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A59435 The fundamental charter of Presbytery as it hath been lately established in the kingdom of Scotland examin'd and disprov'd by the history, records, and publick transactions of our nation : together with a preface, wherein the vindicator of the Kirk is freely put in mind of his habitual infirmities. Sage, John, 1652-1711. 1695 (1695) Wing S286; ESTC R33997 278,278 616

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concern'd for is this that If they kept a Correspondence there at that time if they got encouragement or Advice thence to comply with the Toleration If they were instructed to comply with it in subserviency to the ensuing Revolution If these things were I say then what a villany was it in them to Address to K. I. in such a manner If they had known nothing of any Designs for setting him beside his Throne If they had been privy to no intriques against him If it had been nothing but a surprize occasioned by such ane unexpected Liberty that prevailed with them to Address to him in such Terms as they did on that occasion something might have been pleaded to extenuate their guilt at least tho' they had complyed with the Designs of the Revolution afterwards when they saw it prevailing Their Ignorance of Intrigues and the Politick Designs were then on foot and the possibility of their having been sincere when they Addressed so to him might have been pleaded in Alleviation of the Dishonesty of their not performing what they promised in their Address And it might have passed on with the common croud of infirmities which usually surprize men of weak resolution in such Critical junctures But to be on Plots and Intrigues against him To snatch at his Concessions that they might be in a condition to ruine him and in the mean time to make such protestations to him to flatter and cajole him at such a rate meerly of Design to wheedle him into a deep security that they might the more expeditely and effectually supplant and ruine him was such ane instance of iniquity of Antichristian craft of rank and vile cheatry as can scarcely be parallell'd in History And so I leave it Thus I have given half a dozen of instances which might be sufficient in all reason for exposing our Authors goodly Impudence And yet they may be reckoned amongst the most innocent of many scores that might be collected in his writings But 't is not my present purpose to pursue him in all his wild careers I shall therefore insist only on three or four things more which as I take it may be sufficient to give the world a surfeit of him The things I am to to take notice of are some Impudent shifts he has betaken himself to for extricating himself when at any time he or his Cause was put to it by any present difficulty In such Cases no Rule obliges him no Law binds him no Equity bounds him no Shame bridles him no sense of Reputation over-aws him Thus e. g. 7. Before he shall be forced to yield in his Argument or seem to be non-plus't he shall not fail to furbish his Talent and make it keen enough for combating the Common sense of the whole Nation It were ane endless work to trace him thro' all instances he has of this Nature What possessions have any of the Episcopal Clergy been deprived of unless for Crimes against the State 2 Vind. p. 6. now who knows not that more than 300 who were outed by the Rabble were deprived of their Possessions and that by ane Act of Parliament without so much as being Charged with any Crime or tryed by any Court Again The Author of the Second Letter had called it K. I.'s Retirement when he left England and went to France So he Termeth says G. R. 2 Vind. p. 23 that which the Parliament called King James's abdicating the Government Now his Author was a Scottish man and writing upon Scottish Hypotheses and about Scottish affairs so that if G. R. spake sense he spake of the Scottish Parliament But I am satisfied that the world reckon me as Impudent as G. R. is really if there is so much as one syllable or any thing that looks like ane intimation of King I.'s either Abdicating or Deserting the Government in any Scottish Declaration or Law or Claim of Right In any publick Deed done by the Nation Again 2 Vind. p. 36. He says That most of them who were thrust out by the Rabble were put out by their own Consciences But after this what might he not have said To trace him thro' all such instances I say would be ane endless work I shall therefore confine my self to two One a Matter of Fact Another a Matter of Right or rather a mixt matter in which both Right and Fact are concerned The Matter of Fact shall be that story he so frequently insists on about my Lord Dundee's 2000 men c. in his Second Vindication About the time the Convention of Estates was to sit down a Design was discovered framed by the Viscount of Dundee and others to surprize and seize the Convention and for this end had secretly got together of K. J. 's disbanded Souldiers and others about 2000 strangers in Edenburgh p. 11 This Plot did our Author a great many services It occasioned those of the West to gather as many into Edenburgh to oppose them and secure the Convention ibid. Mark here they were those of the West who Gathered the Rabble into Edenburgh and this Gathering was only occasional and of their own proper motion Mark these things I say and compare them with what follows Again That there was a Design to fall on the Ministers of Edenburgh is affirmed on no ground and without any Truth Or that the Colledge of Justice Arm'd in their Defence It was rather on the same Design on which the Viscount of Dundee had gathered forces into the Town and it was for opposing of them and not for Assaulting the Ministers of Edenburgh ibid. 39 And p. 40 The thanks the Rabble got was for their zeal in Defending the Convention from that opposite Rabble viz. the 2000 men Dundee and others had gathered into Edenburgh to have seized the Convention Again p. 96 That the Western Rabble which came to Edenburgh in the time of the Convention were in Arms against Law says he is false for they were called by the Authority of the Estates as their Guard when their Enemies had gathered a formidable party into Edenburgh And tho' they were together before the Earl of Levin got the command yet not before they were called together by the Estates ibid. And p. 110 He Dundee had gathered a formidable party to destroy the Convention of Estates and they gathered a force for their own security Now One who is a meer stranger to Scottish affairs finding this Plot of Dundee's so confidently asserted so frequently insisted on made use of to serve so many turns would seem to have Reason to believe that there was really such a Plot and that all this was uncontrovertible Matter of Fact For how is it to be imagined that one who undertook to be the Vindicator of the Kingdom of Scotland should talk so boldly of such a Recent Matter of Fact if there was no such thing really And yet The whole Nation knows this whole Matter is as Notorious Figment as Arrant Poesie as is in all
the world knows to be true and what cannot be denied If we could contend with them for Virtue and Integrity for Honour and Gallantry for Civility and Loyalty for Glories that are truely manly 'T were for the Credit of our Nation And it were our own fault if we were inferiour to them in such Competitions But 't is Arrant Vanity to contend with them for Wealth or Strength or Multitude Now to bring this home to my purpose God had so ordered in his wife Providence that for many Ages before Scotland had not been so free of foreign influence as a little before and all the time our Church was a reforming The French were the only foreign Influences which were wont to find Entertainment in Scotland And in those times the French had treated us very basely and dishonourably I shall deduce the matter with all convenient brevity King Henry the Eighth of England had resolved upon a War with France Anno 1512. The French King perceiving this applyed to Iames the Fourth of Scotland his old Confederate to engage him in ane Alliance against Henry His Application was successful a private League was made betwixt them in November that year Two of the Articles were That if England should invade Scotland France should wage War with all its might against England Scotland should do the like if England invaded France And neither of the two should take Truce with England without the other gave his Consent and were comprehended therein if he pleased In pursuance of this League Iames raised a potent Army invaded England incurred the Popes Displeasure to the very Sentence of Excommunication fought the fatal Battle of Flowdon Sept. 9. 1513 Lost his Life and the Flower of all the Scottish Nobility and Gentry and left behind him Iames the Fifth ane Infant exposed with his whole State to the not very tender Mercies of King Henry Here was serving the French interests with a witness Well! How did Lewis requite this The next year he patcht up a Peace with Henry without comprehending Scotland without Respect to his Faith and Promise without Pity to those who were reduced to such Extremities on his account If this was not what can be called Disobliging But this was not all The Scots reduced to these difficulties and sensible that it was not possible for the Nation to subsist under ane infant King without a Regent became humble Suppliants to the French King that he would send them Iohn Duke of Albany then in the French Service a Man of great Abilities and next by Blood to the Scottish Crown that he might be their Governour during their Kings Minority But Henry's Threats for a long time prevailed more with the French King than Scotlands Necessities or his Obligations to it For Albany came not to Scotland till May 1515. so that for near two years thro the French Coldness and Indifferency towards Scottish affairs the Kingdom had no setled Government The War brake out again betwixt France and England Anno ..... and a new Peace was concluded Anno 1518. And Albany our Scottish Regent was present in person when it was concluded but the English Obstinacy not to comprehend Scotland was more effectual with Francis the First who had then got upon the Throne than all the Intercessions of Albany or the Merits of our Nation Nay if we may believe Herbert It was one of the main Articles of that Treaty that Albany should not return to Scotland Nor did he return till Octob. 1521. And returning then Henry reckoned it a Main Breach of Treaty nay and plain Perjury in Francis that he gave way to it Thus were we treated then by France Let us now consider if Henry was at any pains all this while to make ane Interest in Scotland And if we may believe the unanimous voice of our own Historians or my Lord Herbert in the History of his Life never was man more earnest for any thing than he in that pursuit and he had brave occasions for it For not only were the Scots highly and justly irritated by the degenerous and undervaluing slights France had put upon them as I have just now made appear But Henry had surprized them with ane Unexpected and Unaccustomed Generosity after the Battel of Flowdon He had not pursued his Victory but had listned gently to their Addresses for Peace and told them that tho he might yet he would not take advantage of their circumstances He would treat them frankly if they were for Peace so was he if for War they should have it A Response so full of true Honour and Gallantry as could not but work on their affections Besides His Sister Margaret the Queen of Scots a Lady of rare Endowments was all alongst working to his hand and making a Party for him Iames the 4 th by his Testament before he went to Flowdon had nominated her Governess of the Realm during her Widowhood This gave her once the principal hand in affairs 'T is true she was young and lively and married within a year after the King's Death and so lost her Title to the Regency But then she married the Earl of Angus the choice of all the Scottish Nobility and one who was in great Repute with all Ranks of People so that however her Marriage annulled her Title it did not so much weaken her Interest but that she had still a great Party in the Nation So great That tho Albany was advanced to the Regency she was for the most part able to over-ballance him in point of power and following In short Such was Henry's and his Sisters influence That all the time Albany was Regent the Nation was divided into two Factions The one French headed by Albany the other English headed by the Queen Dowager and hers was generally the more prevalent so much that tho Albany was perhaps one of the bravest Gentlemen that ever was honoured with the Scottish Regency he was never able to prosecute to purpose any project he undertook for the French Service Thus Anno 1522. He raised ane Army to invade England But with what success Why The Scottish Nobility waited upon him to the Border indeed but they would go no further They told him plainly they would hazard lives and fortunes in defence of their Country but it was another thing to invade England And Lesly plainly attributes all this Refractoriness in these Nobles to the Queens influence Nay 't is evident from the same Lesly that the Baseness and Ingratitude of the French in the forementioned Treaties was one of the principal Arguments that moved them to such Backwardness And Albany was sensible of it and therefore went to France and told the French King so much and asked a swinging Army of Frenchmen five thousand Horse and ten thousand Foot with such a force he promised to Act something against England but from the Scots by themselves nothing was
whereby they expressly Condemn the Communion of our Reformers not to insist on this I say tho' it might be more than enough to prove their Recession from the principles of our Reformers in this Matter Our Presbyterian Brethren are bound by ane Express Act of the General Assembly 1648 not to give the Sacrament of the Lords Supper to any who do not first swear the Solemn League and Covenant The occasion was this In the beginning of that year 1648 most part of the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland having come to a sense of the Miseries and Calamities the Kingdomes had been involved in by the horrid Rebellion which had then prevail'd too long and too successfully and willing to acquit themselves for once as dutiful subjects for the relief of their suffering Soveraign at that time most sadly oppress'd and kept in prison by a prevailing party of his most undutiful subjects entered into a most Dutiful Confederacy commonly called Duke Hamiltons Engagement by the Presbyterians the Vnlawful Engagement And in pursuance thereof made suitable preparations provided Arms levied men c. to form an Army The Presbyterian Preachers were generally against it Preached and Prayed Damnation and Ruine to the undertakers Condemn'd the undertaking as Unlawful and Perjurious as Traiterous to the Cause of God and a Breach of Solemn League and Covenant and what not Particularly The Presbytery of Edenburg the leading Presbytery the Presbytery which sate upon the Watch-Tower of the Nation shewed I must say Remarkable tho' I cannot say Good Example to the Rest of the Presbyteries in the Months of May and Iune They rack't their inventions for falling on methods to crush and disappoint the Designs of the Engagers For instance they set on foot this Politick in the Respective Parishes within their District that the Ministers and Kirk-Sessions should form supplications against the Engagement and give them in to the Presbytery who were to give them in to the Committee of Estates and thereby to represent to them how much their undertaking was contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People The Device took effect in some Parishes The Kirk-Sessions of Edenburgh Holy-Rude-chouse Duddingstown Liberton Rutho Curry Cramond gave in their supplications declaring that they could not be satisfyed in their Consciences about the Lawfulness of the Engagement I have instanced in the forwardness of the Presbytery of Edenburgh to give my Reader a Taste of the humour of these times nor is it to be imagined that others were asleep while they were so diligent The General Assembly met on the twelfth of Iuly they justifyed the endeavours and diligence used before against the Engagement with a witness They approved all the Declarations Remonstrances Representations Petitions c. against it which had been made by the Commission of the Kirk They Declared there was no possibility of securing Religion so long as this Unlawful Engagement was carried on They made Acts and Declarations against Acts of Parliament and Threatned all who should Obey them with the wrath of God and the Censures of the Kirk They gave out their publick warnings against it and wrote to their Covenanted Brethren in England shewing their utter abhorrence of it They made their Act Declaring silence about it a Crime and requiring all Ministers to make the main current of their Applications in Sermons against it under the pain of being Censured by their Presbyteries And to shew their sincerity and real zeal in all this and for preventing all such ungodly Engagements for the time to come c. They made this Act That hereafter all Persons whatsoever should take the Covenant at their first Receiving of the Lords Supper requiring Provincial Assembly's and Presbyteries to be careful that this Act should be observed and account thereof taken in the visitation of particular Kirks and the tryal of Presbyteries If this was not to streighten Christian Communion if this was not to impose strange terms on all who desired this Holy Sacrament let the world judge And it is very well known that for some years thereafter this Act was observed Perhaps it were no difficult task to give ane account of many strange things which happened in pursuance of this Act But I shall content my self at present with one instance In pursuance of the Politick of the Presbytery of Edenburg mention'd before the Ministers of South Leith proposed to that Kirk-Session the overture of supplicating against the Engagement The Plurality of the Elders rejected it This was in May or Iune The Engagement as every body knows was unsuccessful The Army was Routed at Preston c. and the Kirk had opportunity to be avenged of Malignants The Presbytery of Edenburgh therefore on the sixth of December that same year kept a Visitation at the Church of South Leith they made diligent Enquiry who of the Elders refused to supplicate against the Engagement They Deposed them from their Office and they ordered the Ministers to go about ane Election of a New Session But this was not all Upon the 8 th of December they met again to digest a Method for Renewing the Covenant in obedience to the Assemblies Act and particularly they Ordained that such Seducers as disswaded others from petitioning against the Engagement should be debarred from the COVENANT Nay upon the 24 th of Ianuary 1648 9 it was ordered particularly That those in South Leith who had accession to the Paper drawn in Captain Ramsey's house which Paper so far as one can Conjecture from the Depositions of the Witnesses about it was nothing but ane Apologetick for their not supplicating as also those who were sent from the Corporations the Town as I think is divided into four Corporations to the Ministers and Session to desire them to forbear supplicating against the Engagement should make publick acknowledgement of their Offence before they should have permission to take the Covenant So that at last as is obvious the matter resulted in this The Elders of South Leith and those who came from the Corporations to the Session to Disswade from supplicating could not have the Sacrament without first taking the Covenant and they could not have the Benefit of the Covenant as it was then Deem'd till they should make publick acknowledgement of the Heinous Guilt of not supplicating and as Seducers Disswading others from supplicating against the Unlawful Engagement For the Truth of this I Appeal to the Faith of the publick Register of that Presbytery I know our Presbyterian Brethren will be ready to say that this was only a Deed of the particular Presbytery of Edenburgh so that if there was any thing amiss in it it ought not to be imputed to the whole party If this be said I have these things to reply 1. What did the Presbytery herein that was not in pursuance of the publick Spirit of the times and the Acts of the General Assembly But then 2. as extravagant as the Presbytery of Edenburgh was in this matter
Britain as our Presbyterian Brethren are earnest to have the present Generation believe Again Pag. 449 The Author Narrating how Henry Queen Mary's Husband c was buried Adds in Confirmation of his own Veracity Thus. If there had been any Solemn Burial Buchanan had wanted Wit to Relate otherwise Seeing there would have been so many Witnesses to testify the Contrary Therefore the Contriver of the late History of Queen Mary wanted Policy here to convey a Lie Thus I say the Author vouches Buchanans Authority And it must be Buchanans History that he Refers to For there 's not a Syllable about Henry's Burial to be found in any of his other writings Now Not to insist on the incredibleness of Knox's running for Shelter to Buchanans Authority concerning a matter of Fact so remarkable in its self and which happened in his own time in that very City in which he lived and was Minister Not to insist on this I say Buchanan himself in his Dedication of his History to King Iames 6th Clearly decides the matter He tells his Majesty there were two Considerations which chiefly put him upon writing his History First He perceived his Majesty had Read and Understood the Histories of almost all other Nations And it was incongruous and unaccountable that he who was so well acquainted with Foreign Affairs should be a Stranger to the History of his own Kingdom Secondly He was intrusted with the Kings Education He could not attend his Majesty in that important Office by Reason of his Old Age and Multiplying infirmities He applyed himself therefore to write his History thereby to Compense the Defects of his Non-Attendance c. And from both Reasons it is evident that Knox was Dead before Buchannan applyed himself to the writing of his History For Knox dyed Anno 1572. K. Iames was then but Six years of Age And is it Credible that at that Age he had Read and got by heart the Histories of almost all other Nations Indeed Buchanan survived Knox by ten years And for a good many of them was able to wait and actually waited on the King So that 't is clear 't was towards the end of his days and after Knox's Death that he applyed himself to his History And 't is very well known it was never published till the year 1582. But this is not all The Author of that which is called Knox's History adduces Buchanan's Authority for Convelling the Credit of the Contriver of the Late History of Queen Mary which was written I cannot tell how long after Buchanan was Dead as well as Knox. Further Pag. 306. The Author discourses thus The Books of Discipline have been of late so often published that we shall forbear to print them at this time Now there were never more than two Books of Discipline and the Second was not so much as projected till the year 1576 i. e. 4 years after Knox had departed this life Once more Pag. 286. We read thus Some in France after the sudden Death of Francis the Second and calling to mind the Death of Charles the Ninth in Blood and the Slaughter of Henry the Second did Remark the Tragical ends of these three Princes who had persecuted Gods Servants so cruelly And indeed the following Kings of France unto this day have found this true by their unfortunate and unexpected Ends. Now Charles the Ninth died not till the 30th of May Anno 1574. i. e. 18 Months after Knox. The following Kings of France who made the Vnfortunate and unexpected Ends were Henry the Third and Henry the Fourth Henry the Third was not Murthered till the year 1589. Henry the Fourth not till May 1610. The former 17 the latter 38 years after the Death of Knox. From this Taste it is clear that that History at least as we now have it was not written by Knox. All that can be said with any Shadow of probability is that Knox provided some Materials for it But Granting this how shall we be able to separate that which is Spurious in it from that which is Genuine All I can say is this 'T is plain to every one that Reads it That he has been a thorough-paced Presbyterian who framed it as we have it By Consequence its Authority is stark naught for any thing in it that favours Presbytery or bespatters Prelacy And if it ought to have any credit at all it is only where the Controversies about Church Government are no ways interested or where it mentions any thing that may be improven to the Advantages of Episcopacy just as the Testimonies of Adversaries are useful for the interests of the opposite party and not an A●e farther So that I had reason if any Man can have it to insist on its Authority as I have frequently done But no Presbyterian can in equity either plead or be allowed the same priviledge I could give the Reader a surfeit of instances which cannot but appear to any considering person to be plain and notorious Presbyterian corruptions in it But I shall only represent One as being of considerable importance in the Controversie which I have managed in my Second Enquiry and by that the Reader may make a Judgment of the Authors Candor and Integrity in other things The English Non-conformists zealous to be rid of the Vestments and some other Forms and Ceremonies retained by the Church of England which they reckoned to be scandalous impositions wrote earnestly as is known to several Reformed Churches and Protestant Divines beseeching them to interpose with the Church of England for an ease of these burdens It seems they wrote to some in Scotland also probably to Mr. Knox He was of their acquaintance and they could not but be secure enough of his inclinations considering how warm he had been about these matters at Francfort However it was the Church of Scotland did actually interpose The General Assembly met at Edenburgh Decem. 27. Anno 1566 ordered Iohn Knox to draw a Letter to the English Clergy in favour of those Non-conformists This Letter was subscribed and sent Now consider the Tricks of the Author of the History attributed to Knox. The Inscription of the Letter as it is in Spotswood Petrie and the Manuscript Copy of the Acts of the General Assembly's is this The Superintendents Ministers and Commissioners of the Church within the Realm of Scotland To their Brethren the Bishops and Pastors of England who have renounced the Roman Antichrist and do profess with them the Lord Iesus in sincerity wish the increase of the Holy Spirit Thus I say Spotswo●d hath it pag. 198. And the MS. and Petrie Tom. 2. p. 348. have it in the same words only where Spotswood hath wish they have desire which makes no material Difference But the spurious Knox has it thus pag. 445. The Superintendents with other Ministers and Commissioners of the Church of God in the Kingdom of Scotland To their Brethren the Bishops and Pastors of Gods Church in England who profess with us
produced crouds of Mysteries But such Mysteries as plain speaking people commonly call Non-sense It were Non-sense indeed to insist on all instances of this nature which beautify his writings Such as his pretty position That all Ceremonies of Gods worship are worship themselves Animadv on D. Still Iren. p. 30. His pleasant Fetch about Ceremonies that stand in the place of the Competentes or Catechumeni Rational Defence c. p. 72. His Judicious Conclusion That the Affirmative part of the Second Commandment is that we ought to worship God in the way prescribed in his Word ibid. 125. His sublime notion about the Vnity of the Church in the Case of the Lutherans ibid. 148. We shut not out the Lutheran Churches says he from all possibility of Vnion with them We can have Vnion with them as Sister Churches But we cannot partake in their instituted parts of worship His surprizing proposition viz. That the two Governments Presbytery and Monarchy of Church and State have suted one another many ages since the Nation was Protestant 2 Vind. § 11. p. 14. It were to Vie with him for his own Talent I say to insist on all these and many more such which are to be found in his Matchless writings I shall therefore mention only three or four of his most Elaborate Mysteries And 1. Our Judicious Author wrote Animadversions on Doctor Stillingfleet's ●renicum and you may judge of the Metal of the whole by this one Specimen which you have not far from the beginning D. Still p. 2. had laid down this Foundation that difference of opinion about a point and probable Arguments brought on both sides by wise and able men if it be not a matter of necessity to salvation gives men ground to think that a final decision of the matter in Controversie was never intended as a necessary means for the Peace and Unity of the Church Against this position G. R. Reasons thus p. 5. If any things not necessary to Salvation be so Necessary to be clearly revealed that we are to look upon them as not Christs Truth if there remain a Controversie about them managed with specious Arguments on both sides among wise and able men much more things necessary to Salvation must be thus clearly revealed so that there is no truth in them if they be so Controverted but the consequent is most false and absurd Ergo c. Let the Reader try his skill on this Mystery and fathom the depth of it if he can 2. The next Mystery I thought to have insisted on is that grand one about the Decrees of God 2 Vind. p. 66. viz. That God has a Decree that 's Praeteritum as ane Act of Soveraignty and a Decree that 's Praedamnatum as ane Act of Iustice. But I am told this has been sufficiently represented already And therefore I shall say no more about it but this that there is no Reason to think it was a Typograhical Error For after it was thus Printed in Scotland it was Reprinted in England without Alteration or Correction So that there 's all the Reason in the world to impute it to the Author But if so was he not at best a Mysterious Theologue But 3. The next I shall produce tho' not sounding so directly towards blasphemy is every whit as good Mystery The Story is this Doctor Stillingfleet in his Vnreasonableness of the Separation from the Church of England forbore to sustain the Lawfulness of Liturgies c. Because Doctor Falk'ner had done it so well before But our Author had made some Collections on the subject Ration Defen c. p. 222. And it was pity they should be stifled And therefore they behoved to be published I am not to insist on every thing that is Mysterious in that Learned Disquisition on the subject of Liturgies with which he has blest the Island One thing shall suffice In his burning zeal against Liturgies or Set forms he advances this proposition among many others That it is Vnlawful to worship God by a frame of service that is not warranted in the word both as to its Matter and Manner pag. 226. Sect. 8. This I prove says he 1. From Christs Condemning the Traditions of men as vain worship Matt. 15.9 They taught these Traditions i. e. saith Lucas Brugensis in Locum they followed them and taught others to follow them The same Author calleth these Mens Traditions that are so of men that they are not of God or are devised by man ibid. So also Vatablus Erasmus Maldonate Tirinus Piscator Calvin and Chemnitius say Here is meant whatever is brought into Religion without the word Now it is Manifest that a frame of Divine service not warranted in the word falleth under this General Head Thus you have all these Gentlemen Lucas Brugensis Vatablus Erasmus c. tho' some of them were Papists some of them Lutherans and not one of them but own'd and used Liturgies strong against Liturgies if not directly at least by plain consequence But our Author proceeds Secondly The Lord condemneth all worship offered up to him that he hath not Commanded Jer. 7.31 turn to the Text and try if it is not pertinently adduced Where not being commanded but devised by men is made the ground on which that practice tho' otherwise evil also is Condemned And Jeroboam 's Frame and way of service is Condemned because Devised Heb. Created of his own heart 1 Kings 12.33 Thirdly Even Reason teacheth that God ought to chuse how he will be honoured or worshiped by his Creatures He best knoweth what will please him And his Soveraignty in all things must especially appear in this that himself is so nearly concerned in This is a principle so rooted in nature that among the Heathens they that contrived their Liturgies or ways of worship behoved to pretend Revelation from their Gods to guide them in this It was never heard of among the more Religious Heathens that Religion or the manner of worshipping their Gods was enjoyned only by Mans Authority and divised only by him Yea in the so much magnified Rosary of the Virgin Mary It is alledged that Saint Dominicus had it revealed by the Virgin her self that this Form of service was most acceptable to her And it is added That she was fittest to chuse what way she would be worshipped I hope they the Papists and such as symbolize with them those of the Church of England in ordering of the worship of God will give us leave to say the same of her Blessed Son Fourthly For the Matter of worship I think it will not be Questioned whither that must be appointed by God or not But even the FRAME COMPOSVRE and MODE of Divine worship should have Divine warrant otherwise it is not acceptable to God c. Now Not to make much needless work Consider 1. our Authors great business was to prove the Unlawfulness of Liturgies or Set-forms of Prayers c. in the publick worship Consider 2. that he as his Sect
intended against the Church of England is evident from the whole Contexture of that Preface By this time the Reader I think has got enough of G. R.'s excessive Civilities to all Persons and Churches he has been pleased to take notice of Proceed we now to the last of his Cardinal Virtues viz. IV. His singular Modesty And here a vast field opens for except the aforesaid three there is scarcely another of his Qualities good or bad that makes any considerable appearance But so it is that generally the greater lights obscure the lesser Nay such ane Awkward Quality is this in our Author that one would think It has been at feud with it self and had designs for obscuring its own Lustre For you no sooner have found ane instance which you may be apt to apprehend is the very brightest Impudence than instantly another casts up twenty times more splendid and before you have got through them all you are at a loss again and you cannot tell which was the most surprizing But I shall only give a Specimen of this Vertue as I have done of the rest 1. Then the blot of impudence might have been charged upon him tho' he had said no more than what he has said concerning the Prelatical Scribblers Pref. to 1 Vind. viz. That they used a piece of cunning in spreading their Books in England only where the things contained in them could not be known nor examined but there was never one of them to be found in a Booksellers shop in Scotland where most Readers could have discovered the falshood of their Allegations And his Brother Mr. Meldrum in his Letter subjoyn'd to G. R.'s Second Vindication insists on the same ingenious Speculation And yet both of them could not but know very well that these Prelatick Scribblers might have attempted to have pull'd a Star from the firmament as plausibly as to have got any thing that made against the Presbyterians printed in Scotland One thing I can assure G. R. of his True Representation of Presbyterian Government had not seen the light many days when a Licence was sought for publishing ane Answer to it But it could not be obtain'd And how many innocent Pamphlets have been seized by the Government since the beginning of the late Revolution Did not both these Gentlemen know this sufficiently And was it not Impudence in them especially in G. R. considering the Post he had to publish such a Calumny as that it was the Conscience of the falshoods were in them that made his Adversaries publish their Books in England 2. Another instance of his Impudence might be his so frequent insisting on the Loyalty of his party Believe him and no men can be more Loyal than Scottish Presbyterians Nothing but malice can make any think that Presbytery is ane enemy to Monarchy 1 Vind. ad Quest. 2. § 2. Our Obedience to Magistrates in all their Lawful Commands and our peaceful sufferings of unjust violence are notour to all that can behold us with ane unprejudiced eye True Rep. ad Ob. 1. None maintain more Loyal principles towards Kings than Presbyterians do ibid. ad Ob. 2. They always abhorred Rebellion 2 Vind. p. 63 Yea it is manifest it is not their principle to bargain with their Kings about Allegiance ibid. p. 99 Our principles are known that we owe Loyalty and have payed it even to ane Idolatrous King i. e. K. J. ibid. p. 115 Who can deny now that Presbyterians are true Passive-obedience and Non-resistance men Or rather who knows not that this is Bantering the Common sense of all Britain 3. There 's no less Impudence in the large Encomiums he makes on the Harmlesness and Innocence of his party 'T is true and 't is much he acknowledges sometimes They are men They have infirmities They have been guilty of Excesses c. But try him to the bottom and you shall never find him descending below these Generals You shall not find him acknowledging that any particular instance wherein they exceeded was not very excusable Thus he cannot endure to hear that they were ever Persecutors or Rebels Not Persecutors for if they had been Persecutors 't is not to be doubted that the Prelatists had felt it But what have they ever felt Hear him in his Pref. to 1 Vind. It may be thought strange that the men with whom we have to do should make such Tragical out-cries about their sufferings when it may be made appear that in the late times when Presbyterians suffered from their hands any one of many who may be instanced suffered more hardships and Barbarous Cruelty than all of them have endured I must confess these men who suffered so have suffered to purpose For I think it was pretty severe for one man to suffer the deprivation of 5 or 600 livelihoods and have 5 or 600 families perchance 4 or 5000 persons to maintain on nothing I know not how far our Authors skill in Algebra may reach but I think in this he was hard enough for Common sense But this is not all Hear him again in that same Vind. ad Quest. 3. § 1. All unbyassed men who know and have observed the way of the one and the other while they Alternatively had the Ascendant will say that the little finger of the meanest Prelate and his underlings was heavier than the loyns of the greatest Assembly of the Presbyterian Church What Sir no not the Ass. 1645 nor 1648 nor 1649 excepted And 2 Vind. p. 23. The sufferings of the Prelatists are but flea-bites in comparison of the bloody lashes that others suffered And p. 45. Their sufferings are but scratches of pins c. And you know even the tenderest nurses such as our Presbyterians are to Prelatists cannot constantly preserve their dearest nurselings from such accidents Who can say now that ever Presbyterians were Persecutors Believe him and they were as little Rebels Episcopacy indeed raised a Tumult in K. C. Ists time which ended in its own ruine 1 Vind. ad Quest. 2. § 3. And yet in Answer to that same Question § 5. 'T is true they the Prelatists raised no Tumults For if there is a difference between raising Tumults and raising no Tumults yet it is certain that they are only Abstracts which raise them and Concrets do not raise them Well! were the Concrets the Episcopalians innocent of Tumultuating Consider what follows They did what they could to raise a war for continuing on the necks of the People that Yoke that they had wreathed on them and did effectually draw on a bloody war c. But what did the Presbyterians on that occasion Why How far were they from being Rebels For thus saith our Author 2 Vind. p. 140 These things whatever the Presbyterians did were done by the Body of the Nation met in the most orderly representative that the time and case could permit And I deny not that they were EXTRAORDINARY ACTINGS Nothing in these times like Perjury or Treachery or Treason or
Coronations For I think none other can do it but the King and if so he must do it as King otherwise another might do it But then Tho' I have granted our Author this much that the Rightful Successor is King before he takes the Oath I think no Reason can oblige me to grant what followeth viz. That the same may be said of ONE CHOSEN and Proclaimed by the Supreme Authority of the Nation which is the CASE NOW IN HAND For not to insist on the Liberty our Author hath taken here to call their Majesties Elective Soveraigns in opposition to such as are Hereditary tho' I think it was pretty bold in him to talk so I think this is one of the most notable differences between ane Hereditary and ane Elective Monarchy that in the Hereditary the King never dies i. e. In that same instant that the Regnant Kings breath goeth out the Rightful Successor is King Whereas in the Elective Monarchy the King dies with the Man and there is no King till there is a New Creation This I think makes the Cases pretty wide And I think they are wider yet when he that is to be the Elected King is not to be King at all till he Agrees to such and such Conditions Who sees not a vast difference between the Hereditary and the Elective King in this Case But not to press our Author farther and once for all to end this Controversie about Strachan's Defence take what follows for undoubted Truth Upon that same very eleventh of April 1689 on which the Estates gave out their Proclamation importing that they had Resolved that W. and M. should be K. and Q. of Scotland they enacted their Declaration containing the Claim of Right and their Resolution to Offer the Crown only on the Terms of that Claim and not only so but they made this following Act word for word Forasmuch as the Estates of this Kingdom by their former Acts Declared that they would continue undissolved until the Government Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom should be settled and secured and they having now proceeded to Resolve that W. and M. K. and Q. of England be and be Declared K. and Q. of Scotland And considering that the Nation cannot be without Government until the said K. and Q. of England accept the Offer of the Crown according to the Instrument of Government and take the Oath required before they enter to the Exercise of the Regal Power Therefore the said Estates do hereby Declare and Enact that they will continue in the Government as formerly until their Majesties acceptance of the Crown and their taking of the said Oath be made known to them If this Act doth not make it evident that there was no Material Mistake of the words of the Claim of Right in Dr. Strachan's Defence But that the Doctor pleaded and Reason'd upon the Manifest Principles of the Meeting of Estates If it doth not Demonstrate that the Doctors Plea was Solid and Irrefragable and if it follows not by necessary consequence that it was ane unaccoutable proceeding of the Committee of Estates to deprive the Doctor and near to thirty more for not praying for W. and M. as K. and Q. of Scotland before they were or could be K and Q. of Scotland let the intelligent Reader judge But if these inferences are notoriously just then let him judge again if G. R. by offering to invalidate the Dr. 's Defence was not guilty of a palpable indiscretion in refreshing the memory of such an unaccountable proceeding of the Meeting of the Committee of Estates which had been far better buried in perpetual oblivion and lastly let him judge if it argued not more than ane ordinary Impudence in G. R. to have attempted the Defence of that Procedure And if such ane attempt was not with a Fetch of his Talent peculiar to himself to offer violence to Reason and Law to Iustice and Equity to the Light of Nature and the Common sense of Mankind One would think 't was Impudence enough in all Conscience to have made so bold with common Humanity and particularly with the Universal Convictions of ones Native Country as to a plain Matter of Fact But such is our Authors share of that Daring Talent that assisted by it he could even flee in the face of his Dearer Relations and leave them in the Lurch rather than appear to have been worsted in his Argument Thus e. g. 8. When he was put to it and could not otherwise make his escape he never made scruple to flee in the face of the present Civil Government He tells you indeed in his Preface to 2 Vind. § 6. That one of his Designs in writing his Book was to Vindicate and Justify the Actings of the Civil Government Believe him on many occasions and he is a most dutiful Subject there cannot be a greater Reverencer of Authority He tells you 'T is a sawcy boldness for private persons to meddle with the Designs of Legislators 2 Vind. p. 112 And God knows how frequently he exposes his Adversaries to the Resentments of the Civil Government How zealous is he for stretching necks c. And yet for all this as much as he is obliged to it as great a veneration as he pretends for it it must not only shift for it self but he must run through its sides if he has not another hole to escape by I shall only take notice of two instances of his behaviour this way The first is in his 2 Vind. p. 22 His Adversary had laught at the Presbyterian Address and their protestation of Loyalty to K J. But I would fain know says G. R. by what Topick either of these can be Condemned I think I have hinted at least at Topick enough about that Go we on now with our Author They gave thanks for restoring them to their just Right Neither is this the Matter They Professed and practised Loyalty towards their LAWFUL Soveraign tho' of a different Religion from them Here it is For don't you hear him plainly affirming that K. I. was a LAWFUL SOVERAIGN Now what was this less than striking at the very root of the present Establishment Is it not a direct Contradicting of the Claim of Right which Declares that K. J. had forfeited the Right to the Crown by assuming the Regal Power and Acting as King without ever taking the Oath required by Law i. e. Manifestly for not being a LAWFUL SOVERAIGN If thus to Contradict its very foundation strikes not at the root of the present Constitution let the world judge But so it was that our Author could not otherwise justify the Presbyterian Address c. Again One of his Adversaries had Argued that Episcopacy was abolished by the Parliament as being contrary to the Inclinations of the People and therefore if the People should alter their Inclinations it might be restored by another Parliament One would think there was Reason here and it seems G. R. was sensible of it And
can it be imagined that Henry who was so serious with the King of Scots was at no pains at all with his Subjects with the Nobility and Gentry with such as might had influence either at the Court or in the Country No certainly as may be evident if we consider 4. That when in the year 1540 or 1541 Henry was earnest for a Congress with Iames to try no doubt if meeting face to face and personal and familiar Converse and Conference might prevail with him All our Scottish Protestants were mighty zealous that the Interview might take effect and both time and place which was York might be punctually observed Is not this a Demonstration that they understood Henry's project and approved his designs and that they were in the same Bottom with him in pursuance of a Reformation 'T is true Iames followed other Counsels and disappointed the Interview and therefore Henry turn'd angry and raised War against him But then 't is as true that Iames found his Subjects so backward as I shewed and was so unsuccessful in the management of that War that he contracted Melancholy and soon after died Add to this 5. That after Iames's Death Henry persisted in his Concern to advance the Reformation in Scotland as well as in England To this end He was careful that those of the Scottish Nobility and Gentry who were taken Prisoners at Solway-moss might be lodged with such persons as could instruct them in the Reforming Principles And so soon as he heard that Iames was dead and had left a Daughter some few days old yet Heiress of the Crown He dispatched them for Scotland to promote his interests in the Matter of the Match he was zealous to have made betwixt his Son Prince Edward and our Infant Soveraign Indeed they were as diligent as he could have desired They got it carried in Parliament and that they did it from a prospect of carrying on the Reformation of Religion by that conjunction cannot be doubted if we may believe Dr. Burnet in his Abridgment of the History of the Reformation of the Church of England For there he not only tells That Cassils had got these seeds of Knowledge at Lambeth under Cranmer ' s influences which produced afterwards a Great Harvest in Scotland But also That the other Prisoners were instructed to such a degree that they came to have very different thoughts of the Changes that had been made in England from what the Scottish Clergy had possessed them with who had encouraged their King to engage in the War by the assurance of Victory since he fought against ane Heretical Prince c. And a little after They were sent home and went away much pleased both with the Splendor of the Kings Court and with the way of Religion which they had seen in England And that we have reason to believe this Author in this matter is evident because he is justified herein by all our Historians especially Buchanan as my appear by the sequel Here was Success of the English influences Seven of the Supreme Order i. e. Noblemen and 24 of inferior Quality considerable Gentlemen all enlightned in England for so Buchanan numbers them And here by the way it will not be amiss to consider the strength of the Protestant Party in Scotland when in this Parliament wherein the Match by the influence of the English Converts was agreed to They were so strong that they carried the Regency for the Earl of Arran prompted thereto chiefly by the perswasion they had of his affection to the Reformation as is evident from the consentient Accounts of Buchanan Knox and Spotswood They carried it for the Match with England in opposition to all the Popish Party as I have just now represented Nay which is more because more immediately concerning the Reformation of Religion they procured ane Act to be made That it should be Lawful to every Man to take the Benefit of the Translation which they then had of the Bible and other Treatises containing wholsome Doctrine c. Indeed at that time the Reformation was so far advanced That the Regent kept his two Protestant Chaplains Guillam and Rough both Church of England men as we shall hear who preached publickly to the Court and declaim'd boldly against the Roman Corruptions So far advanced that it stood fair within a short space to have got the publick establishment if Arran the Regent to keep the Popes Cover on his Title to the Succession wherein without it there were a Couple of sad Chasms and for other worldly ends had not play'd the Iade by renouncing his Profession and returning to the Popes Obedience Observe further by the way That this first Parliament of Queen Mary's was holden in her name and by her Authority upon the 13th of March 1542 3 as is clear not only from our Historians but the printed Acts of Parliament and she was not crowned till the 20th of August thereafter if we may believe both Lesly and Buchanan And yet there was not so much as the least objection made then against the Legality of the Parliament no such thing was thought on So that 't is no new nor illegal thing for Scottish Monarchs to hold Parliaments before their Coronations But this as I said by the way Such was the strength of the Reforming Party then and this strength under God advanced so far principally by English influences And all this will appear more convincing still when it is considered in the 6th place That all alongst the Popish Clergy were very sensible of it and very much offended with it and were at all imaginable pains to disappoint it and oppose it Thus When Henry sent the Bishop of St. Davids as we have heard Anno 1535. to treat with Iames about Reforming the Clergy were in a dreadful pother how to keep off the Interview and used all imaginable Arguments with the King to disswade him from listening to it Telling him it would ruine Religion and that would ruine his Soul his State his Kingdom c. Nay The Pope himself was extreamly solicitous how to prevent so great a mischief as he deem'd it For as Lesly tells us His Holiness finding that Henry had cast off his Yoke and fearing lest Iames should transcribe his Uncles Copy sent his Legates to Scotland to confirm him in the Faith and fortify him against Henry's impressions And Buchanan says He allowed him the Tenths of all the Benefices within the Kingdom for three years time to keep him right Again When Henry Anno 1540. insisted the second time for ane Interview the Clergy were in a whole Sea of troubles They used all arts and tried all Methods to impede it At last they sell upon the true Knack and a true Demonstration of their Concern seeing it was a Knack that lookt so unkindly on their Pockets which was to promise him Money largely no less than 30000 Crowns yearly says Buchanan Knox
dayly look for our final Deliverance by the coming again of our Lord Iesus c. Thus it was prayed I say in great Solemnity at that time and every Petition is a Confirmation of Buchanan's Fidelity and my Assertion Further yet 3. In the Old Scottish Liturgy compiled in these times and afterwards used publickly in all the Churches There is a Thanksgiving unto God after our Deliverance from the Tyranny of the Frenchmen with Prayers made for the Continuance of the Peace betwixt the Realms of Scotland and England wherein we have these Petitions offered Grant unto us O Lord that with such Reverence we may remember thy Benefits received that after this in our Default we never enter into Hostility against the Realm and Nation of England Suffer us never O Lord to fall to that Ingratitude and detestable Vnthankfulness that we should seek the Destruction and Death of those whom thou hast made instruments to Deliver us from the Tyranny of Merciless Strangers Dissipate thou the Counsels of such as Deceitfully travel to stir the hearts of the inhabitants of either Realm against the other Let their malicious practices be their own confusion and grant thou of thy Mercy that Love Concord and Tranquillity may continue and increase amongst the Inhabitants of this Isle even to the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ by whose glorious Gospel thou of thy Mercy dost CALL US BOTH TO UNITY PEACE AND CHRISTIAN CONCORD the full PERFECTION whereof we shall possess in the fullness of thy Kingdom c. Here is a set of Demonstrations to the same purpose also And now let any man lay all these things together The Letter to Cecil The Confederacy betwixt Scotland and England Buchanan's Testimony and these Thanksgivings and Prayers and then let him judge impartially whither or not there is reason to believe that in those days there was a good Agreement between the Scottish and English Protestants as to Religion and Church Matters Thus I think I have sufficiently cleared that our Reformers Generally if not Vnanimously lookt upon the Church of England as so well constituted that they acknowledged her Communion to be a Lawful Communion But before I proceed to other things I must try if I can make any more advantage of what has been said And I reason thus Was there not here truely and really a Confederacy ane Oath A Solemn League and Covenant betwixt the Scottish and the English Protestants Were not these English Protestants then united in that Society which at that time was and ever since hath been called The Church of England And was not the Church of England of that same very constitution then that it was of in King Charles the First his time for example Anno 1642 But if so then I ask again was not this Solemn League and Covenant made thus by our Reformers with their Brethren in England as much designed for the Security the Defence the Maintainance of the Church of England as then by Law established as for the Establishment of our Reformation Did not our Reformers promise Mutual Faith to the English as well as the English promised to them Would it have been consistent with the mutual bonds and obligations of this Confederacy this Solemn League and Covenant for the Scottish Reformers to have raised ane Army at that time against Queen Elizabeth to invade her Dominions in order to ruine the Church of England I cannot imagine any sober person can grudge to grant me this much also But if this be granted then I ask in the third place Did not that Solemn League and Covenant made by our Reformers with those of the Church of England run in a direct opposition to the Solemn League and Covenant made by our Scottish Presbyterians with a Factious Party in England for destroying the Church of England in King Charles the First 's time Nay did not our Scottish Presbyterians in that King's time by entering into that Solemn League and Covenant directly and effrontedly break through the Charge and Commandment which our Reformers left to their Posterity That the Amity betwixt the Nations in God contracted and begun might by them be kept inviolate for ever Nay further yet did not our Reformers solemnly pray against those who made the Solemn League and Covenant in the days of King Charles the First Did they not address to God that he would dissipate their Counsels and let their Malicious Practices be their own Confusion And now let the world judge what rational pretences these Presbyterians in that Holy Martyrs time and by consequence our present Presbyterians can make for their being the only true and genuine Successors of our First Reformers Expecting solid and serious Answers to these Questions I shall now advance in the prosecution of my main undertaking on this Head which was to shew how our Reformers agreed with the Church of England in several momentous matters Relative to the Constitution and Communion the Government and Polity of the Church c. But because I have insisted so long on this general one which I have just now taken leave of I shall only instance in two or three more and dispatch them as speedily as I can 2. Then it is evident and undeniable that our Scottish Protestants for some years used the Liturgy of the Church of England in their publick Devotions Indeed The very first publick step towards our Reformation made by the Lords of the Congregation was to appoint this Liturgy to be used It was ordered upon the third day of December 1557. as both Knox and Calderwood have it Take the Ordinance in Knox his words The Lords and Barons professing Christ Iesus conveened frequently in Councel in the which these Heads were concluded First It is thought expedient advised and ordained That in all Parishes of this Realm the Common Prayer be read weekly on Sunday and other Festival days publickly in the Parish Churches with the Lessons of the Old and New Testament conformable to the Book of Common Prayers And if the Curates of the Parishes be qualified that they read the same And if they be not or if they refuse that the most qualified in the Parish use and read the same c. Spotswood and Petrie give the same account But such is the Genius of Mr. Calderwood that you are to expect few things which may make against the Presbyterian Interest candidly and sincerely represented by him For instance in his overly account of this matter he quite omits the mention of other Holy days besides Sundays These consistent Testimonies of all those four Historians are so full and plain a Demonstration of the Matter of Fact that I cannot foresee so much as one Objection that can be made or one Evasion that can be thought on unless it be That it is not said by any of them that it was the Book of the Common Prayers of the Church of England But this difficulty is soon removed For 1. It was either the Book