go into Edinburgh to settle things fully he sends Deputies thither and returns to London At his return the Scots Commissioners are imprisoned at London against their Safe-Conduct and the Agreement with the Scots is burnt publikely by the hand of the Hang-man and a new Expedition with more cunning and strength then the former is undertaken against the Scots Whereof the Scots duely advertised judging it not to be safe to play alwayes after-games settle their Countrey make sure the strong Holds which they had delivered in simplicity of heart unto the King at the late Agreement and come into England with such an Army that they made their enemies retire Upon this point of necessity the King assembled divers of the Nobles by whom he is advised to call a Parliament which is granted although with difficulty At the overture of the Parliament having gained all the party possible the King is made to demand assistance to repell the Scots from England and chastise them but to no purpose wherefore the Parliament must pay for it and to this purpose the English Army afoot must be brought to London under some pretext This Plot failing and discovered the Scots must be tempted under great offers no lesse then the plunder of London and the propriety of the adjacent Counties to their Countrey The Scots not onely refused these great offers but also give advice of them to the Parliament Then the Scots must be hastened home and the King must go into Scotland under pretext to settle things there but really to make a party viewing by the way the Scots Army and to make sure of some men dis-affected to the Designe of the Court These things not succeeding to smooth a little the shamefull businesse Titles of Honour and Pensions are given to many While the King is in Scotland the Rebellion riseth in Ireland having its influence from the Court whether by sealed Patents or otherwise I will not enquire now more then of the Spanish Navie but certain it is it had its rise from Court Some dayes after the Rebellion begun in Ireland the King must return in all speed to London under pretext to consult with the Parliament how to represse this odious Rebellion but really to be revenged of the Parliament for not assisting against the Scots and for punishing the main agents of the Scotish party witnesse the faction the Queen had made in the City during the Kings abode in Scotland to divide the City and Parliament and the demanding of the Members of the Houses against all Law upon accusation of Treason whereof the chief and main point was To have favourized the Scots Affairs in England against expresse Acts of Oblivion of both Parliaments of Scotland and England As for the repressing of the Rebellion in Ireland it is so little taken to heart that the King seldom goes to the House and being there speaks but little of the businesse After a while with much ado the Popish Irish in Arms are declared Rebells when they had ruined many families and killed many of the innocent Protestants But of the Kings Declaration there were but few Copies Printed and of the few hardly any dispersed when the Scots before they had gathered any Head were Prelatically excommunicated and cursed thorow all the Parishes of England and declared Rebells every where by printed Papers Who as they intended no ill so blessed be God never men of War in a Countrey did lesse harm then the Scots did Yea which is more all the good intentions of both Parliament and City with the ready offers of the Scots for the speedy help of the poor Protestants against the bloody Butchers in Ireland was delayed deluded yea almost put off by the Court and the corrupt Members of both Houses who since have shewed themselves openly what they are in publike Affairs But these Designes failing of apprehending the Members and of dividing the City and Parliament as was seen by the accompanying the Members to the Houses again the King must leave London Here before we proceed any further we shall go a little back When the first undertaking was against the Scots all things within these Dominions being disposed for the best furthering of the work the holy Conclave of Rome forecasting all chances and fearing that England would not altogether be so forward to contribute much unto the destruction of Scotland wherefore the King must be assured of some good friend abroad and not far off who may help in case of need None is thought so fit as the Prince of Orange being able to help with Moneys Arms and Men for command He must be gained by offering him for his Son one of the Kings Daughters who notwithstanding his high minde would have been glad of a lower Match Now at the first the Prince of Orange did onely look to have the second Daughter in due time But to engage him further he shall have the elder not staying for her till she be nubile and that presently although she did little more then then well discerne her right hand from her left But this is not all for the Mother must carry the Daughter to the Prince of Orange to gain him more speedily and make him more affectionate and sure to the Designes of our corrupted Court So the Kings Daughter is sold and made a Sacrifice for furtherance of the Catholike Cause as his Grand-mother was sold to France to the same Designe by the corrupt Court of Scotland for the time What mischief this Marriage and the Queens Voyage into Holland hath brought into this Countrey and what stain she hath brought upon her self by it we see all And so many evils fell upon Scotland after the sending the then young Queen into France Here you shall observe the jugling knavery of our corrupt Court who cry out against the Scots for taking Arms for the just defence of their Liberty and Religion without any by-respect as their whole proceedings to this instant do testifie as guilty of the most horrid crime of Rebellion against Higher Powers as they call it yet the same corrupt Court makes the King give his Daughter unto him who is not onely a chief man but a main Instrument to make War for the Liberty and Religion of the Countrey where he liveth against the unjust oppression of their Sovereign as his renowned Brother and most vertuous Father did before him and as he intends to make his Son after him witnesse the reversion of his Place he hath obtained unto him from the States If the King of Spain by necessity hath been constrained to acknowledge the United Provinces free it is nothing for the justice of their taking Arms to defend their Religion and Liberty And if he had power they would not be long free witnesse the secret Plots to divide them and over-reach them Farther he is very shie in his Writs to call them Free as every man knows The Queen of Bohemia must not onely be neglected and seen lose all that
Queene and the faction of France ever excepted that solemnely in the Abbey of Hallyrud-house was the Contract of Marriage made betwixt the persons aforesaid together with all the Clauses and Conditions requisite for the faithfull observation thereof read in publike audience subscribed sealed approoved and allowed of the Governour for his part Nobilitie and Lords for their parts and that nothing should lacke that might fortifie the matter was Christs Body sacred as Papists terme it broken betwixt the said Governour and M. Saidlar Ambassadour and received of them both as a signe and token of the unitie of their mindes immediately to keepe that contract in all points as they looked of Christ Jesus to be saved and after to be reputed men unworthy of credit before the world The Papists raged against the Governour and against the Lords that had consented and abode fast to the Contract and to confound all as after follows But upon the returning of the aforesaid Ambassadours from England pacification was made for that time for by the judgements of eight persons for either partie chosen to judge whether that any thing was done by the said Ambassadours in the Contracting of that Marriage which to do they had not sufficient power from the Counsell and Parliament It was found that all things were done according to their Commission and that so they should stand And so were the Seales of England and Scotland interchanged Master Iames Fowles then Clerke of the Register received the great Seale of England And Master Saidlare received the great Seale of Scotland The heads of the Contract we passe by These things newly ratified the Merchants made preparation to Saile and to their Traffique which by the troubles of Warres had some yeeres been hindered From Edinburgh were fraughted twelve Ships richly laden according to the wares in Scotland From other Townes and Ports departed other who all arrived upon the coasts of England toward the South to wit in Yarmouth and without any great necessity entred not onely Roads but also within Ports and places of commandment and where that Ships might be arrested And because of the late contracted amitie and gentle entertainement that they found at the first they made no great dispatch But being as they supposed in security in merrinesse they spent the time abiding upon the winde In this meane time arrived from France to Scotland the Abbot of Paislay called now of late Iohn Hamilton bastard brother to the Governour whom yet many esteemed sonne to the old Bishop of Dunikelden called Crichton and with him M. David Panter who after was made Bishop of Rosse The brute of the learning of these two and their honest life and of their fervencie and uprightnesse in Religion was such that great hope there was that their presence should be comfortable to the Church of God For it was constantly affirmed of some that without delay the one or the other would go to the Pulpit and truely Preach Jesus Christ. But few dayes disclosed their hypocrisie For what terrours what promises or what enchaunting boxes they brought from France the common people knew not But shortly after it was seene that Frier Guilliamâ— was inhibited to Preach and so departed into England Iohn Rough to Kylle a receptacle of Gods servants of old The men of counsell judgement and godlinesse that had travailed to promote the Governour and that gave him faithfull counsell in all doubtfull matters were either craftily conveyed from him or else by threatning to be hanged were compelled to leave him Of the one number was the Laird of Grange aforesaid M. Henry Balneves M. Thomas Ballenden and Sir David Lindesay of the Mount Men by whose labours he was promoted to honour and by whose councell he so used himselfe at the beginning that the obedience given to him was nothing inferiour to that obedience that any King of Scotland of many yeeres had before him yea in this it did surmount the common obedience in that it proceeded from love of those vertues that was supposed to have beene in him Of the number of these that were threatned were M. Michael Durham M. David Borthinke David Forresse and David Bothwell who counselled him to have in company with him men fearing God and not to nourish wicked men in their iniquity albeit they were called his friends and were of his surname This counsell understood by the aforesaid Abbot and by the Hamiltons who then repaired to the Court as Ravens to the Carrion in plaine words it was said My Lord Governour nor his friends will never be at quietnesse till a dozen of these knaves that abuse his Grace be hanged These words were spoken in his own presence and in the presence of some of them that had better deserved then to have beene so used the speaker was allowed for his plain and bold speaking And so the wicked counsell followed honest and godly men left the Court and him in the hands of such as by their wicked counsell led him so far from God that he falsified his promise dipt his hands in the blood of the Saints of God and brought this Common-wealth to the very point of utter ruine And these were the first fruits of the Abbot of Paislay his counterfeit Godlinesse and Learning But hereof we will heare more All honest and godly men banished from the Court the Abbot and his counsell beginneth to lay before the inconstant Governour the dangers that might ensue the alteration and change of Religion The power of the King of France the commodity that might come to him and his house by retaining the ancient League with France and the great danger that he brought upon himselfe if in one jote he suffereth the authority of the Pope to be violated or called in doubt within this Realme Considering that thereupon onely stood the security of his pretended right to the succession of the Crowne of this Realme For by Gods word could not be good the divorcement of his father from Eliz. Hume sister to the Lord Hume his lawfull wife and consequently his marriage with Beton Neece to Iames Beton Bishop of S. Andrews Elizabeth Hume being alive must be null and he declared Bastard Caiphas spake Prophesie and yet wist not what he spake For at that time there was hardly any man that truely feared God that minded any such thing but with their whole force would have fortified him in the place that God had given unto him and would never have called in question things done in time of darknesse But this head we passe by till God declare his will therein Another practise was used As for the Cardinall he being set at libertie as before we have heard ceased not to traffique with such of the Nobility as he might draw to his faction or corrupt by any meanes to raise a partie against the said Governour and against such as stood fast at the Contract of Marriage and Peace with England And so assembled at Lynlytquow
passe over the Tyrants of old time whom God hath plagued let us come to the Tyrants which now are within the Realm of England whom God will not long spare If Steven Gardener Cuthbert Tunstal and Butcherly Bonnar false Bishops of Winchester Duresme and of London had for their false Doctrine and Traiterous acts suffered death when they justly deserved the same then would arrant Papists have alleadged as I and others have heard them do that they were men reformable That they were meet Instruments for a Common-wealth That they were not so obstinate and malicious as they were judged neither that they thirsted for the blood of any man And of Lady Mary who hath not heard That she was not sober mercifull and one that loved the Common-wealth of England Had she I say and such as now be of her pestilent Councell been dead before these dayes then should not their iniquity and cruelty so manifestly have appeared to the world for who could have thought that such cruelty could have entred into the heart of a woman and into the heart of her that is called a Virgine that she would thirst for the blood of innocents and of such as by just Laws and faithfull witnesses can never be proved to have offended by themselves I finde that Athalia through appetite to Reign murthered the Seed of the Kings of Iudah and that Herodias daughter at the desire of a whorish Mother obtained the head of Iohn the Baptist but yet that ever a woman suffered her self to be called the most blessed Virgin caused so much blood to be spilt for establishing of the usurped Authoritie of the Pope I think the like is rare to be found in Scripture or other History I finde that Iezabel that cursed Idolatresse caused the blood of the Prophets of God to be shed and Naboth to be murthered unjustly for his own Vineyard but yet I think she never erected halfe so many Gallows in all Israel as mischievous Mary hath done within London alone But you Papists will excuse your Mary the Virgine Well let her be your Virgine and a Goddesse meet to entertain such Idolaters yet shall I rightly lay to her charge that which I think no Papist within England will justifie nor defend And therefore O ye Papists here I will a little turn my Pen unto you Answer unto this Question O ye Seed of the Serpent Would any of you have confessed two years ago that Mary your mirrour had been false dissembling unconstant proud and a breaker of promises except such promises as she made to your god the Pope to the great shame and dishonour of her noble Father I am sure you would hardly have thought it of her And now doth she not manifestly shew her self to be an open Traitoresse to the Imperiall Crown of England contrary to the just Laws of the Realme to bring in a stranger and make a proud Spanyard King to the shame dishonour and destruction of the Nobilitie to the spoile of their Honours Lands Possessions chief Offices and promotions of them and theirs To the utter decay of the Treasures Commodities Navie and Fortifications of the Realm to the abasing of the Yeomandry to the slavery of the Commonalty to the overthrow of Christianity and Gods true Religion and finally to the utter subversion of the whole publike estate and Common-wealth of England Let Norfolk and Suffolke let her own Promise and Proclamation let her fathers Testament let the Citie of London let the ancient Laws and Acts of Parliaments before established in England be judges betwixt mine accusation and her most tyrannous iniquity First her Promise and Proclamation did signifie and declare That neither she would bring in neither yet Marry any stranger Northfolk Suffolk and the Citie of London do testifie and witnesse the same The ancient Laws and Acts of Parliament pronounceth it Treason to transferre the Crown of England into the hands of a forraigne Nation and the Oath made to observe the said Statutes cryeth out That all they are perjured that consent to that her traiterous fact Speak now O ye Papists and defend your monstrous Masters and deny if ye can for shame that she hath not uttered her self to be borne alas therefore to the ruine and destruction of noble England Oh who would ever have beleeved I write now in bitternesse of heart that such unnaturall crueltie should have had dominion over any reasonable creature But the saying to be true That the usurped Government of an affectionate woman is a rage without reason Who would ever have thought that the love of that Realme which hath brought forth which hath nourished and so nobly maintained that wicked woman should not have moved her heart with pitie Who seeth not now that she in all her doings declareth most manifestly that under an English name she beareth a Spaniards heart If God I say had not for our scourge suffered her and her cruell Councell to have come to Authority then could never these their abominations cruelty and treason against God against his Saints and against the Realm whose liberties they are sworn to defend so manifestly have been declared And who ever could have beleeved That proud Gardener and treacherous Tunstall whom all Papists praised for the love they bare to their Countrey could have become so manifestly Traiterous not onely against their solemne Oathes that they should never consent nor agree unto that a forraigne Stranger should reigne over England but also that they would adjudge the Imperiall Crown of the same to appertain to a Spanyard by inheritance Lineall discent O Traiterous Traitours how can you for shame shew your faces It cometh to my minde that upon Christmas day Anno 1552. preaching in New-Castle upon Tine and speaking against the obstinacie of the Papists I made this affirmation That whosoever in his heart was enemy to Christs Gospel and Doctrine which then was preached within the Realm of England was enemy also to God and secret traitours to the Crown and Common-wealth of England for as they thirsted nothing more then the Kings death which their iniquity could procure so they regarded not who should reign over them so that their Idolatry might be erected again How these my words at that time pleased men the crimes and action intended against me did declare But let my very enemies now say their conscience if those may words have not proved true What is the cause that Winchester and the rest of his pestilent sect so greedily would have a Spanyard to reign over England The cause is mafest for as that Hellish Nation surmounteth all other in pride and Whoredome so for Idolatry and vaine Papisticall and devillish Ceremonies they may rightly be called the very sons of superstition And therefore are they found and judged by the Progeny of Antichrist most apt Instruments to maintain establish and defend the Kingdom of that cruell Beast whose head and wound is lately
to France to make Warre and at his arrivall there he findes an Army of Scots ready to fight for the Alliay of Scotland the French King against the English Upon this the King of England moves King Iames whom he had taken along with him to write unto the Scots and to charge them upon their Allegiance not to draw their Sword against the party where he their King was in person The Scots answered That they were sent into France to assist their Alliays against the common enemy As for him who writ unto them since he was a prisoner and not a free man they neither owed him Allegiance nor would they give him any so long as he was in prison but if he were set at liberty and were living among them they would obey him according to the Laws of the Countrey since the Crown was setled upon him by the consent of the States and so they did for these Kingdoms were governed in his name without any communication with him during the time of his imprisonment which was very long but when he went home he was received and obeyed as King From this Princes may learn that although people do submit themselves to their Government the resignation is not so full as to devest themselves of all power in such a way That the Prince may dispose of them as he thinks right or wrong he ordinarily being misled and kept captive by those that are about him who for the most part have no regard to the publike good nor to the credit and esteem of him to whom in shew they professe themselves so addicted the people have constantly reserved even unto themselves by the consent of all men yea of the greatest Court-parasites and Sycophants of Princes that the Prince cannot nor ought not to enslave or subject the people to any Forreign Power and where Princes by Pusillanimitie and ill counsell have essayed or attempted such a thing they have smarted for it witnesse Baliol who not onely was excluded himself from the Crown but also his Posterity and it was setled upon the next Branch to wit Robert Bruce with his descendents where it continues to this day by Gods providence Then since the people have reserved this power in themselves to stop the Prince to put them under any Forreign yoak or slavery is it possible That they have not reserved a power to right themselves from domestick and intestine slavery and misery slavery being ever one and the same For what is it to me by whom I suffer evil of one and the same kinde and degree whether it be by a neighbour or a stranger a forreigner or a con-citizen yea when I suffer by him who should be my friend and stand for the same Freedom with me my suffering is the greater To this purpose you have a memorable Passage of William the Norman who although he had invaded England with the Sword and by it had defeated him who did oppose him for the Crown with all his adherents and party and in consequencie of this Victory had committed many out-rages with a strong hand yet the same William could never assure himself nor his Posterity of the Allegeance of the People till he had sworn solemnly according to the Rite of the times for himself and his To govern according to the good and approved Laws of the Land as the best Kings before him had done Then the County of Kent in its own name and in the name of the whole Kingdom declared That neither Kent nor any other of the Kingdom was conquered but in a peaceable way did submit to William the Norman upon Condition and with Proviso That all their Liberties and free Customs in use and practice should be kept If this was not accomplished afterwards it was sillinesse of the People that suffered themselves to be abused and the fault of misled Princes that did not keep their promise whereunto they were tyed And sundry for the breach of this promise have had occasion to repent when it hath been too late We shall adde one example more which is of Henry the eighth who anno 1525 the seventeenth yeer of his Reign by the advice of his Councell put a Tax upon the people which the people did not onely refuse to pay but declared That the thing was unjust and unlawfull Withall wherever they met those whom the King had employed for the gathering the money they used them so kindely that they did never come twice to one place for the payment of the Tax The King seeing this he disclaims the Imposition of the Tax and so do the Nobles that convened at London by his Command for that purpose and layes all the fault upon ill counsell namely upon Wolsey This was Henry constrained to do notwithstanding his resolutenesse against all forreign enemy chiefly the Pope with his shavelings By this instance Henry acknowledged his power to be limited and no wayes arbitrary Against the doctrine of our now Cout-parasites Now if the People have this much power in them as to stand for their Temporall Liberty both against forreign and domestick slavery far more may they and ought they to defend the Spirituall Freedom which Christ having purchased with his Blood hath left them as Members of his Church But all this defence of Liberty and Religion ought to be made so that it be without by-ends sinistrous respects of hatred malice ambition c. The onely scope and main drift being To have Gods glory in the Light of his Gospel setled and maintained The People at quiet The Prince obeyed in God and for God i. e. according to the Law of God Nature Nations and the Countrey or Kingdom so far as possibly can be This being lookt to carefully there is no gap opened to Rebellion which is a fighting against Gods Ordinance and not the just and necessary opposing of the abuse and corrupting of the good Ordinance of God But here a Court-slave will say If things be so there is no absolutenesse in Monarchs and Princes To answer this we must know what is to be meant by absolute or absolutenes whereof I finde two main significations First absolute signifieth perfect and absolutenesse perfection Hence we have in Latin this expression Perfectum est omnibus numeris absolutum And in our vulgar Language we say A thing is absolutely good when it is perfectly good Next absolute signifieth free from tye or bond which in Greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Now say I if you take absolute for perfect that Prince or Magistrate is most absolute that is most perfect who governs most absolutely or most perfectly The absolutenesse or perfection of Government consists in its conformity to the perfect Rule which is written in the Law of God printed in the heart of man received generally of all wise People and in practice by all particular well-polished Common-wealths Next I say if you take absolute for free from tye or bond That no Prince nor Magistrate is free for every
their servants and other that appertained to them and were exempted from common service should neverthelesse serve in time of necessity These vain promises lifted up in pride the heart of the unhappy king and so begins the Warre The Realme was Quartered and men were laid in Iedburgh and Kelso All men fools we mean bragged of victory and in very deed the beginning gave us a faire shaw For at the first Warden Reade which was made on Saint Bartholomewes day in the yeere of our Lord 1542. was the Warden Sir Robert Bowes his brother Richard Bowes Captaine of Norhame Sir William Mamebery Knight a Bastard Sonne of the Earle of Angus and Iames Dowglas of Parkhead then Rebels with a great number of Borderers Souldiers and Gentlemen taken The Reade was termed Halderig The Earle of Angus and Sir George his brother did narrowly escape Our Papists and Prelats proud of this victory encouraged the King so that there was nothing heard but All is ours They be but Heretickes if we be a thousand and they ten thousand they dare not fight France shall enter into one part and we the other and so shall England be conquest within a yeere If any man was seene to smile at such vanitie he was no more but a Traytour and an Hereticke And yet by these meanes men had greater liberty then they had before as concerning their conscience for then ceased the persecution The Warre continued till midde September And then was sent down the old Duke of Norfolke with such an Army as a hundred yeeres before had not come into Scotland They were in gathering their Forces and setting forward of their Preparations and Munitions which were exceeding great till midde October and after And then they Marched from Barwick and tended to the wast ever holding Tweid upon their own side and never camped from that River the space of a mile during the whole time they continued in Scotland which was ten or twelve dayes Forces were sent up and down to Smallame Stichell and such places neere about but many snappers they gat some Corn they burnt besides that which the great host consumed but small bootie they carried away The King assembled his Forces at Fallowe for he was advertised that they had promised to come to Edinburgh and tooke the Musters all at an houre two dayes before Hallowe even There were found with him eighteen thousand able men Upon the Borders that awaited upon the English Army were ten thousand good men with the Earle of Huntlie Lords Erskin Seton and Hume These were judged men aneuh to hazard Battell albeit the other were esteemed fourty thousand While the King lay at Fallowe abiding upon the Gunes and upon advertisement from the Army The Lords began to remember how the King had been long abused by his flatterers and principally by the Pensioners of the Prelats It was then concluded that they would make some new remembrance of Lawder brig to see if that would for a season somewhat help the state of their Country But because the Lords could not agree among themselves upon the persons that deserved punishment for every man favoured his friend the whole escaped and the purpose was opened to the King and by him to the courtiers who till they came to Edinburgh stood in no little fear but that was suddenly forgot as we shall after hear While time is thus protracted the English army for want of victuals as was bruted retired over Tweid in the night and so begin to skale sunder wherof the King advertised desired the Lords and Barons to assist him to follow them into England whose answer was with one consent That to defend his person and Realme they would hazard life and whatsoever they had But to invade England neither had they so just Title as they desired neither yet could they be able to do any thing to the hurt of England considering that they had long before beene absent from their houses their provision was spent their horses wearied and that which was greatest of all the time of the yeere did utterly reclaime This their answer seemed to satisfie the King for he in words praised their prudent foresight and wise counsell But the essay made to his Courtiers and that bold repulse of his desires given to him in his owne face so wounded his high stomacke for long had he runne as himselfe listed that he decreeth a notable revenge which no doubt he had not failed to have executed if God by his owne hand had not cut the dayes of his lyfe He returnes to Edinburgh the Nobility Barons Gentlemen and Commons to their habitations And this was the second and third dayes of November Without longer delay at the palace of Halyrud-house was a new councell assembled a councell we meane of his abusers wherein were accusations layd against the most part of the Nobilitie Some were Hereticks Some favourers of England Some friends to the Dowglas and so could there be none faithfull to the King in their opinion The Cardinall and Prelats cast fagotts in the fire with all their force and finding the King wholly addicted to their devotion delivered unto him a schroll containing the names of such as they in their inquisition had convict for Hereticks For this was the order of Justice which these holy Fathers kept in condemning of innocent men Whosoever would accuse any of Heresie he was heard no respect nor consideration had what minde the accuser bare to the person accused Whosoever was produced for witnesse were admitted how suspitious and infamous so ever they were if two or three had proved any point that by their Law was holden Heresie that was an Hereticke There rested no more but a day to be affixed to his condemnation and to the execution of their corrupt sentence What man could be innocent where such â—udges were partie the world may this day consider True it is by false Judgement and false Witnesses have innocents been oppressed from the beginning But this freedome to shed innocent blood got never the Devill but in the Kingdome of Antichrist That the innocent should die and neither know accuser nor yet the witnesse that testifieth against him But how shâ—ll the Antichrist be knowne if he shall not be contrarious to God the Father and his Sonne Christ Jesus in Law Life and Doctrine But this we omit The same schroll had the Cardinall and Prelats once presented to the king before at that time when he returned from the Navigation about the Isles in the yeere 1534. But then it was refused by the prudent and stout councell of the Laird of Grainge who opened cleerely to the King the practices of the Prelats and the danger that thereof might ensue Which considered by the King for being out of his passion he was tractable gave this answer in the palace of Halyrud-house to the Cardinall and Prelats after that they had uttered their malice and shewed what
prudent and circumspect did compell the Captains as is alleadged to bring their men so nigh that either they must needs have hazarded battell with the whole French-men and that under the mercy of their Cannons also or else they must needs retire in a very narrow corner For our men were approached neer to Lestarrig The one part of the French were upon the North toward the Sea the other part marched from Leith to Edinburgh and yet they marched so that we could have foughten with neither Company before that they should have joyned We took purpose therefore to retire towards the Towne and that in haste left that the former Company of the French should either have invaded the Towne before that we could have come to the rescue thereof or else have cut us off from the entry of the Abbey of Halyrud-house as apparantly they had done if that the Laird of Grange and Alexander Whitlaw with a few Horse-men had not stayed both their Horse-men and Foot-men The Company which was next us perceiving that we retired with speed sent forth their skirmishers to the number of three or four hundred who took us at a disadvantage before us having the mire of Lestarrig betwixt us and them and we were enclosed by the Park ditch so that in no wise we could avoid their shot The Horse-men followed upon our heels and slue divers Our own Horse-men over-rode our Foot-men and so by reason of the narrownesse of the place there was no resistance made The Earle of Arran the Lord Iames in great danger lighted amongst the Foot-men exhorting them to have some respect to order and to the safety of their brethren whom by their flying they exposed to murther and so were criminall of their death Captain Alexander Halyburnetoun a man that feared God tarried with certain of his Souldiers behinde and made resistance till that he was first shot and then taken but being known those cruell murtherers wounded him in divers parts to the death and yet as it were by the power of God he was brought in to the Towne where in few but yet most plaine words he gave Confession of his Faith testifying That he doubted nothing of Gods mercy purchased to him by the Blood of Christ Jesus neither yet that he repented that it pleased God to make him worthy to shed his blood and spend his life in defence of so just a Cause And thus with the dolour of many he ended his dolour and did enter we doubt not into that blessed Immortality within two hours after our departure There were slain to the number of twenty four or thirty men the most part poor There was taken the Laird of Pitmillie the Laird of Pharnie younger the Master of Bowchane George Cuwell of Dundie and some others of lower rank Iohn Dumbar Lieutenant to Captain Movet Captain David Murray had his horse slain and himselfe hurt in the legge Few dayes before our first departure which was upon Alhallow Even William Maitland of Lethington younger Secretary to the Queen perceiving himself not onely to be suspected as one that favoured our part but also to stand in danger of his life if he should remain amongst so ungodly a company for whensoever matters came in question he spared not to speak his conscience which liberty of tongue and gravity of judgement the French did highly disdain Which perceived by him he conveyed himself away in the morning and tendred himself to M. Kirkcaldie Laird of Grange who coming to us did exhort us to constancy assuring us That in the Queen there was nothing but craft and deceit He travelled exceedingly to have retained the Lords together and most prudently laid before their eyes the dangers that might ensue their departing from the Towne but fear and dolour had so seized the hearts of all that they could admit no consolation The Earle of Arran and the Lord Iames offered to abide if any reasonable company would abide with them but men did so steal away that the wit of man could not stay them yea some of the greatest determined plainly That they would not abide The Captain of the Castle then Lord Erskin would promise unto us no favour but said He must needs declare himself friend to those that were able to support and defend him Which answer given to the Lord Iames discouraged those that before determined to have abidden the uttermost rather then to have abandoned the Towne so that the Castle would have stood their friend but the contrary declared every man took purpose for himself The complaints of the brethren within the Towne of Edinburgh was lamentable and sore the wicked then began to spue forth the venome which then lurked in their cankred hearts The godly as well those that were departed as the inhabitants of the Town were so troubled that some of them would have preferred death to life at Gods pleasure For avoiding of danger it was concluded That they should depart at midnight The Duke made provision for his Ordnance and caused it to be sent before but the rest was left to the care of the Captain of the Castle who received it as well that which appertained to the Lord Iames as that of Dundie The despightfull tongues of the wicked rayled upon us calling us Traytors and Hereticks every one provoked other to cast stones at us One cryed Alas if I might see another defie given Give advertisement to the French-men that they may come and we shall help them now to cut the throats of these hereticks And thus as the sword of dolour passed thorow our hearts so were the cogitations and former determinations of many hearts then revealed For we would never have believed that our naturall Countrey-men and women could have wished our destruction so unmercifully and have so rejoyced in our adversity God move their hearts to repentance for else we fear that he whose Cause we sustain shall let them feel the weight of the yoke of cruell strangers into whose hands they wished us to have been betrayed We stayed not till we came to Sterlin which we did the day after that we departed from Edinburgh for it was concluded that there consultation should be taken What was the next remedy in so desperate a matter The next Wednesday which was the 7 of November Iohn Knox preached Iohn Willock was gone into England as before he appointed and treated of the 5 6 7 and 8 Verses of the 80 Psalm where David in the person of the afflicted people of God speaketh this in the fourth Verse The Sermon of Iohn Knox in Sterlin in the greatest of our trouble O thou the eternall the God of Hosts how long shalt thou be against the prayer of thy people 5 Thou hast fed us with the bread of tears and hast given to us tears to drinke in great measure 6. Thou hast made us a strife unto our neighbours and our enemies laught us to scorne amongst themselves 7. O God
carnall wisdome and worldly policie to the which both you are bruted too much inclined give place to Gods simple and naked Trueth very love compells me to say That except the Spirit of God purge your heart from that venome which your eyes have seen to have been destruction to others that you shall not long escape the reward of dissemblers Call to minde what your eares heard Proclaimed in the Chappell of S. Iames when this Verse of the first Psalme was handled Not so O wicked not so but as the dust which the winde tosseth c. And consider that now you travell in the same way which then they did occupie to speak plainely now you are in that estate and credit in the which you shall either comfort the sorrowfull and afflicted for righteousnesse sake or else you shall molest or oppugne the Spirit of God speaking in his Messengers the Comforters of the afflicted for godlinesse hath promise of comfort in their greatest necessities but the troubles of Gods servants how contemned that ever they appeare before the world are threatned to have their Names in execration to the posterities following The examples of the one and of the other are not onely evident in Scriptures but also have been lately manifested in England And this is the conclusion of that which to your self I say except that in the cause of Christs Evangell you be found simple sincere fervent and unfained you shall taste of the same cup which politick heads have drank in before you The other Point concerning my self and that poore flock now dispersed and as I heare say rudely used is this By divers Messengers I have requested such Priviledges as Turkes commonly do grant to men of every Nation to wit That liberty should be granted to me freely to passe through England to the end that with greater expedition I might repaire towards my owne Countrey which now beginneth to thirst for Christs Trueth This request I thought so reasonable that almost I had entered the Realme without license demanded and yet I understand that it hath been so rejected that the soliciters thereof did hardly escape imprisonment and some of that poore flocke I heare to be so extreamely handled That those who most rudely have shed the blood of Gods most deare Children findes this day amongst you greater favours then they do Alas this appeareth much to repugne to Christian Charity for whatsoever hath been mine offence this I fear not to affirme in their cause That if any that hath suffered exile in those most dolorous dayes of persecution deserve praise and commendation for Peace Concord sober and quiet living it is they And as for me how criminall that ever I be in Gods presence for the multitude of my sins yet before his Justice-seat I have a testimonie of a cleare Conscience That since my first acquaintance with England willingly I never offended person within it except in open Chaire to reprove that which God condemneth can be judged offence but I have say you written a Treasonable Book against the regiment and Empire of women If that be my offence the poore flock is innocent except such as this day do fastest cry Treason For Sir in Gods presence I do write with none in that company did I consult before the finishing of the same Therefore in Christs Name I require That the blame may be upon me alone The writing of that Book I will not deny but to prove it Treasonable I think it shall be hard for Sir No more do I doubt of the Trueth of my Proposition then that I doubt that this was the voice of God which first did pronounce this penaltie against women In dolour shalt thou beare thy children It is bruited That my book is or shall be written against or answered If so be Sir I greatly feare That flatterers shall more hurt then helpe the matter which they would seem to maintaine for except my errour be plainly shewne and confuted by better authority then by such Lawes as from yeere to yeere may and do change I dare not promise silence in so weighty a businesse lest that in so doing I shall appeare to betray the Verity which is not subject to the mutabilitie of time And if any thinke me either enemy to the person or yet to the Regiment of her whom God hath now promoted they are utterly deceived in me for the miraculous Work of God comforting his afflicted by an infirme vessell I do acknowledge and I will obey the power of his most potent hand raising up whom best pleaseth his Mercy to suppresse such as fight against his glory albeit that both nature and Gods most perfect Ordinance repugne to such Regiment More plainly to speak If Queen Elizabeth shall confesse That the extraordinary dispensation of Gods great mercy makes that lawfull unto her which both nature and Gods Lawes do deny unto all women then shall none in England be more willing to maintaine her lawfull authority then I shall be But if Gods wondrous worke set aside she ground as God forbid the justnesse of her Title upon consuetude Lawes and Ordinances of men Then I am assured That as such foolish presumption doth highly offend Gods supreame Majestie so do I greatly feare That her ingratitude shall not long lacke punishment And this in the name of the eternall God and of his Son Jesus Christ before whom both you and I shall stand to make an account of all counsell we give I require you to signifie unto her Majestie in my name Adding That onely humility and desertion of her selfe before God shall be the firmenesse and stability of the Throne which I know shall be assaulted mo wayes then one If this you conceale from her Majestie I will make it patent to the world That thus farre I have communicated with you having also further to speak if my judgement may be heard Alas Sir is my offence although in that time and in that matter I had written ten Bookes so hainous that I cannot have Licence by Preaching of Christ Jesus to refresh those thirsty soules which long have lacked the Water of Life No man will I presently accuse but I greatly feare That the Leprous have no greâ—t pleasure to behold faire faces in cleare glasse Let none be afraid that I require to frequent the Court or yet to remaine any long time in England but onely thirsts in passing thorow to my native Countrey to communicate with you and some others such things as willingly I list not to commit to Paper neither to the Credit and knowledge of many And then in the North parts to offer Gods favours to such as I suppose do mourne for their desertion And this I trust shall be no lesse profitable to the Queen and to all godly within England then it should be pleasing to me in the flesh This is the third time that I have begged Licence to visite the hungry and thirstie amongst you which if now be denied
Raigne we wish may be prosperous and long to the glory of God and comfort of his Church we heartily commit you to the protection of the Omnipotent From Edinburgh the 17 of Iuly 1559. With this our Letter Iohn Knox wrote two one to the said Secretary and another to the Queens Majesty her self The Tenour whereof follows thus Iohn Knox his second Letter to M. Cecile for the delivery of one other to the Queen SIR AFter my humble commendations please you deliver this other enclosed to the Queen It containeth a few and simple words of my Confession what I think of her Authority how it is just and what may make it odious in Gods presence I hear that there is one Confutation set forth against the first blast God grant that the writers thereof have no more sought the favours of this present world no lesse the glory of God and the stable good of his Countrey then he who enterprised in that blast to utter his conscience When I shall have time which now is somewhat precious unto me to peruse that work I will communicate my judgement with you The time is now Sir that all who either thirst for Christ to raigne in this Isle or yet the hearts of the Inhabitants be joyned together in love unfained ought rather to study how the same might be brought to passe then vainly to travell for the maintenance of that whereof already we have seen the danger and feel the smart If the most part of women be wicked and such as willingly we would not should raigne over us And if the most godly and such as have are graces be yet mortall we ought to take heed lest in establishing of one judged godly and profitable to her Countrey we make an Interest and Title to many by whom not onely will the Truth be impugned but also will the Countrey be brought into bondage God give you and other favourers of your Countrey eyes to see and wisedome to avoid the dangers appearing By divers Letters I have required license to have visited the North parts of England but as yet I have received no favourable answer The longer Sir this it be delayed the lesse comfort will the faithfull there receive yea the weaker will the Queens favour be If I were not an unfained friend to her Majestie I would instantly beg such liberty which to me I know will neither be profitable nor pleasing in the flesh The common things here I doubt not you know some things I have as often times I have written which gladly I would communicate but I minde not to commit them to Paper and Inke finde therefore the means that I may speake with such a one as you will credit in all things The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ rest with you I heartily beseech you to have my service recommended to the Queens Majesty adding That whosoever maketh me odious to her Majestie seeketh somewhat besides the glory of God and her Majesties prosperity and therefore cannot be assured and unfained friends from c. The Letter sent from the said Iohn to the Queens Majestie of England being enclosed in the foresaid M. Ceciles Letter To the vertuous and godly Elizabeth by the Grace of God Queen of England John Knox desireth the perpetuall comfort of his holy Spirit MADAME AS your Majesties displeasure against me most unjustly conceived hath been and is to my wretched heart a burden grievous and almost intolerable so is the testimony of a clear conscience to me a stay and uphold that I sinke not in despair how vehement soever the temptations appear For in Gods presence my conscience beareth me record That maliciously nor of purpose I never offended your Majesty nor your Realme And therefore howsoever I be judged of man I am sure to be absolved of him who onely knoweth the secrets of hearts I cannot deny the writing of a Book against the usurped Authothority and unjust Regiment of Women neither yet am I minded to recant or call back any principall Point or Proposition of the same till truth and verity do further appear But why that your Majesty or any such who unfainedly favour the liberty of England be offended at the Author of such a Work I can perceive no just occasion For first my Book touched not your Majesties Person in speciall neither is it prejudiciall to any Liberty of the Realme if the time of my writing be indifferently considered How could I be enemy to your Majesties Person for delivery whereof I did more studie and undertake further then any of those who now accuseth me And as concerning your Government How could or can I envy that which most I have wished for and for which as my weak memory will suffer I render thanks unfainedly to God to wit That it hath pleased him of his eternall goodnesse to exalt your head which sometime was in danger to the manifestation of his glory and extirpation of Idolatry And as for my offence which I have committed against England either by writing that Book or by any other work I will not refuse that moderate and indifferent men judge and discerne betwixt me and those that accuse me viz. Whether of the parties do most hurt to the Liberty of England I who affirme that no woman may be exalted above any Realme to make the Liberty of the same thrall and subject to a strange proud and cruell Nation Or they that approve whatsoever pleaseth Princes for the time If I were as well disposed to accuse as some of them to their own shame have declared themselves I nothing doubt but that in few words I should let reasonable men understand That some that this day lowly crouch and bow to your Majestie and labour to make me odious in your eyes did in your adversity neither shew themselves faithfull friends to your Majesty neither yet so loving and carefull of the native Countrey as they would be esteemed But omitting the accusation of others for my owne purgation and your Majesties satisfaction I say That nothing contained in my book is or can be prejudiciall to your Majesties just Regiment providing that you be not found ungrate unto God ungrate you will be proved in the presence of his Throne howsoever that flatterers justifie your fact if you transfer the glory of that honour in which you now stand to any other thing then to the dispensation of his mercy which onely maketh that lawfull to your Majestie which Nature and Law denieth to all women to command and bear rule over men Neither would I that your Majesty should fear That this your humiliation before God should in any case infirm or weaken your Majesties just and lawfull Authority Nay Madame such unfained confession of Gods benefits received will be the establishment of the same not only to your self but also to your seed and Posterity Where contrariwise a proud conceit and elevation of your self will be the occasion that your Raigne will be unstable troublesome
Gods grace whereof God send you plentie And so I end Sic subscribitur Yours as a member of the same body in Christ M. Cecill From Oxford the 28 of Iuly 1559. Albeit the said Iohn received this Letter at Barwick yet would he answer nothing till that he had spoken with the Lords whom he found in Sterlin and unto whom he delivered the answer sent from the Councell of England for Alexander Whitlaw took sicknesse betwixt Barwick and Edinburgh and was troubled by the Lord Seaton as in the former Booke is declared the answer sent by Master Cecill was so generall that many amongst us despaired of any comfort to come from that Countrey And therefore were determined that they would request no further Iohn Knox laboured in the contrary but he could prevaile no further but that he should have licence and libertie to write as he thought best And so took he upon him to answer for all in forme as followeth Answer to Master Cecils writing TWo causes hindred me Right Worshipfull to visit you in any part in England Before this no signification of your minde and pleasure was made unto me for onely did Sir Henry Percie will me to come and speake with him which conveniently at that time I could not do by reason that the French-men which was the second cause of my stay did then most furiously pursue us while our company was dispersed and then durst I not be absent for divers inconveniences neither did I thinke my presence with you greatly necessary considering that the matter which I most desired was opened and proposed To the which I would have wished That a more plaine and especiall answer should have been made For albeit Master Whitlaw by his Credit Master Kirkcaldie by his Letter and I both by Letters and by that which I had received from Sir Iames Crofts did perswade your good mindes yet could not the councell be otherwise perswaded but that this alteration in France had altered your former purpose It is not unknown what good will we three do beare to England And therefore I wish That rather your Pen then our Credit or any thing written to any of us should assure the Lords and others of your good mindes who are now in number but five hundred Unlesse that money be furnished without delay to pay the Souldiers for their service past and to retaine another thousand foot-men with three hundred horse-men till some stay be had in this danger these Gentle-men will be compelled to leave the fields I am assured as flesh may be of flesh That some of them will take a very hard life before that ever they compose either with the Queen Regent or with France but this I dare not promise at all unlesse in they see greater forwardnesse To support us will appear excessive and to break promise with France will appear dangerous But the losse of expences in mine opinion ought not to be esteemed from the first payment neither yet the danger from the first appearance France is most fervent to conquer us and avoweth That against us they will spend the Crown so did mine own ears hear Butten Court bragge But most assuredly I know That unlesse by us they thought to make an entrie to you that they would not buy our poverty at that price They labour to corrupt some of our great men by money and some of our number are poore as before I wrote and cannot serve without support some they threatned and against others they have up one party in their owne Countrey In this mean time if ye lie by as neutralls what will be the end you may easily conjecture And therefore Sir in the bowells of Christ Jesus I require you to make plain answer What the Gentlemen here may trust to and what the Queens Majestie will do may without long delay be put in execution I rest in Christ Jesus Of Saint Iohnston the day of c. Answer with great expedition was returned to this Letter desiring some men of credit to be sent to the Lords to Barwicke for the receiving of the money for the first support with promise That if the Lords of the Congregation meant no otherwise then before they had written and if they would enter into League with honest Conditions they should neither lack men nor money to their just Causes Upon this answer was directed from the Lords to Barwicke Master Henry Balnaves a man of good credit in both the Realmes who suddenly returned with such a sum of money as served all the publike affairs till November next when Iohn Cockburne of Ormeston sent for the second support and receiving the same unhappily fell into the hands of the Earle Bothwell was wounded taken and spoyled of a great Sum upon which mischance followed all the rest of the troubles before rehearsed In the second Book preceding we have declared how Secretary Leehington was directed to England But one thing before we have passed by In that our greatest dejection this order was taken That the Duke the Earle of Glencarne Lord Boyd Lord Uchiltrie and their friends should remaine together at Glasgow for comfort of the Countrey and for giving of answers as occasion should require and that the Earle of Arrane the Lord Iames the Earle of Rothesse the Master of Lindsay and their adherents should continue together within Fyfe for the same causes that advertisements might go from the one to the other as need required In the Negotiation of the Secretary Lethington with the Queen and Councell of England in the which he travelled with no lesse wisedom and faithfulnesse then happy successe many things occurred that required the resolution of the whole Lords After that the Queen and Councell of England had concluded to send their Army to Scotland for expelling of the French the Duke of Norfolke was sent to Barwick with full instructions power and Commission to do in all things concerning the present affaires of Scotland as the Queen and Councell in their own persons had power to do Hereupon the said Duke required such a part of the Lords of Scotland as had power and Commission from the whole to meet him at such a day and place as pleased them to appoint This advertisement came first to Glasgow by the meanes of the Master of Maxwell Which read and considered by the Lords conclusion was taken that they would meet at Carleil and that was the procurement of the said Master of Maxwell for his ease Hereupon were Letters directed from the Lords being in Glasgow to Lord Iames requiring him with all possible expedition to repaire towards them for the purpose aforesaid Which Letters read and advised upon commandment was given to Iohn Knox to make the answer For so it was appointed at division of the Lords that he should answer for the part of those that were in Fyfe and M. Henry Balnaves for the part of them that abode at Glasgow The said Iohn answered as followeth To the Duke
owne desire we know not but the Queen spake with Iohn Knox and had long reasoned with him none being present except the Lord Iames two Gentlemen stood in the one end of the room The sum of their reasoning was this The Queen accused him That he had raised a part of her subjects against her Mother and her self That he had written a Book against her just Authority she meant the Treatise against the Regiment of Women which she had and would cause the most learned in Europe to write against it That he was the cause of great sedition and great slaughter in England And that it was said to her That all that he did was by Necromancy To the which the said Iohn answered Madame it may please your Majestie patiently to hear my simple answers And first said he my simple Answers And first said he if to teach the Word of God in sincerity if to rebuke Idolatry and to will a people to worship God according to his Word be to raise Subjects against their Princes then cannot I bee excused for it hath pleased God of his mercy to make me one amongst many to disclose unto this Realme the vanitie of the Papisticall Religion and the deceit pride and tyranny of that Romane Antichrist But Madame if the true knowledge of God and his right worshipping be the chief cause which must move men to obey their just Princesse from their heart as it is most certain that they are wherein can I be reprehended I thinke and am surely perswaded that your Majestie has had and presently hath as unfained obedience of such as professe Christ Jesus within this Realm as ever your Father or Progenitours had of those that were called Bishops And touching that Booke that seemeth so highly to offend your Majestie it is most certaine that if I wrote it I am content that all the learned of the world judge of it I heare that an Englishman hath written against it but I have not read him if hee hath sufficiently confuted my reasons and established his contrary Propositions with as evident testimonies as I have done mine I shall not bee obstinate but shall confesse mine errour and ignorance But to this houre I have thought and yet thinkes my selfe alone more able to sustaine the things affirmed in that my Work than any ten in Europe shall be able to confute it You thinke said shee that I have no just Authoritie Please your Majestie said he that learned men in all ages have had their judgements free and most commonly disagreeing from the Common judgement of the world Such also have they published both with Pen and tongue notwithstanding they themselves have lined in the common Societie with others and have borne patiently with the errour and imperfections which they could not amend Plato the Philosopher wrote his Booke of the Common wealth in the which hee condemnes many things that were maintained in the world and required many things to have beene reformed And yet notwithstanding he lived under such Politicks as then were universally received without farther troubling any State Even so Madame am I content to do in uprightnesse of heart and with a testimony of good Conscience I have communicate my judgement to the world if the Realme findes no inconveniencies in the Regiment of a woman that which they approve shall I not further disallow then within my owne brest but shall be all well content and shall live under your Majestie as Paul was to live under the Roman Emperour And my hope is that so long as ye defile not your hands with the Blood of the Saints of God that neither I nor that Booke shall either hurt you or your Authoritie for in very deed Madame that Booke was written most especially against that wicked Mary of England But said shee you speake of women in generall most true it is Madame said the other and yet plainly appeareth to me that wisedome should perswade your Majestie never to raise trouble for that which this day hath not troubled your Majestie neither in person nor in anxietie For of late yeeres many things which before were holden Stable have been called in doubt yea they have been plainely impugned But yet Madame I am assured That neither Protestant nor Papist shall be able to prove That any such Question was at any time moved in publike or in private Now Madame said he if I had intended to trouble your State because you are a woman I might have chosen a time more convenient for that purpose then I can do now when your own presence is within the Realme But now Madame shortly to answer to the other two accusations I heartily praise my God through Jesus Christ that Satan the enemy of mankinde and the wicked of the World have no other crimes to lay to my charge then such as the very World it selfe knoweth to be most false and vaine For in England I was resident onely the space of five yeeres The places were Barwick where I abode two yeeres So long in New-castle And a yeere in London Now Madame if in any of these places during the time that I was there any man shall be able to prove That there was either Battell Sedition or Mutinie I shall confesse That I my selfe was the Malefactour and shedder of the blood I am not ashamed further to affirme That God so blessed my weake labours then in Barwick wherein then commonly used to be slaughter by reason of quarrells that used to arise amongst Souldiers there was also great quietnesse all the time that I remained there as there is this day in Edinburgh And where they slander me of Magick Necromancie or of any other Art forbidden of God I have witnesse besides mine owne conscience all the Congregations that ever heard me what I speak both against such acts and against those that use such impietie But seeing the wicked of the world said That my Master the Lord Jesus was possessed with Beelzebub I must patiently beare Albeit that I wretched sinner be unjustly accused of those that never delighted in the Veritie But yet said she you have taught the people to receive another Religion then their Princes can allow And how can that Doctrine be of God Seeing that God commandeth Subjects to obey their Princes Madame said he as right Religion tooke neither Originall nor Antiquity from worldly Princes but from the eternall God alone So are not Subjects bound to frame their Religion according to the appetite of their Princes For oft it is that Princes are the most ignorant of all others in Gods true Religion as we may reade in the Histories as well before the death of CHRIST JESUS as after If all the seed of Abraham should have beene of the Religion of Pharaoh to whom they had beene a long time Subjects I pray you Madame what Religion should there have been in the world Or if all men in the dayes of the Apostles
yet take heed Let janglers and inconstant mâ—n note Le the House of Hamilton remember this Conclusio Let the Papists and greatest enemies witnesse Proclamation against the Earl of Arranâ— Re 〈…〉 The drowning of the French Dominus pro nobis The Earle of Sudderland shot Note the French favour to their friendâ— John 6. Exhortation of Iohn Knox. Note The slaughter of a French Captain with his Band. Note The arrivall of the English Ships Note The Bridge of Tullibody Note the death of a plunderer Remark the Scots acknowledgement of the English help Iohn Knox his first Letter to Sir William Cecile Note Note Note As England had interest then not to suffer Scotland to perish so likewise Scotland hath interest now not to see Engâ—and undonâ— 1559. Note the Quaeres And Answers Let the enemies say if their hope be not frustrate Note diligently Note Note Note Sir Iames Crofts counsell Note a braggadoshie Note Note Note Note Note Note Note Let us mark our advantage from France Note Note Note Note a cruell â—â—act 1560 Note Note 1560. The fourth Covenant Now hereupon came the pursuit Let the Princes now adayes make use of this So now the worldlings speak unto the King concerning the Scots into England Note The Hamiltonsâ—amâ—ly â—amâ—ly Note this diligently We must go to the fiâ—st cause in all things The inhumanity of the mercâ—lâ—ss French The Quâ—en Regents cruell heart The comfortable Letter of the Duke of Norfolk Note Let the Princes now make use of these words of this dying Queen Note The death of the Queene Regent Note a Character of Popishly addicted French officers of State Note how they limit the Prince Note how the Prince is limitated and his will is not a Law Note The profit thâ—â— Leith got of their promise liberty Note a Covenant betwixt England and Scotland 1560. Some Prelats left Antichrist and did adherâ— unto Christ. William Mâ—itlands mockage of God See how this agrees with our timâ—s Deut. 14. 1 Cor. â— 8. Isai 44.4 5. 1 Tim. 1 27. 1 King 8.17 2 Chron. 8 18. Psal 139 78. Gâ—n 17 1. 1 Tim. 6.15 16 Exod 3.14 15. Matt. 28.19 1 Joh 57. Gen 1.1 Heb. 1. â—3 Act. 17.28 Prov 16.4 Gen 1.26 27 c. Col. 3.10 Ephes 4 24 Gen. 3.6 Gen. 2. â—7 Psal 51.5 Rom. 5 10. Rom. 7.5 2 Tit. 2.6 Eph. 2 23. Rom. 5.14 12. Rom. 6.23 John 3 5. Rom. 5.1 Phil. 1.29 Gen. 3.15 Gen. 3.9 Gen. 12 3. Gen. 15 5 6. 2 Sam. 7.14 Isai 7.14 Isai 9 6 Hag 2.6 John 8.38 Ezek. 6.5 6.7 8 9 c. Gen. 1 12. Gen. 13.1 Exod. 1.1 Exod. 1.20 Josh 3. 23 4 1 Sam. 10.1 1 Sam 16 13 2 Sam 7 12 2 Kingâ— 17.15 16 c. 2 King 24. 34 c. Deu. 28.36 38 c. 2 Kin. 25. â— Dan. 9 2. Ezr. 1 c. Hag. 1 14. Zach. 3.1 Gal 4 4. Luke 1.31 Matth. 1.18 Matth. 2.1 Rom. 1.3 Matth. 1.23 John 1.2.45 2 Tim. 2 5. Ephes. 1.3.4 15 6. Ephes. 1.11 Matth 25 34. Ephes. 1 21 22. Heb 27 8. Psal. 22.11 Heb 13.26 1 Pet. 2.24 5. Psal. 130.3 Psal. 143.3 1 Tim. 2.5 John 1.12 John 20.17 Rom. 5.17 18.19 Rom. 8.15 Gal. 4 36. Act. 17.26 Heb. 2.11 12. 1 Pet. 3 18. Isa. 53.8 Act. 2.4 1 John 1 2. Act. 20 28. 1 Tim 3.16 John 3.16 Heb. 10.1 12. Isa 53.5 Heb. 1 2.3 John 1.29 Matth. 26.11 Deut. 20.23 Matth. 15.1 2. Gal 3.13 Luke 23.1 2. Matth. 26.38 2 Cor 5. Heb 9 12. Heb. 10.5 Act. 2.23 Act. 3.26 Rom. 6.5 11. Act. 2.24 Rom. 4 25. Heb. 2.14 15. Matth. 28 John 20.27 21.7 Luke 24.41 42 43. Joh. 21.12 13. Luke 24.51 Act. 1.6 Matth. 28.6 Matth. 16.9 Luke 24 6. John 20.9 Matth. 28 18. 1 John 2.1 1 Tim. 2.5 Psal. 110 1. Matth. 22 44. Matth. 12 36. Luke 20.42.43 Acts 1.1 Acts 3.19 1 Thess. 1.4 5 6 7 8. Matth. 25.34 Revel 21.27 Esay 66.24 Matth 25.41 Matth 9.44 46 48 Matth. 22.13 2 Pet. 3 11. 2 Cor. 5.11 Luke 21.28 John 15.4 c. Esay 7.14 Ephes. 1.22 Col. 1.18 Heb. 1.11 15. Heb. 10.21 1 John 2.1 1 Tim. 2.5 Matth. 16.17 John 14 26. John 14.11 Acts 5.4 John 10.13 Col. 2.13 Ephes. 2. â— John 9.39 Revel 3.13 Matth. 17.17 Matth 9.19 Luke 9 41. John 6 63. Mic 7.8 1 King 8.8 Psal. 10.3 Rom. 5.10 John 3.5 Tit. 5.5 Rom. 5 8. Psal. 3.9 Psal. 1.6 2 Cor. 3.5 Ephes 1 6. Ephes. 2.10 Phil. 3.13 John 15.5 Rom. 8.9 Rom. 7.15 16 17. Gal. 5.17 Rom. 8 16. Rom. 7.24 Som. 8 22. Ephes 4.17 18 19. 2 Tim. 2.26 John 15 5. Exod. 20.3 c. Deut. 4.7 c. Luke 21.75 Mica 6.7 Ephes 6.17 Ezech. 22.104 1 Cor 6.19 20 1 The 4.4 5 6 Jer. 22.3 9 9 c. Esay 50.1 c. 1 Thess. 4 6. Rom 13.2 Ezek. 22.13 1 John 3 4. Rom. 14.23 Heb. 1 16. 1 Sam. 15.22 1 Cor. 10.31 1 John 3.4 Esay 29.19 Matth. 15.9 Mar. 7.7 Levit. 18.5 Gal. 3.12 1 Tim. 1.18 Rom. 7.12 Psal. 19.7 8 9. Deut. 5.29 Rom. 10.3 1 Kin. 8.4 6. Chron. 6.36 Eccles. 7.22 Prov. 20.9 1 â—oh 1.18 Iohn 1.18 Rom. 10.4 Gal. 3 13. Deut. 27.26 Phil. 2.15 Isai. 64.6 Luk. 17.10 Mat. 28.20 Ephes. 1.4 Col. 1.18 Ephes. 5.23 24 25 26. Apoc. 7.8 Ephes. 2.19 Iohn 5.24 Iohn 17.6 1 Tim. 2.19 Iohn 13.14 Ephes. 1.10 Col. 1.10 Heb. 12.4 Apoc. 14.13 Isai. 25 8. Apoc 7.16 17 Apoc. 21.4 Apoc. 16.10 11 Isai. 66.24 Mark 9.44 36 48. Luke 23.43 Luke â—6 24 25. Apoc. 6.9 10. Gen. 4.8 Gen. 21. â— Gen. 27.41 Mar. 23.34 Ioh. 15.18 19. Iohn 11 35. Ioh. 15.20 24. Act. 4.1 c. Act 5.17 c. Gen. 4 1. Psal. 48.1 2. Mat 5.35 Iohn 12.42 Ephes. 2.20 Act. 2.42 Iohn 10 27. Iohn 18.37 1 Cor. 1 13. 1 Cor. 11.20 23. Mat. 28 19 20 Mark 16.15 Rom 4 11. Matth 18 20. 1 Cor 1.2 2 Cor. 1.1 Gal. 1 2. Ephes. 1 1. Acts 16.9 10.18 1 Cor. 1. c. A 20 17 c. John 20.31 2 Tim 3 16 17 2 Pet. 1 20 21. John 5 29. Ephes 4 4 1 Tim. 3.16 17 Genes 27. Gal 2.11 12 13 14. 1 Tim. 4.1.23 Col. 2.18 19 20 21 22 23. Act. 15.1 c. 1 Tim. 3.15 Heb. 3.2 1 Cor. 14.40 Gen. 17.10 Exod. 12.32 Gen. 17.4 Num. 9.13 Mat. 28.19 Mar. 16.17 Mat. 26.26 Mar. 14.22 Luke 22.19 1 Cor. 11.24 10.16 Rom. 6.3 4 5. Gal. 3.27 Mar. 16.19 Luke 24.51 Act. 1.11 Act. 3.21 1 Cor. 10 c. Ephes. 5.30 Matth. 27.50 Mar. 15.31 Luke 23.46 John 14.30 6.51 53 54 55 56 57 58. 1 Cor. 11.28 28. Mat. 26.26 c Mar. 14.22 c Luk. 22.19 c 1 Cor. 11.24 Note 1 Cor. 11.25 26 Heb. 9.27 28 Col. 2.11 12 Rom. 4.11 Gen. 17.10 Mat. 28.19 1 Cor. 28.29 Rom. 13.1 Titus 3.1 1 Peter 13.2 Rom. 13.2 Rom. 13.7 1 Pet 2.17 Psal 82.1 1 Chron. 22.23 24 25. Chap. 26. 2 Chron. 29.30 31 chap. 2
that there was three causes why the disciples knew not Christ but judged him to be a spirit The first cause was The darknesse of the night The second was The unaccustomed vision that appeared And the third was The danger and the tempest in which they so earnestly laboured for the safeguard of their selves The darknesse I say of the night letted their eyes to see him And it was above nature that a massie heavy and weighty body of a man such as they understood their Master Christ to have should walk go upon or be born up of the water of the raging Sea and not sink And finally the horrour of the tempest and great danger that they were in perswaded them to look for none other but certainly to be drowned And so all these three things concurring together confirmed in them this imagination That Christ Iesus who came to their great comfort and deliverance was a fearfull and wicked spirit appearing to their destruction What here happened to Christ Jesus himself that I might prove to have chanced and daily to happen to the verity of his blessed Word in all ages from the beginning For as Christ himself in this their trouble was judged and esteemed by his disciples at the first sight a spirit or phantasticall body so is the Truth and sincere Preaching of his glorious Gospel sent by God for mans comfort deliverance from sin and quietnesse of conscience when it is first offered and truely preached it is I say no lesse but judged to be heresie and deceivable doctrine sent by the devill to mans destruction The cause hereof is the dark ignorance of God which in every age since the beginning so overwhelmed the world that sometimes Gods very Elect were in like blindenesse and errour with the reprobate As Abraham was an Idolater Moses was instructed in all the wayes of the Egyptians Paul a proud Pharisee conjured against Christ and his Doctrine And many in this same our age when the Truth of God was offered unto them were sore afraid and cryed against it onely because the dark clouds of ignorance had troubled them before But this matter I omit and let passe till more opportunity The chief Note that I would have you well observe and mark in this preposterous fear of the disciples is this The more nigh deliverance and salvation approacheth the more strong and vehement is the temptation of the Church of God And the more nigh that Gods vengeance approacheth to the wicked the more proud cruell and arrogant are they Whereby it commonly cometh to passe That the very messengers of life are judged and deemed to be the authors of all mischief And this in many histories is evident When God had appointed to deliver the afflicted Israelites by the hand of Moses from the tyranny of the Egyptians and Moses was sent to the presence of Pharaoh for the same purpose such was their affliction and anguish by the cruelty which newly was exercised over them that with open mouthes they cursed Moses and no doubt in their hearts they hated God who sent him alleadging That Moses and Aaron was the whole cause of their last extreme trouble The like is to be seen in the Book of the Kings both under Elisha and Isaiah the Prophets For in the dayes of Ioram sonne of Achab was Samaria besieged by the King of Syria In which Samaria no doubt albeit the King and the most multitude were wicked there was yet some members of Gods Elect Church which were brought to such extreme famine that not onely things of small price were sold beyond all measure but also women against nature were compelled to eat their own children In this same City Elisha the Prophet most commonly was most conversant and dwelt by whose counsell and commandment no doubt the City was kept For it appeareth the King to lay that to his charge when he hearing of the piteous complaint of the woman who for hunger had eaten her own son rent his clothes with a solemne Oath and vow That the head of Elisha should not stand upon his shoulders that day If Elisha had not been of counsel That the city should have been kept Why should the King have more fumed against him then against others But whether he was the author of the defending the City or not all is one to my purpose for before the deliverance was the Church in such extremity that the chief Pastor of that time was sought to be killed by such as should have defended him The like is read of Hezekiah who defending his City Ierusalem and resisting proud Sennacherib no doubt obeying the counsell of Isaiah at length was so oppressed with sorrow and shame by the blasphemous words of Rabshakeh that he had no other refuge but in the Temple of the Lord as a man desperate and without comfort to open the disdainfull letters sent unto him by that hauty and proud tyrant By these and many Histories mo it is most evident that the more nigh salvation and deliverance approacheth the more vehement is the temptation and trouble This I writ to admonish you that albeit yet you shall see tribulation so abound that nothing shall appear but extreme misery without all hope of comfort that yet you decline not from God And that albeit somtimes ye be moved to hate the messengers of life that therefore ye shall not judge that God will never shew mercy after No deare Brethren as he hath dealt with others before you so will he deal with you God will suffer tribulation and dolour abound that no manner of comfort shall be seen in man to the intent that when deliverance commeth the glory may be his whose onely word may pacifie the tempest most vehement He drowned Pharaoh and his Army He scattered the great multitude of Benadad And by his Angel killed the hoste of Sennacharib And so delivered his afflicted when nothing appeared to them but utter destruction So shall he do to you beloved Brethren if patiently ye will abide his consolation and counsell God open your eyes that ye may rightly understand the meaning of my writing Amen But yet peradventure you wonder not a little why God permitteth such blood thirsty tyrants to molest and grieve his chosen Church I have recited some causes before and yet more I could recite but at this time I will hold me content with one The justice of God is such that he will not poure forth his extreme vengeance upon the wicked unto such time as their iniquity be so manifest that their very flatterers cannot excuse it Pharaoh was not destroyed till his own houshold servants and subjects abhorred and condemned his stubborn disobedience Iesabel and Athalia were not thrust from this life into death till all Israel and Juda were witnesses of their cruelty and abominations Iudas was not hanged till the Princes of the Priests bare witnesse of his Traiterous Act and iniquitie To