name of King and Parliament and all such as have acted therein or adhered thereunto are guilty of Treason p. 100. CHAP. X. That the Subjects of this Nation are not only commanded from doing violence to the Kings Person or prejudice to His authority but are obliged with their lives and fortunes to assist and preserve His person and just rights from the fury of His enemies both forraigne and domestick p. 112. CHAP. XI That those persons at Westminster who call themselves The Parliament of England are not the two Houses nor Members of the Parliament p. 113. CHAP. XII Results upon the premises That the people of England under the government of the King according to the Laws of the Realme are a free Subject p. 125. CHAP. XIII That the people of England under the government claimed by the Members of the two Houses are absolute slaves p. 128. CHAP. XIV How the Subjects of England were brought into this slavery p. 132. CHAP. XV. The way how to restore the people unto their former Liberty p. 135. The Preamble or Introduction to the insuing Discourse wherein are contained the Motives which induced the Authour to take up Armes for the KING against the Forces raised by command of the Members of the two Houses of PARLIAMENT WHen the unhappy difference between His Majesty and the two Houses began to appear I endeavoured to satisfie my self of the cause thereof which I found to be thus The Members formed a 〈◊〉 concerning the Militia of the Kingdome to this effect viz. That certain persons by them therein named shall have power to Call together Muster and Arme all the people of the Kingdome and Conduct them into any part of the Realme to suppresse rebellious Insurrections or Invasions in such sort as the Members without the King shal signifie this power to continue so Long and no longer then those Members please and disobedience therein to be punished by the Members and none else This being presented to the King He refused to confirm it with His Royall Assent The Members thereupon stiling it An Ordinance of Parliament without the King declared it a Law By which in words not onely the Militia of the Kingdome and the Government of the Realm was taken from the Crowne and removed to the Members but an Arbitrary power usurped by them to signifie and declare what Facts were Rebellion and what not and accordingly by pretext and colour thereof caused the people to be Arrayed Armed and Mustered And so in effect the Kings Sword and Scepter wrested out of His hands by His owne Subjects And further the Members pretending the King not consenting to that Law was Evil-counselled by like Ordinances raised Armies appointed the Earl of Essex their Generall authorized them by War to Kill and slay their fellow Subjects and to remove from the King those pretended bad Counsellours The King by His Proclamation inhibited all Persons from adhering unto them and required His Subjects obedience unto Him their King Hereupon I seriously bethought my self whether I was obliged herein to obey the King or the Members and resolved the Laws of England ought to be my guide which I found to be thus That this Nation is governed by a known Law that Law expounded by the Judges of the Realme Those Judges appointed and authorized by the King our only Supream Governor unto whom alone all the people of England are obliged in point of Soveraignty and Government to submit themselves Then I considered in whom the power of the Militia was before the making of the aforesaid Ordinances Secondly 〈◊〉 â—â—…teration those Ordinances made For the first I found that the Militia of the Kingdome by the known Law was inherently in the King For the latter that no New Law can be made or the Old changed but by the King with the assent of the two Houses of Parliament And finding the King therein to dis-assent I did without scruple resolve the law was not altered therefore the Militia still in the Crown and consequently that it was my duty herein to obey the Kings Command not the Members Then I considered what was the offence of a Subject to joyne with those Forces raised by the Members which I found to be the crime of High Treason And lastly it being the duty of every Subject not onely to decline opposing his Soveraigne but to assist Him against all disloyall actions I took up Armes for Him and in His defence in this War Since which I have met with some Objections against these my proceedings which with my Answers to them I have set down in this ensuing Discourse And first concerning the grounds of the Law CHAP. I. That the Lawes of England consist in generall customes particular Customes and Acts of Parliament MOst evident it is that from the subduing of this Nation by the Romans which is about 1700 years agoe the people of this Realme have been governed by a Monarchicall power first under the Roman Emperours then under the Saxons awhile under the Danes again under the Saxons and lastly under the Norman Conquerour and his Progeny untill this day yet by what particular Laws those former Kings governed no authentick Author beyond the time of William the Conquerour doth make it appear But certain it is after that Conquerour had in a Battle slaine Harold and vanquished his Army which is neer 600 years since the people of this Nation submitted unto him as King of England who being in possession of the Crown agreed to Govern by known Laws Now whether those were new Laws introduced or the old continued as to this purpose is not materiall But by that very same Law as by severall Acts of Parliament it appeareth divers of his Successours Kings calling unto them for their advice such of their Subjects as they thought fit by Acts of Parliament made new Laws and changed the old but succeeding Kings since that have herein limited themselves insomuch as by the Constitutions of the Realme as now it is setled the Law of England consists in these three particulars 1. Generall Customes as thus the eldest Son to Inherit his Fathers Land the Wife to enjoy a Third part of her Husbands Inheritance for her Dower these and such like are generally Law throughout the Kingdome therefore called the Common Law 2. Particular Customes as thus in some places the yongest Son in other places all Equally Inherit their Fathers Land these and such like are particular Customes being fixed to particular places and by antient constant and frequent use is become Law there although not generally throughout the Kingdome 3. Acts of Parliament made by the King with the assent of the two Houses All which together that is to say The Common Law particular Customes and Acts of Parliament make the Law of England By this Law all men are protected in their Persons and Estates wherein there is no difference between King and People for neither King nor Subject hath or can justly
claime any right interest or authority but such as He is intitled unto by the Common Law by Particular Custome or by Act of Parliament In the next place it is shewed when the two Houses were Instituted and what is a Parliament CHAP. II. What is a Parliament and how and when the two Houses were Instituted AS it is necessary for a Common-wealth to have a Law so every known law must be grounded upon certain rules Therefore be it composed with never so much care the people cannot be well governed unlesse some persons have power in some things to alter the old and make new Laws Emergent occasions are oft such as require raising mony and other things to be done which the prescribed rules of a known Law cannot warrant which persons so authorized to make Laws in this Nation are called the Parliament And that those Persons at this time consist of the King and both Houses joyntly is a thing most obvious to all men but how long it hath been so is uncertaine For although all the Sages of the Law and judicious Historians agree and therwith reason it self concurreth that ever since we have had Lawes some persons have had power in some things to alter and make new Lawes which might properly be called a Parliament yet untill long after the Norman Conquest I doe not finde it cleared what was a Parliament or what Persons had that power But upon perusall of the Statutes themselves which I conceive in this case to be the best proof I confesse I am much inclined to believe that untill the Raigne of King Edward 1. there was not any formed body or known persons whom the King was obliged to summon unto a Parliament for the making of Lawes wherein I shall begin with the first Law of that nature which at this day binds the people And therein we cannot goe beyond the ninth year of the Raigne of King Henry 3. that of Magna Charta being the first upon serious perusall of which Act the Charter of the Forrest and the Statute of Ireland enacted the same year by the words thereof I am induced to believe although doubtlesse with the consent of divers of His Subjects that they were made by the sole power of the King In the Preamble of the Statute of Merton made 20. Hen. 3. are these words viz. It is provided in the Court of our Soveraigne Lord the King holden at Merton before William Arch-bishop of Canterbury and others His Bishops and Suffragans and before the greater part of the Earls and Barons of England there being Assembled for the Coronation of the King and His Queen about which they were all called where it was Treated for the Common-wealth of the Realme And then were made diverse Acts of Parliament By which it clearly seemes to me That the Persons consenting to the Lawes then made were not summoned to a Parliament but to the Kings Court and not called to make Lawes but to solemnize the Coronation of the King and His Queene Those Treated with Bishops Earls and Barons not the Commons nor all the Bishops Earles and Barons only such as the King thought fit to be present at His and His Queenes Coronation And none of them called by Writ Likewise in the Preamble of the Statute of Marlbridge made 52 Hen. 3. are these words viz. For the better Estate of this Realme as it behoveth the Office of a King the more discreet men of the Realme being called together as well on the higher as on the lower estate c. So that to this Parliament it seemes only such Lords and other discreet men of the Common-wealth such as the King thought fit were summoned But in the Preamble of the Statute of Westminster first made 3 Edw. 1. are these words viz. These are the Acts of King Edw. 1. by His Councell and by assent of Arch-bishops Bishops Abbotts Priors Earles Barons and all the Commonalty of the Realme being thither summoned because our Soveraign Lord the King had great desire and zeal to redresse the State of the Realme By which it appears that to the making of Lawes at this time there was a great and generall concurrence for besides Arch-bishops Bishops Abbotts Priors Earles Barons and all the Commonalty the Kings Councell gave their advice therein and consented thereunto But by subsequent Acts of Parliament it seemes to me such a generall Assembly was not necessary For in the Statute of Bigamy made the next year being 4 Edw. 1. are these words viz. In the presence of certaine Reverend Fathers Bishops of England and others of the Kings Councell as well the Justices as others did agree they should be put in writing for a perpetuall memory And 6 Edw. 1. The King and His Justices made an exposition of certaine of the Articles upon the Stat. of Glocester In the Preamble of the Statute of Mortmaine are these words viz. We therefore intending to provide convenient remedy by the advise of our Prelats Earles Barons and other our Sujbects being of our Councell have provided c. In the Preamble of the Statute called Articuli super Chartas it it thus expressed viz. Forasmuch as the Articles of the Great Charter hath not been observed because there was no punishment upon the Offenders c. our Lord the King at the request of His Prelats Earles and Barons Assembled in Parliament hath enacted certaine Articles c. In the Statute of Eschetors made at Lincolne 29 Edw. 1. are these words viz. At the Parliament of our Soveraign Lord the King by His Councell it was agreed and also commanded by the King Himself That from thenceforth it should be observed and done according to the advice of the Reverend Father William Langton Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield and Treasorer to the King John Langton then being Chancellour and other of the Councell then being present before the King c. By these Acts it still seemes to me That both for the Lords and for the Commons as the King pleased sometimes were called more sometimes fewer sometimes part of the Commons sometimes all and somtimes none of them yet the power one and the same for at all the times aforesaid severall Statutes were made which to this day binde the people equall to any Act of Parliament made since Whereupon I conceive that the two Houses of Parliament were not originally composed with the beginning of the Law for as by the aforesaid Acts of Parliament it doth appear in the Raign of King Edw. 1. being the ninth King after the Conquerour and in time above two hundred years from the Conquest all which space we were governed by the same Law we now have there was not any formed Body known Persons or Assembly whose consent was necessary to joyne with the King to make an Act of Parliament but it seems that when the King conceived it fit to make a Law He called to Him such of His Subjects either
with the King then they tell us that the question concerning their right thereof having been long and sadly debated both in black and red battles God himselfe hath given the verdict upon their sides meaning if their words have any sense that by their prevailing against the King in that war God hath judged the cause for them and against the King But who sees not this to be a presamptuous blasphemy added to the sin of Rebellion did not this bold hypocrisie as aptly sute with the actions of Ket Cade Wat Tyler and all fore-going Rebels Certainly as long as any Traytor murderer or felon can defend himselfe from the just triall and sentence of the Law it is as easie and upon as just grounds for him to appeale to God for justification of his fact as these Members do now call Him to witnesse for them So that the consequence to the people of England which followeth the excluding the King from His negative Voice in Parliament is no lesse then the losse of that happy condition of a free Subject governed by a knowne Law under a King and in being reduced to the slavery of an arbitrary power under their equals and fellow subjects Therefore all the people of England do generally disclaime the foresaid Members to be their representatives and refuse to submit unto their Orders or Ordinances Upon the whole matter these things appear that the Parliament of England consisteth of the King the Lords House and the Commons House joyntly concurring that every one of them hath a negative Voice in making Laws and consequently all Orders and Ordinances or whatever they may be stiled whereunto the King hath not or shall not voluntarily without compulsion give His Royall Assent are done without Commission warrant or Authority and so not binding King or people In the next Chapter is shewed the power of the Parliament of England CHAP. IV. That the King the Lords House and the Commons House concurring have not an unlimited power to make Laws it being in the brest of the Judges of the Realme to determine which Acts of Parliament are binding and which void and to expound the meaning of every Act. IT may seeme strange to some that the high Court of Parliament should be limited in their power and deny to expound their own Laws But upon consideration had of the use of a Parliament and of the grounds of the Laws of England it appears to be both just and consonant to the Constitutions of this Realme The People of this Nation are not governed by a Parliament Soveraignty is the Kings yet the King Himselfe hath not an absolute or an unlimited power over the people For as the people are governed by and under Him so the Law directs how He is to governe them But in this Nation as in every Common-wealth governed by a setled Law occasions oft happen to do such things as the rules of that Law cannot warrant Therefore necessary it is to have a power to supply those defects and that is the office and true use of a Parliament Which authority rightly considered is of such concernment to the Common-wealth as that the greatest care in the world ought to be had who are trusted therewith It is no lesse then a power to change that Law whereby the people have protection of life and fortune and therefore may require the consent of such persons as are not rightly qualified to judge which Laws are binding and which void or to expound the meaning thereof Upon that ground it is that by the constitution of this Realme no new Law can be made or the old changed but by the King with the assent of the two Houses of Parliament Those persons as before appears are proper to judge when such things have happened as may require the making of a new Law or to alter the old But without derogation from the honour of those persons That body is not of a mould fit to judge which Statutes are binding which void or to expound the meaning of an Act. First cleere it is Acts of Parliament may be so penned and containe such matter as ought not to binde either King or people Suppose it enacted that from henceforth the Members of the two Houses shall be exempt from punishment for Treason Murder Felony and other Crimes Or that the King and the two Houses from time to time shall consent to make such Laws as a close Committee or certaine persons by name shall conclude upon or that every Act of Parliament afterwards made shall be void and the like no man can conceive such Acts would be binding for thereby the true use of Parliaments the Law and government were destroyed Besides all men grant that an arbitrary power is absolutely destructive to the people And it appears in the next precedent Chapter that to give this unlimited authority of making Laws to the King alone or to either or both Houses without the King were no other then to bring upon the people that thraldome Now for this boundlesse power to be in the King and the two Houses joyntly although that were nothing so bad as to have it in the King alone or in either or both Houses without the King yet the people were not thereby so wel secured from the tyranny of an arbitrary power as when the Judges determine which Acts of Parlliament are binding and which void Upon perusall of former Statutes it appears the Members of both Houses have been frequently drawne to consent not onely to things prejudiciall to the Common-wealth but even in matters of greatest waight to alter and contradict what formerly themselves had agreed unto and that even as it happened to please the fancy of the present Prince witnesse that Statute by which it was enacted that the Proclamations of King H. 8. should be equivalent to an Act of Parliament one other Act which declared both Queen Mary and Queen Eliz. to be bastards one other which in words gave power to the same King to dispose of the Crowne of England by his last will and testament And the severall Statutes in the times of King H. 8. Edw. 6. Queen Mary and Queen Eliz. setting up and pulling downe each others Religion every one of them condemning even to death the professour of the contrary Religion And now reflecting upon the proceedings of the present Members we finde they have de facto arrogated unto themselves in the highest straine a power arbitrary It is likewise too evident with what terrors menaces and inhumane cruelties they presse their Soveraigne to passe Acts of Parliament for confirmation thereof Doubtlesse had they not met with a King even beyond humane expectation most magnanimous it had been effected And suppose this Kings consent had been obtained or that He or any other succeeding King shall be drawne by force or fraud to consent thereunto and admit such Acts of Parliament to bind it will follow that no Government can be more arbitrary
nor any people from free Subjects become more absolute slaves then the Englishmen are and will be And being thus brought into misery that which is still worse our selves and posterity to the end of the world are likely to live under this vassallage without hope of redemption if not by Gods mercy timely remedied For it cannot be imagined that the Members so long as they have power over their Prince and other His good Subjects and whilst their persons estates and Fortunes are thus at their will and pleasure it cannot be imagined I say that by their owne judgement against themselves or sentence we shall be enfranchized Now if I appeale to any rationall man not prejudicated as a person herein particularly concerned whether that Law which declares such Acts of Parliament to binde or that which judgeth them void be the more prudent wholesome and reasonable Law I dare be bold to conclude that sentence herein will be given for the latter And since it followeth that some Acts of Parliament may and ought to be adjudged void that being granted reason dictates to every man of sense that not the Members but some other knowne persons must determine which Statutes bind the people and which are invalid Now that the Judges of the Realme have power not only to determine which Acts of Parliament are binding and which void but to expound the meaning of every Act is no new doctrine it is the knowne Law and the common practice of the Kingdome which is the Law it selfe In the bookes of our Law it is declared for a fundamentall ground That such Statutes as are against Common-right repugnant or impossible are void and that they ought to be so declared by the Judges of the Realme For example by the Statute of Carlile made 35. E. 1. it is ordained that the Seale of the order of the Cistercians and Augustines shall be kept in the custody of the Priour and foure others and that any deed sealed with any other seale shall be void and this Statute is judged to be void in Law and that the Priour notwithstanding this Law and against the expresse words thereof sealing deeds with any other seale those deeds are judged good for the Priour could not seale with that seale in the custody of the other four and therefore that Statute repugnant in it selfe and so void It is likewise declared by the Judges that where a Statute gives power to A. to determine all pleas happening within his mannour in that case A. shall not have power to determine such pleas as concerne himselfe and the same it were if the Statute should in expresse words grant to A. that authority for it is repugnant to reason and common justice that any man shall be judge in his owne case It is resolved by the Judges of the Realme that divers prerogatives are so inseperably annexed to the Crowne as that they cannot be severed by Act of Parliament for example by a Statute made 23 H. 6. c. 10. it is enacted that no man shall continue Sheriffe of a Shire above one year and by that Act declared in these words that all Patents from the King of that office of Sheriffe for yeers for life in taile or in fee shall be void any clause or words of non obstante put into such Patents notwithstanding Now thisStatute as to the Kings power is by the Judges of the Realm declared void and although that Statute was never repealed all Kings since might have granted that office for life in taile or in fee and grants thereof have been made accordingly contrary to the expresse words of that Statute yet resolved to be good And ever since that Act all Kings have most frequently continued Sheriffs in their office for longer time then a year Even common experience sheweth that the power of the old Sheriffe doth not cease or determine untill the King hath made a new Sheriffe and notice thereof given to the old which oftentimes happeneth to be after the year And in Michaelmas Terme 5. and 6. of Queen Eliz. the Sheriffs by reason of the great plague then and of the adjournment of that Terme wholly were made and named by the Queen without the Assembly of the Justices in the Exchequer according to the common usage and though for the most part none were named but one of the two which remained in the bill of the year then last passed yet by all the Justices and Serjeants at Law it was holden that the Queen by Her prerogative might have made a Sheriff without any such election notwithstanding any Statute to the contrary which appears in Dyers Reports The King is fountaine of Justice mercy therefore if it were enacted that he shall not grant Commissions to determine felonies or that from henceforth it shall not be in his power to pardon any Crime or that all such pardons shall be void such Laws would be void and would not bind as being repugnant to Law government and reason to stop that fountaine The King by His Prerogative hath authority to dispense with penall Laws which cannot be taken from Him by Act of Parliament although in expresse termes it be enacted that all such dispensations with a non obstante shall be void which cleerely appears by the foresaid case of the Sheriff for though by that Statute of 23 H. 6. it is inacted that all Patents of the King shall be void as before although with a non obstante yet the Judges at all times have resolved it as a thing without dispute That those Patents although expressely against the words and intent of that Act with a non obstante are good in Law And so the bookes take it for a fundamentall ground that the King may by His Patent with a non obstante dispense with Laws made by Act of Parliament and put the difference between Acts prohibiting what the Common-Law prohibits in which case the King cannot by His letters Patents with a non obstante how strong soever it be penned dispence with such Acts or any one point of the Common Law of England which forbids onely that which is malum in se otherwise it is of Acts prohibiting things not before prohibited by the Law which are onely mala quia prohibita the King may dispense with such Acts by His Letters Patents with a non obstante though those very Acts expressely say that such Letters Patents with a non obstante shal be void That Prerogative being inseperable as is shewed before and not to be abolished by Act of Parliament no more then His other prerogatives of as high a nature viz. those of denouncing War and concluding Peace inhaunsing or debasing of Coine or the like which are flowersinseperably annexed to the Crowne and most proper for a King but not sutable with the condition of a Subject therefore the Judges have resolved they cannot be severed by Act of Parliament And the same it is
when the Law is only declared by Act of Parliament If the King and the two Houses declare that it is not by the Common Law of England Treason to kill or to attempt to kill the King the Queen or Prince or that it is not felony to steale or the like such declarations are of no effect they ought not they do not they cannot conclude the Judges And as every Statute may be judged by them whether it be binding or void so the meaning of the words thereof must be by the Judges expounded too It is the true sense which is the Law not the bare letter and this exposition is likewise the office of the Judges as is said before For example by a Statute made 1 Eliz. it is enacted that all leases made afterwards by any Bishop of his Church-lands exceeding 21. years or three lives shall to all intents and purposes be judged void and yet it hath been adjudged both in the Kings Bench and in the Common Pleas that a lease for an hundred years is not void against that Bishop himselfe who was lessor wherein the Judges expound the meaning of the Law-makers to be thus that their intent was onely for the benefit of the Successours not to releive any man against his owne Act therefore such leases made after the Statute exceeding twenty one years or three lives are voidable only by the successours if they please and adjudged not void against the lessour himselfe contrary to the expresse words of the Statute And in like manner are other infinite Acts of Parliament expounded by the Judges wherein it is a maxime in Law that their exposition of Statutes ought to be according to the rules of the Common Law by which it appears the Members are not the interpreters for they know not the rules of the Law Besides the Parliament cannot be the finall expounders of Statutes for these reasons 1. It appears before that it is not the bare letter but the true sence and meaning of the words which is the Law And the King and the two Houses cannot declare the meaning of those words but by Act of Parliament they cannot saith our Law otherwise speake what ever they Act or doe in any other way is extrajudiciall if the King and both Houses unanimously deliver an opinion without reducing it to an Act of Parliament concerning the meaning of a former Statute it is of no more nor greater force or effect then for the Judges of a Court of judicature to give their opinions in a point of Law in a case not judicially depending before them such an opinion binds not nor is pleadable in a Court of Justice And besides the absurd inconvenience and the impossibility to have an Act of Parliament to determine every question arising upon Statutes it may so happen as that the King and the two Houses can never give an end to one controversie For example suppose an Act be made to explaine the meaning of former Statute ambiguously penned the words of this Act must have a meaning too and may admit of severall interpretations as well as the former Act did and severall persons as they are therein concerned may differ in the exposition thereof and so irreconcileable as not to be ended without the authority of a Judge and this may fall out upon every Act of explanation upon explanation in infinitum and consequently by that way there cannot to the end of the world be a finall determination of the difference 2. The validity of every Statute and the exposition thereof at the will of every person concerned may regularly be brought before the Judges of the Law but cannot judicially depend before the Parliament For example every Statute is binding or void if binding it concerns the Subject in his person or estate and when it is put in execution the ministers or actors therein may at the will of him interrupted thereby be sued in the Court of Common Pleas or in some other Court of Justice by an action of trespasse by which suite what ever the Act of Parliament is both the validity of the Statute and the meaning of the words thereof is submitted to the Judges of that Court and to their judgement As suppose this case to arise upon the foresaid Statute of 23 H. 6. that one who hath continued Sheriff above one year by vertue of a Writ directed to the Sheriff of the same County doth arrest the body of A. who for this brings his action of trespasse in the Common Pleas in which the Sheriff justifies by vertue of the Writ A. replies pleads the Statute and shewes that the year was ended before the arrest upon which the Sheriff demurs in Law by these pleadings the whole fact is confessed on both sides the Sheriff doth acknowledge his year was out before the arrest and A. confesseth the arrest was by vertue of the Kings Writ directed to the Sheriff and so the question being matter of Law it is to be determined by the Judges of that Court wherein the sole doubt is whether that Statute be binding or void for if binding judgement ought to be given for the plaintife A. because the Statute being good the defendant was not Sheriff after his year ended when he made the arrest and so had no authority if void it ought to be given for the Sheriff for then the Law is not by it altered and so he was Sheriff at the time of the arrest although his year was out Now in this case no man can deny but that the Judges must give judgement else the Court of Common Pleas which were absurd to imagine hath not power to determine an action of trespasse and judgement being given as in this case it ought to be for the Sheriff because it is already resolved and received for a knowne truth that the foresaid Statute binds not the King this duty of the Subject to serve the King in person saith the booke being due by the Law of nature cannot be severed by Act of Parliament it is finall And so if it were enacted that a Member of the Commons House or any other subject by name should not be condemned or punished for murder who afterwards commits the fact for which being arraigned at the Kings Bench bar he pleades the Statute the Judges even against the expresse words and intent of that Act ought to give sentence of death And contrariwise if by Act of Parliament it were enacted that all Pardons for felony to be granted by the King should be judged void after which a subject commits felony obtaines the Kings pardon for it is arraigned at the bar and pleads this pardon it ought to be allowed being duely pleaded and the Justices in such case ought not to condemne but to acquit the prisoner And these judgements as to any appeale to the Parliament are finall they cannot be brought before the King and the two Houses by any suite or action at Law They cannot judicially determine any
thing but by Act of Parliament And if they shall in this case make a new Statute that Law must even by the same Judges be expounded too 3. The Parliament is a body so composed as that it is not onely improper but almost impossible for these persons finally to determine any one point of Law A Court of Judicature ought to consist of one entire body and of such a body as at all times hath power not onely to deliver its owne opinion but by that sentence to decide the question depending before them but the Parliament is not so composed The Members of that Assembly are divided into three severall bodies and their proceedings severall and distinct and obvious it is that in one and the same thing they frequently conclude opposite each to other yet untill all three concur it binds not And so though every Member of those bodies hath given his sentence according to his owne conscience yet the question is not decided and that which is worse peradventure never can be brought to a period for it may fall out these three bodies of the King the Lords House and the Commons may in that perpetually differ in opinion These things considered every rationall man must conclude that the Parliament is not of a Composure fit for this worke nor instituted for that purpose Those things as afterwards in its proper place is more fully shewed are the office of the Judges of the Realme By this it appears that when the two Houses have passed a Bill for an Act of Parliament and to it the Kings Royall Assent is had the Parliaments power ends and then begins the authority of the Judges of the Realme whose office is the case being regularly brought before them first to judge whether the Act it selfe be good and if binding then to declare the meaning of the words thereof And so the necessity of having a power upon emergent occasions to make new Laws is supplied and yet the fundamentall grounds of the Law by this limitation of the power of the Law-maker with reference to the Judges to determine which Acts of Parliament are binding and which void is preserved Upon the whole matter cleere it is The Parliament it selfe that is the King the Lords and Commons although unanimously consenting are not boundlesse the Judges of the Realme by the fundamentall Law of England have power to determine which Acts of Parliament are binding and which void and to expound the meaning of every Statute Thus whilst every person Court and Assembly keep within its owne bounds the knowne Law protecteth every man in his just rights the Subject whilst that is observed need not doubt protection of his person and may securely challenge a property in his estate But the Members do now teach or to speake more properly force upon the people another doctrine They without the King not onely assume the power of a Court of Judicature and that without any appeale from it but an authority and power to make and declare the Law and that boundlesse too whereby Law it selfe is totally destroyed It is a Maxime in Law that every disseisor of Land is seised in fee simple and that no man can give a particular estate by wrong for example A. Tenant for years remainder to B. for life remainder to C. in taile remainder to D. in fee E. outs A. from his possession E. doth not hereby get the estate for years but by that entry hath displaced all the remainders and untill re-entry by A. is wrongfully seised to him and his heires Like unto this was that of the Members They injuriously excluded the King from his negative Voice in Parliament They have not by it gained power to make Laws without Him but whilst they continue this usurpation they wrongfully disinherit both King and people of all their birth-rights The knowne Laws of the Land is by this totally subverted untill the King be reinvested herein we have neither common Law particular custome or Statute Law nor can any man challenge protection of his person or property in his Lands or goods for what Law they make how repugnant to sense and reason how barbarous soever it be neither the Judges of the Realme nor any other if we may believe the Members have power to examine controle or oppose it Thus our excellent Laws the Members have so much so often boasted to defend are by the same persons at the same instant and even by the same medicine excluding the King from His negative Voice they pretended to preserve them destroyed So that I confesse the Members were necessitated not onely to deny the King this power but to assume authority without Him to make Laws and that without stint or limitations for by the knowne Law the facts and proceedings of these Members are Treason Therefore they must make new ones else be judged by the old And to make new Laws yet to admit the Judges power to determine whether they binde or not were to fall into the same Predicament of Treason In the next place it is shewed who are the Judges of the Law which power although with as little reason or sense as the former the Members have usurped too CHAP. V. That the Judges of the Kings Bench of the Common Pleas and the Barons of the Exchequer are the Judges of the Realme unto whom the people are bound lastly and finally to submit themselves for matter of Law BUt some give this power to the Parliament others to the two Houses joyntly others to the Lords House singly and some make the House of Commons Judge of the Law All which are meere surmises by faction raised and spread abroad since this Parliament for besides what before is said herein in the next precedent Chapter upon consideration had of the quality of the persons of those Members the Commission required to authorize a Judge of the Law and the composier of that Body It will appear they are so far from having any such power as that the Lords House in some particular things excepted neither the Parliament nor the two Houses joyntly nor either of them singly can judicially or finally determine any one point of Law First for the quality of the persons And to begin with the House of Commons They consist of Knights of Shires Citizens and Burgesses The Knights of the Shire we see by experience although sometimes men of estates are chosen yet not alwaies of the best understanding For the Citizens and Burgesses the Cities and Corporations for which they serve are Instituted onely for advancement of trade and accordingly the bodies of such townes and places consist of Tradesmen whose educations are onely to learne Crafts and occupations and the far greater number of them mecanick handy-crafts Besides the true cause of authorizing Corporations to send Burgesses to Parliament is that they may give information concerning the Trading in those places to the end if need be to make Laws for the increase thereof And
therefore such Citizens and Burgesses should be tradesmen which appears both by the foresaid Statute made 1 H. 5. and the words of the Writs of Election By that Statute it is enacted that none shall be elected Citizens or Burgesses but freemen dwellers and Inhabitants in such Cities and Borough Townes And by a Statute made 23 H. 6. It is enacted that none shall be chosen a Knight of the Shire but Knights or notable Esquires or Gentlemen borne and shall be able to be Knights And no man to be such Knight which standeth in the degree of a Yeoman and under And the words of the Writs of Election are these For the Shire Duos Milites gladiis cinctos c. For a City Duos cives c. For a Borough Duos Burgenses c. And so both by Act of Parliament and by the Writ the Intent of the Law is declared to be that for the Shire Gentlemen for Cities and Boroughs Tradesmen are to be elected And the Members who serve for those Corporations are above four times the number of all the rest So that the Laws of England for electing Citizens and Burgesses being observed as they ought to be the far greater part of that Assembly must consist of Tradesmen and persons very unapt to judge the Law Yet more proper for that service for which they were intended then such as are at this present usually chosen Whilst the Statutes and the Laws of the Realme were therein observed we heard not of any tumultuous or disorderly proceedings in that House But of later times and especially since the beginning of King James His Reigne the Borough Townes by procurement of factious persons have more frequently chosen such who were so far from having knowledge in the Trades and Traffick of those Boroughes or being resident or dwelling there as that they never saw the Towne nor was the Burgesse ever seen of any one of his Electors yet contrary to the expresse negative words of the aforesaid Statute and direction of the Writ the Commons House declare those Elections Legall which shewes that these Members are very uncapable to understand the Law else a company of persons who have illegally without any due election by faction as aforesaid packed themselves into that body and accordingly resolved to observe no other Law but their owne will and so however whether learned or unlearned not fit to be Judges of the Realme or finally to declare the Law 2. All the Members of that House as well Knights as Burgesses are elected by the vulgar multitude and therefore were elections made according to the Laws of the Realme Popular elections sometime produce like unto themselves In somuch that it may happen that not one knowing man in the profession of the Law or one person literate shall be returned Member of that Assembly 3. Experience shewes it is most frequent as well for Knights of the Shire as for Burgesses to elect Infants and Children which are by that Assembly approved on and have equall Voice with the rest although by the Constitution of the Realme as experience sheweth they are so far from being admitted Judges of the Law as that none untill he be of the age of twenty one years is capable to be sworne of a Jury to try the least matter of fact 4. All differences in that House are decided thus First by debate the businesse is reduced to a head Then the Speaker puts the question then the Members Vote and the greater number carrieth it so that if the question be upon a point of Law the quality of the persons of that Assembly considered admitting them as learned as ordinarily they are returned the best which can be expected in such a case is That the major part who is the Judge in every question there may happen to concur in Vote with some few of their fellow Members who they hope understand the businesse And so at the best this Judge decides the controversie by implicite faith For it cannot be imagined that the greater number of that Assembly by any debate there had shall understand many questions of a Law which daily and frequently happen And for the Lords House the Members of that Assembly have no other authority to sit or Vote there but as Peers of the Realme and admit the King never to create a Peere of the Realme but a man of the greatest judgement it cannot be expected understanding should alwayes descend Upon which ground it is that a grant of a place of Judicature to one and his heires as to his heires is voide in Law and although the education of the Lords for the most part are fit for persons of Honour yet they are not qualified to Judge the Law Thus for the quality of the Persons Now for the Commission Admit every Member of each House in knowledge more profound then the most learned Judge that makes them not Judge of the Law If the most learned because so learned be a Judge it is far more difficult to find out the Judge then to know the Law it is like as well the ignorant as the learned would pretend to the greatest knowledge But that is not the rule to know a Judge he is distinguished from other men by his Commission It appears before that no Court Assembly or Person hath authority to determine any matter of Law but by Grant from the King by Act of Parliament or by prescription Even so it is for the power extent and jurisdiction of any such Court person or Assembly For as no man can have any authority but by Commission so none can claime greater or other power then is thereby granted For example If the Court be erected by the Kings grant the Patent declares what authority the Iudges have beyond which they have none If by Act of Parliament the Statute doth expresse what they have Jurisdiction of if by prescription Custome and use informe the Iudges what they have to do and for a prescription to make it good these three things must concur 1. It ought to be time out of mind which is not allowed by our Law If it can appear to have had its commencement since the Reigne of King R. 1. Secondly although it hath been ancient yet unlesse it have constantly and frequently practised without interruption it is not good Thirdly The thing it selfe claimed must in the judgement of the Law be reasonable otherwise be the usage time out of minde and how frequent soever it ought to be disallowed for malus usus abolendus The Chancery the Kings Bench the Common pleas and the Court of Exchequer are Courts of Justice The Iudges thereof have power of Judicature and although in some things their authority may be inlarged and in other things abridged by some particular Acts of Parliament they have their jurisdiction principally by prescription Custome and use is their Commission The said Courts were not erected by Patent nor by Parliament yet every one
and the two Houses that body cannot properly be said a Court of Justice The Office of a Judge is upon a Question depending before him to declare what the Law is but the office of the Parliament is only to make new laws By this it appears that neither the Members of the Lords house nor of the Commons house are qualified to be Judges of the Law nor have they either jointly or severally Commission for that purpose And lastly admit every Member of either house in Learning sufficiently qualified to make a Judge their composure considered they are not capable jointly to perform that Office they being two distinct bodies their proceedings severall and distinct it cannot be expected but they shall frequently differ in Opinion and judgment therefore were they never so learned should the King grant unto them power of judicature or should they have that authority given them by an Act of Parliament the Lawes of England would judge both that Grant and Statute absolutely void as a thing most incongruous against sense and reason Upon which it followeth that if the Lords House or the Commons house or both Houses jointly have or shall condemne any person for Treason Felony or other capitall offence try any title of Land tax the people with payments of money seise or confiscate the Subjects estates or the like be it by Order Ordinance or any other way all such proceedings are void done coram non Judice and consequently both the Members and all persons executing their commands therein are by the Lawes of England punishable as Murderers Felons or other transgressours because done without warrant or authority And how long soever they shall continue this power and how frequently soever it is used that alters not the case the Law is still the same it was Yet herein I doe not abridge the power and authority of the Peers of the Realme It is true when the King hath constituted a Lord high Steward and consented to the triall of a Peere for his life for a fact committed against the known Law such a Peere not only may but ought the Lords observing the rules of law to be tried by the Lords his Peers But there is no colour for the Lords or for the Commons or for both Houses jointly although the King should give way thereunto to try or judge any Commoner Every common person ought to be tried by his Peers too that is by a Jury of the Commons and that Iury by the Lawes of England ought to be of that County and neare that place where the fact is committed It is a Rule in our Law that in capitall offences Vbi quis delinquit ibi punietur persons dwelling near the place are most likely to have cognizance of the fact Besides by our law every free-born Subject of this Nation hath at his arraignment power and liberty to challenge Iurors impannelled for his triall But all such liberties are taken away by this usurpation of the Members Thus it appears that the Judges of every Court of Justice so far as their Commission extends and no other persons are Judges of Law But the Judges of no one Court are those unto whom the people are bound lastly to submit themselves for every Court of Justice in some respect is inferiour to another Court or power unto which appeales lie as in the case of a Writ of error and the like unlesse it be in the Exchequer Chamber when the cause regularly depends before the Judges of the Kings Bench the Common Pleas and the Barons of the Exchequer into which Chamber things of great weight and difficulty concerning matter of Law are usually transmitted And being there judicially determined from that sentence t◠conceive no appeale lies to any other Court by Writ of error That is the sentence and judgement of the Judges of the Realme yet from that judgement some persons are of opinion a Writ of errour lieth before the Lords in the upper House of Parliament But upon consideration had of the reason of the Law concerning the proceedings in Writs of error brought there I conceive it were to little purpose to permit any such appeale unto the Lords upon judgements given in the Exchequer Chamber before all the Judges of the Realme The power of the Lords House to reverse erronious judgements I conceive began thus The Court of the Kings Bench is the highest Court of Judicature wherein any suite of Law can legally and regularly be brought and therefore their proceedings not to be examined by any other ordinary Court of Justice every one of them being inferiour to it But the Judges of the Kings Bench are as subject to erre as the Judges of other Courts Therefore as requisite to have their proceedings examined Now in regard the Judges of the Realme were at all times at least assistant to the Lords House it was proper enough to have the errors of the Kings Bench reversed in that place And having had its beginning thus constant use and custome hath Legally intituled them unto it Therefore although peradventure it may have happened that some few particular Writs of errour have been brought in the Lords House upon judgements given in some other Courts I conceive the prescription which is all the Commission they have lieth only for the Kings Bench. And I am the more confirmed therein because the Law bookes mentioning the authority of the Lords House in reversing judgements do generally instance in the Kings Bench not naming other Courts Besides as the Lords House hath this jurisdiction by prescription the same use and custome requires these circumstances 1. That the Kings consent to prosecute a Writ of error be obtained because every judgement in the Kings Bench doth immediately concerne the King the jurisdiction of that Court being properly Pleas of the Crowne 2. That the Lords after the cause is brought before them proceed by the advice of the Judges which is indeed the essentiall part of the prescription To have a profession of Law Courts of judicature erected persons learned in that profession appointed Judges thereof it were most preposterous to have the proceedings of these Judges even in the most difficult points of the Law examined reversed and controlled by persons ignorant in that profession By the constitutions of England no man is capable to be a Judge unlesse he have understanding in the Law to performe that office Therefore shall the King grant to one who is most learned a Judges place to him and his heires as to his heires it were void and the same it were if such a grant were made by Act of Parliament And so consequently if the Lords should prescribe that time out of mind they and their predecessours Lords of the Parliament in Parliament time have without mentioning it to be with the advise and assistance of the Judges reversed erronious Iudgements given in the Kings Bench or in any other Court of Iustice it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be disallowed judged as an evil use
is and may be in the Subject Answer Although his whole discourse is either false or impertinent yet his saying that Kings were first elected by the people That the people as he beleeves elected the Judges and bounded them by publike Laws And for proof positively affirming although not naming one Act That all this appears by infinite Acts of Parliament regulating the King and His officers The vulgar may thereby conceive that the Members of the two Houses without the King have made Acts of Parliament That by those Acts it appears That the people elected the first King of England and the Judges and bounded them by publike Laws Although Mr. Pryn himselfe well knowes that never any Act of Parliament was or could be made without the Kings expresse consent And that the people of this Nation have been governed under Kings 1200. years before the first Act of Parliament at this day extant So that if Mr. Pryn had made his Argument according to the truth of the fact it had been but thus After King H. 3. begun his reigne and not before the Kings of England have made some Laws by Act of Parliament whereby in some things they have regulated their owne authority and the power of their officers and Judges Ergo the people although we had Kings 1200. years before that elected the first King the Judges and bounded them by publike Laws Besides admit the people had elected the first King and the Judges That nothing proves that the Members of the two Houses at this day by our Law outgh to nominate the Judges And for the rest of his Arguments they are to this effect A question being asked who ought to elect the Judges Mr. Pryn saith Leiutenant Generals and Sheriffs were anciently elected by the Parliament and people Colonels Majors Aldermen Constables Knights of the Shire and Burgesses are elected by the people Kings cannot elect a Member or exclude him from sitting That the Members are honourable grave and wise That the Judges are the Kingdomes as well as the Kings That although the Kings have usually had the election of them perchance it was by usurpation and Mr. Bodin a great Polititian saith that the election of these officers may be and often are in the Subject Now hereupon to conclude Ergo By the Laws of England the Members of the two Houses ought to elect the Judges I cannot more aptly parallel the Argument then thus How many miles to London Answer a poke full of plums Ergo it is 20. miles to London upon this it might as well have been concluded 40. 100. or 1000. miles to London as 20. and so for electing the Judges upon any of Mr. Pryns reasons or upon all together admitting them all true It might with as much sence and reason have been concluded thus Ergo the Major of Quinborough the great Turke or the man in the Moon ought to elect them Besides the Members of the two Houses cannot have the election of the Judges for these reasons First the Chancery the Kings Bench the Common Pleas and the Court of the Exchequer are Courts of Justice by prescription they were instituted before the time of memory none knows the beginning thereof but certaine it is they were Courts of Iustice before the House of Commons had being Secondly as it is necessary that the Iudges of the Law be knowne persons It is as requisite that such as elect them should be constantly visible But the Members out of Parliament are invisible Thirdly suppose it enacted That none that shall be a Iudge unlesse elected by A. and B. It were no wonder for them irreconcileably to differ in their choice And the two Houses are as distinctly two as A. and B. That difference which is renders the Members more improper for the worke and consequently not of a Composier fit to elect the Iudges And that this is the Kings right is made good thus First It appears before that those Courts have had Judges time out of mind And so long as any may can shew or prove there hath been Judges of those Courts so antiently the Kings of England and none else have elected and authorized them which is the strongest proof in the Law It is the Law it selfe It were absurd for any man to deny that it is felony to steale or that the eldest son is heir to his Fathers land yet there is no other proof to make it good but use and practise And the Kings have as antiently and constantly elected the Iudges as theft hath been punished or that the eldest son hath by discent enjoyed his fathers land Secondly if this King hath not right to elect the Iudges no former King had it and consequently we never had one Judge rightly authorized So that Mr. Pryn hath found out a point in Law which at once makes a nullity of all former proceedings in those Courts as things done coram non Judice But this not all If Mr. Pryns doctrine be true we have had no Parliament for the Kings not having power legally to authorize the Lord-keeper all creations of Peeres are void and so the Writs for electing the Knights and Burgesses were illegall and void too And consequently Mr. Pryns Law admitted there is no Member of either House Lawfully authorized to sit or Vote And for authority of bookes either Law or History I dare be bold to say there is not one man in the World untill the sitting of these Members who hath upon any occasion mentioned these things but hath delivered it as a fundamentall ground and a positive truth That the authority to elect the Iudges is in the King alone So thatsuch as are unsatisfied of the Kings right herein may with as much reason doubt whether we have had a King Law or government Nothing can herein be alledged against the King or on the Members behalfe unlesse a new maxime of Law be started up That no proof be it never so clear is sufficient to entitle the King to any Interest or authority But for the Members although they have neither authority use practise president or reason to make it good have title and interest to what they list But if the two Houses have the finall power to judge the Law and that every one who shall dispute their Votes break the priviledge of Parliament It matters not who hath the election of them nor who are chosen If the man be flexible enough the meanest capacity in one dayes study and with the expence of one single penny may be sufficiently compleat for a States Judge his Library needs not consist of more bookes then a copy of the Houses Votes whereby we are declared breakers of the priviledges of Parliament to deny that to be Law which they declare so to be For by these Votes we have no Law but the Members will And consequently those persons they call Iudges are no other but their Ecchoes But the true Judges authorized by the King have not only the
this day by the Laws of England the Members of the two Houses have right thereunto which is most absurd But Mr. Pryn affirming that these things were granted to the Kings Ancestors and the truth being that the King and His Ancestors time out of minde have enjoyed them It is a good argument to prove the King hath title to them And for Parliaments as before appeares The first Act we have is Magna Charta made 9 H. 3. but the Kings Auncestors and predecessors enjoyed the Militia the Forts the Navy Ammunition and Revenues of the Crowne many hundred of yeares before that time therefore could not be granted by the Parliament or by its consent And for the Kingdomes consent Master Pryn must explaine his meaning what he intends thereby before it be Intelligible Then saith M. Pryn the King hath no power to array arme or muster His Subjects but in such manner as the Parliament by speciall Acts hath prescribed Answer This being granted makes directly against Master Pryn it disproves the Members pretended power to the Militia and makes good the Kings interest therein The Argument is thus The King cannot muster His Subjects but in such sort as is prescribed by Act of Parliament To conclude thereupon that the Members of the two Houses have the power of the Militia nothing can be more absurd But it directly implies that none but the King can muster the people And consequently the Militia is in the King And for Acts of Parliament prescribing how or in what manner the people shall be mustered or arrayed we have none of that nature untill the Raign of King Ed. 1. But the Militia of the Kingdome was executed and commanded by the Kings of England 1200. yeares before that time And by every Act of Parliament which doth in any sort order or appoint the mustering or arraying of the Subject It appeares that the Power and Authority it self before that Law was in the King And by none of them is taken out of him And so this Argument of Master Pryns is to no purpose But saith M. Pryn The King hath these things and the Revenues of His Crown in His politick Capacity as saith he a Major and Commonalty a Dean and Chapter and the like are seized of their Lands And therefore saith he the King neither by His Will nor by His Letters Patents can devise alien or sell the same Answer If it be admitted that the King cannot alien such Lands and Revenues as He is seized of in His politick Capacity which is in it selfe most absurd how this disproves his title to the Militia the Forts the Navie Ammunition and Revenues of the Crowne is not intelligible The Argument in effect is but thus The King hath the Militia c. in his politick capacity Ergo he hath it not Or thus The King cannot sell the Revenues of his Crowne Ergo the Members have the Interest therein and may seize them But saith Master Pryn the Ships Armes and Ammunition seized of by the Members were bought with the Kingdomes Money And therefore the Members may seize them Answer Suppose it understood what is the Kingdomes Money and that with such Money Ships Armes and Ammunition are bought It seemes a good Argument for the King to Seize them For He as King ex Officio is obliged to preserve His people in Peace Besides that money or other things which no particular Subject can challenge property in by the Lawes of the Kingdome is the Kings But by the Lawes of England we have no person or pollitick body by the name of the Kingdome which is capable to have property either in Lands or Goods And for the Members of the two Houses as Parliament men they have not any politick Capacity they are not a body to sue or to be sued nor are capable to buy or sell nor have property in any estate And consequently Master Pryn by his own Argument hath as much title to seize the foresaid Ships Armes and Aummunition as they Then saith M. Pryn the Members seized the Ships and Revenues of the Crown to prevent the arrivall of forraign forces and a Civill Warre which they foresaw As saith he Queene Elizabeth in time of War with Spaine granting letters of Mart to seize all materialls for Warre transported through the narrow Seas Answer By this discourse we are told what moved the Members to seize the Kings Navy and the Revenues of his Crown which in effect is thus viz. The Members having usurped an Arbitrary power over King and people and thereby having destroyed the Monarchy of England had just cause not only to expect opposition from their own Soveraign but in his relief arrivall of forraigne forces from all the Kings in Christendome For upon the same grounds as the Members made this seizure the Subjects of any King may doe the like It is as easie for the people of Spaine France or any other Nation in the world to say they foresee a War as these Members pretend it And I am certaine it is as unlawfull and directly against the constitutions of England for the Subjects here to assume this power as for the people of any other Country to doe the like to their King Therefore I grant it was an act of Pollicy for the Members to seize the Kings Ships and the Revenues of His Crown It was a great and principle means to prevent the suppression of this their Rebellion But all that proves the legality of their proceedings no more then a high-way man having taken a purse murders the party robbed to prevent his own discovery makes the robbery lawfull And so M. Pryns Argument in effect is but thus The Members de facto have seized the Kings Ships and Revenues of his Crown ergo they have done it lawfully Thus in Answer to Master Pryns Arguments whereby he endeavours to prove that the Members have power over the Militia c. But that they have no colour to claime any Authority therein further appeares thus First all men must grant That so long as the people have been governed by a Law so long the power of the Militia must have been in some But the people of England as before appears have been governed by a Monarchicall power above 1200 yeares before the institution of the two Houses And all that while the Kings of England for the time being and none else have executed that Authority Therefore not in the Members Secondly it is absolutely necessary that the power of the Militâ—â— be in such hands as may at all times provide against approaching dangers to the Common-wealth But that cannot be the Members they are not in esse out of Parliament Suppose this Nation in the vacancy of a Parliament be suddenly invaded by a Forraigne enemy or infested by a domestick insurrection If none have power to command the people to assemble and make resistance untill the summoning of the two Houses of Parliament nothing but distraction to King and people
can be expected Thirdly the Composier of these Members being two distinct bodies considered it is as prepostrous for them to command the Militia as to have the Soveraigne power of Government or to judge the Law It may fall out even in the time of greatest danger that one House shall Vote to fight the other not to fight the enemy And this difference may happen to be unreconciled untill the Nation be conquered or destroyed Thus it appears that the Members have no power over the Militia It now rests to prove that it is the Kings right which is made good by authority and reason First for authority it is proved by constant practise which is not onely the strongest proof in our Law but it is the Law it selfe We have no formall Institution of the Common Law it is no other but common Ancient and frequent use For example it is felony to steale it is not felony of death unlesse the thing stolen exceede the value of twelve pence These are things so certainly knowne and so generally received for Law as that any man to dispute them renders himself ridiculous yet being denied none can shew when the Law began how or by what authority it was made there is no other proof to make it good but custome and use So for the Militia of the Kingdome it was never estated upon the King by Act of Parliament or by any other constitution It is His right by the Common Law of England which is made good by custome and use and authorities of bookes And first for custome and use Any man of what quality or ranke soever he be reflecting upon his owne memory and observation must acknowledge that in all his time no Souldiers were impressed armed arrayed or mustered no Forts strong-holds or â—â—rrisons held or commanded no Commanders Officers or Souldiers Imployed by Land or Sea no Commissions concerning War either Forraigne or Domestick or concerning the administration of Justice but by authority derived from the King alone And such as search the Records in former times will finde the like practise in all ages And with this agrees all Histories and stories from this day upward unto the Roman Conquest Then for authorities and to begin with Acts of Parliament Magna Charta granted about 440. years since not onely being the first Statute but beyond it there is scarce an authentick record of Law at this day to be found In which Act it is thus declared by King Hen. 3. viz. And if We do lead or send him who is by tenure to defend a Castle in an Army he shall be free from Castle-guard from the time that he shall be with us in fee in our Host for the which he hath done service in our Wars Thus even in that Instrument whereby the King confirmed unto the people their Liberties It appears that by the Laws of the Land the power of War was the Kings sole right By an other Statute made 7. of King Ed. 1. being the son and next succeeding King to H. 3. The Prelates the Earles the Barons and the Comonalty of the Realme Assembled in Parliament declared that to the King it belongeth and His part is through His Royall Signiorie straightly to defend force of armour other force against the Kings peace at all times when it shall please Him And to punish them which shall do contrary according to the Laws and usages of the Realme And that they the Subjects are hereunto bound to aid their Soveraigne Lord the King at all seasons when need shall be After this by severall Acts of Parliament viz. 13. of the same King 1 Ed. 3. 25 Ed. 3. 4 H. 4. 5 H. 4. and other Statutes it is declared how and in what manner the Subject shall be charged with armes mustered arraied and forced to serve in War In all which Acts without dispute the whole power and command therein is admitted to be in the King By a Statute made 11 H. 7. The Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament declare it to be the duty and Allegeance of the Subjects of England not onely to serve their Prince and Soveraigne Lord for the time being in Wars but to enter and abide in service in battaile and that both in defence of the King and the Land against every Rebellion power and might reared against him By a Statute made 2 Edw. 6. in the Raigne of a child King The Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament declare that it is the bounden duty of the Subjects to serve their Prince in War By a Statute made 4 and 5 P. M. In the Raigne of a Woman the Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament declare thus viz. That whereas heretofore commandement hath been given by the Queen and her Progenitors Kings of England to diverse persons to muster their Subjects and to levy them for the service of their Majesty and this Realme in their Wars which service saith the Statute hath been hindred by persons absenting themselves from Musters and by being released for rewards And then provides remedy therein when the Queen her Heirs or successors shall authorize any to muster the people And by that late unanimous and voluntary recognition made by the Lords and Commons in Parliament unto King James they declared thus viz. We being bound thereunto both by the Lawes of God and Man doe recognize and acknowledge and thereby expresse our unspeakable Joyes That immediately upon the death of Queen Elizabeth the imperiall Crowne of the Realme of England did by inherent birth-right and lawfull and undoubted succession descend and come to your most Excellent Maj. that by the goodnesse of Almighty God your Maj. is more able to Governe us your Subjects in Peace and plenty then any of your Progenitors And thereunto we most humbly and faithfully submit and oblige our heires and posterities for ever untill the last drop of our blouds be spent Now every man of sense will agree that the opinion of the Members of this Parliament is no more authentique then the opinions of the Lords and Commons Assembled in former Parliaments And that being granted it followeth that any one of the aforementioned Statutes whereby the Lords and Commons declare That by the Law of the Land the power of the Militia is in the King is so much the more weighty and so much more to be relyed upon in this point of the Militia then the opinion of these Members by how much more persons are competent to determine a question concerning another then to judge their own case or when they resolve for or against themselves But these Members setting aside their owne Votes in this their own case for their own advantage cannot make their pretence to the Militia good by any one Authority Opinion Practise or President But this not all These Westminster men themselves even this Parliament have both in their Ordinances as they call them and Petitions acknowledged the Militia to be the
government of the King cannot be forced either in person or estate otherwise then the knowne Law judged by indifferent persons unconcerned as aforesaid doth permit And consequently the people of England a most free subject CHAP. XIII That the people of England under the government claimed by the Members of the two Houses are absolute slaves IT cannot be denied but that where the King or the Supreame Magistrates authority over the people is arbitrary that government is tyrannicall No tyrant ever had or can have a greater power Nor is it possible for people where any Law is admitted to be under a greater servitude For he whose will is a Law as he hath no superiour so by any under his command he cannot be said to erre in judgement be his sentence never so bloody cruell or barbarous the dispute is ended no appeale or Writ of Error lyes so that the wisest man how industrious or conscientious soever cannot for the least instant of time promise to himselfe security of life or challenge property in his estate Therefore if the government in England practised and claimed by the Members be arbitrary it followeth that the people are absolute slaves wherein these things are considerable 1. Who they be that arrogate the government 2. What those persons act de facto 3. What power they claime to have de jure 1. For the first they are the Members of the two Houses being in number the Assemblies admitted full about seven hundred persons They are divided into two severall distinct bodies without any head and every body having equall power Then for their priviledges It is by themselves declared to this effect viz. That none of them although he hath committed Treason Sacriledge Murther Rape Felony or any other crime how execrable soever is to be appehended questioned or prosecuted for the same untill licence be thereunto obtained from that House whereof he is a Member Every offender herein is by their Declarations denounced a breaker of the liberty of the Subject of the priviledge of Parliament and a publike enemy to the Common-wealth And such a licence being obtained and the Malefactor thereupon apprehended he is not say they to be prosecuted by indictment or otherwise but in such manner and before such persons as that Assembly thinks fit to direct their persons are so sacred as that none but themselves must judge their actions Thus for the persons commanding 2. What they act de facto We see by a new Law called an Ordinance made by themselves without the King the late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was condemned to death and executed They have confiscated his and other mens estates and by the same pretence they have taxed the people to the twentieth and fift part of their fortunes They have laid an imposition upon the Subject heretofore not heard of in England called an Excise They have taxed them with vast impositions and payments of money by way of assessements and otherwise at pleasure They receive and dispose of the confiscations and of all the aforesaid summes of money as themselves thinke fit They assume the power finally to declare and Judge the Law and by colour of their owne authority they have de facto repealed severall Acts of Parliament And have imposed upon the people new Lawes of their devising 3. What they claime to have de Jure if themselves be asked whether by Law they have not power to act the foresaid things If they have not authority without appeale to determine what is Treason murder felony or other capitall offence To put to death who they please To confiscate any mans estate To tax or impose upon the people without stint whether the profits of those confiscations taxes and impositions be not at their owne dispose and all this without any account To these they doe they have already answered affirmatively However all men of judgement may be herein satisfied The Members had lawfull power to put to death the Bishop of Canterbury and to seize his estate else he was murdered and his estate seized against Law now if they had therein lawfull authority it followeth that by the same Law they may whether guilty or not guilty of a crime put to death any other who they shal say deserveth to dye and may confiscate whose estate they please dispose thereof to their own use or otherwise as they thinke fit And accordingly we see they have and are going fast on as theives do their booties to divide and share the wealth of the Kingdome amongst themselves If they did lawfully tax the people to a fifth part by the same Law they may tax them to their full worth And for excise admit them to have power to charge any commodity with one peny and it cannot be denied them to have power to tax every one for every drop of drinke or morsell of mâ—â—t or what he buyes or sels to the full double or treble value thereof If they have power to repeale one Act of Parliament they have authority to repeale all the statutes in England And if they have authority to impose upon the people one Law their power therein is without limitation They may inforce upon the Subject what Laws they please and consequently their power claimed as highly arbitrary and tyrannicall as any have or can claime to have And having made this claime Then for their security therein they tell us that in all matters both for soul and body we have no Judge upon earth but themselves and denounce every one an enemy to this new State who shall deny that to be the Law which they declare Law Yet even now the people are told that they are and shall be governed by the knowne Law because say they Judges are appointed and suites of Law admitted Answer There was never any Tyrant but in some sort permitted a known Law among his vassals else the slaves could not acquire estates and so confiscations to the Tyrant would prove inconsiderable By the Laws of England a villaine hath power to buy and purchase and is therein protected against all persons his Lord excepted But the Lord may seize his estate beate or strike his villaine at his pleasure The Turke who hath been accompted the greatest tyrant his vassals acquire vast fortunes and are by a Law protected therein against their fellow slaves But the Turke at pleasure may not onely seize their whole estates but take their lives too Even so it is at present with the people of England we have liberty to buy and sell and acquire wealth we are as an English villaine or Turkish slave sometimes that is when the Members please else not protected therein against one another But when the Members thinke fit every mans estate his fortune his person his life all is at their will and doome That Law permitted amongst the people reacheth not so high as the Members when they thinke fit their will is the Law so that our slavery for the present is worse
joyntly concurring to sell and by that sale the Lords are concluded it is done by the Commission of those Lords and therefore in Judgement of Law their owne Act. So for the Parliament the King the Lords and Commons by the constitutions of this Realme are jointly trusted to consent unto the making new or changing the old Law therefore no lesse then all have Commission for it And so if the King and either House or both Houses without the King passe a Bill or make a Law this ought to be judged invalid none are thereby wronged still the knowne Laws are in force the people as before by the knowne Law are protected in their persons and estates and those trusted that is the King the Lords and Commons joyntly concurring have power to make new Laws which consent concludes the whole Nation it is done by its representative body and so by their Commission Thus it appears that when there is a question and dispute in Parliament between the King and the two Houses it is not necessary to have it affirmatively determined nor needfull that His Majesty in such cases be Judge against the two Houses or the two Houses to Judge it without Him That is but a fiction of the Members devised by them to reduce the Nation unto their Tyranny which as the Members knew they could not effect but by excluding the King from His negative Voice in Parliament so that being done their worke was finished Then they without the King arrogate power to make new Laws and change the old for their owne advantage as they pleased And so both King and people inslaved Therefore herein to beguile the people a case was faigned and stated thus That such a difference between the King and the two Houses as concerned the safety of the Kingdome was happened in Parliament That unlesse this question were instantly determined the Kingdome was in danger to perish Then to draw the people to side with the Members they were told that the Lords and Commons were the representative body of the Kingdome That whatever the Members in those Assemblies do it is so much the Act of every particular person in the Kingdome as if he were within the wals of the House personally consenting And perswaded the vulgar that this dispute between the King and the Members in effect is between Him and all the people of England And then offer it to the consideration of the multitude whether it be not more likely that all the people of the Realme concurring in one opinion should better know what is for their owne good then the King being but one single person and dissenting in judgement from the whole Nation The poor people not being of capacity suddenly to discerne the fallacy hereof And being ravished with a conceipt to be Judge in their owne case in smarmes flocked to this Idoll the Members thinking they had thereby adored themselves as well as that beast and never ceased untill by violence they expelled the King from His negative Voice in Parliament But now by wofull experience they both understand by whom and how they are represented which is thus The Knights of Shires Citizens and Burgesses being elected by the Inhabitants of the severall Counties and Townes do in some sort represent the people who chose them but that is no further then their Cōmission extends And they have no other Commission then the Kings Writ of Summons the returne thereof word by word set downe before which gives them no other authority then to consent unto Laws agreed on by the King His great Councell the Peeres consequently they do represent the people no further then to consent unto such Laws And for the Peeres they have no Commission at all from the people nor can be said to represent them their authority is solely from the Kings said Writ of Summons directed to every particular Lord by which likewise his power is declared and stinted That is to advise with the King concerning the affaires of the Realme So that the Lords and Commons put together they have no Commission to make Laws we are still to seeke that Legislative power nor is it to be found but in the King He alone is properly the Law-maker But the Kings of England as before appears having excluded themselves to make Laws without consent of the two Houses Therefore that united body the King and the Members of those Assemblies is called the Legislative power and the representative body of the Kingdom But that either or both Houses or any Assembly or people in this or any other Nation governed by Monarchy hath or ever claimed to have a Legislative power or sofar to represent the Kingdome as to make new Laws or change the old without the Personall consent of the King is such a ridiculaus Bull as never was heard or thought of untill this frantick Parliament Therefore when either or both Houses without the King take upon them to make Laws they extend beyond the bounds of their Commission they thereby act of their owne head not as representatives For example a Lord by Commission gives power to A. and B. to let and set his Land for tearme of years so long as A. and B. pursue this authority they do represent that Lord but if by colour of that Commssion A. and B. demise for life or sell the Inheritance it is done without authority their Commission reacheth not so far and so not representatives Therefore such lease or sale is void it doth not bind the Lord. Or thus A. having contracted with B. to make A. feoffement unto him and his heirs of the Mannour of D. upon a condition by letter of Atturney gives power to C. to make livery and seisin upon that Condition C. performes it In this case the Land is as firmely setled in B. as if A. had executed it in his owne person because it is done by his representative But if C. omitting to express the Condition make livery and seisin absolutely nothing passeth to B. for saith our Law C. extending the bounds of his Commission he doth not represent A. Therefore his whole act void So here the Lords as before appears have Commission to advise with the King the Commons to do and consent unto things agreed on by the King and them Now those Lords and Commons taking upon them without the Personall assent of the King to make new or change the old Law it is a power usurped without Commission or authority therefore no representatives and consequently all their proceedings void Then for the distinctions in the aforesaid Declarations mentioned 1. That no Law made without the Kings consent binds unless His consent be first required and refused 2. That those Laws be necessary for the preservation of the Kingdome 3. That such Laws shall continue no longer in force then that necessity lasteth these are snares and subtilties only to catch the simple no wise man wil be taken with them Suppose the King upon refusall
Prince 2. To violate the Queen the Kings eldest daughter unmarried or his eldest sons wife 3. To leavy War against the King or to adhere unto His enemies giving them aid or comforts in this Realme or elsewhere 4. To counterfeit the Kings Great Seale the Privy Seale or His money 5. To bring false money into this Realme counterfeit to the money of England 6. To slay the Chancellor Treasurer or the Judges of either Bench the Justices of Eyre of Assize and all other Justices assigned to hear and determine in their places doing their office And then it is enacted in the negative that no other thing shall be judged Treason untill it be declared by the King and His Parliament And accordingly by severall Acts of Parliament some other things have been made Treason viz. 7. To deny the King to be our onely Supreame Governour and so in some other particulars The Members Law herein both Affirmatively and Negatively follow thus 1. That it is not Treason to imagine the death of the King the Queen or Prince 2. That it is not Treason to Levy War against the King to adhere unto His Enemies or to give aide or comforts to them in England or elsewhere 3. That it is not Treason to Counterfeit the Kings Great Seal or His Money 4. That it is not Treason to deny the King to be the Supreame Governour Then for their Doctrine in their Affirmative it followeth thus 1. That it is Treason to endeavour the preservation of the Kings Person from violence 2. That it is Treason for a Subject to aide the King against His Rebellious Subjects Levying War against Him 3. That it is Treason to maintain or affirme that the King is the onely Supreame Governour 4. That it is Treason for any Man to deny the Members their fellow Subjects to have the Soveraigne power of Government 5. That it is Treason for a Subject without leave of the Members to recide or dwell in London But it is not possible to instance in all the particulars of the new Treasons therefore in general the people must know that whatever the Members shall say is Treason They must beleeve it to be Treason Now for the poofs The foresaid Statute doth clearly demonstrate what the known Law is And therewith agrees all the Authorities Judgements and Resolutions of the Law But for the Members their Law is so new as that they cannot look beyond the beginning of this Parliament nor produce any one Judgement Resolution or Opinion to make good any one of their Doctrines And consequently their own fictions Let them speak out and all that they can say for themselves is but thus viz. We have gotten possession of the Kings Revenue we have besides that setled unto our selves a yearly Revenue amounting to at least thrice treble the profits of the Crown of England and which is still more sweet we have the dominion over King and People we have a power unlimited to impose taxes and payments upon whom we please and what summes we thinke fit their persons we have in vassalage and can take away their lives when and for what cause we please for the obtaining whereof we did Levy War against the King we did in that Warre attempt to kill the King the Queen and Prince we did adhere unto His Enemies and gave unto them relief and comforts we have counterfeited the Kings Great Seal and His Money we have and yet doe most barbarously imprison the Kings Person we have subverted both Law and Religion Now for us to confesse the known Law and submit our selves thereunto were no other then to put our necks into the halter Therefore we must of necessity deny the old and forge new Lawes These things considered I suppose every one not particeps criminis in this odious Rebellion will judge it more absolutely necessary for him to endeavour his infranchisement from His slavery then it was for the Members to commit this foul Treason and Rebellion whereby the people are brought to this Vassalage Upon the whole matter clear it is that all those Members of either House of Parliament who consented to the making of any Order or Ordinance for the promoting of this War pretended for King and Parliament and all other persons who have acted therein consented or adhered thereunto are guilty of High Treason CHAP. X. That the Subjects of this Nation are not onely commanded from doing violence to the Kings Person or prejudice to His Authority but are obliged with their lives and fortunes to assist and preserve His Person and Just Rights from the fury of His enemies both forraigne and domestick ALL the people of this Nation are divided thus viz. King and Subject which of it self is proof sufficient to make this good The word King as before appears implies a duty in the King to protect His people and the word Subject a duty in them to assist Him By the Laws of England for a servant to kill his Master is an offence of a higher nature and the punishment for it more severe then for the meanest Subject without such relation of service to kill the greatest Peere for besides the Subordination between them a trust is implyed the breach whereof by an act of that nature by the Lawes of England is petty Treason Besides the Law expects from the servant a personall assistance to preserve his Master from violence or hurt and in that regard the Master being assaulted the servant by the Lawes of England may justifie to resist the assailant in defence of his Masters person And between the King and His Subjects the Subordination and Subjection is of a far higher nature The trust reposed in the Subject and his duty to the King is far more transcendent the King being head of the weal publick By violating his person saith our Law every Member of the Common-wealth suffers Therefore in assisting Him we doe defend our selves He is Pater Patriae we are His naturall born Subjects and so by the Law of nature obliged to preserve Him from injury Now the person of my Soveraigne Leige Lord the King by an unnaturall Warre raised and prosecuted by His owne Subjects being assaulted and Warre made against His Crowne and Dignity And the King having by His Proclamations summoned His Loyall Subjects to assist him upon serious consideration thereof I found that nothing was more clear or pregnant both by Authorities of the books of Law and severall Acts of Parliament by which it is abundantly declared to be our bounden duty to serve the King in His Wars both against forrain invasions domestick insurrections and rebellions Then that I was obliged in duty by the Lawes of this Realm by the Law of Nature by the Law of Reason and by the Law of God even by that precept of Saint Paul in these words viz. Let ' every soul be subject to the higher powers to assist Him against these assaults And upon these grounds I took up Armes for Him and
And although this rule be exactly observed yet once having declared himself he is every houre in danger of destruction For when a new faction gets up which is very frequent changing his note oftentimes preserves him not from an impeachment he is from thence but dandled as a whelp under a Lyons Paw when that party thinkes fit cru hed in pieces Now should some of the Judges of any Court of Justice in Westminster-Hall demean themselves in this manner with their fellow Judges no wise man would esteeme them to have the power of Judicature And why a part of the Members of either House should have this Priviledge more then they is beyond the reach of the Westminster-men to make it good By this it appears that the Members have not freedome of Speech and consequently no House of Parliament Fourthly admitting the Members had not been injuriously expulsed And had they been permitted freely to give their opinions yet these men at Westminster have disabled themselves to sit or Vote there which is proved thus Every Traytor Murderer and Felon by the Law of the Land is disabled to sit or vote in Parliament But these persons are Traytors Murderers and Felons Ergo. The Major needs no proof every one grants it And for the Minor Those men have not onely committed such facts as the Law judgeth Treason Murder and Felony but even making it their daily work are still constant to those their principles They as before appears actually Levyed War against their King which is Treason They have actually endeavoured to kill the King the Queen and Prince which is Treason They have counterfeited the Kings Great Seal which is Treason They have counterfeited His Mony which is Treason They have not onely denyed their King to be the Supreame Governour but have arrogated the power of Soveraignty to themselves which is Treason They have this Parliament declared it Treason to attempt to change the Law But themselves have actually subverted both Law and Religion And have reduced both King and people to their Arbitrary power which is Treason They have and still doe imprison the Person of their King which is Treason Then for Murder besides their owne consciences if they have any remorse inwardly gnawing the fatherlesse children and widdowes of those slaine on both sides in this unnaturall War raised and prosecuted by them against King and Kingdome in swarmes to testifie against them But this not all they doe still in colder bloud and in further abuse of Justice by pretext and colour of Law sometimes in their own names other while imitating the ordinary formes of Law by the mouths of their nominall mock Judges whose understandings and consciences by their foresaid Order and with bribes and rewards they have in vassalage condemne murder and put to death the Kings Loyall Subjects as Traytors and this principally for refusing to commit Treason And for felony That offence is included both in the crime of Treason and Murder but there needs not that help to prove them guilty thereof By the Law of England it is felony of death to steal goods exceeding the value of twelve pence But these persons in the nature of robbery have by force taken from King and People their whole livelihood Suppose 20 Troopers to make an Order that all persons passing through High-gate shall deliver unto them all such Money as shall be found about them If the Troopers by colour of this Order force the passengers to deliver their Money It were ridiculous to deny this to be robbery Yet if that Order made by the Troopers were binding the fact were lawfull So here those men at Westminster have ordered which they stile an Ordinance of Parliament that all the people of England shall give unto them the 5 part and the 20 part of their Estates That every man who eats or drinkes buyes or sels shall pay unto them a certaine summe by the name of Excise That every County and Towne shall likewise contribute unto them and their Souldiers vast summes of money That all the Kings Revenues shall be disposed of to them and to their use That all persons who shall oppose them herein shall be judged Traytors and forfeit unto these men their whole estates and fortunes And by colour of those Orders we see they do by force seize and take all to their owne use Now in regard the foresaid persons at Westminster have not power as before is proved to make such Laws it directly followeth that the forcing the King and people herein is unlawfull and consequently both King and Subject are robbed of their money and goods And their estates wrongfully detained from them But peradventure these incendiaries at Westminster will object that although they be guilty of those crimes yet untill they be judicially convict thereof it cannot be alleadged against them Answer First By their owne practice they have judged this point against themselves For as before appears without any legall conviction they have expulsed almost all their fellow-Members And that for supposed facts which if guilty of disabled not them to sit or vote in the house So that these Westminster-men having to the view of the world committed such facts as by law disables them to sit or vote to be judged no Members themselves must confesse is at the most but lex Talionis Secondly it may appear even in the judgment of Law that a man is guilty of treason murder or felony although not attainted or convicted thereof For example one calls another before any conviction of such a crime Traytor Murderer or Thief The Person thus charged brings his action of slaunder In this case if the Defendant justifie his words alleaging that the Plaintif committed such a fact which the law judgeth Treason Felony or Murder and at the triall proved it The Jury ought to acquit the Defendant of the slaunder yet still that Traytor Murderer or Felon is not convict of the fact Therefore clear it is a Traytor is a Traytor And the people may as well know him so to be and as lawfully so call him before attainder or conviction as to know a spade to be a spade and so call it Besides when a treason murder or felony is committed it is the proper office of every petty Constable and of every Justice of peace nay it is the duty of every honest Subject to apprehend the malefactor and to bring him to due punishment wherein neither priviledge of Parliament dignity of the Person or imployment of the Offender is any protection It is not only lawful but the duty of every honest English man to lay hands upon the Speakers of both Houses or upon any Peer or Parliament-man or any other having committed the crime of treason murder or felony or justly suspected for the same And consequently they ought to apprehend the aforesaid Westminster-men It is true that in the ordinary proceedings no man can be convict of treason murder or felony but by Act of Parliament or