Obeysance made to the King made a publicke Oration in Parliament beâ—ore the King and Peeres wherein hee shewed the Kings undoubted Title to sundry Provinces and the whole Realme of France with the injustice and nullity of the Salicke Law the onely Obstacle to his Title stirring up the King and Nobles by force of Armes to regaine the same and withall declared that his loving Clergie and subjects of the spiritualty to shew their willingnesse and desire to ayde his Majesty for the recovery of his ancient Right and true Inheritance had in their Convocation granted to his Highnesse such a Summe of money as by Spirituall Persons never was to any Pâ—ince thorough the whole Christian World before those times given or advanced By which device seconded by the Duke of Exeâ—er he diverted and shifted off the Petition of the Commons and engaged the King and Kingdome in a long bloody and costly Warre The King himselfe professing on his death Bed that before the beginning of the same Warres hee was fully perswaded by men both Wise Pious and of great holinesse of life that in prosecuting his just Title he might ought both begin the same Warres and follow them till he brought them to an end justly and rightly and that without all danger of Gods displeasure or perill of soule Such an incendiary of war was this Arch-Embassadour of peace that should be Iohn Stafford preferred to the Bishopricke of Bath and Wells by provision from Pope Martin the fifth contrary to the Lawes enacted against Provisions from Rome immediately after Chichelyes death was in farther affront of the sayd Lawes promoted to the See of Canterbury by Pope Eugenius that prohibited usurpation of Papall Provisions deâ—ended by so many Lawes and Statutes being no whit abated through the Popes industry and the Prelates Treachery and ambition who would rather incurre the danger of these Lawes and dis-savour of their Princes then want a far Bishopricke though they paid Popes dearely for it This Arch-Prelate in the first Synod held under him at London Anno. 1444. confederating with the rest of the Clergie when a Subsidie was demanded of them petitioned that the Statutes of Provisors and the Writs or Actions of Praemunire which by the crafty and malicious interpretation of the Lawyers as they â—alsely â—urmised were turned to the destruction of the Clergie and disturbance of Ecclesiasticall Discipline might be either wholly abrogated or their rigour moderatedâ— and that Lay-men for suing Clergie-men falsly in Temporal Courts might have some severe punishment inflicted on them by a Law But this their motion vanishing into smoake and the Judges restraining their extravagant proceedings in Ecclesiasticall Courts by Prohibitions and bringing them within the compasse of the Statutes against Provisions and in the danger of Premunire's which did much terrifie them hereupon the Arch-Bishop and Prelates in their next Synod at London An. 1446. presented a new Petition to the King in the Name of the whole Clergie of England wherein they grievously complained of the Lay-Judges who were ever very troublesome and despightfull to Clerkes desiring that the Statutes of Provision and Praemunire might be more equally expounded in favour of the Prelates by the Parliamen than it was by the Lawyers and that they might be restrained from granting Prohibitions to and exercisingâ— any Jurisdiction over Spirituall Judges But this Petition proved ineffectuall it being provided by Statute that no spirituall Law shall have place contrary to a Common Law or Act of Parliament And this were not as the Lord Audley Chancellour of England once told Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester in the Parliament House who thought it strange that Bishops authorized by the King could fall in a Praemunire the Bishops would enter in with the King and by meanes of his Supremacie order the Lairy as they listed but wee will provide quoth he that the Praemunire shall ever hang over your heads and so we Laymen shall bee sure to enjoy our inheritance by the Common Lawes and Acts of Parliament After this the Pope exacted of the Clergie of England a Tenth of all their Revenues and sent Nuncioes to the Arch-Bishop with Bulls to collect it But the King hearing of this secret fraud commanded the Arch-Bishop not to obey the Pope herein who yet was so farre a servant to the Pope and enemie to the King that during all his Archiepiscopall Raigne the Pope made Bishops by Provision against the Lawes of the Realme Iohn Kemp the next Arch-Bishop elected lawfully by the Monkes of Canterbury with the Kings consent refused to take his Arch-Bishoprike from the King but waving his Election received it by Provision from the Pope who sent over sixe severall Bulls to this end the first to the Arch-Bishop himselfe the second to the Chapter of Canterbury the third to his Provinciall Suffragans the fourth to the Clergie of the City and Diocesse of Canterbury the fifth to the people of the same the sixth to the Vassals of the Arch-Bishop by which Bulls the Pope increased much hiâ— Revenues And â—o obliege this Arch-Prelate the faster to him the Popâ— by another Bull created him Cardinall of Saint Ruffine But this Arch-Bishop dying within one yeare and an halfe after his Consecration could doe him but little service Thomas Burgchier immediaâ—ely succeeding him by the speciall favour of King Henry the sixth this ingratefull Prelate made a Cardinall by the Pope some â—ew yeeres after An. 1461. crowned and consecrated Edward the fourth at Westminster to be King in his stead during King Henry his life and in a full Synod procured the Clergie to grant him a Tenth Afterwards in a Synod at London An. 1463. heâ— granted him another Subsidie and obtained a Grant from King Edward under his Seale that the Prelates should bridle the malice of those by whom their rights were violated as well by old Ecclesiasticall Lawes as by those new Lawes they should make both in all causes belonging to the Ecclesiasticall Court as also in the Tythe of great Trees of twenty yeares growth or more without the feare or penalty of the Statutes of Provisors or of the Writs or Actions of Premunire or of any Prohibition and that they might proceede therein without any consultation obtained And that if any of the Kings Judges or other secular Judges should by any Writs or Processe hinder or deterre any Arch-Bishop Bishop or Arch-deacon or their Vicars Officialls Commissaries or other Ecclesiasticall Judges That then upon the monition of the sayd Arch-Bishop Bishop c. so hindered or scared the sayd Judge should appeare in the Chancery at such day as the said Arch-Bishop or Ecclesiasticall Judge should appoint on paine of two hundred pound to answere to the King for this his contempt and that his Processe against the Ecclesiasticall Judge should by Royall Authority bee rescinded and pronounced to be voyd and frustrate In his time there were many Pilgrimages made both by King Edward the Queene
dwelling demurring inhabiting or resiant within this Realme or within any other the Kings Dominions Signiories or Countries or the Marches of the same or elsewhere within or under his obeysance and power of what Estate Dignity Preheminence Order Degree or Condition soever he or they be after the last day of July which shall be in the yeare of our Lord God 1530â— shall by Writing Cyphering Printing Preaching or Teaching Deed or Act obstinately or malicioâ—sly hold or stand with to extoll set forth maintaine or defend the Authority Jurisdiction or Power of the Bishop of Rome or of his See heretoâ—ore claimed used or usurped within this Realme or in any Dominion or Countie being of within or under the Kings power or obeysance or by any pretence obstinately or maliciously invent any thing for the extolling advancing setting forth maintenance or defence of the same or any part thereofâ— or by any pretence obstinately or maliciously attribute any manner of Jurisdiction Authority or Pâ—eheminence to the sayd See of Rome or to any Bishop of the same See for the time being within this Realme or in any of the Kings Dominions or Counties That then every such person or persons so doing or offending their ayders assistants comforters abettors procurers maintainers factors Counsellours concealors and every of them being thereof lawfully convicted according to the Lawes of this Realme for every such default and offence shall incurre and run into the dangers penalties paines and forfeiâ—ures ordained and provided by the Satute of Provision and Praeâ—â—nire made in the â—6 yeare of the Raigne of the Noble and Valiant Prince King Richard the second against such as attempt procure or make provision to the See of Rome or elsewhere for any thing or things to the derogation or contrary to the Prerogative Royall or Jurisdiction of the Crowne and Dignitie of this Realme And for stronger defence and maintenance of this Act It is ordained and enacted by authority aforesayd that all every Ecclesiastical Judge ordinary chancellour commissary official vicar-generall and other Ecclesiastical officer or minister of what dignity preheminence or Degree soever they shall be and all and every Temporall judge justiciaâ— Major bayliffe sheriffe under-sheriffe Escheater Alderman Iurat Constable Head-borough third-borough borsholder every other said officer Minister to be made created elected or admitted within this Realme or any other the Kings Dominions of what state order degree or condition soever he shall be from and after the sayd last day of July shall before he take upon him the Execution of such Office make take and receive a Corporall oath upon the Evangelists before such person or persons as have or shall have Authority to admit him That he from henceforth shall utterly renounce refuse relinquish or forsake the Bishop of Rome and his authority power and jurisdiction and that he shall never consent nor agree that the Bishop of Rome shall practise exercise or have any manner of authority jurisdiction or power within this Realme or any other the Kings Dominions but that he shall reâ—ist the same at all times to the uttermost of his power and that from henâ—eforth he shall accept repute and take the Kings Majestie to be the onely supreame head in earth of the Church of England and that to his cunning wit and uttermost of his power without guile fraud or other undue meanes he shall observe keepe maintaine and defend the whole effects and contents of all and singular Acts and Statutes made and to be made within this Realme in derogation extirpation and extinguishment of the Bishop of Rome and his authority and all other Acts and Statutes made and to be made in reformation and corroboration of the Kings power of supreame head in earth of the Church of England and this he shall doe against all manner of persons of what estate dignity degree or condition they be and in no wise doe nor attempt nor to his power suffer to be done or attempted directly or indirectly any thing or things privily or apertly to the let hinderance dammage or derogation thereof or of any part thereof by any manner of meanes or for any manner of pretence and in case any oâ—th be made or hath beene made by him to any person or persons in maintenance defence or favour of the Bishop of Rome or his authority jurisdiction or power he repute the same as vaine and adnihilate So helpe him God c. I could wiâ—h this obsolete Oath were now againe revived to hinder the further growth of Popery This forementioned Oath to the Pope usually taken by all our Prelates being one maine Pillar to support the Popes usurped Monarchy both at home and abroade and a chiefe engine to undermine the royall Prerogatives of Christian Princes and perchance the groundworke of many of our owne and forraine Prelates Treasons Treacheries Rebellions Conspiracies and contempts against their Soveraignes It will not be amisse noâ— impertinent here to inserâ— that excellent discourse which our famous Martyr Doctor Barnes hath long since made upon it in his Supplication to King Henry the 8. where he thus writes I dare boldly say that if we poore men which be now condemned for Hereticks and also for Traytors against our King had not beene the Realme of England had not stood in â—o good a condition as it is for men had beene bound still in their Conscience to obey this wretched Idoll who durst have kept this innumerable summe of money within the Realme that yearely was sucked out by this Adder if our godly learning had not instructed their Conscience Let all the Libraries be sought in England and there shall not be one Book written in 4. C. yeares and admitted by the Church of Rome and by our spiritualty found that doth teach this obedience and fidelity toward Princes and delivereth our Realme from the bondage of this wicked Sathan the Pope or else that is able to satisfie and to quieâ— any mans Conscience within this Realme and yet I dare say he is noâ— in England that can reprove our learning by the doctrine of our Master Christ or else of his holy Apostles Yea men have studyed and devised how they might bring our mighty Prince and his Noble Realme under the feete of this Devill There could be nothing handled so secretly within this Realme but if it were either pleasant or profitable to the Pope to know then were all the Bishops in England sworne to reveale thaâ— matter to him This may well be proved by their shamefull and trayterous oath that they contrary to Gods Law mans Law and order of nature have made to this false man the Pope The words of their oath written in their owne Law be theseâ— mannerâ— There hath been wondrous packing used and hath cost many a thousand mens lives ere that the spiritualty brought it to passe that all they should be sworne to the Pope and owe none obedience to any man but to him onely This
subjects minding of his high goodnesse and great benignity so alwayes to impart the same unto them as justice being duly administred all rigour being excluded and the great and benevolent minds of his said subjects largely and many times approved towards his highnesse and specially in their Convocation and Synode now presently being in the Chapiter house of the Monastery of Westminster by correspondence of gratitude to them to be requiâ—ed of his meere motion benignity and liberality by authority of this his Parliament hath given and granted his liberall and free pardon to his said good and loving spirituall subjects and the said Ministers and to every of them to be had taken and enjoyed to and by them and every of them by vertue of this present Act in manner and forme ensuing that is to wit The Kings Highnesse of his said benignity and high liberality in consideration that the sad Archbishop Bishops and Clergie of the said Province of Canterbury in their said Convocation now being have given and granted to him a subsidie of one hundred thousand pounds of lawfulâ—mony currant in this Realme to be levied and collected by the said Clergy at their proper costs and charges and to be paid in certaine forme specified in their said graunt thereof is fully and resolutely contended and pleased that it be ordained established and enacted by authority of this his said Parliament that the most Reverend Father in God William Archbishop of Canterbury Metropolitan and Primate of all England and all other Bishops and Suffragans Prelates c shall be by authority of this present pardon acquired pardoned released and discharged against his Highnesse his heires successours and executors and every of them of all and all manner offences contempts and trespasses committed or done against all and singular Statute and Statutes of Provisours Provisions and Premunire and every of them and of all forfeitures and titles that may grow to the Kings Highnesse by reason of any of the same Statutes and of all and singular trespasses wrongs deceits misdemeanours forâ—eitures penalties and profits summes of mony paines of death paines coâ—porall and pecuniar as generally of all other things causes quarrels suits judgements and exactions in this present Act hereafter noâ— excepted nor soreprised which may be or can be by his Highnesse in any wise or by any meanes pardoned before and to the tenâ—h day of the moneth of March in the 22. yeare of his most Noble Raigne to every of his said loving subjects Provided alway that this Act of free pardon shall not in any wise extend or be beneficiall to the Reverend Father in God Iohn Archbishop of Dublin now being in the Kings Dominions of Ireland nor shall in any wise extend to pardon discharge or acquit the Bishop Hereford Peter Ligham Iohn Baker Adam Travers Robert Cliffe Rouland Philips and Thomas Pelles Clerkes who it seemes were guilty of some notorious crimes against the King and therefore excepted out of this generall pardon But to returne againe to Warham This Archbishop persecuted and shed the blood of some of our Martyrs and caused the corpes of VVilliam Tracy Esq. for some orthodoxe passages in his Will to be taken out of the grave and burnâ— for an Hereticke by an Order made in Convocation sending a Commission to Doctor Parker Chancellour of Worcester to execute this wicked sentence who accomplished the same King Henry the eighth hearing his Subject to be taken ouâ— of the ground and burnt without his knowledge or due order of Law sent for the Chancellour laid this to his charge as an high offence who excused himselfe by this Archbishops command then newly dead but in conclusion it cost the Chancellour 300â— to puâ—chase his pardon and would have cost the Archbishop more had not his death prevented this danger In fine this Archbishop VVarham and Fisher B. of Rochester gave credit and countenance to the forged visions revelations of Elizabeth Barton afterwards condemned of high Treason for the same as â—â—nding to the reproach perill and destruction of the Kings persâ—n honouâ— fame and dignity and Thomas Laurence Register to the Archbishop it is likely by his Masters privity proceeded so farre as to write a booke of her counterfeit miracles revelations and holinesse for which she and her complyces were afterwards execuâ—ed as Tiburne as they had justly deserved being attainted of treason by Parliament among which cursed câ—ue Richard Maister Priest Edward Bocking Doctor of Divinity and Henry Deering Munkes of Canterbury Henry Gold Bachelor of Divinity Thomas Laurence Register to the Archbishop oâ— Canterbury Warham and Hugh Ric. a Frier observant who seduced this silly girle to effect their owne and the Prelates designes the better thereby suffered death as Traytors by hanging drawing and quartering at Tiburne The act of their attainder treasons and execution is at large related by M. Hall in his Chronicle 25. H. 8. f. 218 221 222 223 224. to which I shall referre the Reader Thomas Cranmer next to him in succession was made Archbishop by King Henry the 8. much against his will for in his Discourse with D. Martyn a little before his Martyrdome being charged by him that he had aspired to the Archbishopricke of Canterbury he replyed I protest before you all there was never man came more unwillingly to a Bishopricke than I did to that insomuch that when King Henry did send for mee in Post that I should come over I prolonged my journey by seven weekes at the least â—hinking that â—ee would be forgetfull of mee in the meane time Hee comming to the See tooke the like Oath to the Pope as his predecâ—ssâ—â—rs had done and therefore was deeply charged of perjuâ—y by Martyn for renouncing and swearing against the Popes Supremacie afterward though he answered that the first oath was against the Lawes of God of the Realme the Kings Prerogative and made void by Parliament and so not binding After the nullifying of which oath partly by his meanes but principally by the Lord Croâ—wels whom the King made his Vicegerent Generall in all Ecclesiasticall affaires and causes and superiour to the Archbishop of Canterbury in place and Ecclesiasticall power the Popes Supremacy and usurped jurisdiction was by severall Acts of Parliament quite abolished out of England as prejudiciall and directly opposite to the Kings Prerogative Royall King Henry dying the Archbishop swore to his will by which Queene Mary was to succeed to the Crowne as next heire in case King Edward died without issue King Edward seeing the obstinacie of Qâ—â—enâ— Mary in matters of Religion what a pillar she was like to prove to the Church of Rome and persecutor of the true Professors of the Gospell ordaines by his last VVill that Queene Mary should be put by the Crowne and the Lady Jane succeed him as next Heire to which Testament all the Councell swore and the Archbishop too at last after much adoe Whereupon King Edward and Queene
a fray in which some servants of the Covent â—lew certaine citizens A Jury being empaneled hereupon found them guilty and the Officers tooke order for the apprehending of the murtherers if they might be met withall The Monkes greatly offended herewith first excommunicated the Citizens then shutting the gates not onely prepared themselves to defence but also began to offend the other shooting at the passengers first and afterward issuing out of their gates killing divers persons and spoiling many houses The Citizens greatly incensed herewith fired the gates entred the Monastery and after a long conflict a great number being slaine on both sides prevailed rifled the Priory and set fire on the same in divers places at once This fire consumed not onely the Cells and Offices of the Monkes but the Almes house also the steeple and greatest part of the Cathedrall Church The King hearing of this tumult with all speed posted thither with the Bishop of Rochester and others The Bishop of Rochester excommunicated all those who had consented to this wickednesse and the King caused divers Citizens to be hangedâ— drawne and quartered amongst the rest that were executedâ— a woman that carried fire to the gates was burned The Monkes for their part appealed to Rome and so handled the matter that they not onely escaped punishment but also forced the Citizens to pay them 3000. markes after 500. markes a yeare toward the reparation of their Church and to present them with a Pix or Cup of gold of seven pound weight This end was made by King Edward the first his Father being now dead at the request and solicitation of the Bishop But the Prior saith Holinshed was well enough borne out and defended by the Bishop of Norwich named Roger who as it is likely was the Master of the mischiefe though hands were not layde upon him nor upon his adherents perhaps for feare peradventure for favour and no marvell though the lesse faulty lost their lives as most guilty for Rarus venator ad ursos Accedit tutos conservat Sylva Leones Debilibus robusta nocent grandia paruis Ales fulminiger timidos infestat olores Accipiter laniat Turdos mollesque Columbas Verficoler Coluber ranas miserasque lacertas Irretit muscas transraittit aranea vespes So Holinshed After him Anthony de Becke the 17th Bishop of this See attaining this dignity at the Popes hands behaved himselfe so imperiously in the place that he bereaved the Monkes of divers ancient and long enjoyed priviledges suffering them to doe nothing in their house but what seemed good unto him plucking downe and preferring amongst them whom he listed Neither could he onely be content thus to tyrannize over them but scorning to have his actions reformed or called in question by any other he openly withstood Robert Winchelsey Bishop of Canterbury in his Visitation affirming that he would not answer to those things which were objected against him unlesse it were at the Court of Rome This boysterous and unruly dealing purchased him such hatred of all men that at the last he was poysoned by some of his owne servants William Bateman the 18th Bishop of Norwichâ— forced the Lord Morley for killing certaine Deere in one of his Parkes and abusing his Keepers to carry a burning Taper in his hand through the streetes of Norwich unto the High-Altar by way of Pennance And although King Edward the third became an earnest intercessor for him to the Bishop mingling sometimes threates with requests yet nothing could move the Bishop following his determinate course such arrogant malicious dispitefull froward creatures are Prelates for the most part both towards Kings and Nobles In his time there hapned a great Pestilence so that in many Monasteries and religious Houses there were scarce two of twenty left alive there died onely in Norwich in one yeare besides religious men 57104 persons Henry Spencer a Gentleman of great valour and skill in martiall affaires serving the Pope as Generall in his warres in the yeere 1370. was made Bishop of Norwich And being a better Butcher and Souldier than a Shepheard he notwithstanding the Kings Commandement to the contrary procured the Popes authority for levying of an army here in England which he transported about the yeare 1385. into the Low-Countries for the Popes service in his warâ—es where after hee had slaine above 1100. men in a set battâ—ll wherein the Priests and religious men that were with the Bishop fought valiantly and most eagerly some of them slaying sixteene men apeece in one battell against the â—lemmings vanquished an army of 30000. and burnt the Townes of Graveling Dunkirke Newport and others returned againe into England the King seising his Temporalties into his hands detaining them two yeares space for his contempt in raising an army without and against his expresse command This Martiall Prelate had forgotten what answer all the Bishops Abbots and Clergy of England gave to King Henry the third Anno. 1267. in a Parliament at St. Edmonds Berry where the King demanding that all Clergy men holding Baronies or Lay Fee should goe armed in person against the Kings enemies or should finde so many men to serve the King in his Expidition as pertained to so much land or tenement To this they answered Quod non debent pugnare cum gladio raateriali That they ought not to fight with the materiall sword but with the spirituall naraely with teares and sighes and devout Prayers and that for their Benefices they were bound to maintaine peace not warre and that their Baronies were founded in pure Franck-Almoigne where they owed no Knights Service but what was certaine neither would they begin any new and when it was replied that the Prelates were obliged to grant all the Kings requests there specified and contradicted by them whether they would or no by reason of the Oath they had taken at Coventrie where they swore that they would ayde their Lord the King by all meanes that they could To this they gave this equivocating answer that when they made this Oath they understood it not of any other ayde but spirituall and wholesome councell denying to grant the King any mony at all But it seemes that this was then the Bishops received distinction that they might lawfully beare armes and fight with the materiall sword and grant Subsedias to ayde the Pope against his enemies as this Bishop and the Clergy in his time did but not to assist the King against his enemiesâ— This Martiall Act of his warlike Prelate is thus censured by William Swinderby one of our Martyrs in Richard the seconds raigne Further I say if the Pope hold men of armes in maintaining his Temporalties and Lordship to venge him on them that gilten and offend him and gives remission to fight and to sley them that contrary himâ— as men say he did by the Bishop of Norwich not putting his sword into his sheath as God commanded Peter Mitte c.
Private men their Episcopacy making none of them to preach or write more than otherwise they would have done but lesse as experience manifests So that their Bishoprickes made them not to doe more good but rather hindred them to doe so much good as they would have done had they still continued private Ministers onely For the second that they are one of the greatest States of the Land setled by many Acts of Parliament and necessary members of the Parliament which cannot well be held without them I answere first that our Lord Abbots and Priors might and did pleade this as well as Bishops yet this was held no Plea at all no not in times of Popery and shall we allow it now in times of clearer light Secondly the wohle body of Popery it selfe together with the Pope his Popish Clergie Orders and Ceremonies were all setled among us by sundry Acts of Parliament and the Statutes of Magna Charta c. 1. with all other Acts of Parliament since enacting that holy Church or the Church of England Bishops and Churchmen shall enjoyâ— all their â—ranchises Rights Liberties Priviledges câ— are meant onely of our Popish Prelates Abbots Priors Monks Nunnes Masse-Priests and of exemption from secular Jurisdiction Sanctuaries with other Anti-Monarchicall priviledges granted to them by Kings Popes or Parliaments in times of Popery shall then our Popish Recusants or any other argue thence therefore it is fit that Popery with all Popish orders Bishops Sanctuaries and exemptions should be now revived and perpetuated among us because established by so many Lawes If this be no argument for the continuance of Popery or Popish Prelates who were principally established by these objected Lawes then certainely it can be no good Plea for the continuance of such of our Prelates who are true Protestants whom most of these Acts never established nor intended to continue Thirdly It is a rule in Philosophy and Law Eodem modo quo quid constituitur dissolvitur Since therefore our Lordly Bishops were first erected and constituted such Bishops and States of the Land by Acts of Parliament onely not by any divine institution which prohibits them all such secular Lordly Soveraignty and dominion as I have largely manifested in the premises They may lawfully without any injury or inconvenience by an Act of Parliament be unbishopped unlorded againe and thrust out of our Church as well as the Pope Abbots Priors Monkes and Masse-Priests were upon the reformation of Religion both at home and in forraine parts As for our Prelates necessity of sitting in Parliament I answer First that though they have beene anciently admitted to â—it in Parliament yet there is no necessity of their sitting there seeing it hath beene long since resolved and Bishop Iuell with Bishop Bilson confesse and prove at large that a Parliament may be and some Parliaments have beene kept without Bishops as I have formerly demonstrated Secondly many â—imes all some or a great part of our Bishops have beene secluded the Parliament and yet this hath beene no impeachment to the proceedings there In the Parliament 〈◊〉 Saint Edmonds-bury Anno 1296. all the Bishops were brought in a Premunire and secluded the House In King Edward the sixt his time Stephen Gardner Bishop of Winchester and Bonner Bishop of London were sequestred and kept out of the House In the first yeare of Qâ—eene Mary all the Married Protestant Bishops and in the first of Queene Elizabeth many of the Popish Prelates were secluded and thrust out of the Parliament yea many Parliaments have beene held when one or both the Arch-Bishoprickes with many other Biâ—hoprickes have beene voyd and no Proxies admitted to supply their places All which proves that there is no necessity of their Session there and that all of them may be excluded thence at all times as well as all of them at sotimes and most of them at others Thirdly our Bishops sit not in the Parliament Bishopsâ— but as they aâ—e Barons and hold by Barony as is cleere both by our Histories Law Bookes and their owne confessions Now most of them at this day are no Barons nor hold of the King by Barony therefore they have no legall Right to sit there being no Peers of the Realme nor yet to be tryed by their Peers in case of Treason or Felony but onely by an Ordinary Jury as hath been adjudged in our Law Bookes practised in point of experience Fourthly Abbots and Priors who were spirituall Lords of Parliament as well as Bishops and more than treble in number to them have beene long since suppressed and cast out of the house without any prejudice Therefore Bishops by the same reason may be suppressed and put out of Parliament without any inconvenience being sewer in number â—han they Fifthly In cases of Felony and Treason the Bishops by their owne Lawes and practise neither are nor ought to be present in the House nor to give any vote at all but onely the Temporall Lords And in cases of Lands and possessions or in passing of Lawes for the Civill Government of the Realme they have no judiciary nor Legislative power at all as Bishop Bilson and others forecited prove at large therefore their Session in Parliament is not necessary nor expedient by way of vote Sixthly the Temporall Lords and Prelates make but one house and if all the Bishops be dead or absent or if present if all the Temporall Lords vote one way and the Bishops the lesser number another the vote is good Therefore their presence and votes in Parliament are nor simply necessary and may be spared withouâ— any mischiefe or inconvenience Seventhly if reason might determine this conâ—roversie I suppose every man will grant that it is farre more necessary reasonable and expedient that the Judges Sergeants and Kings Councell learned in the Lawes of the Realme and best able to descide all legall controversies and to make good Lawes to redresse all mischiefes should have votes in Parliament than Bishops yet we know they have no votes at all by way of descition because no Barons nor Peers of the Realm but onely by way of direction and advice when their Judgements are demanded Why then our Bishops especially those who are no Barons as few or none of them are should not now be ranked in equipage with the Judges and have no other but a directive not voting descitive or Legislative voyce in Parliament I thinke no reason can be given and indeede many thinke there is little reason why they should have any votes at all since ancient that I say not present experience manifests that they crosse or oppose all or most good Bills and motions for the advancement of religion and reformation of Ecclesiasticall abuses and for the most part vote with the Popish Lords or worser side against the better and so by Pope Gregory his owne rule approved by Bishop Iewel ought to lose their priviledge of voting Quia
on Saint Stephens day by William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the most part of the Nobility being present and swearing Fealty unto him as to their true and lawfull Soveraigne Howbeit there were diverse of the wiser sort of estates which regarding their former Oath to bee true unto the Empresse Maude could have beene contented that the Empresse should have governed till her Sonne had come to lawfull age notwithstanding they held their peace as yet and consented unto Stephen But the breach of their Oathes was worthily punished afterward insomuch that as well the Bishops as the other Nobles either dyed an evill death or were afflicted with divers kinds of calamities and mischances and that even here in this life Yet there were some of them namely the Bishop of Salisbury which protested that they were free from their Oath of Allegeance made to the sayd Empresse because that without the consent of the Lords of this Land she was marryed out of the Realme Whereas they tooke their Oath to receive her for Queene upon that condition That without their assent she should not marry with any person out of this Realme Moreover as some writers thinke the Bishops tooke it they should do God good service in providing for the wealth of the Realme and the advancement of the Church by their Perjurie For whereas the late deceased King Henry the first used himselfe not altogether for their purpose they thought That if they might set up and create a King chiefely by their especiall meanes and authority he would follow their counsell better and refoâ—me such things as they judged to be amisse So He. But this trecherous Act of them in dis-inheriting Maude wherein the Bishop of Wiâ—â—hester was a chiefe Actor yet afterwards joyned with Maude for a season and then fell off againe what Civill Warres Tumults Battailes evill effects and blood-shed it occasioned here in England to the prejudice of the whole Realme 〈◊〉 all our Chronicles and Historians in the life of King Stephen testifie at large Theobald Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his immediate Successour being summoned by the Pope to appeare at the Councell of Rhemes the King at the instigation of Henry Bishop of Winchester his Brother the Popes Legat and Arch-Bishops opposite prohibited him to passe beyond Sea to stay him at home But he thinking it safer to offend the King then the Pope resolved to goe and though all the Ports were stopped and layd for him yet over the Seas hee got The King thereupon seized all his goods and Temporalties and banished him the Realme he like a tall fellow thereupon interdicted the King with the whole Realme and taking advantage of the time which was very troublesome came home and lived in Norfolke till by the intercession of the Bishops he was restored to his Bishopricke After which growing into great favour with the King in a Convocation summoned at London 1152. the King would have constrained the Clergie to make Eustace his sonne King which they refusing and delaying to doe having a command from the Pope to the contrary pretending that his Father King Stephen was an Usurper and perjured Intruder the King and his sonne cauâ—ed the doores to bee shut upon the Clergie where they were assembled thinking by force and threatning to compell them thereto before they departed The greater number seemed to yeeld but the Arch-Bishop stealing secretly out of the place tooke his Barge and rowing downe the Thames got beyond Sea so that by this meanes the Synod was dissolved His goods hereupon were presently once more confiscate and his Temporalties seized into the Kings hands He thereupon troubled the Realme with Fire Sword and bloody Warres causing Henry Fitz-Empresse to invade the Land whose Title the Pope favoured of purpose to strengthen himselfe against King Lewis of France who had highly offended his Holinesse by casting his Bulls whereby he requireâ— the Fruites of Vacancies of Cathedrall Churches in France into the fire saying Hee had râ—ther the Popes Bulls should râ—st in the fire than his owne Soule shoâ—ld fry in Hell Thomas Becket succeeding Theobald by King Henry the seconds extraordinary favour though against the Canons he being both a souldier a Courtier and skilled onely in â—ecular affaires to require his Soveraignes extraordinary favour he first resigned his Bishopricke which hee had received from the Kings hands into the Popes in a secret manner receiving it backe againe as from him and then looked so narrowly into the Lands belonging to his See having great authority and some skill in the Law That under colour of defending the Rites of his Church hee tooke violently from every man what he listed and practising Treason secretly he required of the King the keeping of Rochester Castle and the custody of the Tower of London and called Roger Earle of Clare unto Westminster to doe his homage unto him for the Castle of Tunbridge which the Earle denyed through the setting on of the King so as he provoked many of all sorts of people every where with open mouth to exclaime against him and to make their complaints thicke and three-fold to the King betweene whom and the King there arose a great quarrell upon this occasion The Clergie by their flattery policy and Canons having exempâ—ed themselves from secular Jurisdiction and presuming upon Beckets power grew strangely impudent and disorderly insomuch that the Chiefe Justice declared in the Kings presence how that Clergie men had committed above an hundred murthers since his raigne wherewith the King highly offended he became somewhat too vehement in punishing them but the blame of the Kings over-much earnestnesse must lye on the Prelates inasmuch as they gave the cause thereof For whereas sacred Canons ordaine that Clerkes found guilty not onely of hainous and grievous sinnes but also of lesser should be degraded and thousands of such were then in the Church of England like inâ—umerable chaffe among a little good Corne yet very few such for many yeares had beene then deprived The Prelates forsooth while they bestirred themselves rather to uphold the liberties and dignities of Clerkes than to chastise and cut off their vices thought they did God and his Church good service in protecting from publicke Discipline such heinous offenders whom by duty of their places they ought to correct according to the Canon censure whereby they thrâ—ugh their impunity having liberty to doe what they listed had neither feare of God whose Judgement they thought to be a farre off neither of men in authority sith on the one side their Prelates neglected to reforme them and on the other side they were thus exempt by their order from secular Jurisdiction This being the state of the Church and Realme where in some were so injured without remedy and others so injurious without coertion as if neither sort were in condition of Subjects the king thereupon tooke speciall care of quickning the publicke Discipline and the rigour of ancient â—awes which thus lay
under the name of Dereman in a poore Fisher-boate accompanied onely with Servitors The King thereupon seized all his Goods and Temporalties into his hands and sent Ambassadours to the Earle of Flanders the French King and the Pope praying them in no wise to suffer or softer within their dominions one that was such a notorious Traytor to him The French King thinking that this disagreement betweene the King and the Arch-Bishop would breed some stirre in England dealt with the Pope that as hee loved the Roman Church and the ayde of France so hee would support Beckets cause against the King with whom though hee had amity before yet at Beckets instigation as is probable whose whole life was nothing else but a continued act of Rebellion Treachery and Disobedience against his Soveraigne Lord he presently fell to invade the King of Englands Dominions and tooke by Assault certaine Holds of his in Normandy The Arch-Bishop also about the same time growing in great savour with the Pope whom the King by all his friends and Agents could not move to any thing against him sent out particular Excommunications against all the suffâ—agan Bishops of his Province and all such as had obeyed defended or occasioned the sayd Lawes and A vitall customes and against some of them by name which Excommunications he published at Vizely in France on Ascension day when the Church was most full of people getting into the Pulpit theâ—e and solemnely accursing them with Bell Booke and Candle threatning the like thunder-clap against his owne Royall person Whereupon the King receiving such a foile from the Pope and such an affront from the Arch-Bishop directs his Writs to the Sherifes of England commanding them to attach all such who appealed to the Court of Rome with the Fathers Mothers Brothers Sisters Nephewes and Neeces of all the Clergie that were with the Arch-Bishop and to put them under sureties as also to seize the Revenues Goods and Chattels of these Clergie-men And by other Letters to Guilbert Bishop of London he sequestred the profits and Livings which within his Diocesse did belong to any of the Clergie who were fled to Thomas and signified to his Justices by a publicke Decree that no man should bring any Letters or Commandment from Pope Alexander or Thomas Arch-Bishop of Canterbury into England containing an Indiction of the Realme upon peril to be apprehended and punished as a Traytor to the King and an enemy to the Realm And that they should safe keepe whosoever did bring any Interdict into England till the Kings pleasure were further knowne causing all the Arch-bishops goods to be confiscated and banished out of the Realme all the Arch-Bishops kindred Man Woman Child and sucking Babes forbidding hee should be any longer mentioned publikely and prayed for in the Church as Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and to vexe him the more because he knew hee was much delighted in the Monastery of Pontiniac an Abbey of Cirstercian Monkes he signified to all the Monkes of that Order in his Dominion that he would banish them every one if they would not procure the Arch-Bishop to bee thrust out of that Monastery which for feare of so great calamity to so many men of their Order was effected And because Pope Alexander Beckets surest Card was ferrited much in like sort by Fredericke Barbarossa the Emperour the King therefore determined to joyne in league with him being a prosessed enemie both to the French King and the Pope sending Ambassadors to him for that purpose which the Pope having notice of began presently to quaile promising speedily to end all Controversies betweene him and Becket to the Kings liking Whereupon at the procurement of Iohn of Oxford two Legates were sent into England to reconcile the King and Thomas but the Pope hearing when they were gone that they were resolved utterly to confound the Arch-Bishop sent Letters after them to rebate their absolute power who when they came to Thomas he absolutely refused to put their cause unto them but upon such conditions as neither they nor the King would brooke The passages betweene the King and the Pope and Becket and his Complaints to the Pope against the King too tedious to recite at large you may reade at leisure in Holinshed Vol. 3. p. 70. to 75. wherein he desires the Pope to use his rigour both against the King and the Prelates that sided with him and to constraine them to amendment After this the Pope moved the French King to mediate a Peace betweene them For which purpose both the Kings and the Arch-Bishop were brought together at Paris where suite being made to the King in his behalfe That he might returne be restored to his goods and revenues arising during his absence and likewise to the Kings favour upon his humble submission The King answered That for the rest he was contented but that he could not allow him the profits of his Arch-Bishoprick since his Banishment for that he had already given them to others yet he would give him such recompence for them as the French King or the Senate or Students of Paris should thinke meete Whereupon Becket being called for and advised by his frieuds to submit himselfe in the presence of both Kings without any more reservations he falling downe humbly upon his knees used these words My Lord and Soveraigne I doe here commit unto your owne judgement the cause and controversie betweene us so farre forth as I may saving the honour of Almighty God The King much offended with his last exception turned him about unto the French King and telling how much hee had done for the Arch-Bishop and how â—ee had used him sayd I am so well acquainted with the Trickes of this Fellow that I cannot hope for any good dealing at his hands See you not how he goeth about to delude me with this clause saving the honour of God for whatsoever shall displease him hee will by and by alleadge to be prejudiciall to the honour of Almighty God But this I will say unto you whereas there have beene Kings of England many before mee whereof some were peradventure of greater Power than I the most part farre lesse and againe many Arch-Bishops before this man holy and noâ—able men looke what duty was ever performed by the greatest Arch-Bishop that ever was to the weakest and simplest of my Predecessours let him but yeeld me that and it shall abundantly content mee Hereunto the Arch-Bishop answered cunningly and stoutly That his Predecessours who could not bring all things to passe at the first dash were content to beare with many things and that as men they fell and omitted their duty oft times that that which the Church had gotten was by the constancie of good Prelates whose example he would follow thus farre forth as though he could not augment the priviledges of the Church in his time yet he would never consent they should be diminished This answere being heard all men cryed shame of him and generally
world that it made all men exclaime against and detest King Iohn How much the Barons disliked this Grant of King Iohn his owne words to Pope Innocentius as also the Popes answere do witnesseâ— Our Earles and Barons saith he and the Pope writes the like were devout and loving unto us till we had subjected our selves to your Dominion but since that time and specially even for so doing they all rise up against us The manifold opprobrious speeches used by the Barons against King Iohn for subjecting himselfe and his Kingdome to the Pope doe declare the same Iohn say they is no King but the shame of Kings better to be no King than such a King behold a King without a Kingdoâ—e a Lord without dominion Alas thou wretch and servant of lowest condition â—o what misery of thraldome hast thou brought thy self Thou wast a king now thou art a Cow-heard thou wast the highest now the lowest Fie on thee Iohn the last of Kings the abominaton of English Princes the confusion of English Nobility Alas England that thou art made tribuâ—ary and subject to the rule of base servants of strangers and which is most miserable subject to the servant of servants Thou Iohn whose memory will be wofull in future time thou of a most free King hast made thy selfe tributary a farmer a vassall and that to servitude it selfe this thou hast done that all might be drowned in the Hell of Romish Avarice Yea so detestable was both this Fact of Iohn and dealing of the Pope that Philip the French King though the mortall enemie of King Iohn heaâ—ing thereof even upon this very point That the Barons and State did noâ— consent to that Act did proclaime both the absolute freedome of the Kingdome of England noâ—wiâ—hstanding this grant of Iohn and declaime also against this Pope for seeking to enthrall Kingdomes unto him As the King by the Treason and trechery of these Prelates and especially of the Arch-Bishop was thus enforced most ignominiously to resigne and prostituâ—e his Crowne and Kingdome to the Pope to the losse of his Kingly honour and the hearts of all his Barons and Subjects so he was faine to receive the Arch-Bishop and restore the other Bishops Monkes and banished Rebels against him to their Bishoprickes Goods and Revenues and to give them such Dammages and Recompence as the Pope should thinke 〈◊〉 For this King Anno Domini 1213. intending a Voyagâ— into Guien his Realme standing as yet interdicted his Lords refused to goe with him unlesse the interdicting might be first released and he clearely absolved of the Popes Curse to the end that Gods wrath and the Popes being fully pacified hee might with better speede move and maintaine the Warres whereupon he was constrained to alter his purpose and comming to Winchester dispatched a messenger with letters signed with the hands of twenty foure Earles and Barons to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Bishops of London Lincolne and Hereford then sojourning in France requiring them with all other banished men to returne into England promising them by his Letters Patents not onely a sure Safe-conduct for their comming over but that hee would also forget all passed displeasures and frankely restore unto every man all that by his meanes had beene wrongfully taken from them and as yet by him detained Hereupon the Arch-Bishop and other Bishops with all speede came into England with the other exiles and went to Winchester where the King then remained Who hearing that the Bishops were come went forth to receive these Traytors and at his first meeting with the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the King kneeled downe at his feete who should have rather kneeled to the King and asked him forgivenesse and that it would please him and the other Bishops also to provide for the miserable state of the Realme requiring of the Arch-Bishop having as then the Popes power in his hands as being his Legat to be absolved promising upon his solemne received Oath That he would before all things defend the Church and the Order of Priesthood from receiving any wrong also that he would restore the old Lawes made by the ancient Kings of England and namely those of S. Edward which were almost extinguished and forgotten and further that he would make recompence to all men whom he had by any meanes endammaged This done he was absolved by the Arch-Bishop and shortly after sent his Orators to Rome to take off the Interdict The Pope hereupon sent the Cardinall of Tusculum into England to compound the differences and dammages betweene the King and the Bishops and then to release the Interdict Who after a Convocation summoned and sundry meetings had at London Reading Wallingford and elsewhere some messages to Rome ordered the King to pay 40000. Markes dammages to these rebellious Prelates which done the Interdict was solemnly released by the Legat in the Cathedrall of Pauls in London Iune 29. 1214. after the terme of 6. yeares 3 moneths and 14. dayes that the Realme had beene shaken with that dreadfull Dart of Correction as it was then esteemed After this King Iohn raysed an Army intending to goe against those Lords who refused to follow him to Poictou But the Arch-Bishop meeting him at Northampton sought to appease himâ— but hee marching on to Notingham there with much adoe the Arch-Bishop following him and threatning to excommunicate all those that should ayde him enforced him to desist his Enterprise This done he thought all troubles at an end but the worst were yet behind For the King having wound himselfe into the Popes favour by this his Resignation and holding his Crowne from him as his Feudatarie began to curbe the Arch-Bishop and his Faction who finding the King stronger in the Popes favour than they thereupon stirred up the Barons to rebell and take Armes against the King who had lost their hearts by his Resignation In this Rebellion and Conspiracie Stephen Langthon the Arch-Bishop was the Ring-leader yea the principall Abettor Conspirer chiefe Agent and Counsellor as Matthew Paris Wendover Speed Holinshed and other our Historians testifie The Pope hereupon excommunicates the Barons and all other English or French who impugned King Iohn even in the generall Councell of Lateran then heldâ— and the Bishop of Winchester and Pandulph the Popes Legat who solemnly denounced the Popes Curse against the Barons did likewise suspend the Arch-Bishop from all his Episcopall authority who thereupon repairing to Rome for absolution was in the Councell of Lateran accused and convict of Conspiracie and Treason against the King and contempt against the Pope and Churches Censure for which the Pope resolving to depose him from his Sea and dignity by the Cardinals intercession for him hee being their brother Cardinall was intreated to deale somewhat milder but yet confirmed his suspension from his Bishopricke by publik sentence commanding by his Letters all his Suffragan Bishops to withdraw their obedience from him and for a
defiled and infected the whole Priest-hood and Clergy of England with his pride exercised an unheard of Tyranny over the people being now deprehended by the King in his wickednesse terrified and dejected with the guilt of his sinne and feare of punishment lay now prostrate on the ground before the King offered him his Pall and subâ—iâ—ted his person and goods to his mercy To whom the King gave this answer I will not punish thee my selfe leâ—t I should seeme rather to have respect to my owne Revenge though most just then to thy Order And although thou art altogether unworthy of thy Order and my Grace yet I will referre the matter to thy fellow Bishops and the Pope of Rome that thou mayest be tryed by thy Peeres lest thou shouldest thinke me an unjust Judge though the Conusans of Treason the highest Crime in a Sâ—bject belongs without doubt to my Tribunall not to theirs Moreover added the King I have knowne thy hatred and malice towards me not onely in the greatest things but even in the smallest and in matters of least moment in which by thy authority thou hast over-much abused my patience depriving my Clerkes in thy visitation notwithstanding my Letters to the contrary and their just appeales both which thou hast contemned together with my Royall Authority The Arch-Bishop troubled and confounded in minde at these things craved a Blessing from the King who replyed That his Blessing would rather become him then his the Arch Bishop The King hereupon complaines of him to the Pope That he had troubled the peaceable and safe estate of the Kingdome in his absence and stirred up the Nobles to a Rebellion and Conspiracy against him c. And notwithstanding his submission cited him to appeare at Rome banished him the Realme seized upon all his goods moveable and unmoveable forbidding all his Subjects under a great paine to foster him Yet the Monkes of Canterbury secretly harboured him for a time furnished him with necessaries and conveyed him beyond the Seas Which the King afterwards understanding seized on all their Goods and Lands banished them the Monastery turning fourescore Monkes a begging forbidding any to harbour them and kept them in that miserable estate till afterwards he was pleased upon their submission to restore them After which the Bishop of Winchester interceded to the King for this Arch Traytor calling him his Lord with which the King being greatly offended put this Bishop out of his protection and confiscated his goods because he acknowledged another then the King to be his lord even such a one who being guilty of Treason manifest contempt against the King had lost the very right of a Subject in his Kingdome While the Arch-Bishop was thus in exile before any hearing of this Cause at Rome the King deceaseth who as Holinshed writes was an earnest enemie of the high and presumptuous insolencie of Priests which he judged to proceede chiefely of too much Wealth and Riches and therefore hee devised to establish the Statute of Mortmain to be a bridle to their inordinate lusts and riotous excesse which Statute they laboured to repeale and purchase out by giving large Subsidies to that end His Sonne Edward the second succeeding him out of an over-indulgent pitty calls home this Arch-Traytor by his Letter writes to the Pope to discontinue his Fathers Suite against him and to send him over with all speed to Crowne him Who glad with the newes and unable to make haste home as was requisite by reason of his crazie body sent a Commission to the King with the names of three Bishops in it giving him liberty to elect which of the three he desired to Crowne him in his behalfe who made choyse of the Bishop of Winchester who set the Crowne on his head The King upon the Arch-Bishops returne restored him all his goods and every penny received of his Temporalties during his two yeares exile a good reward for a Traytor whereby he became the richest Arch-Bishop of many before and after him He was no sooner come home but a new danger encountred him by his owne wonted boldnesse The King by the counsell of Piers Gaveston had committed the Bishop of Coventry to Ward at York A Convocation shortly after being assembled the Arch-Bishop would not suffer any matter to be debated in the House till the Bishop were set at liberty which the King was contented to beare withall at that time This Bishop saith Matthew his Successour though he were reported to be a stout Governour of the English Church and a Defender of its Rites yet he was too excessive in this and ever opposite to the King attributing that to the Pope with whom he was most strictly linked which he derogated from the King seeking not so much the Liberties of the Realme as the encrease of the Popes power and deminishing the Kings Authority that he might transferre it to the Pope He was a great enemie to Prohibitions labouring the advancement of the Ecclesiasticall Courts Jurisdiction and the eclipsing of the Authority and Jurisdiction of the Kings Courts He was the Author of Articuli Cleri and Walter Raynolds his Successour procurer of the Kings answere to them in Parliament Which Articles though they bee commonly taken for a Statute yet in truth they are none but a meere Answere of the King in Parliament to Articles exhibited to him by the Clergie made by the advice of his Councell but not of the Commons and whole Parliament and a particular Grant of the King onely not of the Parliament as appeares by the severall Answeres to each of those Articles but especially to the last Finally he ever sided with the Pope for the Liberties of the Church and with the Barons also against the King He opposed himselfe against Piers Gaveston the Spensers and other Favouriâ—es and Corruptors of the young King very boldly and enforced Iohn Warren Earle of Surrey to forsweare the Company of a certaine beautifull Harlot with the love of whom hee was greatly bewitched And afterwards when notwithstanding his Oath he returned to her company and got Children upon her hee accused him to the Convocation both of Adultery and Perjury and aâ— last made him to leave her Hee excommunicated Walter Bishop of Coventry for revolâ—ing from him and the Clergie and adhering to Piers Gaveston who appealed unto the Pope and was by him absolved Which last Acts of his are commendable though they proceeded rather from the stournesse and haughtinesse of his Spirit then the Pietie of his Heart How ever his former are most execrable Walter Raynolds his next Successor advanced and preferred onely by King Edward the Second to that Sea when the King after the Barons Warres ended had done execution upon divers of the Noblâ—s that had rebâ—lled Adam Tarltâ—n Bishop of Hereford by the Kings direction in a Parliament holden at London Anno Dom. 1324. was apprehended and brought to the Baâ—â—â— to be arraigned for the like faults
and delete such power given by God to the Princes of the earth whereby they might gather and get to themselves the government and rule of the world have in their Councells and Synods Provinciall made ordained and established and decreed divers ordinances and constitutions that no Lay or marryed man should or might exercise or occupie any Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall nor should be any Judge or Registerâ— in any Court commâ—nly called Ecclesiasticall Courâ— lest their â—alse and usurped power which they pretended and went about to have in Christs Church should decay waxe vile and of no reputation as by the sayd Councels and Constitutions Provinciall appeareth which standing and remaining in their effect not abolished by your Graces Lawes did seeme to appeare to make greatly for the sayd usurped power of the sayd Bishop of Rome and to be directly repugnant to your Majesties Title of supreame head of the Church and prerogative Royall your Grace being a Lay-man and albeit the sayd Decrees Ordinances and Constitutions by a Statute made the 25â— yeare of your most noble raigne be utterly abolished frustrate and of none effect yet because the contrary thereunto is not used nor put in practise by â—he Arch-Bishops Bishops Deanes and other Ecclesiasticall persons who have no manner of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall but by under and from your royall Majesty it addeth or aâ— the least may give occasion to some evill disposed persoâ—s to thinke and little to regard the proceeding and censures Ecclesiasticall made by your Highnesse and your Vice-gerent Officialls Commissaries Judges and Visitatorsâ— being also Lay and married men to be of little or none effect or force whereby the people gathereth heart and presumption to doe evill and not to have such reverence to your most godly injunctions and proceedings as becommeth them But forasmuch as your Majesty is the onely and undoubtedly supreame head of the Church of England and also of Ireland to whom by Scripture all authority and power is wholly given to heare and determine all causes Ecclesiasticall and to correct all vice and sinne whatsoever and to all such persons as your Majesty shall appoint thereunto that in consideration thereof as well for the instruction of ignorant persons as also to avoyd the occaâ—ion of the opinion aforesayd and setting forth of your prerogative royall and supremacy It may therefore please your Highnesse that it may bee ordained and enacted by authority of this present Parliament that all and singular aswell Lay as those that be married now or hereafter shall be married being Doctors of the Civill Law lawfully create and made in any University which shall be made ordained constituted and deputed to bee any Chancellour Vicar Generall Commissary Officiall Scribe or Register by your Majesty or any of your Heires or Successours to anyâ— Arch-Bishop Bishop Arch-Deacon or other person whatsoever having authority under your Majesty your Heires and Successours to make any Chancellour Vicar Generall Commissary Offâ—ciall or Register may lawfâ—lly execute and exercise all mannâ—r of Jurisdiction commonly called Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction and all Censures and Corrections appertaining oâ— any wise belonging unto the same albeit such person or persons be Lay married or unmarried so that they be Doctors of the Civill Law as is aforesayd any Law Constitution or Ordinance to the contrary notwiâ—hstanding By this Act it is apparent that the end of the former Constitution was trecherously to undermine and abolish the Kings Prerogative Royall in causes Ecclesiasticall and to make the Pope and our Prelates absolute Monarches and our Kings meere Cyphers to execute their Mandates when by the expresse words of this Law with that of 1. Ed. 6. c. 2.26 H. 8. c. 1.1 Eliz. c. â— 5 Eliz. c. 1.8 Eliz. c. 1. and 1. and 2. Phil. and Mâ—ry c. 8. it is most clearely resolved that our Arch-Bishops and Bishops have no manner of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall over other Ministers by any divine right as they now vainely if not trayterously pretâ—nd but by from and under our Kings in whose name and right and under whose Seale alone all their Ecclesiasticall processe ought to issue as hath beene elsewhere plentifully manifested it being no lesse than a Premunire by the Statute of 1. Edw. 6. c. 2. â—or any Bishops or Ecclesiasticall Judges to issue out processes in their owne names and under their owne Seales as now our Prelates doe This Law of Premunire was such a curbe to our usurping Prelates that this Arch Prelate Chichely in the last Synod hee held Anno. 1439. without delay or difficulty granted King Henry the sixt a Tenth and promised him large supplyes from the Clergie in all things if he would abrogate those hard Lawes of Premunire where-with the Clergie were very falsely accused and oft taken and ensuared as in unjust sâ—ares whereas in truth those Lawes were the principall safety both of King and people to preserve and free them from the unjust incroachments of Popes and Prelates upon their Liberties Lawes and Estates which made the Pope and them so frequently to sollicite their repeale And by his countenance William Lindwood collected and set out the Provinciall Constitutions of the Arch-Prelates of Canterbury in their Synods in affront of the Kings prerogative Royall and the Lawes of the Realme dedicating them to this Arch-Prelate and entreating him to put them in due Execution being neglected and quite disregarded formerly both by Prelates Judges and people as he complaines in his Epistle Dedicatory to him In briefe when in the Parliament held at London Anno 1414. under King Henry the fifth the Commons reviewed their former Petition in Parliament made to King Henry the fourth but foure yeares before to seize the Bishops and Abbots Temporalities shewing how many Earles Knights and Esquires they would maintaine The Bishops and Abbots whom it touched very neare much â—earingâ— the issueâ— determined to assay all wayes to put by and overthrow this Bill and minding rather to bow than breake they first agreed to offer the King a great summe of money to stay this new moven Demand The cause of this offer seemed to some of the wise Prelates neither decent nor convenient for they well â—oresaw and perfectly knew that if the Commons perceived that they by rewards or by offer of money would resist their request and petition that they stirred and moved with a fury would not onely raile and despise them as corrupters of Princes and enemies of the Publickeâ—Wealth but would so cry and call on the King and the â—emporall Lords that they were like to lose both worke and oyle cost and lining Wherefore they determined to cast all chances which might serve their purpose and in speciall to replenish the Kings braine with some pleasant study so as that hee should neither phantasie nor regard the serious Petition of the importunate Commons Wherefore on a day when the King was present in Parliament this Henry Chichely Arch-Bishop of Canterbury after low
ill as Turkes or Sarazens so that what paine or study soever they tooke for the Common wealth or what Acts or Lawes soever they made or stablished should be taken as Lawes made by Painims and Heaâ—hen People and not worthy to be kept by Christian men Wherefore he most humbly besoâ—ght the Kings Highnesse to call the sayd Bishop before him and to cause him to speake more discreetly of such a number as was in the Commons-house The King was not well contented with the saying of the Bishop yet he gently answered the Speaker that he would send for the Bishop and send them word what answere he made and so they departed againe After this the King sent for the Archbishop of Canterbury and sixe other Bishops and for the Bishop of Rochester also and there declared to him the grudge of the Commons to the which the Bishop answeâ—ed that he meant the doings of the Bohemians was for lacke of Faith and not the doings of them that were in the Commons House Which saying was confirmed by the Bishops being present who had him in great reputation and so by that onely saying the King accepted his excuse and thereof sent word to the Commons by Sir VVilliam-Fitz-VVilliams Knight Treasurer of his Household which blind excuse pleased the Commons nothing at all After divers assemblies were kept betweene certaine of the Lords and certaine of the Commons for the Bills of Probates of Testaments and the Mortuaries the Temporalty layd to the Spiritualty their owne Lawes and Constitutions and the Spiritualty sore defended them by prescription and usage to whom this answer was made by a Gentleman of Grayes-Inne The usage hath ever beene of theeves to Rob on Shooters-hill Ergo is it Lawfull With this answere the Spiritual men were sore offended because their doings were called robberies But the Temporall men stood still by their sayings insomuch that the said Gentleman said to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury that both the exaction of Probates of Testaments and the taking of Mortuaries as they were used were open Robbery and theft After long disputation the Temporall Lords began to leane to the Commons but for all that the Bills remained unconcluded for a while The King like a good and discreete Prince not long after ayded them for the redresse of their griefes against the Spiritualty and caused two new Bills to be made indifferently both for the Probates of Testaments and Mortuaries which Bills were so reasonable that the Spirituall Lords assented to them all though they were sore against their minds and in especiall the Probates of Testaments sore displeased the Bishops and the Mortuaries sore displâ—asedâ— the Parsons and Vicars After these acts thus agreed the Commons made another Act for Pluralities of benefices Non-Residence buying selling and taking of Farmes by Spirituall Persons which Act so displeased the Spiritually that the Priests railed on the Commons of the Common house and called them Heretickes and Schismatickes â—or the which divers Priests were punished This Act was sore debaâ—ed above in the Parliament Chamber and the Lords Spirituall would in no wise consent Wherefore the King perceiving the grudge of his Commons câ—used â—iâ—ht Lords and eight of his Commons to meeâ—e in the Sâ—aâ—â—â—hâ—â—â—er aâ— an after-noone and there was sore debating of the cause insomuch that the Temporall Lords of the Upper house which were there â—ooke part with the Commons against the Spirituall Lords and by force of reason caused them to assent to the â—ill with a little qualifying Which Bill theâ— next day was wholly agreed to in the Lords house to the great rejoycingâ— of the Lay people and to the great displeasure of the Spirituall personsâ— Immediately after this not onely Cardinall VVolâ—e himselfe but the Arch-bishop and whole Cleâ—giâ— of â—â—gland were brought into a Pr 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by this Parliamenâ— the Cardinall for accepting of a power Legatiâ—e from thâ— Pope contrary to the Lawes of the Realme and the 〈◊〉 of the Clâ—â—â—iâ— for consenting and submitted thereunto and holding a Synode by vertue of iâ— to avoid this danger and purchase a pardon the Clergie of the Province of Canterbury proâ—fered to give the King one hâ—ndred thousand pounds and the Clergie of the Province of Yorke 18000 â—ounds more but the King would not accept of this summe unlesse they would declare him in the Act by which they granted him this subsidie to be supreame head of the Church of England here on earth next under Christ but proceeded to take the forfeiture of the Premunire against them This put the Prelates the Popes sworne vassals to a great Dilemma for either they must plainly renounce the Popes usurped supremacie or the Kings mercy and fall under the lash of a Premunire whereby all their Bishoprickes goods livings were forâ—eited to his Majestie and their lives and liberties at his devotion Loath were the Bishops to forsake their old Lord the Pope whose servants they had beene so long and therefore they used all delayes and adjournments to spin out the time and delude the King but hee would not be mocked by them At last therefore they agreed upon this recognition Wee acknowledge the Kings Majestie to be the singular Protector the supreame Lord and likewise supreame head of the Church and Clergie of England so farre forth as it is lawfull for him to be by the Lawes of Christ. But the King much offended with this ambiguous dubious and equivocating acknowledgement which in truth was no concession of what he demanded required them to make a full and plaine acknowledgement of his supremacie in direct and positive termes without ambiguity or shifts or else to denie and conclude against it and incurâ—e the penalty of the Premunire Being thus put to it the Archbishop and Bishops hereupon made many adjournments of the Convocation and at last put it over from Aprill to the fifth of October to â—hunne the rocke on which they were like to split themselves or their holy Father the Pope in which space the Archbishop died At last they agreed to give the King the Title he desired and inserted it into a publike instrument Whereupon the King at last granted them a generall pardon in Parliament which begins thus The King our Soveraigne Lord calling to his blessed and most gracious remembrance that his good and loving subâ—ects the most Reverend Father in God the Archbishop of Canâ—erbury and other Bishops Suffragans Prelates and other spirituall persons of the Province of the Archbishopricke of Canterbury of this his Realme of England and the Ministers under-written which have exercised practised or executed in spirituall Courts and other jurisdictions within the said Province have fallen and incurred into divers dangers of his Lawes by things done perpetrated and committed contrary to the order of his Lawes and spâ—â—ially contrary to the forme of the Statutes of Provisours Provisions and Premunire and his Highnesse having alway a tender eye with mercy pitty and compassion â—owards his spirituall
devill and his disciples be against thee for God thy protector is stronger than hee or any other and shall by his grace give him and them a fall and so shew unto thee that God is on thy side Consider that it is written in Prov. 6. that amongst many crimes there rehearsed that God hateth chiefly hee doth detest those persons that sow discord among their brethren as all we Christians are brethren under our heavenly Father Also it is written in Iohn 8. that those that do stirre men to murther are children of the Devill which was from the beginning a murtherer and brought Adam to sinne and thereby to death as the Jewes his children stirred the peopâ—e to put Christ to death Saint Paul also in Rom. 16. warneth them to beware of those that make dissention and debate among them against the Doctrine that he had taught them and biddeth them eschew their company wherein the Holy Ghost wrought in Paul for these many yeares past little warre hath beene in these parts of Christendome but the Bishop of Rome either hath beene a stirrer of it or a nourisher of it and seldome any compounder of it unlesse it was for his ambition and profit Whereâ—ore since as S. Paul saith in 1 Cor. 14. that God is not the God of dissention but of peace who commandeth by his Word peace alway to be kept we are sure that all those that goe about to breake peace betweene Realmes and to bring them to warre are the children of the devill what holy names soever they pretend to cloake their pestilent malice withall which cloaking under hypocrisie is double devillishnesse and of Christ most deâ—ested because under his blessed name they do play the Devills part And therefore seeing Christ is on ourside against them let us not feare them at all but putting our confidence in Almighty God cleaving fast to the Kings Majesty our supreme head on earth next under Christ of this Church of England as â—aithfull subjects by Godslaw ought to do though they goe about to stirre Gog Magog and all the ravenners of the world against us we trust in God verily and doubt not but they shall have such a ruine as is prophesied by Ezekiel in C. 39. against Gog and Magog going about to destroy the people of God whom the people of God shall so vanquish and overthrow on the mountaines of Israel that none of them shall escape but their carkasses there to lye to be devoured by kiâ—es and crowes and birds of the aire and if they shall persist in their pestilent malice to make invasion into this Realme then let us wish that their great Captaine Gog I meane the Bishop of Rome may come to them to drinke with them of the same cup that hee maliciously goeth about to prepare for us that the people of God might surely live in peace Thus Tonstall concerning the Pope and the Cardinall though a Papist It is an Italian proverbe of our English men That an Italianated English man is a devill incarnate such a one was this Cardinall qui Italis pontificiisque adulationibus conâ—iliis atque technis in Regis atque Patriae discrimine sic se 〈…〉 passus â—st â—â— non modo 〈…〉 PRODITOR writes his immediaâ—e successor of himâ— In the 31. yeare of King Henry the 8â— he put the King Kingdome to extraordinary trouble and expence â—or the King being then enformed by his â—rusty and faithfull friends that the cankered and cruell Serpent the Bishop of Rome by that Arch-trâ—ytor Reginald Poole enemy to Gods Words and his naturall country had moved and stirred divers great Princes and Potentates of Christendome to invade the Realme of England and utterly to destroy the whole Nation of the same Wherefore his Majesty in his owne person without any delay tooke very laborious and painâ—ull journeys â—owards the Sea coasts also hee sent divers of his Nobles and Counsellours to view and search all the Ports and dangers of the Coasts where any meeâ—e and convenient landing place might be supposed as well on the borders of England as also of VVales and in all such doubtfull places his highnesse caused divers and many Bulwarkes and â—ortifications to be made And further his Highnesse caused the Lord Admirall Earle of Southhampton to prepare in readinesse ships for the Sea to his great cost and charges And beside this to have all people in a readinesse hee directed his commissions throughout the Realme to have his people mustered and the harnesse and weapons seene and viewed to the intent that all things should be in readinesse if his enemies should make any attempt into this Realme and likewise caused a generall muster to be made of all the Citizens of London betweene the age of 60. and 16. This Arch-traytor after the Pope had imployed him to move the Emperour and King of Spaine to breake their league with King Henry and to proclaime warre against him kept a continuall guard about him lest the King should send some to murther him And retiring to Viterbium where he lived some space neere a Nunnery he begaâ— two bastards a sonne and a daughter on the Abbeâ—se who oft repaired to his lodging which was afterwards objected to him when he was elected Pope by the major part of Cardinals and yet lost that Antichristian See by his owne negligence and delayes King Edward the 6. deceasing and Queene Mary comming to the Crowne she presently sent for this Traytor home the Pope upon this occasion makes him his Legate to reduce England under his vassallage and tyranny The Cardinall hereupon sore longed homeward not doubting but if things stood as hee thought to get a dispensation to lay off the Hat and put on a Crowne But the Emperour mistrusting what the Prelate intended found devises to hold him beyond the seas untill the match was concluded betweene Queene Maâ—y and his sonne Anno 1554. he arrived in England and the same day he landed an Act passed in the Parliament house through the Queenes and VVinchesiers meanes for his restitution in blood and the utter repealing of the Act of atâ—ainder against him in King Henry the 8. his raigne The Cardinall soone after caused Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury to be deprived and degraded seating himselfe in his See and making a long Oration in Parliament declaring the offence and schisme of the Kingdome in casting off the Pope and his willingnesse to receive them into the bosome of the Church againe upon their submission he caused the Parliament to make an Act repealing all Statutes Articles and Provisions made against the See of Rome since the 20. yeare of Henry the 8. reviving the Popes supremacie and denying the Queens wherein the whole Realm submitted it selfe to the Pope some parts of which Act pertinent to my purpose I shall crave leave to recite Whereas since the 20. yeare of K. Henry the 8. of famous memory Father unto your Majesty our most naturall Soveraigne
and gracious Lady and Queene much false and erroneous Doctrine hath beene taught preached and written partly by divers naturall borne subjects of this Realme and partly being brought in hither from sundry other forraine Countries hath beene sowne and spread a broad within the same by reason wherof as well the spiritualiâ—y as the temporality of your Highnesse Realmes and Dominions have swerved from the obedience of the See Apostolicke and declined from the unity of Christs Church and so have continued untill such time as your Majesty being first raised up by God and set in the seat royall over us then by his divine gracious providence knit in marriage with the most Noble and Vertuous Prince the King our Soveraigne Lord your husband the Popes holinesse and the See Apostolike sent hither unto your Majesties as unto persons undefiled and by Gods goodnesse preserved from the common infection aforesaid to the whole Realm the most reverend father in God the Lord Cardinall Poole Legate de Latere to call us home againe into the right way from whence we have all this long while wandred and strayed abroad and we aâ—â—er sundry long and grievous plagues and calamities seeing by the goodnesse of Godâ— our owne errours have acknowledged the same unto the said most reverend Father and by him have beene and are the rather at the contemplation of your Majesties received and embraced into the unity and bosome of Christs Church and upon our humble submission and promise made for a declaration of our repentance to repeale and abrogate such Acts and Statures as had beene made in Parliament since the said 20. yeare of the said King Henry the 8. against the supremacie of the See Apoâ—stolike as in our submission exhibited to the said most reverend Father in God by your Majesties appeareth The tenor whereof ensueth Wee the Lords spirituall and temporall and the Commons assembled in this present Parliament representing the whole body of the Realme of England and the Dominions of the same in the name of our selves particularly and also of the said body universally in this our supplication directed to your Majesties with most humble suit that it may by your graces intercession and meanes be exhibited to the most reverend Father in God the Lord Cardinall Poole Legate sent specially hither from our most holy Father Pope Iulius the third and the See Apostolike of Rome do declare our selves very sory and repentant of the Schisme and disobedience committed in this Realme and dominions aforesaid against the said See Apostolike either by making agreeing or executing any Lawes ordinances or Commandements against the supremacy of the said See or otherwise doing or speaking that might impugne the same offering our selves and promising by this our supplication that for a token and knowledge of our said repentance we are and shall be alwayes ready under and with the Authorities of your Majesties to the uttermost of our powers to doe what shall lye in us for the abrogation and repealing of the said Lawes and Ordinances in this present Parliament as well for our selves as for the whole body whom wee represent whereupon wee most humbly desire your Majesties as personages undefiled in the offence of this body towards the said See which neverthelesse God by his providence hath made subject to you so to set forth this our most humble suit that wee may obtaine from the See Apostolike by the said most reverend Father as well particularly as generally absolution release and discharge from all danger of such censures and senâ—enâ—â—s as by the Lawes of the Church wee are fallen into and that wee may aâ— children repentant be received into the bosome and unity of Christs Church so as this noble Realme with allâ— the members thereof may in this unity and perfect obedience to the See Apostolike and Popes for the time being serve God and your Majesties to the furtherance and advancement of his honouâ— and glory wee are at the intercession of your Majesties by the authority of our holy Father Pope Iulius the third and of the See Apostolicke assoyled discharged and delivered from excommunication interdictions and other censures Ecclesiasticall which have hanged over our heads for our said defaults since the time of the said schisme mentioned in our said supplication The which time the said Lord Legate and wee do all declare recognise and meane by this Act to be onely since the 20. yeare oâ— the raigne of your most Noble Father King Henry the 8. It may now like your Majesties that for the accomplishment of our promise made in thâ— said supplication that is to repeale all Lawes and Statutes made contrary to the said supremacie and See Apostolike during the said schisme which is to be understood since the 20. yeare of the raigne of the said late King Henry the 8. and so the Lord Legate doth accept and recognise the same After which they repeale in this Act also the Statutes against the Popes supremacie and profit And declare that the title or stile of supemacie or supreme head of the Church of England and of Ireland or either of them never was nor could be justly or lawfully attributed or acknowledged to any King or Soveraigne Governour of this Realme nor in any wise could or might rightfully justly or lawfully by any King or Soveraigne Governour of this Realme be claymed challenged or used And withall they commend Queene Mary for omitting this stile though sâ—â—â—led by Act of Parliament And to colour this disloyalty and prejudice to the Crown they adde this srivolous clause to the end of this Act And forasmuch as we your Majesties humble obedient subjects the Lords spirituall and temporall and Commons in this present Parliament assembled neither by the making or delivering of either the supplications aforâ—said nor by any clause Articles or Sentence thereof or of any other Clause Aâ—ticle or Sentence of this or any other Statuâ—e or the preambles of the same made or agreed upon in this Session of this prâ—sâ—nt Parliament by any manner of interpretation construction implication or otherwise intend to derogate impaire or diminish any of the prerogatives liberâ—ies franchesies preheminences or jurisdictions of your Crowne imperiall of this Realme and other the Dominions to the same belonging Wee do most humbly beseech your Majesties that it may be declared and ordained and be it â—nacâ—ed and declared by authority of this present Parliament that neither the making exhibiting or inferring in this present Statute or in the preambles of the same of the supplicaâ—ions or promise aforesaid or either of them nor any other things words sentences clauses Articles in the preambles or body of the Acts aforesaid shall be construed understood or expounded to derogate diminish or take away any the liberties priviledges prerogatives preheminences authorities or jurisdictions or any part or parcell thereof which were in your Imperiall Crowne of this Realme or did belong to your said Imperiall Crowne the 20.
the cunning devises of some who accused him as a favourer of the Puritans Conventicles and prophecying which he justified in a particular treatise which I have seene dedicated to the Queene and subscribed by all his suffragans hee utterly lost the same being thereupon suspended from his Bishopricke and so dyed suspended Martin records that the true cause of his suspension was for disallowing the matrimony of Julio an Italian Physitian with another mans wife therein thwarting the Earle of Leicesters pleasure In his dayes M. Iohn or rather Philip Stubs of Lincolnes Inne lost his hand for writing a booke against the Queenes intended match with the Duke of Anjou with this Title The gulfe wherein England will be swallowed up by the French marriage with which the Queene was sorely vexed and displeased Sentence was pronounced against him by vertue of a Law made in the raigne of Philip and Mary then expired and personall to them whereupon the Iudges and chiefe Lawyers were at variance concerning the force of that Statute but might prevailed therein against right And about the same time Edward Campian Ralph Sherwin Luke Kerby Alexander Briant Priests were indited condemned and executed for high Treason for plotting the ruine of the Queene and Kingdome as adhering to the Pope the Queenes enemie and comming into England to raise forces against her Iohn VVhitegift next to him in succession a stately Pontificall Bishop contested much for the authority and Lordly jurisdiction of Prelates in defence whereof hee then writ though hee durst not averre our Archbishops to be of divine institution Hee had some contestations with the Judges whom he much troubled about Prohibitions ex officio oathes and proceedings the power of the high Commission and other Exclesiasticall Courts 〈◊〉 he endeavoured to enlarge to the prejudice of the Queenes prerogative and the Subjects liberties whereupon in the Parliament Anno 1585. divers Bils and complaints were exhibited against the oath ex officio the granting of faculties by Bishops Non-residencie and other abuses which this Prelate by his power to prevent a reformationâ— crossed and frustrated to the great disturbance of the Church and State and the increase oâ— schismes and divisions in both After this Anno 1588. hee procured these reverend Ministers and Gentlemen M. Vdall M. Penry M. Cartwright King Prudlar Paine M. Knightly M. Wigstone and others to be questioned and fined in Starchamber for writing against the English Hierarchy and caused M. Penry Vdall and others against all Law and Justice to be condemned and executed for this cause whereupon the Judge before whom they were arraigned much troubled in conscience fell into desperation and died miserably These his violent proceedings stirred up VVigginton Coppinger and franticke Hacket whom the Prelates oppression made starke mad to accuse the Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke of high Treason and to runne into extravagant actions and opinions which they afterward recanted And not these alone but others likewise opposing the government of the Church of England disallowed the calling of Bishops and got some eminent Lawyers as M. Maurice Atturney of the Court of Wards and others to write against the government of Bishops and the Oath ex ofâ—icio which troubled much the whole Church State Judges Parliament and Kingdome and fired them almost into an uproare this Archprelate straining his Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction beyond its bounds farre higher than any of his predecessors since the reformation Whereupon multitudes of bookes were written against the calling Lordlinesse and extravagances of the Prelates and their Courts some in serious others in more light and jesting manner wherewith the Prelates were much nettled and their government rendred very odious among the people which certainly had then beene subverted had not the power of this Archprelate made a privy Counsellor and of Chancellour Hatâ—on a man popishly affected as was generally then reported kept it from ruine This Archprelates traine of servants was extraordinary great to the number of above 60 menservants who were all trained up to martiaâ—â—â—â—â—ires and mustred almost every weeke his stable being stiâ—l well furnished with good store of great horses a commendable thing in a warlike Prelate though scarce allowable in a pious Apostolicall Bishop who should rather traine up schollers for the pulpit than souldiers for the field Richard Bancroft his great creature and immediate successor had many conflicts with the Judges concerning prohibitions ex officio Oathes and the power of the High Commissioners before the King and Councell to the great disquiet of the Realme and oppression of the people hee defended the Bishops Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction to be jure Divino and not derived immediately by Letters Patents from the King like an ungratefull wretch contrary to the expresse Acts of 26. H. 8. c. 1.31 H. 8 c. 9 10.37 H. 8. c. 17. 1. Edw. 6. c.. 1. Eliz. c. 1.1 2. Phil. Mar. c. 8. 8. Eliz. c. 1. and the whole streame of the Fathers forraine Protestants and our English writers to the great affront of the Kings prerogative royall And if some men yet alive may be credited who accused him to the Councell of these crimes and offered to prove them hee had a hand in the compiling of Dolmans the Jesuites Booke concerning the succession of the Crowne of England the maine scope of which booke written as some say by Cardinall Allen and Fr. Ingelfield Dolmans enemies was to exclude all persons how neere soever allyed to the Crown unlesse they were Roman Catholikes contending further for the right of Isabel Infanta of Spaine and seeking to disprove King Iames his most rightfull title thereunto which Dolman with other old Priests and Jesuites hee harboured in his house where they affirme this booke was Printed and some thought hee was privie to that devillish plot of the Gunpowder-treason most of the traytors lying at Lambeth whiles they were about that hellish worke This Relation I had from others who averred it for truth and offered to prove it in his lifetime could they have beene heard And it seemes for the point of Dolmans booke and conniving at such other seditious traiterly popish pamphlets of that nature this Prelate was not altogether cleare for in the Conference at Hampton Court before King Iames when D. Reynolds moved the King that such unlawfull and seditious bookes might be suppressed at least restrained which unsetled and corrupted the minds of many young Schollers in both Universities instancing in Ficlerus a Papist De jure Magistratus in subditos for one Bancroft then Bishop of London supposing himselfe principally aimed and why should hee have such a suspition unlesse conscious of some guilt upon such a generall motion and information answered first in the Generall that there was no such licentious divulging of those Bookes as hee imagined or complained off And secondly to the particular instance of Ficlerus that he detested both the Author and applyer alike But for the first my Lord Cecill
onely stoutly repugned them but likewise affirmed their owne rites and ceremenies to be farre ancienter and better than those hee prescribed them which having received from their ancesters who were followers of the Apostles and having so long observed they ought not to change propter no vos dogmatistas for new dogmatists pleasures They further added that they would not account him for their Archbishop sâ—eing they had an Archbishop of their owne already resident at Leicester to whom tâ—ey ought to and would obey and that they would not subject themselves to a forraine Bishop With which answer Augustineâ—eing â—eing enraged fiercely threatned future warres and revenge of death unto them which followed soone after For Augustine requesting the Britons in this Synode that they would receive him for their Archbishop and joyne in common labour with him to preach the Gospell to the English Saxons The Britons who were driven out of their owne country by them refused to doe it adding that they had worthily hated the English and their religion which were esteemed by them but as dogs and therefore unworthily contemned This answer of the Britons Augustine gladly â—aid hold on imagining that he had gained an occasion from them whence hee might revenge their neglect and contempt of him Therefore hee greedily carries the newes of this contumely to King Ethelbert which this King not unwillingly laid hold on and thereupon instigated Edelfred King of the Northumbrians his kinsman although a Pagan against the Britons who thereupon Anno Dom. 613. comes with a numerous and almost â—tupendious army to Leicester called by the Britons Caâ—â—legan now Chester where Brochinal the Captaine of the Britans expected his comming and whether Abbot Dinoth-with a great number of Priests Hermites and Monkes â—specially such as were of Bangor monastery had fled These keeping a fast for three dayes space prayed to God to protect his people from the swords of the Barbarians The King commanded them to turne their armies first of all upon those who fought against him though not with armes yet with their prayers which was more whom Brochinal their Generall also terrified with the first comming of the enemies flying most shamefully exposed weaponlesse and naked to the swords of the enemies 50. men onely of them escaped by flight the residue to the number of 1200 were slaine with the sword of â—delfred Beda relates that Augustine taught by divine Oracle foretold this warre to the British Bishops and Clerkes in the Augustinian Councell when as it is more likely that hee having communicated counsell with King Ethelbert was not onely consâ—ious to the inferring of that warre but also the cause thereof For he was familiar with the King by whose perswasion and instigation Edelfred inflicted this calamity on the Britons And verily it is reported that Augustine in his first conference concerning these Rites when hee could not perswade them by entreaties threatned them Moreover Amandus Xierixiensis a man of the order of the Friers Minorites seemes to suffragate to this conjecture whose very words I will subjoyne VVhereas the â—ritains saith he were Catholikes the Saxons were Gentiles to convert whom S. Gregory sent Augustine and Mellitus who converted the Saxons But when as Augustine with his Apostolicall authority would perswade the Brittish Bishops and Abbots to receive him for their Legate and to preach with him to the English discord was moved for their disobedience to Saint Augustine so a warre was raised betweene the King of the Britons and the King of the Saâ—ons who now being converted would make the Britons subject to Augustine by whom writes Matthew Parker we are able to prove out of historians that Religion was overturned and rooted out or at least depraved and corrupted And this they say was predicted by Merlin in these wordsâ— Religion shall be blotted out againe and there shall be a transmutation of the chiefe Sees The dignity of London shall adorne Canterbury which was fulfilled by Augustine who caused 1200. of the Monkes of Bangor in Wales to be slaine because they obeyed him not in the councell as Alexander Essebiensis plainly teacheth It is marvellous that Merlin in one prophecie and in coherent words should thus foretell the deletion of religion the transmutation of the Principall Sees and the transferring of the dignity of London to Canterbury This slaughter of these Monkes of Bangor by Edelfred the avenger of Augustines wrath was avenged soone after by God who hated his cruelty for whiles the King hastned to â—oote out the remainder of them and burne their famous Monastery three Dukes of the Britaine 's met him slew ten thousand and sixty of his souldiers routed his whole army wounded the King himselfe and put him to a shamefull flight This was the fruit of this first Archbishop of Canterbury to raise up such a bloody warre within the bowels of our Kingdomes to the ruine of both parties and all to advance his owne jurisdiction and introduce his Roman ceremonies And verily writes Matthew Parker his successour that first contention raysed by Augustine about the introducing of Roman Rites which could not be appeased but with the overthrow and blood of the innocent Britaines ad nosâ—ra recentiora tempora cum simili pernicie coedeque Christianorum pervenit is desceuded to our latter times with the like destruction of Christians And had he lived to have seen and heard the violent actions practises of his present successor William Laud whose minâ—on D. Iohn Pocklinton in two severall pernitious Pamphlets adjudged solemnely to be burnt in both Universities by the Lords House of Parliament though licensed for the Presse by D. Bray this Canterburies owne domesticke Chaplain who by like order fron the Lords House hath publikely recanted his licensing of these Pamphlets in a Sermon at Saint Margarets in VVestminster before sundry of the Commons House hath proclaimed to the World that this present Prelate of Canterbury derived his lineall succession from this Augustine first Prelate of this See and so through his loynes from Pope Gregory the first founder of it and through his predecessours from S. Peters Chaire at Rome though I doubt Peter never sate Bishop nor ever had any chaire there I say had he but survived to have seene Bishop Lauds strange violent acts and tyrannoâ—s proceedings to advance his Archiepiscopall authority and erect Romes superstitions rites and ceremonies in the Churches of England Scotland and Ireland and that even by warre by blood shed rather than saile in his designes by cutting of Ministers Lawyers Physitians and Mechanicks eares searing their cheâ—kes slitting their noses whipping them openly through the streetes at carts tailes banishing them their Country shutting them up close Prisoners in remote Ilands where neither their kindred friends wives nor children must have any accesse to them no nor yet once set footing in those Ilands to enqâ—ire how their husbands did under paine of like imprisonment noâ— they have pen inke or
paper once allowed them to write to their friends for necessaries and by a bloody cruell warre betweene England and Scotland which Bishop Peirce truly termed Bellum Episcopale the Bishops warre he would have thought himselfe a Prophet this saying of his more experimentally verefied by this Arch-prelate than by any of his Predecessors all whose tyranny malice fury violence injustice lawlesnesse oppression inhumanity trechery pride ambition extravagances treasons and prelaticall vices seeme to meere and lodge together in him as in their propâ—r center as I could largely manifest by particulars did not his unjust and rigorous proceedings against my selfe and all who had relation to mee without any just cause or provocation on my part or theirs command mee silence lest I might seeme malicious or revengefull Since therefore these his practises are so notorious unto all I shall forbeare to rip up particulars and close up all concerning him with the whole house of Commons Articles and Charges of high Treason against him as they were transmitted to the Lords by that worthy Gentleman my much honoured friend M. Iohn Pymme which being a publike charge of all the Commons by way of justice in the supremest Court of Judicature published already to the world in Print I hope it will neither be reputed a scandalum magnatum nor matter of revenge in mee if I here insert them since most pertinent to the Subject matter of this Treatise which I had in part digested many yeares by-past before his last information in Starchamber exhibited against mee A true Copy of the Articles of the Commons assembled in Parliament against WILLIAM LAUD Archbishop of Canterbury in maintenance of their accusation whereby hee stands charged with high Treason and of the Speech or Declaration of JOHN PYMME Esquire upon the same upon their transmission to the Lord. My Lords I Am commanded by the Knights Citizens and Burgesses now assembled for the Commons in Parliament to deliver to your Lordships these Articles in maintenance of their Charge against the Archbishop of Canterbury Their desire is that first your Lordships would be pleased to heare the Articles read and then I shall endeavour to present to you the sense of the Commons concerning the nature of the Charge and the order of their proceedings Articles of the Commons assembled in Parliament in maintenance of their accusation against WILLIAM LAUD Archbishop of Canterbury whereby hee stands charged with high Treason 1. That hee hath traiterously endeavoured to subvert the fundamentall Lawes and Government of this Kingdome of England and instead thereof to introduce an Arbitâ—ary and tyrannicall Government against Law and to that end hath wickedly and traiterously advised his Majesty that hee might at his owne will and pleasure leavie and take money of his Subjects without their consent in Parliament and this hee affirmed was warrantable by the Law of God 2. He hath for the better accomplishment of that his traiterous designe advised and procured Sermons and other discourses to be Preached Printed and published in which the Authority of Parliaments and the force of the Lawes of this Kingdome have bin denyed and absolute and unlimited power over the persons and estates of his Majesties subjects maintained and defended not onely in the King but in himselfe and other Bishops against the Law And he hath beene a great protector favourer and promoter of the publishers of such false and pernicious opinions 3. Hee hath by Letters Messages Threaâ—s and Promises and by divers other wayes to Judges and other Ministers of Justice interrupted and perverted and at other times by meanes aforesaid hath endeavoured to interrupt and pervert the course of Justice in his Majesties Courts at Westminster and other Courts to the subversion of the Lawes of this Kingdome whereby sundry of his Majesties Subjects have beene stopt in their just suits deprived of their lawfull rights and subjected to his tyrannicall will to their ruine and destruction 4. That the said Archbishop hath trayterously and corruptly sold Justice to those who have had causes depending before him by colour of his Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction as Archbishop High Commissioner Referree or otherwise and hath taken unlawfull gifts and bribes of his Majesties Suâ—â—â—â— and hath as much as in him lies endeavoured to corrupt the other Courts of Justice by advising and procuring his Majesty to â—ell places of Judicature and other Offices contrary to the Lawes and Statutes in that behalfe 5. He hath trayterously caused a booke of Canons to be composed and published without any lawfull warrant and authority in that behalfe in which pretended Canons many matters are contained contrary to the Kings Prerogative to the fundamentall Lawes and Statutes of this Realme to the right of Parliament to the propriety and liberty of the subject and matters tending to sedition and of dangerous consequence and to the establishment of a vast unlawfull and presumptuous power in himselfe and his successors many of which Canons by the practise of the said Archbishop were surreptiâ—iously passed in the late Convocâ—tion without due consideration and debate others by feare and compulsion were subscribed by the Prelates and Clarkes there assembled which hâ—d never beene voted and passed in the Convocation as they ought to have beene And the said Archbishop hath contriveâ— and endeavoured to assure and confirme the unlawfull and exorbitant power which hee hath usurped and exercised over his Majesties Subjects by a wicked and ungodly oath in one of the said pretended Canons injoyned to be taken by all the Cleargie and many of the Laity of this Kingdome 6. He hath trayterously assumed to himselfe a Papall and tyrannicall power both in Ecclesiasticall and Temporall matters over his Majesties Subjects in this Realme of England and in other places to the disherison of the Crowne dishonour of his Majestie and derogation of his supreme authority in Ecclesiasticall matters And the said Archbishop claimes the Kings Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction as incident to his Episcopall and Archiepiscopall office in this Kingdome and doth deny the â—ame to be derived from the Crowne of England which he hath accordingly exercised to the higâ— contempt of his royall Majesty and to the destruction of divers of the Kings liege people in their persons and estates 7. That he hath trayterously indeavoured to alter and subvert Gods true Religion by Law established in this Realm and in stead thereof to set up Popish superstition and Idolatry And to that end hath declared and maintained in Speeches and Printed Booke divers popish doctrines and opinions contrary to the Articles of Religion established by Law Hee hath urged and injoyned divers Popish and superstitious Ceremonies without any warrant of Law and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed the same by corporall punishments and Imprisonments and most unjustly vexed others who refused to conforme thereunto by Ecclesiasticall censures of Excommunication Suspension Deprivation and Degradation contrary to the Lawes of this Kingdome 8. That for the better advancing of his
all pestiâ—ent filth that hath infected the State and government of the Church and Common-wealth looke upon him in his dependancies and he is the man the onely man that hath raised and advanced all those that together with himselfe have beene the Authors and causers of all the ruines miseries and calamities we now groane under Who is it but he onely that hath brought the Earle of Strafford to all his great places and imployments a fit instrument and spirit to act and execute all his wicked and bloody designes in thesâ— Kingdomes Who is it but he onely that brought in Secretary Windeâ—anke into the place of Secretary and trust the very Broker and Pâ—nder to the Whore of Babylon Who is it Mr. Speaker but he onely that hath advanced all Popish Bishops I shall name some of them Bishop Manwaring the Bishop of Bathe and Wells the Bishop of Oxford and Bishop Wren the least oâ— all but the most uncleane one These are men that should have sed Christs Flocke but they are the Wolves that devoured them the Sheepe should have fed upon the Mountaines but the Mountaines have eaten up the Sheepe It was the happinesse of the Church when the zeale of Gods house did eate up the Bishops glorious and brave Martyrs that went to the stake in defence of the Protestants religion but the zeale of these Bishops have beene to eate up and persecute the Church Who is it Mr. Speaker but the great Arch-Bishop of Canterbury that hath sit at the Helme to guide and steere them to all the managing of their Projects that have beene set on foote in this Kingdome these ten yeares last past and rather than he would stand out he hath most unworthily trucked and chaffered in the meanest of them As for instance that of Tobacco wherein thousands of poore people have beene stripped and turned out of their tradeâ— for which they have served as Apprentises we all know he was the Compounder and Contractor with them for the Licences putting them to pay Fines and Fee-Farme-rents to use their Trades Certainely Mr. Speaker he might have spent his time better and more for his grace in the Pulpit then thus sharking and taking in the Tobacco shop Mr. Speaker we all know what he hath beene charged withall here in this House Crimâ—s of a dangerous consequence and of transcendent nature no lesse than the subversion of the Government of this Kingdome and the alteration of the Protestant Religion and this not upon bare information onely but much of it comes before us already upon cleare and manifest poofes and there is scarce any businesse Grievances or Complaints come before us in this place wherein we doe not finde him intermingled and as it were twisted into it like a busie and angry Waspe his sting in the taile of everything We have this day heard the report of the Conference yesterday and in it the Accusations which the Scottish Natioâ— hath charged him withall And we doe all know he is guilty of the same if not more in this Kingdome Mr. Speaker he hath beene and is the common enemie to all goodnesse and good men and it is not safe that such a viper should be neere to his Majesties person to distill his poyson into his Sacred eares nor is it safe for the Common wealth that he should sit in so eminent a place of Government being thus accused we know what we did in the Earle of Strafâ—ords case This man is the corrupt Fountaine that hath inâ—ected all the streames and till the fountaine be purged we cannot expect to have any cleare Channels I shall be bold therefore to offer my opinion and if I erre it is the errour of my judgement and not my want of zeale and affection to the publicke good I conceive it most necessary and fit that we should now take up a Resolution to doe somewhat to strike whilst the Iron is hot And goe up to the Lords in the name of the Commons of this House and in the name of the Commons of England and to accuse him of High Treason and to desire their Lordships his person may be sequestred and that in convenient time they may bring up the Charge Which soone after was accordingly executed as you have already seene By these speeches Articles of High Treason against this Arch-Prelate it is apparent that his Treasons equall if not far exceed the Treasons of any of his Predecessors in the darkest mists of Popery and that he like his Predecessor Austin hath endeavored to rayse a bloody civill warre betweene England Ireland and Scotland onely for opposing his all-subduing Archiepiscopall Jurisdiction extended by him over all his Majesties three Kingdomes and for refusing to receive those Superstitious Romish Ceremonies and Innovations which he would have violently thrust upon them yea it is evident by these Articles that he is the primum mobile whence all our late warres tumults uproares and divisions proceededâ— and the spring whence all our insupportable grievances both in our Church and State have originally flowed And so by his owne late published maxime A schisme must needes be theirs whose the cause of it is and he makes the separation that gives the first just cause thereof the blame of all these late schismes warres and intolerable grievances whether Civill or Ecclesiasticall must rest intirely on his head who as he is like to leave no heires of his body lawâ—ully begotten to inherit his vertues so it is pity he should leave any successour behinde him in his See to perpetuate his and his Predecessors Treasons with other their Archiepiscopall vices It is his owne late resolution The condition of the Church were most miserable if it should be constrained to acknowledge a Wolfe manifestly raging for her shepheard and it is likewise his observation A man may become of a Pastor a Wolfe and since Iudas changed from an Apostle to a Devill Joh 6. It is no wonder to see others change from shepheards into Wolvesâ— I doubt the Church is not empty of such changlings at this day Whether himselfe and his forementioned Predecessors have not proved such Wolves and changlings by reason of the Venome of their Archiepiscoâ—all Chaire and whether the condition of our Church were not most miserable if she should be still constrained to acknowledge these Arch-Wolves of Canterbury manifestly raging to be her Shepheards and still to maintaine an interrupted succession of them to devoure the poore sheepe of Christ both soule and body and to be perpetuall pests Traytors and incendiaries to our Church and State as their Predecessours have ever beene I shall submit to those whom it most concernes who have now sufficient power and opportunity in their hands to redresse all incumbent and prevent all future mischiefes in this kinde I could now gladly wade out of this dangerous See of Canterbury wherein I have so long roved did not the Acts of some other ancient Prelates of it next successors to Augustine
too large for one mans government that Ely were a fit place for an Episcopall See c. These Reasons amplified with golden Rhetoricke so perswaded the King as he not onely consented himselfe that this Monastery should be converted into a Cathedrall Church and the Abbot made a Bishop but also procured the Pope to confirme and allow of the same but Richard dying before his enstalement Henry the first Anno 1109. appointed this Bishopricke unto one Hervaeus that had beene Bishop of Bangor and agreeing ill with the Welchmen was faine to leave his Bishoppricke therâ— and seeke abroad for somewhat elsewhere Nigellus the second Bishop of this See by reason of his imployment in matters of State and Councell could not attend his Pastorall charge and therefore committed the managing and government of his Bishoppricke unto one Ranulphus sometime a Monke of Glastonbury that had new cast away his Cowle a covetous and wicked man King Stephen and he had many bickerings and as Matthew Paris writes hee banished him the Realme he was Nephew to Roger Bishop of Salisbury from whom in ejus pernâ—â—iem traxerat incâ—ntiuum he had drawne an incentive to his distruction but of him and his contests with this King you may read more in Roger of Salisbury his Vncle. This See continuing void five yeares without a Bishop after Nigellus death Geoffery Rydell Anno. 1174. succeeded him a very lofty and high minded man called commonly The Proud Bishop of Ely King Richard the first and he accorded so ill that he dying intestate and leaving in his coffers great store of ready money namely 3060. markes of silver and 205. pound of gold the King confiscated and converted it to his owne use William Longchamp next Bishop of this See being made Lord Chancellour of England chiefe Justice of the South part of England Protector of the Realmeby Richard the first when he went his voyage to the Holy-land set the whole Kingdome in a combustion through his strang insolence oppression pride violence For having all temporall and spirituall Jurisdiction in his hands the Pope making him his Legate here in England at the Kings request which cost him a thousand pounds in money to the great offence of the King infatuated with too much prosperity and the brightnesse of his owne good fortune he began presently to play both King and Priest nay Pope in the Realme and to doe many things not onely untowardly and undiscreetly but very arrogantly and insolenâ—ly savoring aswell of inconscionable covetousnesse and cruelty as lacke of wisedome and policy in so great a government requisite He calling a Convocation by vertue of his power Legantine at the intreaty of Hugh Novant Bishop of Chester displaced the Monkes of Coventree and put in secular Priests in their roomes Officers appointed by the King himselfe he discharged and removed putting others in their steeds He utterly rejected his fellow Justices whom the King joyned with him in Commission for government of the Realme refusing to heare their Counsell or to be advised by them Hee kept a guard of Flemmings and French about him At his Table all Noblemens children did serve and waite upon him Iohn the Kings brother and afterward King himselfe hee sought to keepe under and disgrace by all meanes possible opposing him all hee could that he might put him from the Crowne He tyrannized exceedingly over the Nobility and Commons whom he grieved with intollerable exactions oppressions extraordinary outward pomp and intollerable behaviour He was extreame burthensome one way or other to all the Cathedrall Churches of England His Offices were such prolling companions bearing themselves bold upon their Masters absolute authority as there was no sort of peaple whom they grieved not by some kinde of extortion all the wealth of the Kingdome came into their hands insomuch that scarce any ordinary person had left him a silver belt to gird him withall any woman any brooch or bracelet or any gentleman a ring to weare upon his finger Hee purchased every where apase bestowed all Temporall and Ecclesiasticall Offices and places that fell where he pleased Hee never rode with lesse than 1500. horse and commanded all the Nobility and Gentry when he went abroad to attend him lodging for the most part at some Monastery or other to their great expence having both Regall and Papall authority in his hands hee most arrogantly domineered both over the Cleargy and Layety and as it is written of a certaine man That he used both hands for a right hand so likewise hee for the more easie effecting of his designes as our Lordly Prelates doe now used both his powers one to assist the other for to compell and curbe potent Laymen if peradventure he could doe lesse than he desired by his secular power he supplied what was wanting with the censures of his Apostolicall power But if perchance any Clergy man resisted his will him without doubt alledging the Canons for himselfe in vaine he oppressed and curbed by his secular power There was no man who might hide himselfe from his heate when as he might justly feare both the rod of his Secular and the sword of his spirituall jurisdiction to be inflicted on him and no Ecclesiasticall Person could by any meanes or authority be able to defend himselfe against his royall preheminence Finally glorying of his immense power that the Metropolitane Churches which as yet did seeme to contemne his excellency might have experience of his authority he went in a terrible manner to both And first of all to Yorke to the Bishop elect whereof hee was most maliciously dispitefull And sending before him a mandate to the Clergy of the said Church that they should meete him in a solemne manner as the Legate of the Aposticke See when as they had thought to appeale against him he regarded not the appeale made to the higher power but gave the appellants their choyce that they should either fulfill his commands or be committed to prison as guilty of high Treasonâ— Being therefore thus affrighted they obeyed and not daring so much as to mutter any further against him as to one triumphing they with a counterfeit sorrow bestowed as much honor glory on him as he would himself The chiefe Chanter of that Church had gone out of the way a little before that he might not see that which he could not behold without torment of mind which the Bishop undestanding raging against this absent person as a rebell with an implacable motion by his own Sergeants spoiled him of all his goods Having preyed upon the Archbishoppricke and pursed all up into his Treasury this famous tryumpher departed And not long after he triumphed in like manner over those of Canterbury when as no man now durst to resist him Having therefore both Metropolitane Sees thus prostrate to him he used both as he pleased In a word the Lay-men in England at that time writes Neubrigensis found
him more than a King and the Clergy men more than a Pope but both of them an intollerable tyrant For by occasion of his double power hee put on a double tyrants person being onely innoxious to his complices and co-operators but equally grievous to all others not onely in his greedy desire of monies but likewise in his pleasure of domineering his pride being more than Kinglyâ— almost in all things Hee carrying himselfe above himselfe consumed much Treasure in walling about the Tower of London which he thought to have compassed with the Thames Et regem de magna parte pecuniae multipliciter damnificauit and many wayes damnified the King in mispending a great part of his money Therefore in the end he was precipitated from the top to the bottome of confusion He set over every Province rather to be destroyed than governed most wicked executioners of his covetousnes who would neither spare Clergy man nor Lay man nor Monke whereby they might the more advance the profit of the Chancellour for so was he called when as he was a Bishop the name verily of a Bishop being nothing at all or Lukewarme in him but the name of a Chancellor was famous and terrible throughout all England Hee appointed the Governours of every county under pretence of suppressing theeves to have great troopes of cruell and barbarous armed persons to ride with them every where to terrifie the people who going abroad in every place without punishment comitted both many enormities and cruelties Hoveden 〈◊〉 and Holinshed note that the King confirming this Bishop Chancellor and Lord chiefe Iustice of all England and the Bishop of Durham to be Lord chiefe Iustice from Trent Northwards when they were thus advanced to these dignities howsoever they came by them directly or indirectly that immediatly thereupon strife and discord did arise betwixt them for waxing proud and insolent they disdained each other contending which of them should beare most rule and authority insomuch that whatsoever seemed good to the one the other misliked The like hereof is noted before betweene the Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke For the nature of ambition is to delight in singularity to admit no Peere to give placâ— to no superiour to acknowledge no equall as appeares by this proud Prelate Who afterward depriving Hugh of Durham of all his honour and dignity and putting the Bishop of Winchester to great trouble and doubting least the Nobles of the Realme should put him out of his place who detested him for his pride and insolencie he thereupon matched divers of his Kinswomen to them to make them true unto him promising them great preferments the rest of the Nobility hee either crushed or otherwise appeased fearing none but Iohn the Kings brother who was like to succeede him to curbe him hee sent his two brothers to the King of Scots to joyne in a firme league with him to crowne Arthur King and not Iohn in Case the King died without issue These â—everall particulars insolencies and oppressions being related to the King Wintring in Sicily he thereupon sent Walâ—er Archbishop of Rhoan a prudent and modest man with a Commission to be joyned with this Bishop in the government of the Kingdome and that nothing should be done without his consent sending Hugh Bardulfe Bishop of Durham with him to governe the Province of Yorke where the Bishops brother played Rex in a barbarous manner granting him likewise the custody of the Castle of Windsor Hugh meeting with the Bishop at the towne of Ely shewed him the Kings Letters to this purpose to which he answered that the Kings commandement should be done and so brought him with him to Euwell where he tooke him and kept him fast till hee was forced to surrender to him the Castle of Windsor and what else the King had committed to his custody and moreover was constrained to leave Henry de Putâ—nco his ownâ— sonne and Gilbert Lege for hostages of his fidelity to be true to the King and the Realme The Bishop hereupon contemned this command of the King pretending that hee knew his minde very well and that this Commission was fraudulently procured and when the Archbishop of Rhoan according to the Kings direction went to Canterbury to order that See being void this proud Chancellor aspiring to the prerogative of this See prohibited him to doe it threatning that he should dearely pay for this his presumption if he attempted to goe thither or doe any thing in that businesse so that this Archbishop continued idle in England But the Chancellor impatient of any collegue in the Kingdomes government like a â—inguler wilde beast preyed upon the Kingdome Whereupon he sends for a power from beyond the sea puts Gerardus de Cammilla from the government of Lincolne Castle his wives inheritanceâ— and commands him to resigne it into his hands he refusing to doe it repaiâ—es to Iohn the Kings brother for aide and assistance whereupon the Bishop in a rage presently goes and besiegeth the Casâ—le and seekes to force it Iohn in the meane time takes Notingham and Tikehill and sends to the Bishop to give over his siege who losing one of his hornes or hands his spirituall Legantine power by the Popes death and a little affrighted therewith by the advice of his friends he comes to a parly with Iohn and made his peace with him for the present upon the best termes and conditions hee could But hearing shortly after that the forraigne forces he had sent for to ayd him were arrived he takes courage and falls off from his Covenants protesting that he would drive Iohn or Iohn should drive him out of the Kingdome intimateing that one Kingdome was to little to containe two such great and swelling persons At last they come to new Articles of agreement soone after which Geoffery Plantagenet Archbishop of Yorke the Kings and Iohns base brother procured his consecration from the Archbishop of Towres which the Chancellour hindred and delayed all he might The Chancellour his bitter enemy and prosecutor hearing of it presently â—ends his owne Officers to Yorke invades and spoiles all the possessions of the Bishopprickâ— and what ever belonged thereto and commands all the Ports to be stopped to hinder his landing and accesse to his Church writing this Letter to the Sheriffe of Kent We command you that if the Elect of Yorke shall arrive in any Port or Haven within your Baylywicke or any Messenger of his that you cause him to be arrested and kept till you have commandement from us therein And we command you likewise to stay attach and keepe all Letters that come from the Pope or any other great man He notwithstanding arrives at Dover but found a greater storme on shore than at sea for the Captaine of Dover Castle who had married a Kinswoman of the Chancellors hindred his progresse and certified the Chancellour of his landing withall speede who no wayes dissembling the rage of his fierce minde commanded him to be stript of
all his goods and to be thrust prisoner into the Monastery of Dover The Officers hereupon sent from this most cruell tyrant seize upon all his carriage and goods and strip him and his of all they had and finding him in the Church of S. Martyn in Dover neither respecting the greatnesse of his person nor the holinesse of the place dragging him by force from the very sacred Altar and violently halling him out of the Church in a most contumelious manner thrust him prisoner into the Castle The same of this enormity flying as it were upon the wings of the winde presently filled all England The Nobility storme at it the inferiour sort curse him for it and all with common votes detest the tyrant Iohn most of all grieved at the captivity and abuse of his brother earnestly seekes not onely to free him from prison but to revenge his wrong Wherefore he speedily gathers together a great army many Bishops and Nobles that formerly sided with the Chancellor joyning their forces with him being justly offended with his tyrannicall proceedings and immoderate pride as well as others and raged against him more than others both with their tongues and mindes The Chancellor hereupon releaseth the Archbishop who comming to London allayed and recompensed the griefe of the injury sustained with the more aboundant affections and offices of many But Iohn with the other Nobles and Prelates not satisfied with his release though stirred up with his imprisonment proceeded on to breake the hornes of this Vnicorne who with his friends and forraigne souldiers encamped about Winchester but finding himselfe too weake and most of his friends and his souldiers to fall off from him flees first to Windsor and from thence to London where finding the Citizens who formerly feared him for his pride and cruelty to incline to Iohn flies with all his company into the Tower which being oppressed with the multitude was more likely to betray than defend them whereupon he seeing his danger â—oes forth and submits himselfe to Iohn craves leave for thâ—se included in the Tower to departâ— resignes up the Tower and all the other royall forts to him and flieth privatly in an inglorious manner to Dover to his Sisters husband thinking to steale secretly beyond the seas to the King and knowing that his enemies if they should have any inkling of his intent would assuredly hinder the same or worke him some mischiefe by the way he disguised himselfe in womans apparell and so went unto the Sea side at Dover mufled with a met-yard in his hand and a webbe of cloth under his arme There he sate upon a rocke ready to take shippe where a certaine leude marriner thinking him to be some strumper began to dally wantonly with him whereby it came to passe that being a stranger borne and not able to speake good English nor give the marriner an answer either in words or deeds he suspected him to be a man and called a company of women who pulling off his kerchiefe and muffler found his crowne and beard shaven and quickly knew him to be that hatâ—full Chancellour whom so many had so long cursed and feared whereupon in great dispite they threw him to the ground spit upon him beat him sore and drew him by the heeles aloâ—â— tâ—e â—ands the people flocking out of the Towne deriding and abusing him both in words and deeds The Burgâ—sses of the Towne heaâ—iâ—g of this tumult came and tooke him from the people his servants being not able to rescue him and 〈◊〉 him into a seller there to keepe him prisoner till notice had beene given of his departure It is a world to see he that was a few monethes before honoredâ— and reverenced of all men like a petty god attended by Noblemens sonnes and Gentlemen of quality whom he matched with his Neeces and Kindswomen every man accounting himselfe happy whom he favoured yea to be acquainted well with his Porters and Officers being thus once downe and standing in neede of his friends helpe had no man that moved a finger to rid him out of the present calamity trouble Whereupon he lay prisoner in this pickle a good space The Earle Iohn was desirous to have done him some further notable disgrace and contumely neither was there any one almost that for his owne sake withstood it But the Bishops though most of them his enemies regarding notwithstanding his calling and place would not suffer it but caused him to be released So not long after being deposed of his Office of Chancellor by direction of the King deprived of authority and banished the Land by the Lords Barons and Prelates of the Realme hee gat him over Sea into Normandy where hee was borne and complained of these proceedings against him to the Pope whose Legate he was who thereupon writ Letters in his favour to all the Archbishops and Bishops of England commanding them to excommunicate Iohn Earle of Morton and interdict the Realme till the Bishop was restored unto his former estate which the Bishops neglecting to doe notwithstanding this Bishops owne Letter to the Bishop of Lincolne touching this matter he there rested himselfe after this turmoile till the returne of King Richard from the holy Land the Archbishop of Roan governing the Kingdome the meane while whom he caused the Pope to excommnnicate Anno. 1194. Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury with the Bishops of Lincolne London Rochester Winchester Worceter Hereford the Elect of Exeter and many Abbots and Clergy men of the Province of Canterbury after they had excommunicated Earle Iohn with all his Fauters and Councellours in an Assembly at Westminster in the Chappell of the infirme Monkes on â—he 4th of February appealed to the presence of the Pope against this Bishop of Ely that he should not from thenceforth enjoy the office of a Legate in England which appeale they ratified with their seales and sent it first to the King and afterwards to the Pope to be confirmed Vpon the Kings returne this Bishop excused himselfe the best he might reconciled himselfe to Geoffery Archbishop of Yorke purging himselfe with an hundred Clerkes his compurgators from the guilt of his wrongfull imprisonment and misusage at Dover and being after sent Embassadour to the Pope with the Bishop of Durham and others fell sicke by the way at Poyters and so died From this and other forcited presidents we may see how dangerous and pernicious a thing it is for any one man to have the exercise of spirituall and temporall Jurisdiction vested in him since it makes him a double tyrant and oppressour Eustachius this turbulent Prelates successor was one of those Bishops that pronounced the Popes excommunication against King Iohn and interdicted the whole Realme for which he was glad to flee the Realme continuing in exile for many yeares his temporalties goods being seised on by the King in the interim yea the King for this Act warned all the Prelates and Clergie of England that
namely Richard Hurrell Iohn Punchard and others some more some lesse for writing one Presentment to the grievous oppression of his Majesties poore subjects in his Diocesse XXIV Whereas by the Lawes of this Realme no tythes ought to be paid out of the rents of houses nor is there any custome or usage in the City of Norwich for such payment yet the said Bishop indeavoured to draw the Citizens and other inhabitants within the said City against their wills and consents to pay two shillings in the pound in liew of the tithes of houses within the severall Parishes of the said City unto the Ministers there of the said respective parishes And the better to effect this his unjust resolution he did by false and undue suggestions in the fourteenth yeare of his Majesties reigne that now is procure his Majestie to declare under his Highnesse great Seale of England his royall pleasure That if any person within the said City shall refuse to pay according to the said ratâ— of two shillings the pound unto the Minister of any Parish with in the said city That the same be heard in the Court of Chancery or in the Consistory of the Bishop of Norwich And that in such case no prohibition against the said Bishop of Norwich their Chancellors or Commissaries in the sâ—â—d Courts of Consistory be gâ—anting the same upon â—ight of his Highnesse said Order shall forthwith grant a consultation to the Minister desiring the same with his reasonable costs and charges for the same which said Order and Decree under the great Seale of England tended to the violation of the Oathes of the Judgesâ— and was devised contrived and made by the said Bishop And afterwards by his evill counsels and false surmises he did obtaine his Majesties royall consent thereunto and by colour of the order aforesaid and other the doings of the said Bishop the Citizens and inhabitants of Norwich aforesaid viz. Iohn Collar Judith Perkeford and others have beene inforced to pay the said two shillings in the pound in liew of tythes or else by suits and other undue meanes beene much molested and put to great charges and expences contrary to the Law and Justice XXV That he assumed to himselfe an arbitrary power to compell the respective parishioners in the said Diocesse to pay great and excessive wages to Parish Clarksâ— viz. the Parishioners of Yarmouth Congham Tostocke and others commanding his officers that if any parishioner did refuse to pay such wages they should certifie him their names and hee would set them into the High Commission Court for example of them And that one or two out of Ipswich might be taken for that purpose And the said Commons by Protestation saving to themselves the libertieâ— of exhibiting at any time hereafter any other accusation or impeachment against the said Matthew Wren late Bishop of Norwich and now Bishop of Ely and also of replying to the answer to the said Articles or any of them or of offering proofe of the premisses or any other impeachments or accusations that shall be exhibited by them as the case shall according to the course of Parliaâ—ents require doe pray that the said Matthew â—ren may be called to answer the said severall crimes and misdeâ—eanours and receive such condigne punishment as the same shall deserve and that such further proceedings may be upon every of them had and used against him as is agreeable to Law and Justice Sir THOMAS WIDDRINGTONS SPEECH At a Conference betweene both Houses on Tuesday the 20â— of Iuly 1641. At the transmission of the impeachment against Matthew Wren Doctor of Divinity late Bishop of Norwich and now Bishop of Ely My Lords I am commanded by the Knights Citizens and Burgesses now assembled for the Commons in Parliament to deliver to your Lordships these Articles against the Bishop of Ely May it please your Lordships first to heare them read MY Lords These Articles are dipped in those Colours in which this Bishop rendred himselfe to the Diocesse of Norwich they neede no Glosse nor Varnish In them you may behold the spirit and disposition of this Bishop heare the groanes and cries of the people see a shepheard scattering I had almost said devouring his owne flocke He that was desired to paint Hercules thought he had done enough when he had made a resemblance of the Lyons skin which he was wont to carry about him as a Trophee of his honour I will not say that in these you will finde a resemblance of the Lyons skin I am sure you will finde the resemblance of the skins that is to say the tottered and ruin'd fortunes of poore innocent Lambs who have extreamely suffered by the violence of this Bishop In the yeare 1635. this man was created Bishop of Norwich he is no sooner there but he marcheth furiously In the creation of the world light was one of thâ— first productions the first visible action of this Bishop after his creation into this See was to put out many burning and shining lights to suspend diverse able learned and conscientious Ministersâ— he that should have beene the Golden â—nuffer of these lights became the extinguisher and when these are taken away where shall poore men light their Candles My Lords this was not all He put out lights and sets up firebrands in their places suspends painfull Ministers and sets up idle factious and superstitious Priests to use their owne language in their places yet it is the fortune of these men at this time like Rivers in the Ocean to be buried the in extreme activity of their Diocesan He made a scourge not of small cords but of new Injunctions and numerous Articles tyed about with a strong twist of a most dangerous oath and with this he whips not out buyers and sellers but the faithfull dispensers of the word out of their Churches out of their estates out of their deere Country This Noah if I may so call him without offence assoone as he entred into the Arke of this Diocesse he sends nay forces Doves to fly out of this Arke and when they returne unto him with Olive branches in their mouthes of peaceable and humble submissions he will not receive them into this Arke againe unlesse like Ravens they would feed upon the Carrion of his new Inventions they must not have any footing thereâ— he stands as a flaming sword to keepe such out of his Diocesse My Lords unlesse he had done this he could never have hoped to have brought that great worke he undoubtedly aymed at to any perfection Whilst the Palladium of Troy stood that Citie was impregnable The Greekes had no sooner stollen that away but they instantly won the Citieâ— So then he first put out the Candles then was the opportunity to shuffle in his workes of darknesse hâ— first beaâ—s off the Watchmen and seers then was likely to follow that which the impiety of some was pleased to stile the piety of the times This being done he then begins to dresse
dominion of England and had never peace afterwards By the same counsell in our times the Kingdome was troubled and the interdict came and finally the Kingdome was made tributary and the Prince of Provinces alas for griefe is brought under tribute to ignoble persons and warres begun and long protracted your father died like a banished man neither in peace of the Kingdome nor of minde and so by them he incurred a very perillous death By the same counsell the Castle of Bedford was detained against you where you lost much treasure and many valiant men by meanes whereof in the interim you lost Rochell to the ignominy of the whole Realme Item the now imminent perturbation perilous to the whole Kingdome comes to passe through their wicked counsell because if your people had beene handled according to Justice and the right Judgement or Law of the Landâ— this perturbation had not hapned and you should have had your lands undestroyed your treasure unexhausted Likewise we tell you in that allegiance wherby we are obliged to you that your counsell is not of peaceâ— but of trouble to the Land because they that seeke to thrive by the trouble of the Kingdome and the disinherison of others cannot doe it by its peace Item because they have your Caâ—tles and your forces in their handâ— as if you ought to distrust your owne people Item because they have your Exchequor and all the greaâ—est Wards and Escheates in their power such an expectation pleaseth and how they will answer you in the end wee beleeve you shall prove Item because by your Seale or Precept without the Seale of Peter de Rivallis scarce any great businesse is done in the Realme as if they accounted you not to be King Item because by the same counsell the naturall borne subjects of your Kingdome are expelled out of your Court whence wee have cause to be fearefull both of you and the Kingdome when as wee see you to be more in their power than they in yours as appeares by very many examples Item because they have a mayde out of Brittany and your sister under their power with many other noble girles and women who are marriageable with Wards and marriages which they give to their owne creatures and disparage Item because they confound and pervert the Law of the Land sworne and confirmed and ratified by Excommunication and Justice likewise whence it is to be feared least they be Excommunicated and you also by communicating with them Item because they keepe to no man either their promise faith or oath or writing neither feare they Excommunication whence they who have receded from the truth are desperateâ— as remaining diffident in feare Now these things we faithfully relate to you and wee counsell beseech and admonish you before God and man that you would remove such counsell from you and as it is the custome in other Kingdomes that you governe your Kingdomes by your faithfull and sworne men of your Realme Wee denounce to you in verity that unlesse you correct these things within a short time we will proceede against you and all other contradictors by Ecclesiasticall Censureâ— expecting nothing but the Consecration of our venerable Father the Elect of Canterbury These things being thus spoken the King humbly desired a short time of truce saying that hee could not so sodainely remove his counsell untill he had received an account of the treasure committed to him and so the conference was dissolved all men departing with confidence of a concord speedily to be obtained soone after the Archbishop being consecrated upon the fifth of Aprill the King with his Nobles being at Westminster the Archbishop taking all the Bishops and other Prelates that were present with him whereof this Bishop of Chester was one went to the King and shewed him their counsell touching the imminent desolation and danger of the Kingdome repeating the former inconveniences mentioned in the conference and denounced to the King expresly that unlesse hee would speedily reforme his error and make a peaceable composition with the faithfull men of his Kingdome he with all the Bishops who were present would incontinently in ipsum Regem sententiam ferre excommunicationis pronounce a sentence of Excommunication against the King himselfe and against all others contradictors of this peace and perverters of concord The King hearing this humbly answered that hee would obey their counsels in all things Whereupon a few dayes after understanding his error moved with repentance he commanded Peter Bishop of Winchester to goe to his Bishopricke to intend the cure of soules and that from thenceforth Regiis negotiiâ— nequaquam interesset hee should by no meanes intermeddle with the Kings affaires Walter de Langton Bishop of Chester lived in great authority under King Edward the first who favoured him much but his sonne Edward the second molested disgraced him all that eyer he might His Fatherdying in the North country he â—ommanded this Bishop to conduct his corps up to London and when hee had done so for reward of his paines hee caused Sir Iohn Felton Constable of the Tower to arrest him seased upon all his goods and imprisoned him first in the Tower then in the Castle of Wallingford of which imprisonment he was not released in two yeares after In his fathers life time he had often reprehended the young Prince for his insolent and dissolute behaviour which good admonitions he taking in evill part wronged and disgraced him many wayes namely one time he brakâ— downe his Parkes spoyled and drove away his deare c. The Bishop complained of this outrage unto the King his Father who being greatly displeased therewith committed the Prince his sonne for certaine dayes And this was the cause of the grudge between the yong King and him for which he sent him from Castle to Castle as Prisoner seised his Lands Tenements into his own hands gave his moveables to Pierce Gaviston and his Lord Treasurership to Walter Reignold About the same time or I thinke a little sooner to wit in the yeare 1â—01 hee was accused of certaine hainous crimes before the Pope and compelled to answer the accusation at Rome in his owne person Though the proofes brought against him were either none or very slender yet well knowing whom they had in hand Noverant ipsum prae multis bovem valde pinguem saith Matth. Westminster they were content to detaine him there so long as it forced him to spend an infinite deale of mony yet was never a whit the nearer atlast for the Pope remitted the hearing of the cause to the Archbishop oâ— Canterbury and yet reserved the determination of the â—ame unto himself at last The tempests of these troubles being over-blowne the rest of his time he lived for ought I finde quietly and being happily dismissed from the Court attended onely the government of his charge This Bishop setling his See towards his later end at Litchfield I finde no mention at all of any
Common-wealth hâ—th sustained by the exorbitant courses of the Bishops and knowing well what the wiseman saith Eccles. 8.11 Thaâ— iâ— senâ—â—nce be not speedily executed against â—n evill wâ—rke the hâ—arts â—f the sonâ—e of men are set upon further mischiefe â—he timely râ—drâ—sse wheâ—eof doth better become the wisedome of Parliamentâ— then a too-late wofull râ—pentance have commanded me to represent unto your Lordships That Walter Bishop of Winchester Robert Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield Godfry Bishop of Glocester Joseph Bishop of Exâ—ester John Bâ—shop of Asaph William Bishop of Bath and Wells Geoâ—ge Bâ—shop of Hereford Matthew Bishop of Ely William Bâ—shop of Bangor Robert Bishop of Brisâ—oll John Bâ—shop of Rochâ—ster John Bishâ—p of Peterborough Morgan Bishop of Landaffe Together with Williâ—m Archbishop of Canterbury and others of the Clergie of that Province at a Convocation or Synod for the same Province begun at London in the yeare 1640. did contrive make and promulgâ— severall Constitutions and Canons Ecclesiasticall containing in them divers matters contrary to the Kings Prerogative to the fundamentall Lâ—wes and Statutes of the Realme to the Rights of Parliament to the Propriety and Liberty of the Subjects and matters tending to sedition and of dangerous consequence And to adde the more weighâ— and efficacie to this their monstrous designe They did at the same Synod under a specious and faire Title grant a Benâ—volâ—nce or Contribution to his Majesty to be paid by the Clergy of that Province contrary to Law It rested not there for though this had beene enough to have affrighted and terrâ—fied the Kings people with strange apprehensions and feares yet that these might not seem to be contrivancies of their brain or Fancies oâ—lyâ— they were put in Execution and were executed upon divers with animosity and rigour to the great oppression of the Clergy of this Realme and other his Majesties subjects and in contempt of the King and of the Law Whether these persons my Lords that are culpable of these Offences shall be thought fit to have an Interest in the Legislative power your Lordships Wisdome and Justice is able to judge But for these matters â—nd things the Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the Commons House in Parliament in the name of themselves and of all the Commons of England doe impeach the said Bishops before-named of the Crimes and Misdemeanors before expressed and do therefore pray that they may bee forthwith put to their Answers in the Presence of the Commons and that such further Proceedings may bee had against them as to Law and Justice shall appertaine Now that the world may take notice what Power the Clergy in their Conâ—ocation have to make Canons and Constitutions to bind the subjects and of what validity their late Canons are I shall avouch the Votes of the Commons House concerning them as I find them printed at the end of this Impeachmeâ—t of Bishops The Votes concerning the Bishops late Booke of Canons in the House of Commons THat the Clergy of England convented in any Convocation or Synod or otherwise have no power to make any Constitutions Canons or Acts whatsoever in matter of doctrine or otherwise to binde the Clergy or Laity of this Land without the common consent of Parliament That the severall Constitutions and Canons Ecclesiasticall treated upon by the Archbishops of Canturbury and Yorke Presidents of the Convocation for the respective Provinces of Canterbury and Yorke and the rest of the Bishops and Clergy of these Provinces and agreed upon by the Kings Majesties licence in their â—everall Synods begun at London and Yorke 1640. doe not bind the Clergy or Laity of this Land or either of them And thus I have donâ— with our English Lordly Prelates whose only study is and hath been to support their Lordly dignity not true religion devotion and pietyâ— I shall conclude with them in Saint Bernards words Vides omnem Ecclesiasticum zelum fervere sola pro dignitaâ—e tuenda Honori totum datur sanctitati nihil aut parum Nisi quod sublime est hoc salutare dicamus quod gloriam redolet id justum Ita omne humile probro ducitur inter Palatinatos Et tunc potissimum volunt dominari cum professi fuerint servitutem Fideles se spondent ut opportunius fidentibus noceant Ante omnia sapientes sunt ut faciaâ—t mala bâ—num autem facere nesciunt Hi invisi terrae coeâ—o utrique injecêre manus impii in Deum temerarii in sancta seditiosi in invicem aemuli in vicinos inhumani in extraneos quos neminem amantes amat nemo Hi sunt qui subesse non sustinent praeesse non norunt superioribus infideles inferioribus importabiles Docuerunt linguam suam grandia loqui cum operentur exigua Blandissimi adulatores mordacissimi detractores simplicissimi dissimulatores malignissimi Proditores O miserandam Sponsam talibus creditam Paranymphis qui assignata cultui ejus proprio retinere quaestui non verentur Non amici profectò Sponsi sed aemuli sunt Erunt inquam hujusmodi maximo studio corrigendi ne pereant aut ne perimant coercendi CHAP. VII Containing the severall Treasons Rebellions Seditions Schismes Contumacies Warres and disloyalties of the Bishops of France Normandy Scotland and Ireland with reference unto the Kings of England HAving thus passed through the Treasons Rebellions Seditions Warres and disloyall practises of our English Lordly Prelates I shall here in the next place give you a taste of the like crimes and practises of some French Norman Prelates against our Kings their Soveraignes either here or in Normandy and likewise of the Bishops of Scotland and Ireland which I thought meet to couple with our English Prelates these Kingdomes being now happily united under the Government of our gracious Soveraigne and his deceased Father French and Norman Bishops Acts of this kind I shall begin with Saint German Bishop of Aâ—xerre in France of whom it is storyed that comming into England in King Vortigerns time and repairing to his Court with his Companions in a cold frosty night the King shut him out and would give him no lodging which the Kings Herdsman seeing taking pitty upon them and commiserating their affliction lodged them in his house and killed a calfe which they did eate at supper whose bones Saint German commanded to be brought to him when supper was ended and putting them all into the Calves skin he miraculously raisâ—d up the Calâ—e againe from the dead whereas Christ and his Apostles never raised any dead beast but dead men onely and put him to his damme where he sell a eating hay And on the next day by command from God as some writers affirme German deposed Vortigerne from his Kingdome and made the Herdsman King in his place to the great admiration of all men and from thence forth the Kingâ— of the Britaine 's descended from the race of this Herdsman But Gildas in his History saith that this happened not to
his mind walke in great and wonderfull matters above himselfe having a mouth speaking great things with a most vaine heart In conclusion gathering together Poore and bold men noâ— fearing the judgement of verity he gave out himselfe to be the Sonne of Count Murrey spoyled of the inheritance of his Fathers by the King of Scots that he had an intention noâ— onely to prosecute his right but likewise â—o revenge his wrongs that he desired to have them the Consorts both of his danger and fortuneâ— that iâ— was a businesse verily of some labour and danger but of great reputation and much emolument All of them therefore being animated by and sworne to his words he began cruelly to play Rex through the Neighbour Islands and he was now like Nemroth A mighty hunter before the Lord disdaining according to the duty of his Episcopall Office to be a Fisher of Men like Peter his Millitary troopes encreasing dayly amongst whom he being taller than the rest almost by the head and shoulders like a great Generall inflamed the mindes of all the rest He made excursions into the Provinces of Scotland exterminating all things with rapines and murthers and when as a royall Army was sent against him retyring himselfe into remote Forrests or â—lying backe into the Ocean he eluded all their warlike preparations and the Army retyring hee brake out againe out of his lurking places to infest the Provinces When therefore he prospered in all things and became now terrible even to the King himselfe a certaine Bishop a most simple man miâ—aculously repressed his violence for a time to whom when he denouncing warre threatned utter devastation unlesse he would pay him a tribute He answered The will of the Lord be done for by my example never shall any Bishop be made the tributary to another Bishop Therefore having exhorted his people he meetes him comming with fury onely greater than he in Faith but farre unlike him in other things and for the encouragement of his Souldiers he himselfe giving the first stroke of the battle casting a small Axe at him by Gods good pleasure prostrated the enemy marching in the front With whose fall the people being encouraged rannâ— violently upon the Robbers and slaying a great part of them compelled the most fierce captaine unmanfully to fly This hee himselfe was wont afterwards to relate among his friends with mirth as glorying That onely God could over come him by the Faith of a simple Bishop After this resuming his Forces he wasted the Iâ—lands and Provinces of Scotland as at first Whereupon the King was compelled to appease this Robber to which end using better counsell than formerly he â—esolved to deale wisely with a proud and craâ—ty enemy with whom he could not deale valiantly Therefore granting to him a certaine Province with the monastery of Fornace he suspended his excursions for a time But when as he gloriously passed through the subdued Province like a King with a powerfull army and became exceeding troublesome to the Monastery it selfe of which he had beene a Monke by the consent of the Nobles who hated either his power or his insolence some Inhabitants of the said Province laid waite for him and having gotten a convenient time when as hee followed the multitude he had sent before him to his lodging with a slow pace and a small guard they apprehending him bound him and put out both his eyes because both were wicked and cutting off the cause of a virulent race they gelt him writes my Author for the peace of the Kingdome of Scotland not for the Kingdome of Heaven This Bishop thus emasculated afterwards came to Belleland and there continued quiet many yeares till his death Yet he is reported then to have said that if he had the eye but of a Sparrow his Enemyes should no way insult off their Acts against him So Neubrigensâ—s If all our Lordly Bishops were gelt like this for the peace of the Kingdome both of Scotland and England that we might be no more troubled with this their Lordly virulent generation in â—uture ages I presume it would be as great a blessing as could befall both Kingdomes and Churches About the yeare 1230. the men of Cathnes sore offended with their Bishop named Adam for that upon refusall to pay their Tithes he had accursed and excommunicated them fel upon him within his owne house And first scourging him with Rods at length set fire upon him and burnt him within his owne kitchin Which Act being reported to the Scoâ—tish King Alexander as then sojourning at Edenburgh he hasted forth with all speed to punish the offenders not ceasing till he had taken 400â— of themâ— all which number he caused to be hanged and for that he would have no succession to come of such a wicked seed he appointed all their Sons to lose their stones The place where they were so gelded is called even to this day the Stony-hill The Eaâ—le of Cathnes for that he neither succoured the Bishop in time of need nor yet sought to punish the offenders that did this cruell deed was deprived of his Earledome and the Lands belonging to the same The Pope highly commended King Alexander for this punishment taken of them that had so cruelly murthered their Bishop Thus was one small cruelty occasioned by this Bishops covetousnesse and perversenesse punished with a farre greater yea such a one as is hardly parralleld in story and that by the instigation of the Prelates and Pope who applauded this barbarous cruelty Had all Lordly Traytorly Rebellious and Seditious Prelates beene thus gelded that no succession mighâ— spring from their wicked seed to infest both Chuâ—ch and State it had beene a more profitable and commendable action than the gelding of these poore Laymen King Iames the fourth Anno 1504. when he had formerly ministred justice so amongst his Subjects that they lived in great peace and quietnesse William Elfinstone Bishop of Aberdene one of his Counsell devised wayes to win the King great profit and gaine by calling his Barons and all those that held any Lands within this Realme to shew their evidences by way of recognition and if they had not sufficient writings to shew warrantablâ— by the antecedent Lawes of the Kingdome the Lands should remaine at the Kings pleasure But when the King perceived his people to grudge herewith and not without caâ—se as with a thing devised to disquiet his people and the whole Country of his owne courteous nature he easily agreed with the possessors of such Lands For the which he purchased great love amongst his people and the Bishop the deviser of this Ordinance wanne passing great hatred and malice Anno. 1521. A Parliament was summoned to be kept at Edenburgh the 26. of Ianuary and a generall Sommons of forâ—eiture proclaimed at the Market Crosse in Edenburgh wherein divers were sommoned to make their appearance in the said Parliament to be tryed
for sundry great offences by them committed Whereupon Gawin Dowglasse Bishop of Dunkeld hearing of this Proclamation though not named in it conscious to himselfe of great offences fled into England and remained aâ— London in the Savoy where he dyed Anno 1569. There was a great rebellion in the North by the Earles of Westmorland and Northumberland and others Murray then Regent of Scotland informed Queene Elizabeth that the Bishop of Rosse then in England was the Authour of that Rebellion whereupon he was committed to the Bishop of London to remaine his Prisoner As the Archbishops of Canterbury Primates of all England have beene the greatest Traytors and Incendiaries of all other our Prelates so have the Bishops and Archbishops of Saint Andrewes Primates of all Scotland beene the like in that Realme of which I shall give you a taste In the yeare of our Lord 1180. Richard Bishop of Saint Andrews deceasing there arose a great Schisme about the election of a new Bishop for the canons of the Church of S. Andrews elected Iohn Scot for their Bishop and William King of Scots made choyce of Hugh his Chaplaine and caused him to be consecrated by the Bishops of his Kingdome notwithstanding the said Iohns appeale to the Pope Whereupon Pope Alexander sent Alexis a sub-Deacon of the Church of Rome into Scotland to heare and determine the controversie betweene these two competitors Who after a long debate finding that the said Iohn was Canonically elected and that Hugh after the appeale to the Pope was violently intruded by the King into the Bishopricke of Saint Andrewes immediately deposed him from his Bishopricke and by his authority imposed perpetuall silence on him confirmed the election of Iohn and caused him to be consecrated Bishop of Saint Andrewes by the Bishops of Scotland the King neither prohibiting nor contradicting it yea permitting it by the Counsell of the Bishops of his Realme But immediately after his consecration the King prohibited him to stay within his kingdome and Hugh carryed himselfe as Bishop no lesse than he did before his deprivation and taking with him the Episcopall Chaplet Staffe and Ring with other things he unlawfully detaining them and beginning his journey towards Rome departed And because he would not restore the things he carryed away Allexis excommunicated him interdicted his Bishopricke and the Pope confirmed that sentence Hereupon the Pope writes three Letters one to the Bishops Abbots and Prelates of all Scotland the Prior of Saint Andrewes and the Clergy and people of that Diocesse honourably to receive Iohn as their Bishop within 8 dayes after the receipt of this Letter and to submit unto him as their Bishop and putting on the spirit of fortitude to labour wisely and manfully for the preservation of Ecclesiasticall Justice and to endeavour to appease the Kings displeasure But if the King were averse or inclining to the Counsell of wicked men then they ought to obey God and the holy Church of Rome more than men otherwise he must and would ratifie the sentence which Hugh Bishop of Durham had pronounced against the contumacious and rebellious Another Letter to all the Bishops and Prelates of Scotland to denounce Hugh excommunicated and to avoyd his company as an excommunicate Person till he restored to Iohn the goods of the Church he had taken away and given him competent satisfaction for the things he had destroyed Moreover the Pope granted to Roger Arch-bishop of Yorke a power Legatine in Scotland and commanded him that he together wiâ—h Hugh Bishop of Durham should denounce a â—entence of excommunication against the King of Scotland and interdict his Kingdome unlesse he would permit the said Iohn to hold his Bishopricke in peace and give security to him to keepe the peace And the same Pope strictly commanded Iohn by vertue of his canonicall obedience that neither act of love nor feare oâ— any man nor through any mans suggestion or will he should rashly presume to relinquish the Church of Saint Andrewes to which he was consecrated and in which he was confirmed by Apostolicall authority nor presume to receive another Bishopricke adding that if he should attempt it he would take away both Bishopricks from him without exception After which Pope Alexander writ a Letter to King William himselfe enjoyning him thereby within twenty dayes after the receipt thereof to give peace and security to the Bishop and to receive him unto his favour so that he ought not to doubt the Kings indignation Alioquin noveritis c. Else he should know that he had commanded Roger Archbishop of Yorke Legate of the Apostolicke See in Scotland to put his Kingdome under interdict and to excommunicate his person notwithstanding any appeale And that he should know for certaine that if he persisted in his violence as he had formerly laboured that his kingdome might have liberty so he would thenceforth doe his endeavour Vt in pristinam subjectionem revertatur that it should revert unto its Priestine subjection He meant I take it not to himselfe but to England But the King obeying in nothing his Apostolicall mandates expelled Iohn Bishop of Saint Andrewes and Matthew Bishop of Aberden his Uncle oâ—t of his kingdome Whereupon Roger Arch-bishop of Yorke Hugh Bishop of Durham and Alexis prosecuting the Popes command Pronounced a Sentence of Excommunication against the Kings person and a sentence of Interdict against his Kingdome And Iohn on the other side fulminated a sentence of excommunication against Richard de Mâ—rtue Constable of Scotland and other of the Kings familiars who disturbed the peace betweene the King and him And Roger of Yorke and Hugh of Durham likewise enjoyned the Prior of Saint Andrewes and all Ecclesiasticall persons within the Diocesse to come to Iohn their Bishop and yeeld due subjection to him else they would pronounce a sentence of suspention against them as contumacious and rebellious And when as certaine Ecclesiastickes of the Diocesse for feare of the said suspension came to the said Iohn the King cast them all out of his kingdome with their children and kindred and with their very sucking children yet lying in their swathing cloutes and hanging on their Mothers brests Whose miserable proscription and exile the foresaid Roger of Yorke and Hugh of Durham beholding Reiterated their former excommunication and interdiction Commanding all Bishops Abbots Priors and Ecclesiasticall persons firmely and unmoveably to observe the same and very warily to shunne the King himselfe as an excommunicate Person Not long after Roger of Yorke fell sicke and dyed which the King of Scotâ— hearing rejoyced exceedingly thereat And taking advise with the Bishops Earles and other wise men of his kingdome he sent Ioceline Bishop of Glascow Arnulfe Abbot of Melros and others to Pope Lucius to absolve him from the foresaid Excommunication and interdict and if they might by any meanes to procure Iohn to be deprived By whose solicitation the Pope released the Excommunication and interdict as appeares by his Letter
Cassell was accused by Iohn Gese Bishop of Lismore and Waterford upon 30. Articles layd to his charge After all that he charged him that he made very much of the Irish and loved none of the English that he bestowed no benefice upon any English man and gave order likewise unto other Bishops that they should not conferre the least living thaâ— was â—pon them That he counterfeited the King of Englands seale and the Kings Letters Patents that he went about to make himselfe king of Mounster also that he tooke a Ring away from the Image of Saint Patricke which the Earle of Desmund had offered and bestowed it upon an Harlot of his beside many other enormities which he exhibited in writing And the Lords and Commons were much troubled betweene these twaine Now in the same Parliament there was debate betweene Adam Pay Bishop of Clon and another Prelate â—or that he sayd Adam went about to unite the others Church unto his but the other would not and so they were â—ent and referred unto the Court of Rome and this Parliament lasted 18. dayes Annoâ— 1532. Iohn Allen Arch-bishop of Dublin Chaplaine to Cardinal Wolsie and his Creature put the Earle of Kildare to great trouble wrongfully to take away his life and that out of affection to his Lord and Master the Cardinall This Arch-bishop Anno. 22. H. 8â— was specially and by name excepted out of the Kings generall pardon of the Premunire and other offences granted to all the Clergie that yeare as appeares by the Act it selâ—e 22. H. 8. c. 15. No doubt it was because the King tooke speciall notice of some great injuries and mis-demeanors by him committed which he meant to question him for After this meaning to sayle into England Anno. 1534. and that secretly lurkingâ— as Tartajus Thomas Fitzgerald and others apprehended and haled him out of his Bed brought him naked in his â—hirt bare footed and bare headed to their Captaine whom when the Archbishop espied incontinently hee kneeled and with a pitifull countenance and lamentable voyce he besought him for the love of God not to remember former injuries but to weigh his present calamity and what malice so ever he bare his person yet to respect his calling and vocation in that his enemy was a Christian and he among Christians an Arch-bishop As he spake thus bequeathing his soule to God his body to his enemies mercâ— Thomas Stibon without compassion and withall inflamed wiâ—h desire of revenge turned his horse aside saying in Irish Away with the Churle meaning the Arch-bishop should be detained as Prisonerâ— But the Caitifes present misâ—onstring his words murthered the Arch-bishop without further delay brained and hackt him in gobbets his blood withall crying to God for revenge the place ever since hath beene hedged and imbarred on every side ungrowne and unfrequented for the deâ—estation of the fact rough and â—igorous Justice deadly hatred of the Giraldins for his Masters Wolsies sake and his owne as he had much crossed and bridled them in their governments promoted their accusations and forged a Letter against them to their prejudice and danger as was likely was the cause of his ruine Anno. 1567. Marice a runne gate Priest going to Rome was consecrated Arch-bishop of Cashell by the Pope arriving in Ireland he made challenge to the same See which being denyed to him by the Arch-bishop placed there by the Queene the sayd supposed Bishop sudainely with an Irish scaine wounded the Bishop and put him in danger of his life Annoâ— 1579. The Lord chiefe Justice of Ireland upon suspition of Treason committed the Chauncellor of Liviricke to Prison for which he was indicted and found guilty and the Bishop likewise upon the same suâ—pition was committed Prisoner to his owne houâ—e Anno. 1600. The Rebells of Mounster by their Agents a certaine Spaniard elect Arch-bishop of Dublin the Bishop of Clonfort the Bishop of Killaloe and Archer a Jesuite had obtained at lengâ—h with praying intreating and earnest beseeching at the King of Spaines hands that succour should be sent into Mounster to the Rebels under the conduct of Don Iohn D' Aquila upon assured hope conceived that all Mounster would shortly revolt and the titular Earle of Desmond and Florenâ— Mac-Carti joyne great aydes unto them but Sir George Carew the Lord President of Mounster had providently before intercepted them and sent them over into England Whereupon D' Aquila arrived at Kinsale in Mounster with two thousand Spaniards old Souldiers and certaine Irish Fugitives the last day of October and straight wayes having published a writing wherein he gloriously stiled himselfe with this Title Master Generall and Captaine of the Catholike King in the warre of God for holding and keeping the faith in Ireland endeavoureth to make the world beleeve that Queene Elizabeth by the definitive sentences of the Pope was deprived of her Kingdomes and her Subjects absolved and freed from their Oath of Allegiance and that he and his men were come to deliver them out of the Devills clawes and the English tyranny And verily with thâ— goodly pretence he drew a number of lewd and wicked persons to band and side with him through these Prelates meanes I have now given a short account of some of â—he Irish Prelates disloyall and seditious Actions in â—ormer ages which I shall close up with the accusations and proceedings against some of them within the limits of this last yeare On the fourth of March last the whole house of Commons in Ireland sent up these Articles of High Treason against Iohn Bramham Bishop of Derry and others to the Upper House of Parliament there which I finde Printed with Captaine Audâ—ey Mermin his speech who presented them at the time of their transmission Articles of the Knights Citizens and Burgesses in the Parliament Assembled against Sir Richard Bolton Knight Lord Chancellour of Ireland Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry and Sir Gerard Lowther Knight Lord Chiefe Iustice of the Common Pleas and Sir George Ratcliffe Knight in maintenance of the accusation whereby they and every of them stand charged with High Treason FIrst that they the sayd Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry c. intending the destruction of the Common-wealth of this Realme have trayterously confederated and conspired together to subvert the fundamentall Laws and government of this Kingdome and in pursuance thereof they and every of them have trayterously contrived introduced and exercised an arbitrary and tyrannicall government against Law throughout this Kingdome by the countenance and assistance of Tâ—omas Earle of Strafford then chiefe Governour of this Kingdome That they and every of them the sayd Iohn Lord Bishop of Derry c. have trayterously assumed to themselves and every of them regall power over the goods persons Lands and liberties of his Majesties subjects of this Realme and likewise have maliciously perfidiously and trayterously given declared pronounced and published many false unjust and erronious opinions Judgements Senâ—ences and Decrees in extra
The proud Pope put him out So of his Realme is in doubt But Lords bâ—ware and them defend For now these folk been wondrous stout Moses Law forbade iâ— thâ— That Priests should no Lordships weld Christs Gospell biddeth also That they shoâ—ld no Lordshipâ— held Ne Christs Apostles were never so bold No such Lordships to them embrace But â—â—neren her â—â—eep and keep her fold God amend hem for his grace c. This Booke of Chaucer was authorised to be printed by Act of Parliament in the 34. and 3â— Hen. 8. C. 2. When the Prelates by the same Act prohibited both the printing and reading of the Bible in English such was their piety About the same time there was a device or counterfeit letter fained under the nâ—â—e of Luâ—ifer Prince of darknesse written to the persâ—cuting Prâ—lâ—tes of England in those times and transcribed by Master Fox out of the Register of the Bishop of Hereford and written as some thinke by William Swinderby or some other Lollard The coppy whereof I shall here insert because it lively sets sorth the use and benefit that the Devill makes of our Lordly Prelates and the ill effects of their great wealth and power to the great prejudice both of our Church and State I LVCIFER Prince of Darknesse and profound heavinesse Emperour of the high Misteries of the King of Acharoâ—t Captaine of the Dungeon King of Hell and controuler of the infernall fire To all our children of pride and companions of our Kingdome and especially to our Princes of the Church of this later age and time of which our adversary Jesus Christ according to the Prophet saith I hate the Church or Congregation of the wicked send greeting and wish prosperity to all that obey our commandements as also to all those that be obedient to the Lawes of Satan already enacted and are diligent observers of our behests and the precepts of our decree Know ye that in times past certaine Vicars or Vicegerents of Christ following his steps in miracles and virtues living and continuing in a beggarly life converted in a manner the whole World from the yoake of our tyranny unto their Doctrine and manner of life to the great derision and contempt of our Prison-house and kingdome and also to the no little prejudice and hurt of our jurisdiction and authority not fearing to hurt our fortified power and to offend the Majesty of our estate For then received we no tribute of the World neither did the miserable sort of common people rush at the gates of our deepe dungeon as they were wont to do with continual pealing and rapping but then the easie pleasant and broad way which leadeth to death lay still without great noyse of trampling travellers neither yet was trod with feet of miserable men And when all our Courts were without Suitors Hell then began to howle And thus continuing in great heavinesse and anguish was robbed and spoyled Which thing considered the impatient rage of our stomack could no longer suffer neither the ugly rechlesse negligence of our great Captainâ— generall could any longer endure it But we seâ—king remedy for the time that should come after have provided us of a very trim shift For in stead of these Apostles and other their adherents which draw by the same line of theirs as well in manners as doctrine and are odious enemies to us Wee have caused you to be their Successors and put you in their place which be Prelates of the Church in these later times by our great might and subtilty as Christ hath said of you They have raigned but not by me Once we promised unto him all the Kingdomes of the World if he would fall downe and worship us but he would not saying My Kingdome is not of this World and went his way when the multitude would have made him a temporall King But to you truely which are fallen from the state of grace and that serve us in the earth is that my promise fulfilled and all terrene things by our meanes which wee bestowed upon you are under government For he hath said of us ye know The Prince of this World cometh c. And hath made us to raigne over all children of unbeleife Therefore our adversaries before recited did patiently submit themselves unto the Princes of the World and did teach that men should doe so saying Be ye subject to every creature for Gods cause whether it be to the King as most chiefest And againe Obey ye them that are made rulers over you â— For so their Master commanded them saying The Kâ—ngs of the Heathen have dominion over them c. But I thinke it long till we have powred our poyson upon the earth and therefore fill your selves full And now be ye not unlike those Fathers but also contrary unto them in your life and conditions and extoll your selves above all other men Neither doe ye give unto God that which belongeth to him nor yet to Caesar that which is his but exercise you the power of both the Swordsâ— according to our decrees making your selves doers in worldly matters fightâ—ng in our quarrell intangled with secular labours and businesse And clime ye by little and little from the miserable state of poverty unto the highest Seats of all Honours and the most Princely places of dignity by your devised practises and false and deceitfull wiles and subtilty that is by Hypocrisie Flattery Lying Perjury Treasons Deceiâ—s Simony and other greaâ—er wickednesse then which our internall furies may devise For after that ye have been by us advanced thither where ye would be yet that doth not suffice you but as greedy starvelings more hungry then ye were before ye suppresse the poore scratch and rake together all that comes to hand perverting and turning every thing topsie â—urvey so swolne that ready ye are to burst for pride living like Lechers in all corporall delicatenesse and by fraud directing all your doings You challenge to your selves names of honour in the earth calling your selves Lords Holy yea and most holy Fathers Thus either by violence ye raven or else by ambition subtilly ye pilfer away and wrongfully wrest and by false title possesse those goods which for the sustentation of the poore members of Christ whom from our first fall we have hated were bestowed and given consuming them as ye your selves list and wherewith ye cherish and maintaine an innumerable sort of Whores Strumpets and Bawdes with whom ye ride pompously like mighty Princes farre otherwise going then those poore beggarly Priests of the primitive Church For I would ye should build your selves rich and gorgeous Palaces Ye fare like Princes eating and drinking the most daintiest meates and pleasantest wines that may be gotten Ye hoard and heape together an infinite deale of treasure not like to him that said Gold and silver have I none Ye serve and fight for us according to your wages O most acceptable society
consent placed Bishops where there were Flamines and three Archbishops where there were Arch Flamines turning the three Archâ—flamines Sees in the three chiefe Cities into Arch-bishoprickes and the 28. Flamines Sees into 28 Bishoprickes This is punctually averred for Truth by Geofry Monmoth Histor. Brit. l. 2. c. 1. Edit Ascent l. 4. c. 19. Edit Heidelb by Gildâ—s in his Booke De victoria Aurelii Ambrosii by Gervasius Tilburiensis de Otiis Imperialibus ad Othonem Imperatorem Historiolae Wintoniensis Ecclesiae Alphredus Beuer lacensis Radulphus de Diceto Bartholomaeus de Cotton Gerardus Cornubiensis Ranulphus Cestrensis the Authors of the History of Rochester of the Chronicles of Hales and Dunstaple of the Booke of Abingdon of the Geneologicall Chronicle of the Monastery of Hales and of the Abbreviated Chronicle of the Britaines Thomas Rudburne Thomas Stubs Thomas Harfield Ponticus Virunnius Polydor Virgil Martinus Polonus Pâ—olomaeus Lucensis Tuscus cited by Ioannis Leydensis in Chronico Belgico l. 2. c. 1. Ioannis Bâ—ptista Platina in vita Eleutherii Iacobus Philippus Bergomiensis Suppl Chron. l. 8. Nauclerus vol. 1. Chronograph gen 30. Vol. 2. Gen. 6. Tritemius compend l. 1. Pope Leo the ninth Epist. 4. Guilielmus Durandus Rationaleâ— l. 2. c. 1. n. 21 22. Polydorus Virgilius de Jnventâ— rerumâ— l. 4. c. 11. All quoted to my hand by that excellent learned Antiquary Bishop Vsher. De Britannicarum Ecclesiarum primordiis c. 5. p. 56 57 58 59.99.100 To whom I might adde Matthew Parker his Antiquitates Ecclesiae Brit. p. 7. Iohn Fâ—x his Acts and Monuments Edit ult Vol. 1. p. 138 139. Iohn Speed in his History of Great Britaine p. 132. Richard Grafton in his Chronicle part 7. p. 83. William Harrison in his Description of England l. 2. c. 1 2. With many more of our owne Writers and generally all the Canonists and Glossers on Gratian Dictinctio 80. and the Schoolemen on Peter Lombard sent l. 4. distinct 24 who concuâ—re in this opinion For in Gratian distinct 80. f. 130. I find these two decrees cited the one of Pope Lucinus with this Rubricke prefixed In what places Primates and Patriarches ought to be ordained The Cities and places wherein Primates ought to preside were not ordained by moderne times but long before the comming of Christ to whose Primates even the Gentiles did appeale for their greater businesses In those very Cities after the comming of Christ the Apostles and their Successors placed Patriarches and Primates to whom the businesses of Bishops yet saving the Apostolicall authority in all things and the greater causes after the Apostolike See are to be referred On which Iohn Thierry and others make this glosse Primates are constituted there where heretofore the proto-Flamines of the Gentiles were placed Arch-Bishops where there were Arch-Flamines Bishops where their Flamines were and this for the most part if wee may credite them was done by Saint Peters appointment The second is this Decree of Pope Clemens which warrants this glosse In those Cities wherein heretofore among the Ethnickes their chiefe Flamines and prime Doctors of the Law were placed Saint Peter commanded but God knowes when and where Primates or Patriarches of Bishops to be placed who should agitate the causes of the rest of the Bishops and the greater businesses in Faith But in those Cities in which in times past among the foresaid Ethnickes their arch-Flamines were whom yet they held to be lesse than their foresaid Primates he commanded Arch-bishops to be iustituted but in every other particular Cityâ— he commanded one sole Bishop and not many to be ordained who should onely â—btaine the name of Bishops because among the Apostles themselves there was the like institution sed unus praefuit omnibus but one had authority over the rest which is most false On which the glosse thus descants The Gentiles had three Orders of Priests to wit proto-Flamines arch-Flamines and Flamines In the place of the proto-Flamines Peter commanded Patriarches to be placed who should take conusance of the greater causes of other Bishops in the place of arch-Flamines Arch-bishops in the place of Flamines Bishops of whom there ought to be but one in every City Which Graiâ—an himselfe thus backes in his 21 Distinction There is a certaine distinction observed among Priests whence others are called simply Priests others arch-Priests others chorall Bishops others Bishops othâ—rs Arch-bishops or Metropolitanes others Primates others chiefe Priests Horum discretio a Gentibus maxime introducta est The distinction of these was principally intâ—oduced by the Gentiles who called their Flamines some simply Flamines others Arch-flamines others Proto-flamines All which Peter Lombard the Father of the Schoolemen affirming after Gratian in his lib. 4. Sentenâ—iarum Dist. 24. made this to passe as an undubitable verity among all the Canonists and Schoolemen There is onely one thing needs explanation in these Popes dâ—crees and that is what is meant by Saint Peter who is made the Author of this Institution For this we need resort no further then to the Decree of Pope Nicholas recorded by the same Gratian Distinct 22. c. Omnes f. 33. Omnes sive Patriarchae cujuslibet apicem sive Metropoleon primatus Episcopatuum cathedras vel Ecclesiarum sive cujuscunque ordinis dignitatem instituit Romana Ecclesia By which it is evident that by Saint Peter is meant the Church and Popes of Rome who stile themselves oft times Peter in their bulls and writings as well as his successors By all these Authorities compared together it is evident that our Arch-bishops and Bishops had their Originall Institution from the Church and Popes of Rome and that not out of their imitation of any divine patterne or forme of government prescribed by Christ in Scripture and setled in those primitive Churches of the Genâ—iles which the Apostles planted and to whom they directed their Epistles but out of an apish imitation of the Heathenish Hierarchicall government of the Idolatrous Proto-Flamines Arch Flamines and Flamines used among the Pagan Gentiles and Britaines before their conversion to the Christian Faith in whose very places Sees and forme of government they succeeded Eleutherâ—us instituting and ordaining that all or the most part of the Arch-Flamines which is to meane Arch-bishops and Bishops of the Pagan Law which at that day were in number three Arch Flamines and 28 Flamines should be made Arch bishops and Bishops of the Church of Christ as Grafâ—on and others write in positive termes which if it be true as this cloud of witnesses averre it will thence necessarily follow that our Archâ—bishops and Bishops are not of divine and Apostolicall but rather of Papall and Eâ—hnicall institution and a meere continuance of the Diabolicall heathenish Hierarchy exercised among the Idolatrous Priests in times of Paganisme within our Iâ—land and so by necessary consequence they and their government are rather to be utterly extirpated then perpetuated in our Christian reformed Church which ought
Majesties royall prerogative more oppressive to his Loyall Subjects and more destructive to the fundamentall Lawes of the Realme and liberties of the Subject than all other professions of men whatsoever For first they have presumed to keepe Consistories Visitations Synods and exercise all manner of Episcopall Jurisdiction in their Diocesse without his Majesties speciall Letters Patents or Commissions under the great Seale of England authorizing them to doe it contrary to the Statutes of 26. Hen. 8. c. 1.37 Hen. 8. c. 17. 1 Ed. 6. c. 2. 1. Eliz. c. 1.5 Eliz. c. 1. and 8. Eliz. c. 1. Secondly they have dared to make out all their Processes Citations Excommunications Suspensions Sentences Probates of Wills Letters of Administation Writs of Iure Patronatus accounts of Executors and the like in their owne names and Stiles and under their owne Seales alone not the Kings as if they were the onely Kings the Supreame Ecclesiasticall heads and Governours of the Church of England not his Majesty contrary to the Statutes of 37. H. 8. c. 17. 1 Ed. 6. c. 2. 1 Eliz. c. 1. 1 Jac. c. 25. Thirdly they have presumed in Printed Bookes to justifie these proceedings to be Lawfull and not content herewith they have most audaciously caused all the Judges of England to resolve and moved his Majestie to dâ—clare and proclaime these their disloyall unjust usurpations on his Crowne to be just and legall when as I dare make good the contrary against all the Prelaâ—es and Lawyers of England and have done it in part in my Breviate of the Prelates intolerable incroachments upon the Kings Prerogative royall and the Subjects Liberties This resolution of â—he Judges against the Kings Prerogative the Prelates have caused to be â—nrolled both in the High Commission at Lambeth and Yorke and in all their Ecclesiasticall Courts throughout England in perpetuam rei memoriam the Arch-bishop of Canterbury keeping the Originall certificate of the Judges among the records of his Court as a good evidence against his Majesty and his successors Fourthly they have pillored stigmatized banished close imprisoned and cut off the eares of those who have opposed these their encroachments upon his Majesties Prerogative Royall according to their Oath and duty to deterre all others from defending his Majesties Title Fifthly they have taken upon them to make Print and publish in their owne names by their owne authorities without his Majesties or the Parliaments speciall License new Visitation Oathes Articles Injunctions Canons Ordinances Rites and Ceremonies enforced them on Ministers Church Wardens Sidemen and others and excommunicated suspended silenced fâ—ned imprisoned and persecuted his Majesties faithfull and loyalest Subjects for not submitting to them contrary to the Statutes of 25. H. 8. c. 19.21.27 H. 8. c. 15.3 Ed. 6. c. 10.11 1 Eliz. c. 2.13 Eliz. c. 12. Magna Charta c. 29. and the Petition of Right Sixthly they have presumed to grant Licenses to marry without banes and to eate flesh on fasting dayes in their owne names a Prerogative peculiar to the King alone who onely can dispense with penall Lawes and the booke of Common Prayer which enjoyne no marriages to be solemnized unlesse the Banes be first thrice asked in the Church Seventhly they have adventured to hold plea of divers cases in their Consistories of which the Conusance belongs onely to the Kings temporall Courts which the formes of Proâ—ibitions and Ad Iura Regia in the Register determine to be a dis-inheriting of the Kings Crowne and Royall dignity a contempt derogation and grievous prejudice to his Royall authority and intolerable rebellion affront disloyalty and contuâ—acy to his Soveraigne Iurisdiction Eighthly they have stopped the current of the Kings owne Prohibitions to their Ecclesiasticall spitefull Courts in cases where they have beene usually granted in former ages even in times of Popery and of the most domineering Prelates and oft questioned threatned convented the Kings Judgeâ— before the King and Lords of the Councell for granting them An insolency and affront to Soveraigne Justice which no former ages can Parallell Ninthly they have disobeyed his Majesties Prohibitions proceeded in contempt and despite of them yea they have committed divers to prison who have sued for and delivered Prohibitions in a faire dutifull manner in the High Commission Court and Articled against one Mr. Iohn Clobery in the High Commission onely for suing out of a Prohibition to that Court as if it were a Capitall oâ—fence For which contumâ—cy and Rebellion their temporalities might bee justly seised into the Kings hands and themselves attainted in a Preâ—unire Adde to this that the now Archbishop of Canterbury hath many times openly protested in Court that he would breake both the necke and backe of Prohibitions And Matthew Wren whilst Bishop of Norwich in the 14. yeare of his Mâ—jesties reigne procured his Majestie to declare under his Highnesse great Seale of England his royall pleasure That if any person within the sayd City of Norwhich should refuse to pay according to the rate of two shillings the pound in lieu of the Tithes of Houses unto the Minister of any Parish within the sayd City that the same should be heard in the Court of Chancery or in the Consistory of the Bishop of Norwich And that in such Case no Prohibition should be granted against the said Bishop of Norwich their Chancellors or Commissaries in the sayd Courts of Consistory Tenthly they hâ—ve disobeyed and contemned his Majesties just and lawfull-commands in a most pâ—remptory and insolent manner of which I shall give onely one memorable instance His Majesty about the yeare of our Lord 1629. taking notice of the Bishops Non-residence from their Bishoprickes and how they lived for the most part idlely in London hunting after new prefeâ—ments to the ill example of the inâ—erior Clâ—rgiâ— the delapidation and ruine of their mansion houses the decay of Hospitality the impairing of their woods and temporalties the increase of Popery and decrease of Religion was pleased to send a letter to Doctor Abbot then Arch-Bishop of Canterbury for the redresse of the sayd inconveniences commanding him in his Royall name to enjoyne every Bishop then residing about London upon his Canonicall Obedience under paine of his Majesties displeasure forthwith to repaire to his Bishopricke and no longer to abide about London The Arch-Bishop hereupon sends his Secretary with this his Majesties Letter to the Bishops then in London and Westminster charging them upon their Canonical Obedience according to this Letter presently to depart to their several Bishoprickes His Secretary repaired with this Letter and the Arch-bishops instructions to Dr Howson the Bp of Durham lodging on Snowhill neare Sepulchers Church and required him in the Arch-bishops name by vertue of his Canonicall obedience to repaire to his Bishoprick according to his Majesties command He hereupon in a great rage giving the Secretary some harsh words told him plainly that he neither would nor could obey this mandate for he had many great
47 48. c. 22.23 to 28. Iob. 18.36 (e) 1 Pet. 5.1 to 6. 1 Ioh. 2 15â— 16.3 Iob. 9 10. 2 Cor. 1.24 (f) Quic undquâ— deâ—ideraverit Primâ—tum in terra inveniet in coelo conâ—usionem ut jam inrer servos Christi non sit dâ— Primatu certamen Opus imperâ— in Matt. Hom. 35. See more to this purpose there (g) See Vita Bernardi before his workes Cl. Espencaus Digres in 1 Tim. l. 3. c. 6â— p. 330. (h) Erubesce O superbe cinis Deus se humiliat tu tâ— exaltas Deus se hominibus subdit tu dominari gestiens tuo te praeponis authori Vtinam tale me quid cogitantem Deus uti suum olim Apostolum increpare dignaretur Vade post me satana non sapis quae Dei sunt Quotiens hominibus praeesse defidero totiens Deum meum praeire contendo tunc quae verè Dei sunt non sapio Bernard Homil. 1. de laudibus Mariae Virginis p. 18. (i) Augustin de gestis cum Emerita Donatist Epis lib. Tom. 7. parsâ— p. 782. An vero Redemptor noster de coelis in humana memâ—bra desâ— endit ut membra ejus essemus nos ne ipsa ejus membra crudeli divisione lanientur de Cathedris descendere formidamus Episcopi propter Christianos populos ordinamur Quod ergo Christianis populis ad Christianam pacem prodest hoc de nostro Episcopatu facâ—amus Quod sum propter te sum si tibi prodest non sum si tibi obest si servi utiles sumus cur Domini aeternis lucris pro nostris temâ—poralibus â—ublimitatibus invidemus Episcopalis dignitas fâ—ucâ—uosior nobis erit si gregem Christi deposita magis collegerit quam retenta disperserit fratres mei si Dominum cogitamus locus ille altior specula vinitoris est non fastigium superbientis si cum volo retinere Episcopatum meum dispergo gregem Christi quomâ—do est damnum gregis honor Pastâ—ris â— Nâ—â— qua fronte in futuro seculo promissum à Christo sperabimus honoâ—em si Christianam in hoc seculo noster honor impedit unitatem (k) See the Booke of Comâ—mon prayer in Publike Baptisme (l) Ad Clâ—ruâ— ad Pastores Sermâ— in Concil Rhâ—mâ—ns (m) Esay 58.12 * The Relator of the Conference at Hampton Court p. 36. * See Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 15. to 29. * Virg. Eclâ—g 3. p. 8. * Zuidas Hâ—lioke Natalâ—s Comes Diodâ—â—us Siculus Vaâ—â—o and others thus describe him 1 ODO * Wil. Malms de Gestis Pontificum Angl. l. 1. p. 201. Mat. West Flores Hist. An. 955 957 958. Antiq. Eccl. Brit. Odo Sevâ—rus p. 46 47.51 52 53. Speeds History of Great Brittaine l. 7. Monarch 29. p. 403.404 Fox Acts and Monuments p. 137. Godwyns Catalogue of Bishops p. 62 64 65. * See Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p 52.53 Holinsh Hist. of England l. 6. c. 21. p. 157. * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 61.62 See part 2. p. 227.228 2 DUNSTAN * In vita Sanctâ— Editha * History of Great Brittaine l. 7 c. 42. sect 21. p. 409. c. 43. sect 1. p. 410. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p 61 62. Holinshed Hist. of England l. 6. c. 23 p. 59. l. 7. c. 1. p. 164.165 l. 6. c. 24. p. 161. c. 25. p. 162. Fox Acts and Monuments vol. 1. p. 201.202 * An impudent audacious Aâ—â— * Malmsbury de Reg. Angl. l. 2. c. 10. p. 62. Speed l. 7. c. 43 44. p. 413 414. * Math. Westm. An. 983. p. 379. Speedâ— p. 414. Ant. Eccles. Brit. 61. Malms de Gestis Regum Angl. l. 2. c. 10. p. 62. Holinshed History of Englaâ—d l. 7. c. 1. * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 52 53. Holinshed Hist. of England l. 6. c. 22 p. 158. 3 SIRICIUS * Malms de Gâ—st Poâ—tif l. 1. f. 203. de Gestis Râ—gum Ang. l. 2. c. 10. p. 62. Heâ—ry Hâ—â—tingdon Hist. l. 5. p. 357. Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 64. Godwins Catal. of Bishops p. 65. Hâ—linshâ—d Hist. of Engl. l. 7. c. 2. p. 166. * M. Tindall obedience of a Christian Man p. 116.152 4 ROBERT Wil. Malms de Gestis Pontiâ—icum Angl. l. 1. p. 204. Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 73. to 79. Godwyns Catalogue of Bishops p. 68 69 70. Speed l. 7. c 3. p. 203.413.414 Holinshed Hist. of England l. 8. c. 2.4 †See here the Pride malice desperate ambition and impietie of Arch-Prelates thus injuriously to set the Sonne against the Mother †Loe how Bishops Lord and Tyrannize it over Kings themselves * Malmes de Gestâ—s Regum Angl. l. 2. c. 13. p. 82. * Malmes de Gest. Pont. Angl. l. 1. p. 205. de Gestis Reg. Aâ—g l. 3. p. 102. Ant. Eccl. Brit. p. 89.90.91 Speeds History l. 9. c. 2. p. 435 436 437. Polichron l. 6. c. 29. l. 3. c. 1 2 3 4. Mat. West An. 1067 1070. Godâ—â—ns Catal. of Bishopâ— p 71 72 73. Holâ—nshed Vol. 3. p. 8 9. Hist. of Engl. l. 8. c. â— 5 STIGAND * Mat. Paris hist Major p. 8. Speed hist. l. 9. c. 2. p. 441.443 Holâ—nsh p. 8 9. 5 LANFRANK * Maâ— West Au. 1088 1089 1090. Mat. Pariâ— p. 13.14 Wil. Malâ—s de Gest. Reg. Aâ—gl l. p. 4.120 121. Antiq. Eccl. Brâ—t p. 100. Godâ—iâ—s Catal. of Bps p. 74.75 Speed l. 9. c. 3. p. 456.457 to 464. Holinsh. Vol. 3. p. â—â— 17 18. †Speed l. 5. c. 3. Sect. 34. p. 463. †Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 100. †Eadmerus Hist. noâ—orum l. 1.2.3 Speed l. 9. c. 3. sect 33.34 35. p. 462 463 464 Malms de gestis Pontif. Anâ—lâ— 1â—â— 219. to 230. Antiq. Eâ—â—les Brit. p. 10â— c. Godâ—â—nâ— Catal. of Bishops p. 76. c. For Acts and Monument p. 169 170.171 c. Holinsh. Vol. â— f. 22. to 36. Walâ—â—â—â—ham Ypodigma Nâ—ustr p. 35. 6 ANSELME * Anno 1091. p. 1. * Mat. Paris Hist. Major p. 51 52. Caxton Pars. 7. in his life Wil. Maâ—ms de gestisâ— Râ—g Angl. l. 4. p. 125.126 Eadmerus hist. Novâ—rum l. 2 3. Huntingd. Hist. l. 7. p. 378. Mat. Westm. An. 1100 p. 21. Godwins Catal. p. 77. * Mat West An. 1102.1104.1107 Eadmeâ—uâ— Hist. l. 3 4 5. vita Anselm Malms de gestis Pontif. Angl. l. 1. in vita Anselm Mat. Paris Hist. Major p. 56 57â— 60. Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 103. to 111. Godwins Catalogue of Bishops p. 78 79 80. M. Tindals practise of the Popish Prelates p. 374. Speeds Hist. of Great Brit. l. 9. p. 463 469 472. * De Ge◠〈◊〉 Angl. l 〈◊〉 123. 8 RALPH * Eadmerus hist. Novorum l. â— p. 137. Rogerus dâ— de Costrias Antiq. Eccl. Btis p. 111 112. Polichron l. 7. c. 15. Speeds History of Great Britaine p. 475. * Polichâ—on l. 7. c. 15. * Speed p. 475. †Antiq. Ecclâ—s Brit. p. 112. 9 WILLIAM * Polychron l. 7. c. 18. Fabian pars 7. c. 232. pag. 333. c. Malmâ—b Hist. l. 1. p. 178 179. Matth. Paris Hist. Major p. 71. Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 115.
Pet. 5. (r) 2 Cor. 8. (s) 1 Cor. 4. (t) Mat. 20. * Note this (v) In 6. lib. 2. dâ—sent â—â— judicata cap. pastoralis in verbâ— Homagiâ— Excuse the Bishops perjury who can * Di. 23. Qui episcopus ex concilio 4 Cartha (y) Tim. 3. Tit. 1. Who is lawfull to be Pope The Popes wickednesse described at large The Pope dotâ— practise Counsels against thâ— honorable state of Princes (z) Quest. 6. câ— Aliuâ— Hâ—re is specially to be noted the practise of Pâ—â—lates For 〈◊〉 are the doingâ— of the Holy â—â—ther of Rome that for Rebellion against Princes he would give absolution but for matter against his Popedome there was never absolution might be obtained The Popes Regals Peter was acquainted with his nets but not with Regals In verbâ—s â—â—lus 〈◊〉 These Articles be now granted and are no Heresie The Prelates cannot abide to use obedience to their Prince We have beenâ— led by blind guiders The Kings power is immediately of God 1. Pet. 2. Rom. 13. He that defendeth the Pope against his Soveraigne Lord or Lady is an unnaturall Subject Saving of Order hath two significations The Pope will hold a Councell when and where it pleaseth him Iu. 6. l. 1. de Majoritate obedientia Delecti â—iliâ— De Iureiuâ—ando c. Ego in verbo singulis The Prelates will obey the Pope but not the Prince A devilish Practise of Prelates The Bishops sweare to visit the Pope yearely The Pope taketh sure Order with his Bishops 12 Quest. 2. â— Quantu de Reditibus c. Mos est 12 Quest. 2. cap. Non liceat Papâ— In 6. Tit. 4. c. Ad Apost in verbo Coâ—tinâ—tar This is the clause that mâ—intaineth the Popes Pompe and glory and this is that that giveth him liberty to say and doe what he will Dist. 40. c. Non nos Gloâ—sâ— in verbo quis The Preachers of the Doctrine of Christ must needs be Heretickes for the sayd Doctrine is against the Pope 2 Joh. 7. they preach against the Pope therefore are Heretickes The writers Petition to the Kings Grace (a) Antiquit Eccles Brit. f. 346. to 380.436 Godwin p. 166. to 170. Holinshed p. 878.910 to 923. 31 WILLIAM WARHAM * For which Office of Execution he had an annuall Fee from the Arch-bishop worthy so great an Arch-bishop and so great a man Antiqu. Eccl. Briâ— p. 436. (b) Antiquit. Eccles. Brit. p. 350.351.352.436 (c) Holinshed p. 812. (d) Holinshed p. 911.912 Hall 22. H. 8. fol. 188.189 whose words are here but transcribed * Note the mischiefe of Prelates being great temporall Officers * What ever makes against the Bishops gaines be they never so unjust must be said to tend to the Churches destruction * A silly and false evasion of a Prelate (e) See these 2 Acts yet in force viz. 21. H. 8. c. 4.5 (f) 21. H. 8. c. 13. * It is no new thing for Priests to rayle against Parliaments for making good Lawes to order them (g) 22. H. â— c. 15. (h) See Fox Acts and Monuments p. 952. and in the pages before (i) Hâ—linsâ—ed p. 936 937. Hall An. 25. H. 8. f. 218. b. Speed p. 1029. 34 THOMAS CRANMER (k) Fox Acts and Monuments pag. 1703. (l) Antiq. Ecclâ—s Brit. p. 381. to 405. Fox Actâ— and Monuments p. 1690. to 17â—â— (m) 31. H. 8. c. 10.37 H. 8. c. 17 〈◊〉 Acts monuments p. 1074. to 1089 99â— 1000 1001. (n) Fox Acts and Monuments pag. 1698. Antiquit. Eccles. Brit. pag. 401. (o) Holinshed p. 1090.1093 (p) Crâ—mptons Jurisdic of Courts f. 12. b. (q) Holinshed p. 1091. (r) See Fox Acts and Monuments in their histories (s) Speed history p. 1033. (t) Thomas Cranmer (u) Iohn Fisher. (x) Iohn Longâ—and (s) Acts and monuments p. 1472 old edition (t) Halls Chronicle 31. H. 8. f. 234. Holinshed p. 946. Speed p. 1044 1045. (u) Acts Monuments p. â— 586 587.589.1289.1472 old edition (x) Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 389 390.396 (y) 32. H. 8. c. 10.35 H. 8. c. 5.6 (z) â— Antiq Eccles Brit. p. 403â— 404. â— (a) Fox Acts and Monuments vol. 3. p. 666 667. in the last edition Antiq. Eccles Brit. p. 403. (b) Holinshed p. 1089. (c) Fox Acts and monuments old Edition p. 881.884 885. Speed p. 1223. 35 CARDINAL POOLE (d) Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 405. to 424. Godwin p. 171 172. Speed p. 1143 1144. fol. 60 61. (f) Recorded in M. Fox Acts and monumens pag. 972. and Thomas Bacons reports of certaine men volâ— f. 266.267 The manifold ingratitude of Pâ—â—le (g) In his reports of certaine men vol. 3. f. 279 280. The madnesse of the Pope against England Reginald Pole his unnaturalnesse to the Realme of England The Pope mover of waâ—res Breakers of peace and sowers of discord are the children of the devill (h) Antâ—q Eccles. Brit. p. 408. (i) 〈…〉 (k) Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. qua suprâ—â— (l) Godâ—â—â— pag. 124. to 129. See Speed p. 1143 1144. Martinâ— Hist p. 397 to 401. (m) 1. 2. Phil. Mary ch 8. See Holinshed p. â—1â—2 1123. The submission of the whole Realme to the Pope Schisme and disobedience against the Seâ— Apostolike 25. H. 8. c. 19.21.26 H. 8. c. 1.3.27 H. 8. c. 15.28 H. 8. c. 7.10.31 H. 8. c. 10.14.32 H. 8. c. 22 24 26.33 H. 8. c. 29.34 35. H. 8. c. 17.19.35 H. 8. c. 1.3.37 H. 8. â— 17. * More care is here taken for the Popes than Queenes supremacy * Restored here to their jurisdiction together with the Pope as members of his body * See the Brâ—viate of the Prelates Encroachments c. p. 106 107â— 114 115.125.1â—6.127.91 to 100â— * Fox Acts and monuments in the old Edition p. 684 689.924â—690 In that of 1610. p. 1294.1495 * Fox Acts and Monuments old Edition p. p. 9â—4 * Fox Acts and Monuments p. 927. * See the Hiâ—â—ory the Councill of Trent p 339. to 3â—5 Sir Iohn Davis Irish Reports f. 97.98 See the Brâ—viaâ—â— p. 91. to 100. Cooke Caâ—dries Case f. â— * See I new discovery of the Prelates tyranny p. 34. c. * Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 422. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 1537. in the old Edition * Antiq. Ecclesiae Brit. p. 420.421 * Holinsâ—ed p. 1134. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 422. * See Martins Chronicle p. 415.416 Gâ—dwin p. 125 126.12â— * Speedes History p. 1145. * Hollinshed p. 1165. * Speed p. 1153. Godwin p. 128. * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 423. 36 MATTHEW PARKER * Antiqâ— Eccles. Brit. p. 427. c. 436.437 Martinâ— History p. 508. â—â—â— * Martiâ—s History p. 548.549.550.552 * Spâ—â—d p. 1170. to 1176. Martins Chron. p. 557. to 560. 37 EDMVND GRINDALL * Martyns History p. 662.654 655. Continuation of Holinshâ—d pag. 1322. to 1329. 38 IOHN WHITEGIFT * See Sr Gâ—orge Paul in the life of Whitegift Martyns Hist. p. 663.676.761 762.780 781 782 783. Iohn Penry his supplication to the Parliament the Petition to Qu. Elizabeth The Registerâ— The
Abstract of certaine Acts of Parliamenâ— The Demonstration of Discipline M. Cartâ—rights reply Marâ—in Marprâ—latâ— and others 39 RICHARD BANCROFT * In his Sermon at Pauls Crosse by D. Reynolds in his letter to Sr. Francis Knoles * Martyns Chron. p. 793. p. 48 49. * In his certaine grievances well worthy the consideration of the right honourable Court of Parliament p. 14 15. 40 GEORGE ABBOT 41 AVGVSTINE * See Antiq. Eccles Brit. p. 15. to 45. 1. to 7. Fox Acts monuments p. 149. to 156. Malmesde gestis Pontif. l. 1. William Harrisons Description of England l. 2. c. 1.2 * See Greg. Epist. l. 11. epist. 36.44 and Morney his mystery of iniquity Sect. 22. p. 116 117. * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 4 5 6 7. Matth. Westm. An. 603. p. 204 205 206. Beda Eccles. hist. l. 2. c. 21 22. Fox Acâ—â— and Monuments p. 153 154. Polichron l. 5. c. 19. f. 194 195. Fabian part 5. c. 109 110. Malmesb. l. 5. de Regibus Hâ—â—ricâ— Spelmanâ—â— concilia tom 1. p. 104. to 112. Godwinâ— catalogue of Biâ—hops p. 5 6. Iacob Vsserius de Britannicarum Ecclesiarprimâ—rdiis pag. 133 9â—2.1157 Malmes de gestis regum Aâ—gliâ— l. 1. c. 3. * Epitom Chron. * Amandus Xiâ—â—ixiensis * Antiq. Eccles. â—rit p. 4 5. where hee notably inveighs against ceremomonies and the â—igorous presâ—â—ng of them 42 WILIAM LAUD * Sunday no Sabbath p. 2.43 44. Altare Christianum * See D. Râ—â—naldâ— conference with Haâ—â— c. 6. Divil 3. p. 210. to 218. Christopher Câ—rlilâ— his St Peters life and peregrination proving that Peter was never at Romeâ— M. Bâ—rnard his fabulous foundation of the Popedome * See M. Râ—usâ— his speech to the Lords at the Transmission of M. Smarts cause Mr. Pimmes Speech See thâ— Charge of the Scâ—ttish Commissioners against Canterbury * Which Doctor Pierce Bishop of Bath and Welâ— in his speech to hiâ— Clergy to set on this contribution stiled Bellum Episcopale adding that whatâ—â—ver his Majesty had expressed in his Declarationâ— tâ— be the cause of this warrâ— yet in truth this warre is FOR VS Bishopsâ— Chaptâ—â— 7. * The Relation of his Confâ—rence with Fisher p. 132.142.296 â—â—8 301 * Relation of his Conferencâ— with Fiâ—â—er p. 270. * Ibidem p. 384.385 * See Antiq. Eccles Brit. p. 8. Godwin p. 8. Malmesbur dâ— Gestis Pontif. lib. 1. p. 196. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 14.15.17 Godwin p. 11. THEODORUS Malmesbur de Gestis Pontif. Angl. l. 3. p 261.262 BIRHTUALDUS * Malmes de Gestis Pontif. l. 3. p. 263. to 266. Antiq. Eccl. Briâ— p. 17.18.19 TATWIN * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 21. Godwin Pag. 13. * Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 22.24 CUTBERT LAMBERT * Matth. Westm. An. 765. p. â—76 Malmesburiensiâ— De gestis Pontif. l. 1. p. 198 199. Ant. Ecclâ—s Brit. p. 26.29 Godwin p. â—5 ATHELARDUS * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 27 to 34. Malmes de Gestis Pontif l. 1. p. 199. Matth. West An. 1267. p. 292. Godwin p. 16. * Epistola ad Hegibaldum Episc. Ant. Eccles. Brit. p. 31. * Beda Eâ—el Hist. l. 2. c. 3. Antiqu. Ecclâ—s Brit. p. 7. * Camdeâ—s Britannia p. 460. ELNOTHVS Speed Hist. l. 8. â— 4. p. 484.496 Holinshed History of England l. 7. c. 13. p. 182 * William Hâ—â—rison Description of England â— 132.133 We have seene the like of late iâ—â— like prelaâ—icall quarrell * I would oâ—â— secular Lordly Prelates would consider this * William Harrison Description of England pag. 134 135. * Sermo 1. in convers S. Pauli super Cant. Sermâ— 77. Hee writes it principally of the Popes of Rome but t is as true oâ— the Popes of Canterbury * Rev. 18.19.21 * Rev. 1â— â— Sylâ—â—sâ—â—r â—â—ralduâ— 1 WILFRID * Will Malâ—sb de Gestâ—s Pontif. l. 3. p. 260. to 266. Antiquâ—t Eccâ—â—s Brit. p. 14. to 19. Godwin p 560 561 562. Math Westm. Anno 672. Florentius Wigorniensis An. 677 6â—5 Holinshed hist. of Brit. l. 5. c 34.35 36. l 6 c. 2. Henrici Spelm. Concil Tom. 1. p. 146 147 149 157.161 162 163 178 179 200 to 206. Antiqu Eccâ—es Brit p 47. * Matth Wesâ—m Anno 673. Henriâ—i Spelm. Coâ—cil Tom. 1. p. 153. * Matb Westm. An 872. Godwin p. 566. 2 VLFERUS Malmsb. de Gestis Pontif. l. 3. p 269. Godwin p 567. Holinâ—hed Hist. of England l. 6. c. 23. p. 158. Math. Wâ—stm Ann. 951.953 3 WOLSTAN * Math. Westm. Hovâ—den Florentius Wigorniâ—sis An. 951 952 953. * Holinshed hist. of England l. 6. c. 25. p. 162. 4 OSVVALD 5 ELFRICK Malmsb. de Gestis Pontif. p 270 271. Godwin p 570. Florentius Wigoâ—niensis An. 1040 1041. Math Westm. An 1040 Holinsheds Hist. of England l. 7. c 15. p. 185. Speed p. 407â— 6 ALDREDUS * Will Malmsb. de Gestâ—s Pontif. l. 3. p. 271. Godwin p. 571. to 574. Speed p. 419. Polichroâ— l. 7. c. 27 28. l. 7. c. 1. Math. Wâ—stm Ann. 1071. Wigâ—rniensis An. 106â— Holinshed â—ist of England l 8. c. 8. p. 196. 7 THURSTAN * Polichron l. 7. c. 15. Malmsbâ— de Gestis Ponti l. 3. p. 274 275. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 112 113. Eadmerus hist. Novorum l 5 6. p. 117. to 138. Godwin p. 579.580.981 Walfingh and Holtnshed p. 41 42 49. 8 MURDAC * Nenbrigâ—nsis hist. l. 1. c. 17. Godw. p. 582. 9 PLANTAGINET * Godw. p. 587 588 Neubrig l. 4. c. 17. Matâ— Paris hist Maior p. 146.157 134 212 222 Holinshed p. 143 147 163 170. * Matth. Westm. Anno 1207. * Holinshed p 147. 10 GODFREY DE KINTON Godwin p. 594. * Godw p. 596. See 21. Ed. 1. â—n the Fleas of the Parliament plac 17. Dorsâ—clauso p. 21. E. 1. m. 3. 11 IOHN ROMAN * Godw. p. 597.598 12 THOMAS DE CORBRIDGE Walsingâ— hist. Angliae pâ— 110 111. Holinsh. 348. 13 WILLIAM DE MELTON * Holinshâ—d hist. of Scot. p. 222. 14 ALEXANDER NEVEL * Godwin p. 601 602 Grafton p. 375. Holiâ—shed p. 458 460 463 464. Walsingh hist Ang p 354 368. Speeds p. 748 749. * Alexan. Nevel â—roditorâ— â—usurâ—one translato adâ— Episcopatum S. Andrâ—ae in Scotia Hist. Ang. p. 368. 15 THOMAS ARUNDEL Godwin p. 603â— Graâ—ton p. 382. Walsâ—â—gh hist. Ang. p 386 392 393. Yâ—â—dig Naâ—st p. 151. * Holinshed p 488. * Holinshed p. 503. * Godwin p. 604 605 606. Polychron lib 8. c. 10. f 326. Walsingh Ypodigm Nâ—ust Aâ— 1405â— f. 168.170 Caxton pars 7. Hâ—n 4. p. 430. Stow Martin Fabian An. 6. Hen. 4. Speeds Hist. l 9. c. 14. p. 775. sect 43. Halls Chron. par 1. An. 6. H. 4. f. 25. Walsingh hist. Angliae p. 416 417. Holinshed p. 522.529 530. 16 RICHARD SCROOPE Stamford Plecs of the Crowne l. 3. c. 1. f. 153. a Cromptons Iâ—risdiction of Courtsâ— f. 12. b. Pag. 430. * Walsingh hist. Ypodigm An. 1406. p. 170. * An 6. Hâ—â— 4. f. 25. 17 IOHN KEMP Holinshâ—d p. 620â— to 627. 18 GEORGE NEVILL Godwin p. 609 610 611 Halls Chron. An. 8
12. Ed. 4. f. 201 202 223 224. Grafton 8. 12. Ed. 4. f. 678.714 Speeds Hist. l. 9. c. 17. p. 887. sect 88. Holinshed p. 683.693 19 THOMAS ROTHERAM Godwin p. 616. Speeds hist. l 9. c 19. p 929.946 20 THOMAS SAVAGE Godwin p. 617. 21 CHRISTOPHER BAMBRIDGE Godwin p. 617.618 Holinshâ—d p. 835. 22 THOMAS WOLSIE Antiqu Eccles. Brit. p 355â— to 374. Godw. p. 620. to 623. Mr. Tyndalls Practise of Popish Prelates p. 369. to 377. Hall Grafâ—on Holinshed Stow How in the life of Henry the 8. Speed hist. p. 1004 1005. to 1027. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 899. to 9â—9 See Holinshed p. 835. to 930. * He was afraid of poysoning it should seeme * See 1. â— 6 c. 2 and the Breviaâ—e of the â—relates Encroachments * Richard Stanihurst his Continuation of the Chronicles of Ireland in Holinshed Vol. 2. p. 85. to â—8 * Holinshed p. 908. * Practise of Popish Prelates p. 368. to 373. Note this ensuing Policie which our Prelates now practise Note this policie whâ—ch Cantâ—rbury of late imitated * Practise of Popish Prelates p. 369. to 373. Nota. Note this Note this Note this * Pag. 375. Note this * Halls Chron. 21. H. 8. f. 184 185 189 190. * Practise of Popish Prelates p. 373. * Holinshed p. 915 916. * Holinshed p. 917. Godwin p. 621. Speed hist. l. 9. c. 21. p. 1034. to 1043. Grafton An 27. H. 8. p. 1233. to 1237. 23 EDWARD LEE 24 ROBERT HOLGATE Godwin p. 624. * Fox Acts and Monuments p. 1891. to 1894. Godwin p. 625. 25 HARSNâ—Tâ— Epist. 237. f. 233. 26 RICHARD NEALE See a new discovery of the Prelates Tyranny p. 92. to 108. In his Description of England l. 2 c. 1. p. 133. 1 VODINUS Speeds hist l 7. c 4. p. 207. Godw. p. 182. * Math. West An. 450. Henricus Huntindon hâ—st l. 2. p. 310. Polychron l. 5. c. 1. * â—olychron l. â— c. 1. f. â—84 Iacobus Vsserius de Brit. â—ccles Primordiis p. 334. Ant nini Chron Tit. 11. c 18. sect 3 f. 51. B. Vincentâ—i spec hist. l. 20. c. 11. 2 ROBERT DE SIGILLO William Harrisons Description of England l 2. c 1. p. 133.134 * The Bishop refused to sweare fealty to the King onely to please the Pope 3 William de Sancta Maria. * Matth Wâ—stm Ann 1208. Matth. Paris An. 1208 p. 217.218 224. Godwin p. 194. Fabians Chron. part 1. Anno 1205. p. 28. Polichron l. 7. c. 33 Holinshed p. 171.172 Martins History p. 46.47.48 4 Roger Niger * Matthew Paris p 374 375. Godwin p. 194.195 Mathew Westm. An 1235 p. 140. * Matth. Paris p. 365.366 Matth. Westm. Anâ— 1232. p. 132.133.134 Speed p. 606. * Matth. Paris p 374.375 Matth. Westm. An. 1233 p. 141. Speed p. 608. 5 FVLCO BSSET * Matth. Paris p 944.957.886.887 and Godwin p. 194.195 6 HENRY SANDWICH * Matth. Wâ—st Anno. 1259. p. 182. Matth. Westm. Anno. 1265. 1266. p. 330.332.336.337.342.343 Matth. Paris p. 961.970 Godwin p. 196. Speed p. 641. Holinshed p. 271. 7 RICHARD WENWORTH * Holinshed p. 348. Yhâ— Walsingham Hist. Angl. pag. 110.111 8 WILLIAM COVRTNEY * Holinshed p. 420.421 Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. 216.217.218 * Walsingham Hi. Angl. p 217.218 Holinshed p. 457 458. 9 ROBERT BRAYBROOKE Stout Words of the Bishop of London * Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. 188.189 10 NICHOLAS RIDLY * Holinshed p. 1089. 11 EDMOND BONNER * Holinshed p. 159.1160 * Fox Acts and Monuments Ediit ult vol. 2. p. 215. l. 378.379.38 350.554.672 to 699. vol. 3 p. 105.106.107.251.254 to 384 759.879 898 974. Martins History p. 453. Godwin p. 144. 12 RICHARD FLETCHER Martins Hist. p. 810. Godwin p. 156. 13 RICHARD BANCROFT Oâ— whom see more before in Cante See Lewâ—s Hughes his grievances p. 14.15 * See p. 151.152 14 WILâ—IAM LAVD 15 WILLIAM IVXON * See the Articles of the Scottish Commissioners against Canterbury * William Harrisonâ— his De. scrip Engl. lib. 2. c. 2. p. 141 1 WINA Matth Wesâ—m An. 666 p. 234. Godwin p. 132.160 * Matth West An. 834. p. 301. Godwin p 162. 2 HERREFIRDVS 3 EDSINVS * Matth. Westm. An. 1016. p. 397.398 Polichron l. 6. c. 7. Holinshed Hist. of England l. 7. c. 9 10. p. 175.176 Speed p. 425.426 4 ALWYN * Antiq. Eccl. Brit p 73 to 79. Speed p. 203 413.41â— Godwin p 168. Holinshed Hist. of Engl l. 8. c. 1 2 4. * Polichrâ—n l 6. â— 24â— 4 Stigand Godwin p 168 169. Holinshed p. 30 Godwin p. 169 170. Math. West A. â— 102. p. 23. An. 1107. p. 25 29. 5 William Giffard HENRY DE BLOYS * Malmsâ— Novel l. 1. 2. p. 178 to 194. Matth. Paris p. 71. to 76. Matth Westm. An. 1135. to 1150. Speed l. 9 c. 5. p. 483 484 493 494 Godwin p. 221 222 223 Neuhrig Hist. l. 1.2 4 to 21. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 181. Hoveden An. pars prior p. 481 482. Holinshed p. 54. 7 Peter de la Roche * Math Paris p. 370.372 373 393. to 397. Mat. Westâ— An. 1233. p. 134 135 c. Speed p. 607 to 612. Holinshed p. 1075. The King by advancing Strangers discontâ—nts his Nobles The English Peeres confederate against the strangers The â—arons contemne the Kings Summons * Paris calls himâ— Bacum The frank speech of a Preacher * That is Rockes and Stones * In Iuly The Barons second contempt to the Kings command The traiterous errand to the King In August nexâ— Rog. de Wend. M. S. In August new Rog. de Wend. M. S. The Earle Marshall in Armes * Matth. Paris Confederates himselfe with Lewelin Prince of Wales Rog. Wend M. S. Math. Paâ—is * The Sunday after Michaelmas * Math Westm. Roger Wend. Mathâ— Paris Hubert de Bâ—rgo escapes into Wales Ypod. Neust. a An. 1205 p. 134 135 See Godwin p 172. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit p. 160 16â— Roger Wendever The King gives way to the fury of the rebellious A practise to ruine the Earle Maâ—shall The Pestilent tenour of the Letters * Rog. Wend. M. S. Matth. Pariâ— Alexander Bishop of Chester cleareth himselfe from disloyalty The Engâ—ish Bishops dâ—ale with the King about redâ—esse of the the common evils Objections against the Bâ—shop of Winton and the Poictouines The outrages of â—he Maâ—shalline faction * Note thâ—s * Edmond afterwards canonized Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 160.161 * Antiqu. Eccl. Brit p. 171 163â— * Rog. de Wend. M.S. Matth. Maris * Matth. West An. 1238. p. 147. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 169. * Antiqu. Eccleâ— Brit. p. 181.182 Mat. Paris An. 1246. p. 672. to 689. WILLIAM de RALEY 8 WILLIAM RALEY Matth. Wesâ—m Anno. 143. p. 174â—175 An. 1244. p. 178.179 Matth. Paris p. 588.597.616.619 Godwin p. 227.228 Holinshed p. 231.232 * Matth. â—aris p. 774.775.780.788.789.794.824.830 to 834.847.890.900.994.995.946.959 Godwin p. 176.177 6 ETHELMARVS 10 GERNSEY * Matth. West and Matth. Paris An. 1265.1266 Holinshed p 271. Godwâ—n p. 177. See Mat. Paris p.
970.972 11 HENRY WOODLOCK Antiqu. Eccles. Brit p. 218. Godwin p. 231. 12 ADAM TARLETON * Walsingham Hist. Angliae p. 98.99 Antiq. Eccles. Brit 227. Godwin p. 232.233 Speeds Histo. l. 9 c. 11.12 p. 679 680.686 Walsingh Ypodigma Neustriae Anno. 1326. 1327. Hist. Angl p. 10â— 104 Holinshed p. 329.339.340.1245 p. 970.972 * Holinshed pâ— 452.453 See the Statutâ— of 10â— R. 2. c. 1. 13 WILLIAM EDINGDON * Holinshed p. 456. to 468. * Godwins Cat. p. 182. 10 WILLIAM WICHAM * Godwins Cat p. 184.185 Antiquit Eccles. Br. 286 p. 287. Holinshed p. 526.527 * Godwin p. 188. 13 HENRY BEAVFORTâ— * Holinshed p. 590 c Hal 4. H. 6 f 94. to 100â— Fox vel 3â— p. 922 to 925. * See Holiâ—shed p. 594 595.596.692 Hall 4. H. 6.5.96.97 98.99 * Holinshed p. 620. to 629. Hall An. 10. H. 6. f. 143. to 250. Fox vol 1. p. 922. to 925. * An. 19. H. 6. f. 143. to 146. * See Holinshed p. 622. to 628. * The second Sermon bifore King Edward f. 36. STEPHEN GARDINER * Hall 31. H. 8. f. 234. Fox Acts Monuments vol. 2. Edit ult p. 380. 384.426.585.646.647.441.442.443.531 Antiqu. Eccles Brit. p. 386. * Hall H. 8. f. 226 228.229.230â—231.232â—233.234 Holinshâ—d p. 1001.1002.1006.939.941 to 945 946 947.950.951â—952.961 * Fox Acts and Monuments the old Edition p. 816 82â—.823.824.815.863 and vol. 2. Edit vlt. p. 646.647 * Fox Acts and Monuments Edâ—t ult vol. 2. p. 71â— to 740. vol. 3. p 16.40.123.527 old â—ditâ— p. 903.1389.1695 a. 1â—73 b. * Fox Acts and Monuments old Edition p. 603. 1031. * Holinshed p. 1121. * Holinshed p. 1130.1157 * Holinshed p. 1154.1154.1157.1158.1160 * Fox Acts and Monuments Edi. ult vol. 3. p. 524 527. Iohn white * William Harrison Description of England l. 2. câ— 1. p. 138. Martins Hiâ—â— p. 452.453.454 * Cent. 9. Scrip. Brit. sect 97. p. 736.737 * See Bilson of Church Govenement Andrâ—wes for Ex Officio Oathes c. * Cincio 6.3.19.20.21 * Ecclâ—siasticae Histor. l 1. c. 19.20 Where this Historian notably inveigheth against Dancing * De virginiâ—us l. 3. Tom. 4. Operum p. 236.227 Nota. Iob 31. Ecclesiasticus 9.4 Hiâ—ronimus Epist â—2 c. 3. Esay 33.14 Oratio pro Muraena Oratio pro Cn. Plaucio Post râ—ditum in Senatum Ephâ—s 5 3. De viâ—ginibusâ— l. 3. Tom 4. p. 226.227 * See Eâ—ist 10 4 See Hom. 56. Gen. 8.74 in Matth. De Ebrietate Luxu Sermo Tam. 1. p. 332.336 Nota. Esay 5.11.12.13 Ier. 31.22 Matth. 2.2.10 Luke 2.9.13 14â—13 14.15 Nota. See vincentii speculum Morale l. 3. par 9â— Distinct. * 2 Cor. 6.14.15.16 (b) Matâ— Wâ—st An 750. p. 273. Hoveden Annal. pars prior An. 750. p. 402. 1 KENVLPHVS (c) Malmesb. dâ— gâ—st Pont. Angl. l. 3. p. 277. Godwin p. 636. Mat. Paris p. 5. An. 1069. Godwin p. 632. 2 â—GELRIC (d) Matth. Parâ—â— Hist. Major An. 1070.1071 p. â— 6 Mat. Westm Flâ—rentius Wigorâ—iâ—nsis Ann. 1070 1071. Hâ—veden An. 1069.1070 p. 451 452.454 Godwin p. 636.637 3 EGELWYN 4 Walcher (e) Malmesbur l. 3. Hist. Angl. p. 110. Hâ—vâ—den Annal. pars prior An. 1071.1078.1080 p. 454.455.457 Matâ— Paris An. 1075. p. 9. Godwin pag. 637 638 639 640. (f) Mâ—â— Paris Hist. Major An. 1074. p. 8. (g) Malmes de gest Reg. Angl. l. 4. p. 120 121â— de gest Pont. Ang. l. 3. p. â—77 Mat. Paris An. 1088. p. 13 14. Wigâ—râ— Matth. Weâ—â—m Hoved. An. 1087 1088. Walsinghâ— ypodigma Nâ—ustriâ— An. 1088. p. 33. Holinshed p. 17 18. 5 WILLIAM KAIRLIPHO (h) Matt. Paris p. 51.54 Malmes de gest Pontif. Angl. l. 3. p. 277 278. Godwin p. 645 646 647. 6 Ranulph Flambard Holinshed Hist. of Scotl. pag. 181. 7 HVGH PVSAR Nuâ—rigens Hist. l. 1. c. 26. l. 4. c. 4. Godwin p. 648 649 650. Holins p. 119.121 Nubrigensis l. 4. c. 4. l. 5. c. 8. Holinsh p. 105. Roger de Hâ—veden Annal. pars posâ—â—â—ius p. 615. * Hoveden Aâ—nâ—l pâ—rs posterior pag. 663.665 666. Hâ—vâ—dâ—n Aâ—nal pars posterior pag. 725 736 665 666 685 738. Richard de Marisco Godwin Cat. p. 515 Anthony Bâ—akâ— Godwin p. 521.522 * Holinsâ— p. 305â— LEWâ—S BEAVMONT Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 262 263. Godwin p. 522 523. RICHARDDE BVRY Godwin p. 524. * Godwin p. 526. IOHN FORHAM Walsingham Hist. Angl. An. 1388. p. 365. Speedes History p. 748. Godwin p. 664. IOHN SHERWOOD * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 262. Godwin p. 526. * Holinshed p. 733.734 CVTBERT TONSTALL * Fox Acts and Monuments p. 1180. Godwin p. 670. * Rastall Abridg. Stat. f. 149. Durham Cambdens Brit. p. 736.741 Godwin p. 533. Martin hist. p. 452.453.454 Holinshed p. 1184. Practise of Popish Prelates p. 374. Tunstall Bishop of Durham burnt the New Testament * And out of him by M. Fex Acts and Monuments Edit ult vol. 2. p. 284. A Bishopricke is superfluous honour and a lewd liberty See a late Pamhlet wherein this is expressed 1 ALSTANE or ADELSTANE * Mat. West An. 854. pag. 307.308 Holins Hist. of England l. 6. c. 9. p. 138. c. 10. p. 140. c. 11. p. 143. Malms de Gestis Regum Angl. l. 1. c. 2. p. 40. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 36. Speed Hist. l. 7. c. 32. Sect. 7. p. 377. Godw. p. 333. 2 ROGER * Neubrigensis Hist. l. 1. c. 6. Mat. Paris Hoveden Higden Fabian Coxton Speed Stow Grafton Martin in the life of King Stephâ—n Godwin p. 319.320 321.322 Fox Acts and Monuments p. 181. Holinshed p. 50 51â— Wil. Mal. Hist. Novel l. 2â— p. 181.182.183 to 190. * Wil. Malmâ—sb Hist. Novella l. 2. p. 182.183 * Hist. Novellae l. 2. p. 187.188.189 * Will. Malms Hist. Nâ—vâ—lla l. â— p. 184.185 3 ROBERT BINGHAM Matthew Pariâ— p. 374.375 Holinshed p. 217. Wâ—lliam of York Mat. Parisâ— Hist. Angl. p. 892 893â— Godwin Car. p. 277.278 5 JOHN WALTHAM Holinshâ—d p. 478.479 Fox Actâ— aâ—d Monumenâ—â— â—dit ult vol. 1. pâ— 669.670 Walsinâ— Hist. Angl. Aâ—â— 1392. pag. 3â—4 385 386. Ypâ—dig Neuâ—â—r 146. â—olinsh p. 485 6 RICHARD MILFORD Godwin p. 281. Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. 365. c. Ypodigma Naustr A. 1388. p. 142. WILLIAM AYSCOTH Fabian parâ— 7 An. 1450. pag. 453. Caxton pars 6. An. 1450. Graft An. 1450 p. 614. Godwin p. 351. Holinsh. p. 636 1 ALDRED * Matth. West An. 873. Godw. p. 229. 2 EADNOTH * Math. West An. 1016. p. 499. Godwin p. 229. * Matth. West An. 1052. p. 420. Godwin p. 230. 3 ULFE 4 ALEXANDER * Matth. Paris Hist. Angl. An. 1070. p. 6. Holinshed p. 18. Matth. Westm. An. 1070 p. 4. 5 REMIGIVS * Hen. Huntin hist. l. 6. p. 371. l. 7. p. 373. Matth. West An. 1085.1091 Godwin p. 230.231.232 Will. Malmâ—sâ— de Gestis Pontif. l. 4 p. 290.291 6 ALEXANDER * Nubrigensis hist. l. 1. c. 6. Huntindon hist. l. 8. p. 389.390 Hoveden Annal. pars prior p. 484. to 495 Matth. Par. p. 74. to 76. Matth. Westm. An. 1139. to 1146.