Apostolica autoritate admonished them Regem placare reconciliare exhibentes ei servitia consueta which They and their Predecessors had done unto Him and his Predecessors and if they had any thing to require of him they should not ask it insolenter sed cum reverentia preserving his Regal Honour and Authority that so they might the more easily obtain what they desired and assured them that he would desire the King that he should be kind to them and admit their just Petitions But the Barons persisting in their armed Violence and Rebellion against the King notwithstanding that weather-beaten Prince had for shelter taken upon him the Cross and War for the recovery of the Holy-Land then so called the Pope in July following sent his Bull to the universality of the Barons Bishops and Commonalty of England wherein reciting that the Barons had sent their Agents unto him and that he had commanded the Archbishops Bishops and Archdeacons ut conspirationes conjurationes praesumptas from the the time of the discords inter Regnum Sacerdotium that they should Apostolic à autoritate forbid them by Excommunication to proceed any farther therein and enjoyn the Barons to endeavour to pacifie the King and reconcile themselves unto him and if they had any thing to demand of him it should be done conservando sibi Regalem Honorem exhibendo servitia debita quibus ipse Rex non debebat absque Judicio spoliari And that he had commanded the King to be admonished and enjoyned as he would have remission of his sins graciously to give them a safe conduct and receive their just Petitions ita si quod fortè non posset inter eos concordia provenire
Pope sending his Legate with a large power to exact money for himself his Agent was disgracefully returned with an answer That the Kingdom was poor the Church in debt and it was of a dangerous consequence to the State to be exposed to the will of the Pope and therefore seeing a General Councel was shortly to be held at Lyons if the Church would be relieved it were fit to be done by a general consent of that Councel And the Emperour Frederick at the same time by his Letters to the King which were openly read desiring as he had often before That the Pope might have no supplies ou of England for that therewith he did oppress him by seizing upon his Castles and Cities appertaining to the Empire notwithstanding his often submissions desire of Peace and offers to refer the cause to the arbitration of the Kings of England and France and the Baronage of both Kingdoms and entreating that he might not receive a detriment whence as a Brother and Friend he expected a favour added that if the King would be advised by him he would by power free the Kingdom from that unjust Tribute which Pope Innocent III. and other Popes had laid upon it Which pleasing the Assembly the business took up so much time as the design of a share in the Government something like if not worse then a Co-ordination meeting with no concessions or effect they only granted an Aid to the King for the Marriage of his Daughter 20 s. of every Knights Fee not without much ado and repetition of all his former Aids although at the same or much about that time they could not be ignorant that he had by his Writ commanded Hugh Gifford and William le Brun that upon Friday next after the Epiphany they should cause to be fed in the Hall at Windsor ad bonum focum omnes pueros pauperes egenos quos invenire poterint ita quod aula impleatur si tot inveniantur The Charters were again ratified which confirmation is printed in the perclose or latter-end of those in the 9th year of that persecuted Prince after a proposal of Conservators and election of Judges and Lord Chancellors rejected which was urged and much insisted upon After which and his return from an expedition with great charges into Scotland a Parliament was summoned where he moved for an Aid against an Insurrection in Wales and for money to supply his wants and pay his Debts which were so great as he could not stir out of his Chamber for the clamour of those to whom he ow'd money for Wine Wax and other necessaries of House-keeping which wrought so little as to his face they denied to grant him any thing and enquiry being made what Revenues the Romans and Italians had in England they found them to have been annually 60000 Marks which being notified to the General Councel at Lyons the Pope was so vexed therewith as he was said to have uttered these words The King begins to Frederize it is fit that we make an end with the Emperour that we might crush these pety Kings for the Dragon once destroyed these lesser Snakes will soon be trodden down In the 32d year of his Reign a Parliament being convoked he was upon requiring another aid sharply reproved for his breach of promises and it was alledged that his Judges were sent in Circuit under pretence of Justice to fleece the people that his needless expences amounted to above 800000 l. and advising him to recal the old Lands of the Crown and pull them from his Favourites enriched with the Treasure of the Kingdom told him of his Oath made at his Coronation Complained that the Chief-Justiciar Chancellor and Treasurer were not made by the Common-Councel of the Kingdom according as there were in the time of his Magnificent Predecessors although they could not at the same time deny him that Right which was justly due unto him that he had by his Writs commanded the said William de Haverhul and Edward of Westminster quod singulis diebus à die natalis domini usque ad diem circumcisionis computatis illis duobus diebus impleri faciant magnam aulam Regis de pauperibus and in the same year by his Writ commanded William de Haverhul his Treasurer and Edward Fidz-Odo to feed upon the day of Edward the Confessor pauperes in magna aula Westmonasterium sicut fieri consueverunt ipsis Monachis Pittanciam eodem die sicut consueverunt faciant The King promised redress but nothing was effected so that after sundry meetings and much debate the Parliament was prorogued until Midsummer following and at the next Session he tells them that they were not to impose a servile condition upon him or deny him that which every one of them might do to use whom they pleased as Counsel Every Master of a Family might place or displace what Servants he pleased Servants were not to judge their Masters nor Subjects their Prince or hold them to their conditions and that he that should so encline to their pleasures should not be their King but as their Servant And being constrained to furnish his wants with the sale of his Plate and Jewels his Crown of Gold and Edward the Confessor's Shrine and with great loss received money for them enquired who had bought them whereunto answer being made that the City of London had bought them That City said he is an inexhaustible Gulf if Octavius ' s Treasure were to be sold they would surely buy it Howsoever being besides constrained to borrow 20000 l. of the City of London he wrote to every Noble-man and Prelate apart to borrow money but got little the Abbot of Ramsay lent him 100 l. but the Abbot of Burgh could not spare him so much although the King told him It was more Alms to give unto him than to a beggar that went from door to door The Lords in the 4th year of his Reign assembled again at London and pressed him with his promises that the Chief-Justiciar Chancellor and Treasurer should be constituted by the general Councel of the Kingdom but by reason of the absence of the Earl of Cornwal nothing was done therein The King demanding aid of his Prelates and Nobility assembled in Parliament they by agreement amongst themselves stoutly denied it which greatly troubling him he shewed them the Note or Roll what moneys some few Abbots had lent unto him with an Ecce how little it was with which not being able to remove their fixed resolutions he with some anger expostulating told them Ero nè perjurus juravi sacramento intransgressibili transfretans jura mea in brachio extento à Rege Francorum reposcam quod sine capioso thesauro qui à vestra liberalitate procedere debet nequaquam valeo and that not prevailing called aliquos sibi familiares affatus eos dit quid perniciosius exemplum aliis praebetis vos qui Comites Barones Milites strenui estis
his to come into England but such only as the King and the Lords should like The Poictovins landing at Boloign had much-a-do to gain passage into their own Countreys by reason that Henry de Montfort Son to the Earl of Leicester whose power was very great in France had followed them thither Rumours were spread amongst the people in England that the Earl of Gloucester was attempted to have been poyson'd and one of his Servants executed upon no other proof but presumption and every one that would complain of the Poictovins wanted no encouragement Richard Gray whom the Lords had made Captain of the Castle of Dover intercepted as much as he could of what the Poictovins carried over and enriched himself thereby The new Chief-Justice Hugh Bigod Brother to the Earl Marshal being chosen in the last Parliament by publick voice procured an order that four Knights in every Shire should enquire of the poor oppressed by great men and certifie the same to the Baronage under their hands and seals which were never found to have been certified And made an Order that no man should give any thing besides Provisions for Justice or to hinder the same and that both the corrupter and corrupted should be grievously punished Notwithstanding which pretended care the Lords enforceing the service of the King's Tenants which dwelt near unto them were as totidem Tyranni furnished the especial Fortresses of the Kingdom with Garrisons of their own sworn to the common State and took the like assurance of all Sheriffs Bailiffs Coroners and other publick Ministers with strict Commissions upon Oath to examine their behaviour And to make the King and his actions the more odious and their own more popular it was rumoured that the King's necessities must be repaired out of the Estates of his people and he must not want whilst they had it Whereupon the King to defend himself from such scandals was constrained to publish his Declaration to desire the people to give no credit to such false suggestions for that he was ready to defend all Rights and Customs due unto them Howsoever Montfort Gloucester and Spencer who had by the late constitution of the twenty-four Conservators drawn the entire managing of the Kingdom into their hands enforced the King to call a Parliament at London where the authority of the twenty-four Conservators was placed in themselves and order taken that three at the least should attend at the Court to dispose of the custody of Castles and other business of the Kingdom of the Chancellor Chief-Justiciar Treasurer and all other Officers great and small and bound the King to release to them their legal Obedience whensoever he infringed his Charter In the mean time the Earl of Cornwal King of the Romans being dispossest of that Kingdom or not well liking it returning into England the Barons send to know the cause of his coming and require of him an Oath before he should land not to prejudice their late established Orders of the Kingdom which he sternly refused saying He had no Peer in England being the Son and Brother of a King and was above their power and if they would have reformed the Kingdom they ought first to have sent for him and not so presumptuously have attempted a business of so high a nature The Lords upon return of such an answer sent to guard the Ports came strongly to the Coast prepared to encounter him and the King Queen and their Son Edmond in a more loving manner go to Dover to receive him but neither they nor the Earl of Cornwal were by them permitted to enter into the Castle for that it was the chief Fortress of the Kingdom But finding the Earl of Cornwal's Train small they suffered him to land and did upon his promise to take the propounded Oath bring him and the King into the Chapter-house at Canterbury where the Earl of Gloucester standing forth in the midst in the presence of the King called forth the Earl not by the name of King but Earl of Cornwal who in reverend manner coming forth took his Oath That he would be faithful and diligent with the Barons to reform the Kingdom by the counsel of wicked persons over-much disordered and to be an effectual Coadjutor to expel Rebels and disturbers of the same under pain of losing all the Lands which he held in England After which both parties strengthening themselves all they could the King for the assurance of the King of France ex praecepto consilio Domini Regis Angliae totius Baronagii sent the Earls of Gloucester Leicester Peter de Subaudia John Mansel and Robert Walerand to the Parliament of Paris de arduis negotiis Regna Angliae Franciae contingentibus carrying with them a resignation of the Dutchy of Normandy and the Earldoms of Anjou Poicteau Turaine and Mayne for which the King of France was to give him three hundred thousand pounds with a grant of all Guyen beyond the River of Garonna all the River of Xantoigne to the River of Charente and the Counties of Limosin and Quercy to him and his Successors dong his Homage and Fealty to the Crown of France as a Duke of Aquitain and a Peer of that Kingdom After whose return Montfort as he had incensed others so had he those that animated him against the King as Walter Bishop of Worcester and Robert Bishop of Lincoln who enjoyned him upon the remission of his sins to prosecute the cause unto death affirming that the peace of the Church of England would never be established but by the Sword But the people being oppressed and tired at length with those commotions part-takings and discords which by the provisions wrested from the King at Oxford and so many mischiefs and inconveniencies had harassed and almost ruined them and did help to increase rather than decrease those troubles and controversies which afflicted the Nation it having never been easie to bring those that were to be governed to rule with any modesty or moderation those that had enjoyed a governing power in authority established and appointed by God in a well-temper'd Monarchy and succession for many Ages or those that were to govern to obey the giddy and unjust dictates of those who were to obey them or to unite in any contenting harmony the various ambitions envies revenges hatreds partialities self-interests and designs of many or a multitude or such enforcements and contrivances to be lasting durable or pleasing and that all could not well rule or agree how to do it The King and Queen keeping their Christmas in the Tower of London cum suis consiliariis saith Matthew Paris elaboratum fuit tam à Regni Angliae pontificibus quam à Regni Franciae ut pax reformaretur inter Regem Angliae Barones ventumque est ad illud ut Rex Proceres se submiserunt ordinationi Regis Franciae in praemissis provisionibus Oxoniae nec non pro depraedationibus damnis utrobique
praefato Rege Franciae redire versus Terram Sanctam in subsidium ejusdem prout MÃ gis noveritis convenire Teste Rege apud Westm ' 6 o die Februarii And tired with the many Troubles with which the Rebellious and unquiet Spirits of too many of his Subjects had from his Infancy never ceased to torment him exchanged his earthly Habitation for a better before his Son could hear of his Death or return to take possession of his Kingdom and Inheritance And although he against his Will left behind him the first Original or Draught of a Constitution or Design of an House or Convocation now called an House of Commons in Parliament which can claim no better an Extraction then it's Birth and first Procreation from a Force and Duress of Imprisonment put by a Rebellious Army upon their vanquished Soveraign whilst he was in dread of the life of Himself and his Son and his Brother and his Son for more than a year and a quarter and led about and made to say and do and yeild unto every thing which they would have him That afflicted Prince did not after the battle of Evesham during all the Time of his Raign which continued about Eight years after make use of that kind of Writs of Summons or of that Form for the Election of Knights Citizens and Burgesses to let in the Tide of the Vulgar with their Ignorance upon his highest and greatest Councel And those new-contrived Writs of Summons could not in all probability obtain a quiet Sitting or accommodate the pretended Ends and Purposes of the Framers thereof neither be intended to erect a third Estate nor agree with the constrained Conservatorships or other their Designs otherwise than to maintain those Rebellious Barons in the Powers that they had usurped SECT X. That those new contrived Writs of Summons made by undue Means upon such a disturbed Occasion could neither obtain a proper or quiet Sitting in Parliament or the pretended Ends and Purposes of the Framers thereof and that such an hasty and indigested Constitution could never be intended to erect a third Estate in the Kingdom equal in power with the KING and his great Councel the House of Peers or consistent with the pretended Conservatorships or to be co-ordinate with the KING and his great Councel of Peers or to be a curb to any of them or themselves or upon any other design then to procure some Money to wade through that their dangerous Success IN regard that very many of the Counties and a great part of England as most of the Northern much of Wales and the Marches thereof under the Influence and Power of Valence Earl of Pembroke Mortimer Clare Earl of Gloucester Clifford Le Strange and other Welsh Lords Marchers and of John Balioll and other of the Northern Barons joyned to the Power and Influence of Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester after his forsaking of Montfort neither could or were like to come unto that so packed Parliament for Richard Earl of Cornewall had very many Borough Towns in that County Wales and its thirteen Shires and the largely priviledged Earldom of Chester sent no Knights or Burgesses to sit in the House of Commons in Parliament either then or before or since until by an Act of Parliament made in the later end of the Raign of King Henry the Eighth they were Authorised to be Elected for that Purpose Warren Earl of Surrey and Sussex was not in those Counties destitute of many Ferrers Earl of Darby falling off from Montfort could not but in the large extent of his Estate drew away very many of their well-Wishers Followers Friends Allies Tenants or Dependants and such as held of them by Knights Service and in Soccage or Burgage and many Knights Citizens and Burgesses to be so elected except those in London and Westminster if any did then appear to have been chosen as not dareing to come to that kind of New Parliament without a Convoy Although the Power of the Earl of Oxford one of their Associates in the County of Essex was then very great whilst they were almost daily and hourly haunted and tormented in their minds and Estates with Jealousies Fears and Dangers and the often sad and dolorous tidings of Devastations Slaughters Plunders and Sequestrations that misused King himself not being able to have any of his Servants or Subjects that he had sent for to come unto him without a Convoy to defend them from Spoil and Pillage And the exactest Search that hath been or can be made cannot find any formal or certain Sitting of a Parliament any Writs or Indentures returned any Session Act or thing done in that so newly framed Parliament when the minds of the Rebels themselves were so tormented and distracted with Fears and Cares to preserve themselves and their Royal Booty as they could neither be safe in keeping of him or restoring him to his Liberty for that the abused Lyon patient for a while against his Will once let loose might remember past Injuries and tear them in Peices and no Act or Memorial can be seen of any more than the Petition of two of the Knights Elected for the County of York and their Allowance of Wages where the Rebellious Party seemed to be most powerful no Burgesses of the many Towns and Boroughs in that large County at all it seems then Appearing or Petitioning by a Tax or Levy made upon that County which created the first President or Custom of giving Wages unto Knights of the Shires no other Knights of the Shires or Burgesses of Townes if there were or had been any Elected then demanding the like Allowance and that which was allowed the said Yorkshire Knights was partly for Expences supposed in their helping to guard the maritime parts to keep out Strangers or the Kings own Subjects in his several Provinces of France from coming from the parts beyond the Seas to assist him no Journal or Record of any Petitions made or Grievances exhibited Conferences Debates Decisions Acts Orders or Ordinances and that one that was made was only to engage and cozen as many as they could of the Bishops and Clergy into their own Design And therein none of the Commons or men of that Election do seem at all to trouble their Heads or be named as Actors or Consenters therein for it is expresly said to be provided Per Commun assentement du Roy des Prelaz des Contes des Barons de la tere a fermete en tesmoinaunce le Roy les hauz Hommes de la tere ont mis leur Seus neither doth there appear to to have been any Prorogation or Adiournment thereof And there was like to have been no small want of Money when Symon de Montfort and his Partners especially after the Earl of Gloucester's Sullennes and Departure from them to maintain and keep together so instable a People and so great a number for the guard of their Royal Prisoners and their own
Advantage and to take care that there should be some Bridle or Method to restrain them And there being besides Twenty-Four Cities in England where two Citizens were to be chosen out of each by the direction of that novel Writ and a great number out of as many Boroughs and Corporation-Towns then in England at the arbitrary and corrupt Power of the Sheriffs as it after proved and hapned with its Thirty-Nine Shires and two Knights to be chosen out of each the Counties and Boroughs of Wales not being at that time to be put into the Account and Four out of every of the Cinque-Ports the number would so swell and increase as might very much exceed that of the Peers and Barons which in the largest Estimate would not then arrive unto Two Hundred and Eighty and according to the then more common Accompt and they then summoned ad libitum Regis not many more than Sixty in which high and honourable Court and House of Lords Spiritual and Temporal should that very great surpassing number of Commons have their equal Suffrages as it may be believed they never were intended to be allowed the lesser number would be over-powered by the greater the more noble prudent and concerned by those that were little at all and introduce a Community or Vassalage upon themselves and their Posterity which the Roman Senators and Patritii in a Common-Wealth made out of a Monarchy for fear of Tyranny were unwilling to admit and when they were seditioned and mutinyed unto it left their Chiland Seri nepotes to endure the dire Effects of their often Changes from Kings to Consuls from Decem-virates unto Tribunes of the People Censors Tribunes-Military bloody Proscriptions and Wars betwixt the Patritii and Plebeians pacified and succeeded by a Dictator after that a Trim-virate after that an Emperor and semper Augustus Caesar with an arbitrary Power until good and wholsome Laws of their own making gave an Allay unto it For such a Miscellany of Imis cum Summis of Inferiours with Superiors could not be deemed to be either more or better enabled than the Prelates and Baronage of the Nation the Moratiores bomines Men of better Extraction Education the ancient extraordinary grand Councel of our Kings and Princes not meanly but eminently skilled in matters of State and Policy Religion War forreign Languages and Affairs of their own State and others and in the quieting the Troubles of it Nor could that their Device at that time have much Assurance of any good Success therein when the Prince was a Prisoner and Hostage for his Father who was long after in no better a condition against the Laws of Wars and Rules of Hostages and the Tenor of those Writs of Summons carried nothing in them of a perpetual Constitution or any thing more than pro hac vice and for that only time and purpose Or that such a Parcel of the lower ranks of People could be more knowing and intelligent than the King of France assisted by his grand and learned Nobility Clergy and Wisdom of his Parliament of Paris were not long before when they determined those grand and long-depending bloodily-agitated Controversies betwixt that persecuted King and some of his then ungovernable Barons concerning the disloyal and unhappy Provisions enforced from Him at Oxford some Years before And such a novum inauditum betwixt a Monarch and King no Feudatory and his rebellious Subjects referred to the Advice of themselves or their Partizans touching the Claim of their Pretences in their own particular Cases being not easily to be found in any the Annals Histories or Records of this or any other Kingdom or Nation For many of the Milites or Knights in that new Contrivance to be Elected were at that time as to their Estates of so general and lost Esteem as Twenty or Fifteen pounds per Annum was by the Statute of the First Year of the Raign of King Edward the Second which was not much above Forty Three Years after conceived to be no contemptible Rate or Proportion of Livelihood for a Knight when William de Felton an Ancestor of a Family now of good Note in the County of Suffolk being in the Third Year of the Raign of King Edward the Third presented before the Justices itinerant to be seized of the Mannot of Botingdon quod valet per Annum Twenty Pounds to be Thirty Years Old nondum Miles ideo in misericordia and many Gentlemen of good Extractions and Families did heretofore appear to have been long after retained under Earls and Barons in the Wars and Service of their Prince and not seldom as Domesticks and more especial Servants in their then large and honourable Families and have been their Receivers Stewards or Feodaries worn their more special Livings and taken Wages Dyet and Allowance for themselves and a limited Number of Men and Horses altho some of them have been Gentlemen of good Value and Descent and very many of those which have been since Elected are not denyed to have been Persons of ancient and worshipful Families The Citizens and Burgesses Merchants excepted such as did Sordidas artes exercere as the Civil Law stileth them Men that usually made their Gain or manner of Living by Deceits and Lying and were as our Common Law above Two Hundred Years after declared them saith Littleton to be Men with whose Daughters to Marry would be to a Gentleman such a Disparagement as the Parents and Kindred might Legally complain of it and the Testimony saith the Caesarean or Civil Law of a Gentleman was to go as far or to be valued as two of them And how unequal they were like to be in their Births Reputations and requisite Parliamentary Abilities who being to be very Burgesses and City or Town-Trading Inhabitants according to the Intention of those Writs could not be expected to be other than such as were only bred and instructed in the Arts Tricks Deceits and Mysteries as they have been since well called of Trade and the most of their Estates and Livelihood gained by it being much more wickedly than Honest as their Apprentices and Journey-men who know the Secret thereof can Witness nor to be able or serviceable to their Prince in any thing more than to attend Him if He should need or call him as a Merchant to some great and publick Mart or Fair to help him to buy or sell such Things as should be there Marchantable or that the Knights to be chosen in the Shires who in those times made the Military Exercises to be their greatest Care and Employment would not be more necessary and fit to attend their Soveraign to perform the Office and Intention of those Writs to defend their King themselves their Country Friends and Neighbours and to do that which every Gentleman and such as were è meliori luto of the more refined Clay better born and bred than the rude Vulgus or common sort of People would of
his Subjects Untill in that much mistaken Erroneous Act of Parliament said to have been made in Feb. 1645. by some of the Lords Commons of that which should not have been called a Parliament when they made War had like strange Subjects and Advisors beaten away their King neither had there been any design of abrogating the Tenures in Capite or of that kind in all the Brittish Roman Saxon Danish or Normam times to annull or dissolve so strong and solid a Foundation as our Feudall Laws nothing in the Rebellion Force and strange unkingly restrictions Articles and agreements put upon King John at Running Mede no grievance by the Tenures in Capite or by Knight-service certified upon any the Writs sent by King Henry the 3. unto all the Sheriffs of the Counties and Cities of England and Wales to Elect 4 Knights of every County and City to certify to the King and his Baronage their Grievances nothing in the forced Parliament and Oaths upon King Henry the 3. and his Son Prince Edward in the 42. Year of his Reign nothing in his direfull procession and waâ—king with his Parliament of Praelates and Nobility throuâ—h Westminster Hall unto that Abby Church with burning Tapers Curses and Anathema's against the Infringers of Magna Charta and Charta de Forresta then and yet holden in Capite with many of our Liberties Fundamentall and Feudall Laws therein contained nothing desired or ordered to be taken away of them or any of them no mention of them in the arbitration or award made by the King of France betwixt that King and his Rebell Barons or when Simon Montfort and his Partners kept him in their powerfull Army a Prisoner about a Year or a Quarter no Complaints or grievances against those Tenures in Capite in all those multitudes of other supposed grievances nothing in the Petition of Right and 30 times confirmation of Magna Charta and Charta de Foresta as if they could never have enough of them nor Reformation desired in and through all the Clownish Rebellions and Insurrections in England in the Times of Wat Tiler John Ball Jack Cade Ket and others And therefore whilst these Underminers of our long lived Monarchy and in that their own happiness have gratified their fond feavourish fancies in procuring a Dissolution of as many as they could of our Tenures in Capite for all if any they could not with the Costly expence of 48. Millions sterling in mony besides an uncomptable and unvalued damage of four hundred thousand Men Women and Children slain or Massacred whole families ruined or for ever Crpled Heaven angry and incensed Hell gaping Religion torn in more then one hundred pieces and all for want of the Care Provision and Protection that the despised Mother Church of England like the Voice that was heard in Ramah Rachel mourning for her Children that they were not our Shames Published in the Streets of Gath and Askalon in the Time of its peace and the Sins of Rebellion and Witchcraft have as the Egiptian Locusts covered overspread the face of our heretofore fruitfull Island And the Protection and Provision usually made by our Tenures in Capite for Younger Children as well as the Eldest affords them no better a care then to leave them when the Mother is after the Fathers Death by some Debaucht Rooking or Gamiug Coxcomb made a fool of and Married again as very often they will are like Lambs left as a Prey unto the Wolves or Foxes the Second Husbands who if the Mother have Children by him will be as too many are well content to help to Fricasse the first husbands Children to make Portions or Estates for the Second so as if it be Enquired where is now the Court of Wards and Liveries which hath been so pretendedly without any Just Cause at all complained of they may find every where a Court of Wards and Liveries lamentably governed by the Fathers in Law of England Wales and Ireland They might do well to make more hast then they have done to repentance consider how much more then nothing at all the Nation was beholding to those overtures as much as they could of the Monarchy Tenures in Capite have been to those Commonwealth Erecters have deserved of the People and those whom they pretended to represent in Parliament when instead of bread they have given them Stones and of Fishes Scorpions and to shew the profoundness of their wisdom did as wisely as those that attempâ—ed to drown the Eel when upon a great serious consult they may Easily discover no better effects or fruit of their overchargeable expences enforced upon the people to their own great and Villanous gain and the ruin spoil and inestimable damage of our 3 before that most happy flourishing redoubtable Kingdoms When that Act of Parliament for taking away the Tenures in Capite doth but as much as it could convert them into Free and Common Socage without any mention of pro omnibus servitiis and the Law made by King Ina who Reigned here from the year of our Savior 923. untill after some part of the Year 940. which is not specially repealed by that Act of destroying as much as it was able the Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service did ordain that Scutarorum nullus ex pelle ovina Scutafabricatur qui secus fecerit 30 solides mulctator pro singulo quoque aratrobinos alat quisque ornatos atque instructos Equites and in a Tenure in Free and Common Socage Fealty is a duty and service inseparable as Littleton saith and signifieth although as he putteth the Case is in the Ceremony of the doing thereof sometimes different from homage for when the Tenant doth fealty unto his Lord he shall hold his hand upon a Book and shall Swear that he shall be faithfull and true to his Lord and shall bear him faith for the Lands which he holdeth of him and fealty is derived a fidelitate Feltman bestowing upon an originall of the like nature a fide and Escuage draweth unto it homage and Homage draweth unto it fealty for fealty is incident to every manner of Service unless it be in the Tenure of Franck-Almoigne and the Tenures in Capite and by Knights Service some only excepted being transferred into Free and Common Socage without saying per fidelitatem tantum pro omnibus servitiis may notwithstanding the forebidding or rejection of of Homage and all other Incidents of Tenures in Capite and by Knights Service render the fealty incident unto free and Common Socage by our Laws to amount unto as much as that which the framer of that Act of Parliament hoped to extinguish by Converting those Tenures in Capite as much as he could into Tenures in pede which should have been beleived to have been very fundamental and dangerous to alter when the wisdom of the English and Scottish Commissioners authoris'd by an Act of Parliament in the Reign of King James
before mentioned Congress at Montpelier in France understand that he knew how to perform what he had promised and undertaken And it was high time to do it and look about him when the Benificiarii his Tenants in Capite would not be content to be gratefull and allways keep in remembrance the Obligations incumbent upon their Lands Estates Ancestors and Posterities past or to come and their Oaths of Allegeance and Supremacy grounded thereupon unless they might so work upon the favours Indulgence and many times necessities of their Kings and Princes as to procure as much as they could of their Regall power and Authority into their hands as an addition to the many Manors and Lands formerly bestowed upon their forefathers severall Precious Flowers of the Crown as Fines and Amerciaments Assize of Bread and Beer Felons and Outlaws Goods Year Day and Wast Deodands Waifs Estreats and Herriot fossa furtas Pillory and Tumbrell c. And the then over-powering Clergy with their Multitudes of Abbotts Priors and several orders of Monks Fryars and Nuns working upon our former Kings and Princes Devotions and Liberalities heightned and procured by their too many tales and fictions of Miracles and Relicques attracted unto themselves and their several Houses and Societies as much of their Kings Regalities as could with any Justice to themselves or the rest of their Subjects and people or any reason be required or asked of them And were Anciently so fearfull to loose what they should not in that manner have gained as the Charter and Patent-Rolls of many of our ancient Kings never wanted the company of the many Confirmations of such kind of unbecoming grants and it may moreover justly be attributed unto the over-much Clemency and Indulgence of our Common Parents Kings and Princes that in their many Acts of Resumptions of no small quantities of Manors and Lands aliened from the Crown of England which as to its real Estate in Lands is almost reduced to an Exinanition or much too little for a Royal Revenue they have notwithstanding without any diminution permitted their Feudatories to enjoy those very many Regalities which made them live like so many Subreguli or Petty Kings or Princes under them and leave them so far exceeding the Old Saxon Heptarchy as Ten thousand Manors in England and Wales unto their great Regalities and Liberties can amount unto no less then a strange kind of Poliarchy in a Monarchy which like Esau and Jacob Strugling in the Womb never after agreed together which that great Prince King Edward the 1. suis aliorum miseriis edoctus did endeavour to prevent and leave it to his Heirs and Successors as it ought to be a most Ancient great and entire Monarchy Was so exact and carefull in the Causing of Justice to be done unto his people and Subjects as by himself or his Justices Itinerant and Juries Impannelled to enquire according to certain Articles given unto them in writing unto which they were to answer negatively or affirmatively not as is now used by the Justices of the Court of Kings Bench twice every Year upon the Impannelling of the grand Juries of the County of Middlesex or by the Judges in their several Circuits to the Grand Juries of the several Counties or places by their Learned speeches and recommending unto them what they should enquire and present what they know and not tarry untill by chance or malice it be brought unto them which for the most part proves to be as little effectual as if they should be required to have a care of their Bill of Fare or what good provision of Meat and Wine was to be had at Dinner from whence well Luxuriated and Tobaccoed as unto not a few of them if they get home at any reasonable time of the night they have done their Countrey service that they have and all is well and for the little that they know is like to continue But it was not thought to have been enough in that our great Justiciar King Edward the first his Reign when he Commissionated some of his Justices to Impannell Juries in every Ward of London where it was found and returned upon their Oaths in Anno 3. of his Reign Quod Civitas London cum suis pertin cum Com. Middlesex tenetur in Capite de Domino Rege pro certa Annua pentione soluta ad Scaccarium Dominum Regis per Vicecom London Quod Dominus Radolphus de Berners Mil. ten unum messuagium duo molend aquatic cum pertin in paroch Sancti Botolphi extra Algate quae vocantur the Knights fee quod quidem Tenementum debet invenire Domino Regi unum servientem Armatum in uno Turretto Turris London per xl dies tempore guerra ad proprios sumptus in ultima guerrae fecit defalc c. Dicunt etiam quod in Com. Midd. sunt 7 Hundred Wapp Tithing pertin ad Civit. London Palat. Westminster Keneton Judaismum Turrim Civit. London in manu sua Inquisitio facta per 12 Jur. de Warda Anketili de Alneranzo Civis Aldermanni London super certis Articulis ex parte Domini Regis E. Anno ejusdemtertio apud Sanctum Martinum magnum London eisdem Jur. tradit In which dicunt quod Civit. London Turr. ejusdem Westm. Com. Midd. sunt de Dominico Domini Regis quod reddant Domino Regi per Annum 400l Item dicunt quod Wynton Northampton Southampton Oxon Bristoll Ebor. al. Civitat Burg. quorum nomina ignorant sunt de Dominico Domini Regis reddunt certam pecuniae Summam annuatim sed quantum ignorant Et quod Dominus Johannes quondam Rex Angliae pater Domini H. Regis dedit Elianorae tunc temporis Reginae Angliae Ripam Regiam in Civitate London quae fuit de Jure est de Dominico Domini Regis In which that great princes inquisitions and desire of administring Justice to his people It is not to pass unobserved that amongst all his Quo Warranto's what Liberties were Claimed in every part of the Nation and every man that would enjoy them driven not to conceal but Claim them there was untill the 22 year of his Reign when the disused house of Commons first erected in and by Simon Montfort's aforesaid Rebellion was again ordained to be elected with some modification there was not any claim of Parliament Liberty nor in any of our after Kings Reigns nor is it at any time to be called a Liberty to be Crowded under that Denomination for that it was but Transitory not fixt to any person or Land and was but vaga incerta that opinion of a would be Learned Lawyer and Recorder in the County of Surry reprehended openly by a Judge that it was a privilege or liberty of Parliament to use some Art by a Counterfeit Deed or otherwise to make himself to be a Freeholder with an Intent to be a Parliament-man Which Jury presented Pourprestures in stopping up the way
authoritative where Sentences or Judgments are not received upon the knees neither in the Ecclesiastical Courts where the Bishops in the name of God and as the Church do only give their sentences and make their decrees without the Majesty or Ceremony of kneeling unto them to be performed by those that are concerned to obey the Condemnation it may be a Quaere harder to unriddle than many of those of Sphinx how it can consist with the reason of such a repraesentation that they whom they would seem to represent should be Petitioners unto themselves and that if any of the County or place represented shall commit any offence against any single Member of the House of Commons representing for another County or place as for breach of priviledge or for words c. The persons of the other Province or place must be punished and come upon their knees and not they that represented them a Warrant sent by their Speaker for the Kings Writ to the County City or place to Elect another in that House and might have done much better to have hindred it Or if any Freeholder Gentleman or Clown that Elected them were not before accustomed to be kneeled unto as by an adoration how these enlightened over-lofty Members can compel men to adore and kneel unto them under a colour of Representation when those that they would have believe that their new-found Representation with an adoration designed to be entailed upon them would have been ashamed to have it to be done unto them and durst never claim or own it in their own Counties or places that Elected them and might be abundantly satisfied that neither the Kings Writs or their Election Indentures Letters of Attorney Procurations or any Praescription or supposed Priviledge of Parliament could entitle them unto such a kind of Majesty or how they that are no Judicature or Court of Record and have no power to give or administer an Oath to Witnesses can escape the blame or censure of Magna Charta and all the Laws Right Reason and Rules of Justice and Equity to be Parties and Judges in their own Cases or enforce their fellow Subjects and not seldom of better Births and Extractions to receive upon their knees with adorations their unjust dooms and sentences when better tryed Criminals in the Court of Kings Bench where the King as a Judge is supposed to sit himself do not likewise in his other Courts receive their Judgements upon their knees but only when they receive the Kings pardon in rendring their thanks unto him But should rather remember that the Angel in the Apocalipse would not suffer St. John to kneel unto him and that the often sawcy Plebs or Vulgus of Rome could be content with the Exorbitant power of their Tribuni Plebes in their Intercessions for Laws without any the adoration of kneeling nor are there to be found any Records or Presidents in England or any scrap of Law or Reason that any of our Kings in their licensing any of the Speakers of the House of Commons should give them any Power or Priviledge to Eject any of their fellow Members and make them on their knees receive uncivil and ungentleman-like words such as Mr. Williams a late Speaker of the House of Commons in Parliament was pleased to say unto Sir Robert Peyton Knight being commanded and enforced to receive his Lawless Ejectment upon his knees in these words Go thou worst of men the House hath spewed the out or after such an Insolence to require the Kings Clerk of the Crown to make out a Warrant in the Kings name to Elect another Member in his place And our England nor any other civilized part of the World have yet found such a Parcel of Representatives or Deputies that can think themselves so to be entituled as the Author of the Character of a Popish Successor in this Kingdom of England hath been pleased to grant unto them to that which they would willingly stile their own Royal Inheritance and Sacred Succession of Power when they are not as Embassadors Repraesenting Princes sent unto or Treating with Princes but as Procurators or Attorneys employed by those that are nor ever were more than Subjects their ne plus ultra Or by what Art or refined Chymistry was such a Majesty entailed or infused into them when Kelsy a Body or Bodice-maker and Barebone a Fanatick Letherseller were Members or what or whose Charters or Letters Patents have they to entitle them thereunto when Sir Edward Coke a learned Lawyer gives them no greater Title than that of a grand Enquest and Mr. William Pryn that adventured Body and Soul for them and with great mistakings joyning them in a Supremacy conjoynt with the House of Peers in Parliament abundantly found fault with them in taking too much upon them in other matters when those designs of Majesty were not arrived or let down from Heaven as the figment of the Anciliae at Rome was believed to be or how could the Commons in Parliament charge as they did so unjustly and wickedly King Charles the first for coming unarmed without any Guard to seize Pym Hambden Haselrig and the rest of the five Members and Kimbolton then and long after guilty of High Treason if he were then in the House of Commons in his Politick or personal Capacity a distinction which the Master of Hypocrisy and Lyes had taught them when in several of his Battels in the defence of himself and his Loyal Subjects Weemes a prefidious Scot and others Levelled their Cannons at him with Perspective Glasses to be sure to hit him a Method which David had not learned when he found Saul sleeping and was afraid to touch or kill the Lords Anointed and never left persecuting him until they had cut off his Head and murdered him in both his Capacities which did not serve for a Plea in the case of Cook Hugh Peters and other his justly condemned Murderers who had not then the Impudence to plead or rely upon such a parcel of devilism when they might know that the Politick and personal capacity of a King or any subordinate Magistrate were so conjoint and inseparable as in articulo mortis that part of Kingship or Magistracy could not be severed from the natural unless it were in such an apparent and publick manner as in the self-deposing and Renunciation of our King Richard the 2d of Charles the 5th Emperor of Germany retiring into a Monastery or as some of the ancient Kings and Princes of France were when they were cheated of their Kingly Power and forced to be shaven as Monks and put into a Monastery And that notwithstanding the House of Commons new-fashioned way of their own framing since the Raign of Queen Elizabeth of making their own Committee to find out and determine such Priviledges as they would claim and have they might have discovered that in the Court of Kings Bench in the case of Richard Chedder a Servant to a Member of the
proper for Members of the House of Commons in Parliament may be extended to all that they shall fancy or think to be necessary or suitable to their incroaching humours or designs and may be very great loosers by the bargain if by such a Gross mistake they make all that is or shall be their own proper Estates allowed or given unto them by the bounty and munificence of our Kings and Princes and their Feudal Laws to be Priviledges of Parliament when their Properties and Liberties are not Priviledges of Parliament and all kind of Priviledges are and ought to be subject unto these two grand Rules of Law and may and ought to be forfeitable by a non user or misuer no Praescripton or length of time in such cases being to be made use of against the King and some Corporations as the Burrough of Colchester procured an Exemption from sending Members to the House of Commons in Parliament in regard of their charge of Building or Repairing their Town-walls and New-Castle upon Tyne did the like propter inopiam and charge and trouble to defend themselves against the Scots and Priviledges of Parliament are not nor can with any propriety of Speech Truth Reason or Understanding be called Liberties Properties or Franchises which they that make such a noise with them would be sorry to have so brittle short or uncertain Title in or unto their own Rights in their own Estates Lands or Livelihoods and had better be at the charge to go to School again or fee a Lawyer to instruct or make them understand the difference betwixt Priviledges of Parliament and Priviledges that do no way appertain unto the aforesaid Parliament Priviledges and betwixt Privilegium and Proprium and cannot sure be so vain or foolish as to think that they were Elected by the Peoples Authority and their own and not by the Kings or that after the King hath allowed them a Speaker for otherwise he must be at the trouble to forsake his own proper place Chair of Estate or Throne in the House of Peers and sit in the House of Commons with them and hear their Debates Discourses and Speeches pro aut contra which might have abridged them of their Priviledge of Freedom of Speech granted at his allowance of their Speaker or that by the immediate causing to be carried before that their allowed Speaker in the presence of these many Members of the House of Commons that came to attend him to the King one of his Royal Masses or Maces Crowned usually born before our King as Ensigns of Majesty to attend him during the time of his Speakership at home or abroad in the House of Commons in Parliament or without whether it continue for a short or long time as many of our Parliaments have done with an allowance of five pounds per diem for his House-keeping and Table-provision whereof many of their Members do not seldom partake the Lord Steward of the Kings Houshold having likewise a large Allowance of Expences by the King for his Table to entertain such of the Nobility and others as during the time of Parliament will come to eat with him besides many large Fees in the making of Orders and passing of Bills or Acts of Parliament for Laws Naturalizations c. which could not be legally taken without the Kings Tacit permission the late illegal and unparliamentary way never used in any Kingdom Senate or Republick or in this Kingdom to suffer their Speaker or his Clerks to make a great weekly gain by the Printing and Publishing to be sold at every Sationers or Booksellers Shops and cryed up and down the Streets in London and Westminster by Men Women Girls and Boys all that is or hath been done in the Commons House of Parliament to the no small profit of their Speaker excepted or that when any person not of that House who have not by any supposed Priviledge any Serjeant Lictor Catchpole or Messenger fastes or secures to attend them or any particular Prison allotted unto them who by their Commissions Elections or Trusts reposed in them by their King and Countries may search and never find any power or Authority lodged in them who never were or are any Court of Judicature to Seise Arrest or Imprison any of their Fellow Subjects but since that late Incroachment which hath no older a Date than about the latter end of the Raign of our King James the First who upon his observation of some of their Irregularities jestingly said that the House of Commons in Parliament were an House of Kings it never being intended by those that Elected them or our Kings and Princes that admitted them that they should have or exercise any power to Seise or Imprison or any place or Prison allowed by our Kings as their particular Prison and though it appears that they had in the latter end of the Raign of King Henry 6. a Clerk yet it was by the grants of our Kings by themselves have by the Kings permission appointed Door-keepers but upon any occasion or cause of Imprisonment or punishing any offenders could find no other means Praesident or way unto it than to make use of the Kings Serjeant at Arms attending their Speaker who arresteth and either carrieth them to Prison to the Tower of London which is no Prison appropriate to matters of Parliament either to the House of Peers who are to consult and advise their Soveraign or the House of Commons to Assent and obey the Tower of London being only the Kings Prison for special offenders and more than ordinary safe Custody the Marshallsea for the Courts of Kings-Bench and Marshallsea the Fleet for the most of the Courts in Westminster-Hall that was anciently the Kings House or Palace every County or City in England and Wales and the Court of Admiralty having their particular Prisons appertaining to their Coercive Power subordinate to their King every Prison being alwaies stiled and said to be prisona nostra or prisona domini Regis the Prison for or of the King whereby to restrain offenders of their Liberties and keep them in the Custody of the Law until they can be tryed and give Satisfaction to the Law so as if there were no other cogent arguments or evidences amongst multitudes of those that in our Annals and Records and the whole frame and constitution of our Kingly government to support and justify the Soveraignty thereof that only one of our Kings allowing their Speaker the attendance of one of their Serjeant at Arms with his Mass or Mace as an Ensign of Royal Majesty with a pension for his support and House keeping and an allowance of large Fees as aforesaid might be sufficient to proclaim a most certain Soveraignty and Supremacy in our Kings and Princes and none at all in the House of Commons who may do well to take more heed in their ways and incroaching upon Regal Authority which in the Raigns of King Edward the third and King Richard the 2d
upon less overt-acts and Praesumptions have been accompted and punished as High Treason § 27. That no Impeachment by all or any of the Members of the House of Commons in Parliament or of the House of Peers in Parliament hath or ever had any Authority to invalidate hinder or take away the power force or effect of any the pardons of our Kings or Princes by their Letters Patents or otherwise for High Treason or Felony Breach of the Peace or any other crime or supposed delinquency whatsoever FOR if Monarchy hath been by God himself and the Experience of above 5000 years and the longest Ages of the World approved as it hath to have been the best and most desirable form of Government And the Kingdom of England as it hath been for more than 1000 years a well tempered Monarchy and the Sword and Power thereof was given to our Kings only by God that ruleth the Hearts of them The means thereunto which should be the Power of Punishment and Reward can no way permit that they should be without the Liberty and Prerogative of Pardoning which was no Stranger in England long before the Conquest in the Raign of King Athelstane who did thereby free the Nation from four-footed Wolves by ordaining Pardons to such Out-Laws as would help to free themselves and others from such villanous Neighbours the Laws of Canutus also making it a great part of their business to enjoyn a moderation in punishments ad divinam clementiam temperata to be observed in Magistracy and never to be wanting in the most Superior none being so proper to acquit the offence as they that by our Laws are to take benefit by the Fines and Forfeitures arising thereby and Edward the Confessors Laws would not have Rex Regni sub cujus protectione pace degunt universi to be without it when amongst his Laws which the People of England held so sacred as they did hide them under his Shrine and afterwards precibus fletibus obtained of the Conqueror that they should be observed and procured the observation of them especially to be inserted in the Coronation-Oaths of our succeeding Kings inviolably to be kept And it is under the Title of misericordia Regis Pardonatio declared That Si quispiam forisfactus which the Margin interpreteth rei Capitalis reus poposcerit Regiam misericordiam pro forisfacto suo timidus mortis vel membrorum per dendorum potest Rex ei lege suae dignitatis condonare si velit etiam mortem promeritam ipse tamen malafactor rectum faciat in quantumcunque poterit quibus forisfecit tradat fidejussores de pace legalitate tenenda si vero fidejussores defecerint exulabitur a Patria For the pardoning of Treason Murder breach of the Peace c. saith King Henry the First in his Laws so much esteemed by the Barons and Contenders for our Magna Charta as they solemnly swore they would live and die in the defence thereof do solely belong unto him super omnes homines in terra sua In the fifth year of the Raign of King Edward the Second Peirce Gaveston Earl of Cornwal being banished by the King in Parliament and all his Lands and Estate seized into the Kings hands the King granted his Pardons remitted the Seizures and caused the Pardon and Discharges to be written and Sealed in his Presence And howsoever he was shortly after upon his return into England taken by the Earl of Warwick and beheaded without Process or Judgment at Law yet he and his Complices thought themselves not to be in any safety until they had by two Acts of Parliament in the seventh year of that Kings Raign obtained a Pardon Ne quis occasionetur pro reditu morte Petri de Gaveston the power of pardoning being always so annexed to the King and his Crown and Dignity And the Acts of Parliament of 2 E. 3. ca. 2. 10 E. 3. ca. 15. 13 R. 2. ca. 1. and 16 R. 2. ca. 6. seeking by the Kings Leave and Licence in some things to qualifie it are in that of 13 R. 2. ca 1. content to allow the Power of Pardoning to belong to the Liberty of the King and a Regality used heretofore by his Progenitors Hubert de Burgh Earl of Kent Chief Justiciar of England in the Raign of King Henry the third laden with Envy and as many deep Accusations as any Minister of State could lie under in two several Charges in several Parliaments then without an House of Commons had the happiness notwithstanding all the hate and extremities Put upon him by an incensed Party to receive two several Pardons of his and their King and dye acquitted in the Estate which he had gained Henry de Bathoina a Chief Justice of England being in that Kings Raign accused in Parliament of Extortion and taking of Bribes was by the King pardoned In the fifieth year of the Reign of King Henry the third the Commons in Parliament petitioning the King that no Officer of the Kings or any man high or low that was impeached by them should enjoy his Place or be of the Kings Council The King only answered he would do as he pleased With which they were so well satisfied as the next year after in Parliament upon better consideration they petitioned him that Richard Lyons John Pechie and lice Pierce whom they had largely accused and believed guilty might be pardoned And that King was so unwilling to bereave himself of that one especial Flower in his Crown as in a Grant or Commission made in the same year to James Botiller Earl of Ormond of the Office of Chief Justiciar of Ireland giving him power under the Seal of that Kingdom to pardon all Trespasses Felonies Murders Treasons c he did especially except and reserve to himself the power of pardoning Prelates â—arls and Barons In the first year of the Raign of King Henry the fourth the King in the Case of the Duke of Albemarle and others declared in Parliament that Mercy and Grace belongeth to Him and his Royal Estate and therefore reserved it to himself and would that no man entitle himself thereunto And many have been since granted by our succeeding Kings in Parliament at the request of the Commons the People of England in Worldly and Civil Affairs as well ever since as before not knowing unto whom else to apply themselves for it So as no fraud or indirect dealings being made use of in the obtaining of a Pardon it ought not to be shaken or invalidated whether it were before a Charge or Accusation in Parliament or after or where there is no Charge or Indictment ant cedent The Pardon of the King to Richard Lyons at the request of the Commons in Parliament as the Parliament Rolls do mention although it was not inserted in the Pardon was declared to be after a charge against him by the Commons in Parliament and in the perclose
Status pro Stallo Monachorum Cannnicorum in Ecclesia Galbertus in vita Caroli Com. Flandr n. 72. Status simul sedes Fratrum dejectae sunt Idem n. 98. Inter columnas quippe solarii specula Status suos ex scriniorum aggoribus cumulis scamnorum prostituerant Stephanus Tornacensis Epist. 12. Assignetis ei statum in Choro sicut habere solet sedem in Capitulo Locum in Refectorio statutum de Installatione Canonicorum Bononiensium in Morinis Assignaturque sibi status in Choro secundum qualitatem capacitatem recepti locus in Capituli For they must have no small influence upon the minds and reason of mankind as well as that which they designed to have upon the Estates of those that would be so credulously foolish as to believe them to be a third Estate to be added unto the former two very ancient Estates in times of Parliament viz. The Lords Spiritual and Temporal and it must be a strong and strange kind of delusion as much or more enchanting than the Magicians or Southsayers of Egypt that could not expound the meaning of Pharaohs dreams or far exceed the Art of the Painter that made Zeuxis Grapes so very semblable or like unto them as the Birds were made Fools and essayed to eat them or how should or would be self created Estates think themselves to be such Estates when if any such could have been or ever had been they must rather have been the Estates or such Estates that sent them but not to be such Estates but only as their Procurators Attorneys or Deputies or what an efficacious strange Art must it be that could when miracles have been long ago ceased make a shadow pass for a Substance those that are at home no such Estates but they that were only sent are no sooner once admitted in Parliament but suddenly and ex se they become parts of that they would call the third Estate when they that sent and helped to make them Members of Parliament know of no such Grandeur or title bestowed upon them how or by whom when they were in Drink or Fudled at the time of the Election or Drinking Cheating day of various and senseless bribing bargaining partialities shamefully exercised in those our late times of Rebellion and Confusion when some that were Electors the Sheriff of the County being not himself to be Elected but commanded to cause the Election fairly to be made of Burgesses for Cities or Towns justly sending Knights of the Shires Citizens or Burgesses to Parliament not having a freehold Estate under forty shillings per Annum is at the same time thrashing in another Mans Barn or at Plow or at some dayly servile labour and neither he or his High-Crown-Hatted-Wife knew of any such honour fallen upon them or how such an hic or ubique Estateship vested in him or how he that is represented should be less in degree or honour than he that sent and helped him to be Elected and it will be difficulty enough for the third Estate Asserters to assail them from Perjury and Treason in their endeavouring to usurp upon their Soveraign and to be coordinate with him or to free them from the forfeiture of their Lands and Estates unto their Mesne Lords And it is very probable that King Henry the third in the 52 year of his Raign and his Parliament did not intend to make the Common sort of People or smaller part of the Nation to be equal with the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons and Religious Men and Women who were by that Statute exempt from coming to the Sheriffs turn or being ranked with them as Estates the Sheriffs turns being as Sr. Edward Coke saith ordinarily composed of the Bayliffs of Lords of Manors Servants and other Common sort of people that Court having no Jurisdiction to try any Action other than under forty Shillings value And there could not certainly be a greater parcel of wickedness credulity and ignorance hardly to be decerned or distinguished how they or any of their Adherents can harbour or give any entertainment to the least Embrio or parcel of opinion that all or any of the Members in the House of Commons in Parliament are a third Estate when they themselves did so little believe it as in their frequent Petitions in Parliament unto their Kings they could give themselves no greater a Title than your Pauvrez Communs your Leiges and being asked their advice in Parliament touching some especial matters denied to give it themselves but referred it unto the Councel of his Lords Spiritual and Temporal at another time refused because they had no Skill or knowledge in the affairs of Peace or War the principal parts of government and in the 13th year of the Raign of King Edward the third upon that Kings demand of an unusual Tax upon the Common people as they thought prayed leave to go into their several Counties to consult those that sent and returned again with an Assent and Answer And when King Henry the fourth appeared to be offended with them came sorrowfully before him and humbly begged his pardon could not as it appears in several of our Parliament Records when the protection of themselves their Posterities and Estates were deeply concerned give their Kings and Princes any Aids or Subsidies without the consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal that in the Raign of King Henry the fourth could not protect Sir Thomas Hexey one of their Members from an Accusation and Punishment by the King that in the Raign of King Henry the sixth could not support their own Clerk and in the Raigns of several of our Kings have been enforced to pray Aid of them by their Writs out of their Chancery to protect themselves and Moenial Servants in time of Parliaments That Queen Mary caused 39. of their Members to be indicted in the Court of Kings Bench for being absent from Parliament wherein none of them though Plowden a very learned Lawyer was one durst adventure to plead or insist upon any their pretended Soveraignty of Parliament or that they were a third Estate or part thereof That Queen Elizabeth one of the greatest and most vertuous of Princess that ever weilded a Scepter and sate in our English Throne could upon no greater an offence of Bromley and Welsh two of the Knights of the Shire for the County of Worcester then endeavouring to Petition the House of the Lords to joyn with them to supplicate her Majesty to declare her Successor did forbid them to go to the Parliament but keep their Chambers and shortly after committed them Prisoners in the Tower of London and did not long after sitting the Parliament Arraign and try in her Court of Kings-Bench for High Treason Doctor Parry a Member of Parliament and caused him to be drawn hanged and quartered and may read that in 16 R. 2. in an Act of Parliament made against Provisions at Rome under a Penalty of
promised the People of England after that they had murthered their King and Laws that they would maintain and govern by the Fundamental Laws when they did all they could to subvert them after they had coined it to be High Treason in their cutting off the Head of the late Earl of Strafford and the Illustrious Family of the Prince of Orange William the great Restorer and Rescuer of the Ordines or States of Holland and West-Friezland without the rest of their United Provinces lying now interred under a stately Tomb at 〈◊〉 in Holland with his well deserved Attributes could not escape their Ingratitude when to please that Protector of the English villanies and provide as well as they could for their self preservation they made a League and Agreement with that great Master of Hypocrisy se neque Cel 〈…〉 um Oransionensem Principem at que ex ejusdem familiae Linea quempiam provinciae suae praefectum vicarium vel Archithalassim dehinc electum esse neque etiam quantum ad provinciae suae Ordinum suffragia aâ—â—inet permissaros obliging themselves for the Residue ut unquam eorum quisquam Foederatorum provinciae militiae praeâ—â—iuntur which they perswaded themselves would be sufficient enough to satisfie their particular Consciences if they could but procure their associate Confederates to be of the same perswasion and be as little to be trusted as themselves upon no other reason than that Quinimo eousque remedisse videtur ut ea quae reliqui provinciarum Ordines perversa Indicarunt varia uti loquuntur deductionibus D. D. Ordinum Generalium concilio judicata adeoque concepta adeoque conscripta fuerunt exhibita Idcirco jam ante inquirenti Nobiles ac provinciarum Hollandiae West Frisiaeque Ordines neutiquam dubitantes quin nonnulli provinciarum â—â—deratarum Ordines non aliam ob causam minus convenienter indicarent rerum omnium statum fundamentum quaecunque ex illo dependent ipsas denique veras rerum circumstantias haud plane edocti fuerunt nec quenquam fere quin postremum omnia singula eorundem acta factaque cognoverit sive alteri examini subjicere omni dubio procul solitae sollicitudini Nobilium procerum West Frisiae Ordinum quam in salutem reipublica quotidie intendant attributum sic nunc demum secundum promissa juxta decretum quarto die Junii proxime elapso praepotentibus D. D. Ordinibus General uti quoque literis deinde nono die exarat relinquarum provinciarum Gen. potentibus B. B. Ordinibus exhibita apertam sinceram veramque rerum omnium quae ad Instrumentum seclusionis pertinent detectionem foederatis Ordinibus exhibere voluerunt simul etiam omni ex parte nihil se quicquam in universo hoc negotio actum concessum confirmatumque fuisse quin id omne extra controversiam sibi absque alicujus provinciae damno aut praejudicio agere concedere seu confirmare labore licuerit in quantum patriae comodum ejusdemque Incolarum subditorum salus atque Incolumitas postulat being no good excuse but an Oliver satisfaction either in Latine English or Dutch but a trick of Olivers to work and model his own designs by affrighting them into the height of Ingratitude and an Act of Oblivion of their Oaths and League with their formerly united Confederates And our English in the troubles and stirs betwixt King John and some of his Barons when there were thirteen Knights in every County of England and Wales sworn to certifie the Liberties of the People and in the Raign of King Henry the third the like number there were no Liberties of a third Estate to be found in either of them And when the tired self created Republick never before heard of seen felt understood or exampled in England Wales Ireland or Scotland and its vast American Plantations and knew not how like Phaeton to guide their Ambitious Chariot and the horses would for want of conduct be disorderly run and tear themselves Chariot and all in peices and make the driver never more covet exaltations and fearing that the great Villanies and Oppressions which they had for many years together committed and pillaging of three Kingdoms might shortly after retaliate and give them bitter Meat to their sweet Sauce and supposing that they might have no small assistance from their Hypocrite Oliver Cromwel and his Rebel Army did so suffer him and his Officers and Mechanicks to creep into their Parliament or House of Rebels as in a short time the one part of the Army getting into London and the other quartering or encamping round about it and intermedling with the Government and procuring for themselves and their Friends Memberships in the House of Commons in Parliament as no small part of them had wrought themselves into that House of Commons and the Speaker Lenthal with as much weathercock fidelity as Rebellion fear and folly had suggested unto him ran away to the Army who triumphantly marching in a Militrary manner with their Cannon and Artillery brought him back again and seated him in his Traytors Chair which kind of House of Commons being thus tamed became easily perswaded by a Pack of Daemons on both sides to make a formal surrender of that which they would call the Peoples Liberties which could be no more than what was forfeited by Treason by them which had Rebelled against their King And where then could remain lurk or lye hid their so longed after third Estateship when Cromwel had over-reached them with an Instrument of his own making and allowed them especially when he pulled Mr. Pryn that had so championed the business as he stuft a large Book with arguments to evidence the Supremacy of both Houses of Parliament when a little before he had written a Book of the Superiority of the House of Peers in Parliament and was little to be pardoned when Mr. Pryn the Barrister wrote against Mr. Pryn a Bencher of Lincolns-Inn therein not their third Estateship or any such Republican Title at all but in lieu thereof caused some of his Janisaries amongst whom was an Irish Popish Priest with his Red-coat Musket and Bandaliers to pull out of that House of Commons Mr. Pryn and divers other of the Members and imprisoned him and some other in a Room or Alehouse under Westminster-Hall for a night and some short time after And without any belief as is probable of Sir Edward Cokes aforesaid new Modus tenendi Parliamentum made a frame or Modus of his own with six Knights of every County where there were before but two and in some Boroughs fewer than formerly and at another time pulled out their Members and shut up the House doors called our Magna Charta when it was pleaded Magna Farta which was not the Method praescribed in Sir Edward Cokes modus which Mr. Pryn saith would be an absolute or certain way to introduce levelling or a power in the Common people or to aggrandize the power
Praemunire the Commons by the name of the Commons of England three times repeated not stiling themselves a third Estate petitioned the King that the Estates viz. The Lords Spiritual and Temporal herein acknowledging the Praelates to be of great use to the King might declare their resolutions to stand to and abide by the King and had never presumed so high as publickly to print and declare that the Soveraignty is inherent and radicated in the people if they had not plundered or sequestred the Devils Library of Hellish Inventions Tricks and new found devices or met with some manuscript of them at some Auction a Trick of trade newly found out by the Stationers And likewise prayed the King and him require by way of Justice that he would examine the Lords Spiritual and Temporal severally and all the Estates in Parliament to give their opinion in the cases aforesaid whereupon the said Archbishops Bishops and Praelates being severally examined made their Protestations that they could not deny or affirm that the Pope had power to excommunicate or translate Bishops or Praelates but if any such thing be done by any that it is against the Kings Crown and dignity And the Lords Temporal being severally examined answered that the matters aforesaid were clearly in derogation of the Kings Crown and Dignity And likewise the Procurators of the Lords Spiritual being severally examined answered in the name and for their Lords as the Bishops had done whereupon the King by the Assent aforesaid and at the request of the Commons did ordain and Enact the said Statute of Praemunire And might be assured that in Holland the united Provinces the chief of the confederate Estates with those that represent the Reistres Schaff or Nobility do usually sit at the Hague in Holland many times go home or send to the Towns and places they represent to receive their orders or approbation who sometimes send their Deputies unto the Estates at the Hague with their resolutions so as there is a wide and great difference betwixt those which our ambitious high-minded parcel of people that would be called Estates and those that are the true and real Estates of the principality of Ghelders and County of Zutphen Earldoms and Counties of Holland Zealand Utrecht and Friziss Omland and the Eu and Lovers who did so unite and confederate themselves together with all those that would allye and unite with them as they promised not to infringe or break any of each of their Priviledges or Immunities which our Members of the House of Commons in Parliament have largly done by ejecting turning out and imprisoning one another putting others in their places and making them receive their illegal Sentences and unjust Judgments upon their knees neither shall raise or make any Taxes or Imposts upon each other without general consent which ours would be so stiled Estates have as largely done as 48 Millions of English Money have amounted unto and in case any thing be done to the contrary it shall be null and void the Lords Lieutenants and Governors of the said several Provinces and Stadtholders thereof and all the subordinate Magistrates and Officers should from time to time take their Oaths to perform the same and the Governors of the Cities Towns Places in the said united Provinces do in especial cases send unto their Stadtholders their Assent or Ratifications before any thing be acted which our pretending third Estates did not do when they arraigned and murdered their King at the suit of the people when that blessed Martyr King Charles the first asserted that they were not a tenth part of the people and he might truly have said that there were not above one in every 200 of the deluded people of many Millions of his Subjects Cromwels Souldiers and Army and the murdering Judges only excepted and not all of them neither that desired his death or being so wickedly used And can never find any reason record or president to warrant the imprisoning securing or secluding as they have lately called it any of their own Members nor are to judge of the Legality or Illegality of the Election of their Members nor of any the pretended breach of their Priviledges of which the King and Lords were anciently the Judges as is evident by 16 R. 2. n. 6. 12 R. 2. n. 23. 1 H. 4. n. 79. 4 H. 4. n. 19 20. 5 H. 4. n. 71. 78. ca. 5. 8 H. 4. n. 13. Brook Parliament 11. 8 H. 6. n. 57. 23 H. 6. n. 41. 31 H. 6. n. 27 28. 36. 14 E. 4. n. 55. 17 E. 4. n. 36. cum multis aliis but were always Petitiouers to the King for Publick Laws and redress of grievances or in the case of private persons but very seldom petitioned unto and then but by sometimes the Upholsters and Merchant adventurers of London and though they had the free Election of their Speakers granted yet they were to present them to the King who allowed or refused them and sometimes caused them to chuse another never did or could of right administer an Oath to witnesses or others to be examined by the whole House of Commons as the Lords in their subordinate Judicative power usually did had no Vote nor Judicature in Writs of Errour brought in Parliament returnable only before and to be judged by the King and his House of Lords nor yet in criminal Causes upon impeachments wherein the Lords are only subordinate to their Soveraign to be Judges So as the improbability impossibility and unreasonableness of the super-governing power and pretended Supremacy of the House of Commons in Parliament will be as evident as the Absurdity and Frenzy thereof will appear to be by all our Records Annals Historians and Memorials which will not only contradict the follies of those that are so liberal to bestow it upon them but may give us a full and undeniable assurance that the representing part of part of the Commons of England in Parliament from their first Original in 49 H. 3. when their King was a Prisoner to a part of his Subjects they could then represent none but Rebels did not certainly believe themselves to be either one of the 3. Estates of the Kingdom or co-ordinate with their King when in the first year of the Raign of King Edward the second as Walsingham a Writter of good accompt then living and writing after the 49th year of the Raign of King Henry 3. hath reported the people seeking by the help of the Bishops and Nobility to redress some grievances which did lye heavily upon them ad Regem sine strepitu accedentes rogant humiliter ut Baronum suorum Conciliis tractare negotia regni velet quibus a periculis sibi regno imminentibus non solum cautior sed Tutior esse possit And when they had any cause of complaint or any grievances cast or fallen upon them by their fellow Subjects or thrown or imposed one upon another did not