betvveene soft and ridged Lutherans Vigandus Gallus Ampsdorphius Osiander and the foresaid Hessusius all austere and ridged Lutherans against Philip Melanchthon Eberus Sturmius Clâ—beâ—ius Chyâ—râ—us and other of the secte of softer Lutherans there would be no end if we should runne ouer all for that the fayers of FraÌ„kford euery yeare do bring forth so many new bookes in this kynd of one of these LutheraÌ„s against an other as they cannot be read and so enough for the present of this external stryfe But now godwilling wil I drawe homeward toward the vnion of our domestical ghospellers VVhat vnion in England by one iudgâ—â—nt of foâ—â—â—ne Protestants in EnglaÌ„d if by the way yow wil geue me leaue first to note one only point more about these forayne sectaries which I cannot omit for that it toucheth England also in particuler and is taken out of an authentical Author Châ—min epi. ad Elect. Brand. whome our English Protestants do highly commend in all their writings to wit Martynus Chemnitius for that he tooke vpoÌ„ him to examine ceÌ„sure the whole councel of Trent a valiant act of a typling German but that which is worse he censureth the Queene and Parlament of England also in that which now I am tâ— alleage and so goeth further then he should do For in a letter which he writeth to the Prince Elector of BraÌ„deÌ„â—urge allowing first his iudgemeÌ„t and praysing it greatly quod consultum non esse iudicat vt cum Caluinistis generalis synodus habeatur That his highnes thinketh it not expedient to haue any general Synode with the Caluinists as they desired and secondly he addeth his owne iudgmeÌ„t to the Dukes about their punishmeÌ„t to wit that it is not conuenient vt punitionis officium contra Caluinistas intereà temporis penitus quiescat That the â—ffice oâ— punishing Caluinists in the meane space should vtterly cease but rather be continued Thirdly he passeth ouer to talke also of the Religion of England Chemnit his censure of English religion and of her Ma â—ie by name saying that no good thing in Religion is further to be expected of her That she hath vsed hardly the protestants of Germany That she seeth seeleâ—h now a third sect rysen vp in her realme of Puritanes which hate both her and Caluinians and are enemies also to Lutherans and then he scoffeth that she being a woman hath taken vpon her to make Ecclesiastical lawes And lastly quod soemineo à seculis â—naudito fastuse Papissam caput Ecclesiae fecit That with a womanly pryd I am forced to interprete his wordes as they ly neuer hard of in former ages she hath made her selfe a shee Pope and head of the Churche Thus sayth he and much more and if any Catholike wryter had set downe these wordes how would Syr F. haue inueighed against vs for them But now what wil he say to this cheefe champion of his new gospel Is this the vnity they haue among them did Lucifer his angels euer more furiously fight amoÌ„g themselues then these their folowers do But heere we must stay our hand and goe no further in forraine fights but rather get home as I promised and see what passeth there among only Caluinists and whether they be at any better peace then their brethren are at abroad and yf not then wil we laughe at Syr F. againe for his vnity in verity THE CONTINVATION of thesame narration about vnity in verity among ridged and soft Caluinistes named Protestants puritaines in England and Scotland CAP. VI. HAVING bene ouerlong in this narraration of sorraine disagreement amoÌ„gst new gospellers therby to shew the vanity of Syr F. his vaunt who said that all their churches in Christendome were of the selfe same iudgment and blessed vnity there wanteth not matter to make a farre longer recital of their domestical bickerings hatred and dissentions rysen among the Caluinists of England and Scotland since the raigne of her Maiestie seing there are extant so many bookes of those matters both betweene Cartwright Whitgyft Lupton Martyn Marprelate Mar-martyn amongst the rest O. E. also as is reported togeather with whole collections of the issue made divulged by publike authority wherin the controuersyes Bookes betvveen protestants and Puritans the one against the other stryfes and maner of defending them are particularly set downe togeather with the combats and assaultes sleights shifts indeauours and pollicies of each syde which comedy though it be ouer long for me to bring into this place yet wil I touche some few principal poynts for the readers instruction and partly also for recreation concerning the good agreement of thâ—se people or rather their warre and bickerings being all professors of one and the selfe same sect to the end we may see what vnity in verity they haue as our knight braggeth or rather how their spirit of diuision is no other then that of the Lutherans Swinglians and other sectaryes before rehearsed and as all other heretikes haue euer byn before them shal be after them for that the selfe same spirit of one and the selfesame find doth and shal possesse them all to the worldes end First then to beginne with some poynts of doctrine especially touching princes of whome heretikes comonly are egregious flatterers yf they fauour their sects and notorious traytors paricides yf they be against them let vs heare the more ridged part of Caluinists called Puritans coÌ„cerning her Ma tie authority Caluinian contention about Princes authority wherwith the knight seeketh continually to presse vs as though we denied both spiritual and temporal which is most false in the one but his men I meane English Protestants and Puritans are so deuided among themselues in this poynt as is incredible especially to him that heareth the fauning flattery of Sir F. to her Maiestie in his watchword and knoweth not what his doctors do hould and practise elswhere to the contrary For harken now to his Ministers assertions in this behalfe Princes say they may be deposed by the people yf they be Tirants against God and his truth Knockes in hist. Scot. Pag. 78. 372. and their subiects are free from their oathes of obedience Again the people are better then the king and of greater authority Bucchan de iure reg pag. 61.13.25.58.40.62 c. they haue right to bestow their crowne at their pleasure they may arraygne their Prince and depose him To them it appertayneth to make lawes and to the prince to execute them they haue thesame power ouer the king that the king hath ouer any particular person and it were good that rewardes were publikely appoynted by the people for such that kil tyrants as there are for those that kil wolfes and beares Againe when the mylder sort of Caluinists doe obiect to these rough and ridged brethreÌ„ of thesame sect Obiections finely ansvvered some places out of scripture or otherwise to temper this humor as that
and other like of which 〈◊〉 of diuersities Tertullian spake a litle beâ—ore 〈◊〉 he said quaeramus à nostris Tâ—â—ul cap. pâ—â—ced quae salua fidei regâ—â—â— quaestionem possâ—nt deuenire Let vs cal in questiâ—â— or dispute among our selues and with 〈◊〉 owne men to wit Catholykes such poâ—â— of religion as may come in controuersie wiâ—â—out breach oâ— the integritie of the rule of fayth and with this only dâ—stinction of old Tertullian of the different disputing among Catholykes and heretikes the one without touching the â—ntegritie of the rule of fayth the other directlie opposite against that integritie by this onlie I say all the vaine prating and babling of our aduersaries that fil vp leaues with differences among our schoolemen is quite cut of and they like barking dogs that haue weâ—yed them-selues in vayne may shake their â—ares and returne to ly downe in their keâ—els againe vntil an other fit of bawling be â—ffred and he that wil see an other like bawâ—â—ng whelp to O. E. repealed by a vauÌ„t-curre â—â—d his chaps shut vp with the verie same diâ—â—â—nction Aug. lib. 1. coÌ„tra Iulian. cap. 2. let him read S. Augustine against Iulian 〈◊〉 Pelagian obiecting the same that O.E. doth â—gainst Catholykes Alia sunt sayth S. Augustine â—uibus inter se aliquando etiam doctissimi atque opâ—ae regulae Catholicae defensores salua fidei compage 〈◊〉 consonant VVhat differences ther may be among catholikes Salua fidei regula alius alio de vna re melius aliquid 〈◊〉 verius hoc autem vnde nunc agimus ad ipsa 〈◊〉 pertinet fundamenta There are other poynts â—â—ong Catholykes in which sometymes the â—ost learned and best defenders of the Caâ—â—olyke rule of fayth do disagree among theÌ„â—â—â—ues and one doth say better and more truly â—â—â—haps then an other of the selfe same thing 〈◊〉 yet all without breach of the common â—â—ke of fayth but this whereof now we treat â—gainst this heretyke Iulian perteyneth to 〈◊〉 very foundation of our fayth Thus sayth he and thus say we and 〈◊〉 further to O. E. that which foloweth in Sâ— Augustine against Iulian that he change 〈◊〉 erroneous and furious mynd in accusing many graue Fathers Bishops and Pastors 〈◊〉 the whole visible churche of that opprobrioâ— shame whâ—ch is proper only to heretyks wit of diuision and dissention among themselues in matters of fayth To the other iest boyery that foloweâ— wherin he sayth that Catholyke men canâ— receyue their fayth froÌ„ the vniuersal church quia actiones sunt suppositorum I might answeâ— this sentence quia omnia plena sunt â—â—ultorum 〈◊〉 otherwise he pretending to make his aduâ—â—sarie a noddy would neuer haue brouâ—â—â— foorth so noddilike an aâ—gument therby to iâ—crease the number of noddyes with additiâ—â— of his owne person for who wil not 〈◊〉 him a notorious Noddy who selling him-seâ—â—â— for a doughtie doctor VVhether the vniuersal Churche may be said to teach or no. deane of a Churchâ— vnderstandeth not a proposition in Logiâ—â—â— thereâ—ore for his instruction I wil send hâ—â— to no higher a treatise for this tyme therâ— the introduction of Logique or summâ— written by Toletus Tolet. in trod ad dialect lib. 1. c. â—3 where among other â—â—uisions of terminus singularis he shal fynd thâ— Collectiuus autem terminus est qui tantum pluraâ—â— iuncta significat vt Roma c This I shal expoâ—â— after when I shal shew that this definition Terminus ouerthroweth his obiection coâ—â—sequentlie that he is ignorant in ipsis termiâ—â—â— artis in the very termes of logique it selfe But yet in the meane space I deny not but that the said proposition actiones sunt suppositoruÌ„ is true in it selfe Arist. lib. 1. Metaph. c. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and founded in Aristotles Meâ— taphysikes though Aristotle haue not the word supposiâ—orum but singularâ—um as the greeke word importeth but all is one in our sense And further I grant that this proposition is vsed by many schoole doctors for better explication of dâ—uers highest mysteries of diuinitie and namelie of the blessed Trinitie incarnation of our Sauiour and others as appeareth in diuers places of S. Thomas D. Thom. com in lib. 1. Sent. dist 5 q. 1. art 2 lib. 3 dist 2. Idem part 1. q. 34. art 5. part 3. q. 19. art 1. though yet as it seemeth neuer read and much lesse vnderstood by this rude O. E. as may appeare by his foolish application therof in this place for that the meaning of this proposition according to Aristotle and schoolemen is that Actiones non sunt vniuersalium logicorum which are otherwise called vniuersalia in predicando such as are genus species and the like neyther yet are actiones vniuersalum in essendo as were those ideae platonicae nor yet paâ—tium conslituentium vel componentium but only singularium aut suppositorum this is Aristotles meaning when he sayth actiones sunt suppositorum but what is any of this to our question and speech of the vniuersal Christian Churche and her teaching which Churche though in our speach she be called vniuersal collectiue for that she coÌ„teyneth all Catholykes yet is she reipsa and in her selfe truly and properlie indiuiduum and not vniuersale logicum vel platenicum but only as is said vniuersale collectiuum defined before by Tolâ—tus when he sayth Terminus singularis collectiuus est qui tantum plura coniunctè significat which signifieth the comprehension of many in it self as Rome London parlament cittye churche congregation and the like which according to logique are properlie particuler indiuiduals and not vniuersals though they conteyne ech of them a multitude in them and in that sense may be called vniuersals as the whole and vniuersal city parlament common wealth c. and they haue this nature that the actions of particulars conteyned in them and authorized by the whole do stand for the whole and are said to be of the whole as the acts of Parlament in England though they be done be particular men and often tymes not by all yet are they not called the actes of particular men but of the whole parlament and the like of the actes of the cittie or common wealth And further when such an act is deliuered to me by a particular man not in his owne name Actes of particular men attributed to the vvhole body nor as his owne acte or decree but as the act of the Parlament and in name therof I may wel say that the Parlament deliuereth me the same which I may also say when the cittie of London the chaÌ„cerie the kings bench the court of wardes or other coÌ„mon bodyes maketh out any order though it be deliuered by particuler meÌ„ yet is it the act of the whole vniuersal body and so called and accounted and not of the particuler men that deliuer or execute the same which being vnderstood let vs now come co the
the reader so may I not altogether pretermit this preface of O. E. which is somwhat more spised with poyson and venome then the other teÌ„ding wholy to bloodshed and cruelty against Catholikes the man I haue somwhat dismasked before in my answere to his opprobrious letter to N. D. whom he enterpreteth Noddy heer we shal haÌ„dle the proiect and purpose of this his writing which indeed is nothing els O. E. his plot and proiect but to irrite and styrre vp her Maiestie and her honorable counsel with the rest that sâ—and at the sterne of gouernment to ingulf themselues in Catholikes blood and spoyle of their goods wherby hee and his hungry crue standing by and for desyre therof licking their lips might hope to come to haue some share in the deuidend O. E. vvatcheth for scrappes and yet for auoyding publike hatred notorious shame he desyreth to entertayne himselfe in some darkenes for a tyme and to expect his pray vnder the shroud of a cyphred * O. E. name for as he said which knoweth wel such compagnions qui malè agit Io. 3. vers 10. odit lucem non venit ad lucem vt non arguantur opera eius he that doth naughtely hateth the light and wil not come to it least his workes may be conuicted but yet we must drawe this Owle to light and see what he sayth vnder the vizard of O. E. His drift in this Epistle and in his whole writing is to styr vp the state to set vpon some new affliction of Catholykes reioysing clapping his hands where any rigour is in vre already and to this barbarous purpose he deuiseth diuers impertinent and ridiculous meanes of persuasion which I shal runne ouer with as much breuitie as they are voyd of substance wit reason or honestie His first meane of persuasion is by extolling exceedingly the extraordinarie clemency vsed hitherto in England towards Catholykes Rare clemeÌ„cy tovvards Catholykes which clemency he sayth hath byn most singuler and admirable and to proue this leauing all home testimonyes he runneth into Italy to seek a witnes bringing foorth one Petrus Bizartus in his story of Genua Pet Biz lib. Hist. Gen. 33. Pres. pag. 1. who sayth that for the first 20 yeares of her Maiesties reigne no blood vvas shed nor any suffered to be punished but by lavvful tryal and sentence of Iudges c. But what need was there to go so farre to fetch so slender à testimony this fellow wrote a 1000. myle of and telleth vs only that there vvas no bloudshed nor punishment vvithout some sentence of Iudges or lavvful tryal for the first 20 yeares And what then for the second twenty shal we inferre as it seemeth we must that for these later twenty yeares bloudshed hath byn vsed without lawful tryal or sentence of Iudges and doth not our minister shew himself more then * Bizarro in ItaliaÌ„ a light phantastical head Bizarro I speak to him as vnderstanding the Italian tongue for bringing in Bizarus to so fond a purpose so that by this yow may take a scantling of the mannes discretion at the very first entrance yow shal see it more in the next and other poyntes that do ensue For as in this first poynt he would make Catholikes to seeme vngrateful for that hauing receyued so singuler clemency they complayne of rigour therby deserue to be punished more so in the second poynt he beginnes to treat of their moouings against the stare wherby he would haue them much more to deserue punishment and his entrance to this treatise is in these wordes Ibid. pag. 1. In the meane vvhile Thomas Harding obteyned a Bul from the Pope to exercise Episcopal iurisdiction in EnglaÌ„d to dispence vvith irregularities and to receyue all that vvould be reconciled to the Pope And then he noteth in the margent anno Domini B567 by which entrance also we may be much confirmed in our former coÌ„iecture of our mannes deep wit seing that at the very beginning he would bring in such impertinent stuffe for the foreshew of his wares for first it was neuer hard of before I think that D. Harding after his departure out of England to Louayne in the beginning of her maiesties raigne VVhether D. Harding returned into England came home to liue in England agayne or to exercise Episcopal iurisdiction therin but rather about the tyme this man assigneth he was busy wryting in Flanders against his aduersary M. Iewel Secondlie what need was there to geue him Episcopal Iurisdiction in England at that tyme who abyding as I haue said in Flanders there were diuers Bishops yet liuing in England and other learned men to haue exercised that Episcopal iurisdiction if need had byn But this is more ridiculous which ensueth that he had a Bul to dispence vvith irregularities and to receaue all that vvould be reconciled to the Pope for what needed either Bul or Episcopal iurisdiction for this seing euery ordinarie Priest may haue authoritie to do it without Bul or Episcopal iurisdiction or what special need was there at that tyme to dispence with irregularityes or to reconcile men more then before Doth O.E. know what irregularitie meaneth or wil he tell his reader trewly what is vnderstood by reconcilling to Catholike religion which he calleth to the Pope no I trow not it is not their fashion to deale sincerely in any poynt for proof wherof heare his exposition All that vvere reconciled sayth he to the Pope renounced their obedience to the Prince Spiritual obedience may stand vvith temporal and is it so in deed Sir minister wo then to the Emperor to the kings of Spayne France Polonia and Princes of Italy and other places whose subiects are eyther all or the most parte reconciled to the Pope in the sense that we talk of Catholyke religion and yet haue they not I trow renounced therby all obedience to their temporal princes So that reconciliation to the Pope may stand with due obedience to their naturel princes also if O.E. his seditious mates wil be content to vnderstand matters a right and not to cauil wilfully against their owne consciences As for D. Mortons sending into the north by Pius Quintus for declaration of his sentence geuen in Rome which is the next poynt that followeth in this ministers tale it being so long agoe and but a particuler English mannes act cannot by any reason preiudice any more the residue of Catholykes now in England The Earle of Effex his attempt then the late attempt of the Earle of Essex did or may do all English puritanes and protestaÌ„ts that were of his religion or shal be hereafter though not priuie to his attempt nor any thing so much as the said late attempt may touch perhaps this hungry minister if matters were wel examined who being of his retinue and of more need then his maister is likly inough to haue byn of his councel
aske why he reprehendeth not Cambden and other protestant wryters that say to her Ma â—ie Diua Elizabetha at euery word but all may passe with these men so it be not to the Pope And yet one thing yow must note that whatsoeuer Canonist or other Catholique do attribute to the Pope it is not in respect of his person but of his office and place vnder Christ so that if they flatter they flatter the office not the man but Diua Elizabetha flattereth the person and so it is flat and grosse flattery But let vs go forward Yow haue heard then the two first wayes wherby the K. goeth about to excuse himselfe from flattery wherof the first is but fond and the second fraudulent there followeth a third which is both impertinent and ridiculous For wheras he is accused by the warder to be coÌ„trary to himselfe A very foolish defence in that telling vs of so many blessings and English benedictions yet in the very same lyues confesseth infinite feares frightes and daungers of the realme he hath nothing in effect to answere but that EnglaÌ„d hath byn blessed for tymes past by the entraÌ„ce of their ghospel though now through their vnkyndnes they may be feard to be neare to misery which kind of defence how childish it is who seeth not and is as much as if he should say the head and face and first shew of his ghospel was fayer frolike as are the sweete singing Syrienes but the taile is troublesome and end pernicious and byteth like the scorpion But let vs heare both the warder the Apoâ—oger together in their owne speach Pag. 2. He that wil consider saith the warder with iudgment The present state of English blessings and indifferency the present estate of matters in England and round about it and this especially by reason of change made in religion and shal read together the fleering tale which Syr F. telleth vs in the first lynes of his book of the infinite and innumerable blessings receyued as he saith by the said chaÌ„ge he wil eyther say that the man lacked wit and discourse to see the deformity and contradiction of his owne talke or els modestie and shamefastnes in vttering it For notwithstanding the rare partes and good intentions of her Maiestie in this her gouernment which no man denyeth nor yet conioyneth with the euil successe of this alteration of religion as wel knowne not to haue proceeded of her owne inclination at the beginning who is there so simple that discouereth not or so euil affected that rueth not from his hart the difficultyes already growne and growing dayly by this most vnfortunate and fatal alteration of religion The vvachman contrary to himselfe which this man calleth the fountayne and welspring whence all the rest of this our litle Islandes benefits and blessings do yssue and flow Nay doth not the seely man himselfe in all this furious skâ—rneful libel of his endeauour to lay before vs a thousand feares and fryghtes of imminent perills which he sayth hang ouer vs by the diuision of hartes of hands of iudgements of affections of partes and partialityes and factions within the realme or is his whole argument any thing els in effect but a timerous abodement of infinite ruynes that do beset the realme at this day And are not his owne wordes these after a long discourse of peryls I doubt not deare countrymen but that yow are men of VVisdome and can easelie conceaue what daungers we stand in by that which hath byn set downe before And after a litle The lyfe of religion of Queene and countrie is at the stake And how then doth he pipe vnto vs this fayned note of melancholie musicke amidst so many dreadful cares and sorrowes hath he not read that Musica in luctu importuna narratio Eccles 22. It is importune chaunting when other men are weeping This said I then what answereth our knight with his Ministers now after so long so large and so mature deliberation of two yeares Yow shal haue it briefelie deliuered First they runne againe a very graue shifte to an other verse or two out of a poet against flaterie and dissimulation for with this kynd of armoure Winchester schole where afterward he braggeth to haue byn brought vp did somwhat furnish our knight Encount 6. therfore oftentymes we haue store therof But what more nay no more argument or reason alleadged at all but only this sentence noted in the margent No contrariety betwixt our present dangers and our former blessings VVherby he yeildeth to his aduersarie in the thing it selfe as yow see and varyeth onlie in the tyme confessing that England is not blessed for the present but was in old dayes which being past it remayneth rather cursed now if perils cares and frightes be curses and yet in his former booke if yow remember all seemed to be present bâ—essednes Foolish trifling in matter of moment who can suffer such tryfling in a matter of such moment And yet delighteth he so much in this deuise of his conning distinction of tymes past and present that he maketh a long narration ther-vpon how the people of Israel were blessed vnder diuers Kinges VVastvvord Pag 8. and namelie Iosias for a tyme and yet afflicted in the end for their ingratitude by this said Kings fearful slaughter In which example though I could trip him for alleaging a false cause of Iosias murther for he was slayne through his owne fault not the peoples for that expresly against Gods commandement 4. Reg. 25. 2. Paral. 35. he would needs fight with Nechao King of Egypt yet am I not delighted with this example for that it proueth nothing but that which it should not to wit that our blessings of England be not present Iosias slaughter euil applied but past and includeth further some euil aboadment towards her Ma tieâ— person as some may interpret for which cause it was not the wysâ—st part in the world for the K. to bring it in but that he seeth not or discerneth not alwayes what maketh for him or against him No way then can S. F. deliuer himselfe soundlie from the charge of flatterie in his former fond florish of protestant blessings except he could shew vs in deed some special Catalogue of blessings benedictions which England hath receyâ—ed eyther spiritual or temporal or both by changâ—ment vnto his religion more then it had beâ—ore vnder Catholique Religion which obligation of playne proofe the K. preceyuing hath taken vpon him at length to set vpon that enterprise and laying his head togeather with the consistorie of his ministers hath shaped vs out tenne new fresh benedictions and blessings neuer hard of before or had I thinke in consideration which now we are to examine and discusse as they ly in order But first we must see what Minister O. E. bringeth after the K. whose book came to my hand when this was writteÌ„ and I haue
deed he doth sufficiently manifest him-selfe in this place by so many hems and hammes as he vseth in puritanes defence saying he trusteth God wil direct them to agree Pag. 13. and that howsoeuer some dissent hath appeared as though in deed it were not yet he doubteth not but it shal be seene to the world that it is concordia discordia with a discord that hath concord in yt c. Thus he salueth the matter for his tender affection towards the Puritans wheras his Champion O.E. talking of this diuision sayth playnly and resolutely of them Infra cap. 15. 16. as we shal treate more at large after-ward that they are no more to be counted of protestants society then the Papists that are of the Popes retinue and thesame do say the Puritanes of protestants as before out of their owne wordes hath byn declared VVHAT THE CHAMpion Minister O.E. sayth to this matter of cursings and how absurdly he behaueth him-selfe therin CAP. XIII HOWSOEVER our masked minister hath byn silent in the former blessings yet wil he shewe him-selfe vocal now seing his name consisteth of onely vowels about this opposite argument of cursings and with his verbositie he wil supply the K t. breuitie wherof we haue spoken and complayned in this chapter for yow must vnderstand and yow shal perceaue it by the proof that this vowel minister is a great vaeunâ— parlar The manner of O.E. his ansvveriug and foloweth vp and downe the warder snatching and snarling at euery word almost he sayth but without rithme or reason order or method shame or modestie but only sayth or denyeth as it turneth best to his fancy for the present thinking the victory to consist in out-talking his aduersary or contradicting whatsoeuer is said and that he is the conquerer who hath the last word true or false and by this briefe note yow may square him out hereafter in all his answere as by tryal yow shal see First then to begin with that which the warder layeth downe of diuers difficulties already growen in England by change of reliligion he sayth Pag. 12. that to this the state of things them-selues wil answere lawes are ordinarily executed no man is wronged eyther in his person lands or goods but he may haue remedy religion is truâ—â— preached and professed c. Yow see how farre how plausibly he may runne counter in this poynt VVhether change of religion be daungerous and how substantially he proueth that there be no difficultyes by his owne onely denyal but yet marke reader how soone after he putteth a moderation to this general assertion granting some difficultyes but denying the true cause Secondly sayth he we say that howsoeuer wâ— stand true religion is neyther the case of trouble nor danger for if that were so then were all Princes states that professe religion in the same case Pag. 13. Loe how wyse a man he sheweth himselfe to be first in his proposition and then in his inference his proposition is impertinent that true religion bringeth no trouble for we talke of protestant religion which is foolery for him to presume that we graunt it to be true religion and besydes this we talke not of religioÌ„ it selfe but of the changement which in religion eyther true or false may breed troubles in any common wealth but especially the change of Catholike religion hauing bin for so many ages established and so many Princes and Monarches of the Christian woorld professing the same His inference that all protestant Princes by this reason should be in trouble is an ydle non consequent for their cases may be different their states vnequal the máner of change vnlike and the proceeding therin after an other fashion but yet whether the protestant Princes of Christendome haue gayned or no by the change or whether they be or may be in more daunger of troubles for separating themselues from the Catholike body of christian Princes than yf they had continued in their Fathers religion I leaue this to wyse men to iudge and tyme to try And this to his first inference but besydes this he hath a second in the same kynd no lesse foolish that if change of religion bringeth trouble then all catholike Princes that haue not changed must enioy peace Fond inferrences and be out of daunger which is true so farre foorth as coÌ„cerneth this daunger arising by change which is of no smal importance seing it deuideth not only betweene them and other Princes of different religion but betweene them also and their subiects and if Catholike Princes haue had their troubles also or daungers in our dayes it hath bene eyther for other causes or for that some in their states haue gone about to alter religion against thesayd Princes willes as in France and Scotland Flanders and other places and so consequentlie change of religion though not intended by them hath byn the cause of their said troubles and dangers But heare out the minister yet further lastly sayth he yf religion now professed were the immediate cause original of any trouble like to ensue then should not the Papists haue byn the principal meanes to moue warres rebellions against the state nor the only practisers against her Maiesties person safety as we haue found them to haue byn Thus he sayth but how it hangeth together God knoweth or the diuel that taught him to make this malitious consequence against innocent men for I see not by any Cambridge or Oxford logicke how this illation may be founded if chaunge of religion bring troubles ergo why do Catholikes moue troubles he hath brought this kynd of arguyng from the campe no doubt for he neuer found it in schoole And as for the calumniation of this wicked assertion that Catholikes are the only moouers of warres and practisers against her Maiesties safety the instance I trow of his late M r. the Earle of Essex and the Puritanes Essex atteÌ„pt the hopes of his follovvers and other hungry protestants that set him a worke wherin this fellow also perhaps hoped to haue no smal share if things had succeeded doth sufficientlie cleare vs and so both the forme of his argument prouing him vnlearned and the substance and matter dishonest I leaue him for this first onset and come to the second for thus he goeth forward against me Pag. 14. Yow see sayth he this Noddy hath neyther reason nor truth in his discourse c. he telleth vs that by alteration of Religion in England Scotland Ireland Flanders France haue tasted of many miseries tumultes calamityes desolations he should haue said of many blessings frendly fauours This needeth no reply if the reader be of any iudgment for he can see the impudency of the assertion And then going forward to answere my enumeratioÌ„ of so many battails murders distruction of so many couÌ„tryes prouinces townes cittyes noble houses linages c occasioned by diuersitie and change of religioÌ„
consequentlie much more reprehensible then the first especially in a knight and how think yow doth he deliuer himself now from this charge Pag. 2â— yow shal heare presentlie by his owne pen for after a fewe words of some compunction and humilitie as it might seeme wherin he wrote that he would beare this charge of lying according to the councel of an ancient Father who said that God suffreth slaunders to assault vs that pryd may not surprise vs as who would say that his learned Wach-word had byn so glorious a work as yt might haue put him into some pryd and set him a loft had not the warder by his answere taken him downe agayne and taught him to know himself After this I say he runneth presently to a certayne shifte before meÌ„tioned of laying the lyke charge of lying to other men also of our syde as yf that might excuse him somewhat to haue some compagnions in that exercise and as yow haue heard before in the precedent Encounter that being charged with flatterie he raÌ„ne straight wayes to Canonists saying that they flattered much more the Pope then he the Queene and state so now being charged with lying he leapeth in lyke manner to lay the same charge vpon fryars heare his narration VValsingham sayth he an ancient Chronicler wryteth of Friars in Richard the second his tyme Pag. 29. that they were of long tyme so infamons for lying that it was counted a good argument both in matter and forme This is a fryar ergo a lyar And it should seeme the Romanists keep stil their old wont by that famous ly which also of late they haue sent vs ouer not only in print but in picture too namely that some of the mayntenours of their Catholyke Religion haue byn by vs heere put into beares skinnes so hayted to death with Maistâ—ues a ly printed in the English College at Rome 1584. with Gregorie the 13. his priuilege so great a ly as no place was fit to vtter it but only Rome Lo heere thou maist see good reader put in practise agayne the refuge before mentioned of excusing one fault by an other which is a most absurd shifte for as S. Ierom. sayth peccantium mulâ—itudo non parit errori patrocimuÌ„ Hiero. epist. 66 ad Ruffinum The multitude or society of offenders doth not protect or geue patronage to the errour But much more in this case when many pointes be different for I would aske the K t. what releef or discharge is this to him yf both these examples were true as after they wil proue false to wit yf fryarâ— were such lyars in King Richard the 2. his tyme why should â—nights be lyars in Q. Elizabeths tyme â— or yf a printer or paynter in Rome or both or these that set them a worke liuing a thousand myles from England should haue â—rrâ—d in â—ome one particular fact wrâ—tten or related from thence what excuse may this be to S. F. who writing in England is accused to haue lyed and faâ—sified things present and such as all England doth or may know to be false furthermore he cannot be so ignorant but that he must know that there is a great differeÌ„ce betweene historical and doctrinallyes the first much more perdonable then the second * The relaâ—â—t of the diâ—putation betvveene Plessy Mornay and â—he Bâ—â—h oâ— Eurâ—ux bâ—fore the K of Fâ—aunce in May anno 1600. and that one of our countrymen of late hath offred to shew an infinitie of doctrinal lyes out of diuers principal protestant wryters and especially out of Ihon Fox by name this maÌ„nes maister that within the coÌ„passe of two leaues yet doth he pardon him all meere historical lyes such as by euil information he might be deceaued in the relating of Fox act and â—oâ— 115. as namely that of Iohn Marbeck the singer of Windsore diuers others whome he setteth doâ—ne for martyrs and boâ—h printedâ— and paynted with fyer about â—hem their bodies burned to ashes whiles they were yet aliue and meâ—râ—e when Fox printed his book With much more equitie then do we deale with S.F. and his frends then he wâ—â—h vs yf the matters alleaged were both true to his purpose And wheras he addeth that this report of the beares skin is priuileged for truth by Pope Gregorie the 13. it is a childish cauil for that Princes priuileges do warrant only the printing and not the truth of the book for yf her Ma ties priuilege to Fox and Iewels books for example sake or to this poore one of S.F. should be an obligation to her Ma tie to defend all the lyes and falshoods therin conteyned it were a pitiful case and dangerous also to the authors and wryters them-selues for then were her Ma tie obliged in honor to see the same punished when they are found out and at least to graunt the demaund of the foresaid relator of Plessy Morney his disputation to haue our protestants falshoods come to publyke tryal before her person or counsel as those of Plessis Mornayes impostures were examined and conuinced in presence of the K. of France which were a daungerous point in England as matters now stand I meane daungerons to the credit of ProtestaÌ„ts doctrine and dealing but otherwyse profitable for the truth most honorable to her Ma tie and memorable for posteritie But now let vs examine the fact it self obiected about this beares skinne for of this I meane to treat first About the man bayted in the beares skinne and of the fryars afterward true it is that at my being in Rome I sawe among other pictures on the English Churche wals of old and new martyrs diuers representations and of some cruel vsage of Catholykes for their conscience sake in our dayes and among other this portrayture of one in a beares skyn bayted with dogs and for that I had not heard nor read of any such matter publikely done in England I beganne to maruaile how it came to be paynted there yet considering on the other syde as euery indifferent man should that they being graue and learned men that were in Rome at that tyme and gaue the instructions to the paynter in that matter and that it was nor likly they would be so wicked or foolish or so litle respect their owne credits as to inuent or fayne any such matter of them-selues set it soorth so publikely to be seene and red of all the world I beganne to ymagin that eyther themselues knew it to be true which I knew not or els might perhaps by letters be informed therof out of England froÌ„ some frends who might affirme it of their owne knowledge to haue byn done in some priuate manner for that the said persons in Rome were now dead I beganne to informe my selfe of others and presently I fel vpon a very sufficient geÌ„tleman of Lincolne shyre who tould me that in the parish of Lowth it is most certayne that in K.
traytor Thus he writeth of the beginning of the controuersy There was as authors doe affirme in that time of Henrie the second Pag 56. more then a hundred murthers besydes other felonyes proued vpon the cleargie which when the king would haue punished according to the lawes of the land A fâ—lse and slâ—undâ—rous beginning of the 〈…〉 Becket opposed himself and beardeth the king in this so iust an action vnder title of standing for the libertyes of the Churche from this strauÌ„ge ground these proceedings ensued In which words of the knight there is to bee noted first that where he saith authors doe affirmè that more then a hundred murders besides other â—ellonies were proued vpon the cleargie no other author is found to mention any such thing but onelie Nubergensis who yet doth not say that they were proued vpon the clergie but his words are Nuberg hist. Angl. l. 2 16. that it was said to haue byn tould the king at a certaine time that aboue a hundred murders had byn committed within the kingdome of England since his raigne by Cleargie men In which woords as you see NubergeÌ„sis doth not say that it was true or that it was proued as our knight doth and secondly he speaketh of the whole tyme of king Henries raigne vntil this contention which was some 14. or 15. yeares and thirdly the falling out of the Archbishop with the king was not for that he would not haue these clergie men punished if they had offended as wickedly this knight giueth to vnderstand saying presently after This proud prelate durst protect fellons and murderers against the king and iustice of the lanâ— but the controuersy was only about the maner of punishing those that did offend and by what iudges and iurisdiction they should be punished to wit whether by ecclesiastical or temporal power for that the Archbishop affirmed that equity required that clergie men offending should first be iudged condemned and degraded by ecclesiastical power according both to the cannon lawes as also the municipal lawes of the land confirmed by all former Christian Kings â—rom the first conuersion of England and that they being thus condemned should be deliuered to secular power for executâ—on of the sentence which is a case that faâ—leth out dayly in Spayn Italy France and other Cath. contreys where Bishops do defend their Eccâ—es iurisdiction in punishing Eccles. persons taking them also by force of censures out of secular iudges hands when occasioÌ„ is offered without all note of rebellion or treason And no lesse was this law of the realme of England confirmed by ancient parliaments and other antiquities then were the secular lawes for which S r. F. standeth and fondly calleth the defence of eccles lawes treason and rebellion Wherfore hauing set downe so false a relation of the beginning of this controuersy falsifying NubergeÌ„sis as yow see in many points he doth prosecute the same with lyke vntruth as presently yow shal see And first he beginneth with a certayne letter of Maud the Empresse vnto the Archbishop which she wrote at the instance of the King her sonne and vpoÌ„ the informatioÌ„ of such courtyers as were contrary to the Bishop and his cause In which letters she chargeth him that to vse S â— F. owne words as much as in him lay he went about to disinherit the King and depriue him of his crowne Whervnto I answere that truth it is Iohn Fox hath such a letter of thesaid Empresse Maud without telling where Pag â—8 or whence or how he had it or where we may read it for in none of all the authors aboue mentioned I do fynd it Yet one thing I would haue the reader to note S. F vntrue dealing in cyting matters against S. Thom. which testifieth the continuance of S r. F. vntrue dealing in this affayre that wheras in Iohn Fox the whole charge of the empresse against the Archbishop is mitigated by this pareÌ„thesius as the report is which sheweth that these were but suspitions only and reports of his enimies Fox Pag. 201. S r. F. hath left out the parenthesis as the report is as though she had charged him vpon her owne knowledge which is no true dealing or right meaning as yow see But let vs heare further S r. F. his words pretending a more certayne proof of treason rebellion in S. Thomas Pag. 58. But if the Empresse saith he might be thought to speak partialy on the K. her sonnes behalf yet the two Card. sent by the Pope to heare all this controuersy out of question wil not condemne him without iust cause and yet in a letter sent from them to the Pope they do condemne him c. Yf S. F. proue himself a true K â— in verifying this one poynt which here he sayth I am to pardon much of that which hath passed before But yf in this matter of so great moment he be taken in lyke falshood who wil then trust him hereafter Let vs examine then the matter I wil haue none other euideÌ„ces or witnesses but his owne woords for presently after he setteth downe a part of the letter of VVilliam and Otho Card. sent by Pope Alexander to heare the cause betwene the King the Archbishop and hauing trauayled therin the King being in Normandie and the Archb. at Paris they found the matter more hard then they imagined to compouÌ„d False dealing of Syr Fraunces for that the Archbishop demaunded restitution to his lyuings for himself and for his frends and reuocation of certayne lawes lately made preiudicial to ecclesiastical iurisdiction before he could end the matter wherwith the-sayd Card. being somwhat displeased for that they desired to carry with them to the Pope the glory of this accord made by them and for that the King had much gayned their good wil by liberallity towards theÌ„ for these causes they wrote to the Pope somwhat fauorably in the Kings behalf but yet nothing condemning the Archbishop as vntruly out K â— doth auow which now I shal shew out of the woords of their owne letter alleaged heere by S.F. which are these VVilliam and Otho Card. of the Churche of Rome to Alexander the Pope The letter of the tvvo Cardinals to the Pope â— VVe comming to the land of the K. of England found the controuersy betwixt him and the Archbishop of Canterbury more sharp and vehement then we would for the King the greater part about him said that the Archbishop had sâ—yâ—red vp the french King greuously against him as also the Earle of Flaunders his kinsman who was very louing and kynd to him before whome he made his open aduersary ready to wage warre against him as is by diuers euidences most certayne c. These are the words of the Card. by S. F. relation which supposing they were truly alleaged yet he that shal consider and ponder them wel wil see that out of them no more can be vrged against the Archbishop but
〈…〉 to agree about the poysoning of 〈…〉 wheras no one of them holdeth it 〈…〉 contrary as yow haue hard But how then commeth in this 〈…〉 cal story so much vrged and diligenâ—t thâ— forth by Iohn Fox in his lying acts and 〈…〉 Yow may read in Iohn Stow 〈◊〉 the place alleadged the first author therof for it was an author without a name whichâ— wrote about a hundred and seuentene yeares agoe and took vpon him to continew the fabulous story of Geffrey of Monmouth among infinite other fables telleth also this of King Iohns poysoning as he receyued it by some vulgar report The book was caused to be printed at the charges of one VVilliam Caxton and so comonly called Caxtons chronicle and in the prologue he wryteth thus In the yeare of our lord 1483. in the 22. yeare of the raigne of K. Edward the 4. at S. Albons so that all mâ—n may know the acts of our noble Kings of England are compiled in this book c. This went in the prologue and then in the end agayne he sayth thus Here endeth this present chronicle of England with the fruite of tymes compiled in a book and also printed by one sometyme scholmaister of S. Albons vpon whose soule God haue mercy Amen And newly imprinted in Fleetstreet at the signe of the Sunne by me VViâ—ken de word In the yeare of our Lord God 1515. 〈…〉 how this book was 〈…〉 withall many hundreds 〈…〉 in the book set downe after the 〈…〉 wyues tales naming no author 〈…〉 he had it for he liued almost 300. 〈…〉 the fact all the former authors 〈…〉 that liued with King Iohn or 〈…〉 to this mannes tyme excepting only 〈…〉 â—onicon that meÌ„tioneth it as a vulgar tale 〈…〉 polidore after him with like reiection all â—â—ners I say former wryters which best should know the truth not only made no meÌ„tion therof but set downe expressely other manner and causes of K. Ihons death as yow haue heard and yet would Fox of meere malice and against his owne conscience beleeue this author against all the rest and set it forth in print pagents and paintings as before hath byn sayd and all other English heretyks since haue followed him in the same impudency both in bookes sermons common speeches which sheweth that they do not follow reason nor seek truthe but only to hold the reader in error by any meanes of sleight or â—alshood whatsoeuer which ought to warne euery true Christian man who seeketh sincerely to know the verity of matters in controuersy and the saluation of his owne soule not to beleeue so easily these cosening people but to enter into better consideration of their doings especially of Iohn Fox the most fraudulent and perfidious wryter that euer put pen to paper in our language if I be not greatly deceyued who haue taken paynes 〈…〉 many others to examine the 〈…〉 wilful falshood of diuers of his 〈…〉 But to returne againe to Sir 〈…〉 Reader note one trick more of his 〈…〉 wing this story of K. Iohn to be as I 〈…〉 was not only content to vse Fox his frauâ—â—â—â— deceyue his Reader but would needs ad somâ— what of his owne deuise also For albeit thâ— former Chronicle of Caxâ—on if so it may be called do recount the summe of the matter most fondly as to the Reader may appeare yet doth he not tel that the monks name was Symon as S. Francis calleth him nor that his Abbot highly commended him for his zeale as Syr Francis addeth out of Fox his inuention who forgeth also that the monk alleaged for himself the prophesy of Cayphas Iohn 11. saying It is better that one dy then all the people perish and moreouer I am wel contented to loose my life and so become a martyr that I may vtterly destroy this tyrant and then with that the Abbot did weep for gladnes and much commended his feruent zeale c. All these speches and circumstances I say are added and much more by Iohn Fox and S. FraÌ„cis to the Story to make it vp more ful for that no such word is in the author CaxtoÌ„ but rather the contrary that both the monk and the abbot were very sorrowful And last of all it is most false which is the principal part of this Story for which it was brought in by Sir Francis that the Abbot gaue him absolution before hand for the committing of this 〈…〉 it had byn committed for 〈…〉 such matter at all in the story but 〈…〉 he asked to be shriuen and assoyled 〈…〉 of his sinnes but not that the 〈…〉 yeild ther-vnto and much lesse 〈…〉 was any mention on eyther part of 〈…〉 olution for the sinne to come but rather â—r his sinnes past as men are wont to doe when they go to warre or to lyke attempts where many sinnes are ordinarily comitted for which no man asketh absolution before hand as our two maysters heer wil needs haue the monk to haue done though in deed Sir Francis is the more impudent of the two for that Iohn Fox durst not to auouch this manifestly of absoluing aforehand for sinnes to come yet our knight blusheth not to affirme ytâ— without all warrant or witnesse in the world and so becommeth the disciple worse then his maister Fox setteth downe the words somewhat more cunningly and dexterously 〈◊〉 and Fox 〈◊〉 riue 〈…〉 hal 〈◊〉 most â—â—dulently to wit The monk being absolued of his Abbot a forehand went c. where yow see that he putteth downe the word a forehand with a parenthesis as added of himself if any would vrge him of falshood But S r. Francis taketh quite a way the parenthesis and affirmeth the matter absolutely saying He highly commended his zeale and gaue him absolution a forehand for committing of this wicked act c. And by this let the reader iudge of them both Maister and scholler doctor disciple and I haue byn the longer in diciphering their cosenage in this one example to the end that their malice and lack of coÌ„science being fully seene in few points may be held suspected in the rest For that most true it is that they who in matters of religion do falsifie and lye of purpose cannot possibly be thought to be true or religious in any thing nor to seek religion for religion but faction and self wil vnder the name of religioÌ„ let them say what they wil. And this shal suffise for this chapter where is nothing to be added about our minister O.E. for that he passeth ouer with vtter silence all that the knight hath handled in this place about the poysoning of king Iohn so as all the blame must light vpon himself his champioÌ„ not presuming to make any defence at all for him Now then let vs passe to that which ensueth THE SPEECH OF THE warder is defended wher he calleth the way of saluation by only faith the common Cart way of protestants the truthe of which doctrin is examined CAP.