in the out-parts of London Upon this point of Naturalization many men make a great doubt whether it be for publick good to permit the Iews to be Naturalized in common with other Strangers Those that are against their admission who for the most part are Merchants urge these Reasons 1. They say the Iews are a subtil People prying into all kind of Trades and thereby depriving the English Merchant of that Profit he would otherwise gain 2. They are a penurious People living miserably and therefore can and do afford to trade for less profit then the English to the prejudice of the English Merchant 3. They bring no Estates with them but set up with their Pens and Ink only and if after some few Years they thrive and grow rich they carry away their Riches with them to some other Country being a People that cannot mix with us which Riches being carried away is a publick loss to this Kingdom Those that are for the admission of the Iews say in answer to the aforesaid Reasons viz. 1 st The subtiller the Iews are and the more Trades they pry into while they live here the more they are like to encrease Trade and the more they do that the better it is for the Kingdom in general though the worse for the English Merchant who comparitively to the rest of the People of England is not one of a thousand 2 dly The thriftier they live the better Example to our people there being nothing in the World more conducing to enrich a Kingdom then thriftiness 3 dly It is denyed that they bring over nothing with them for many have brought hither very good Estates and hundreds more would do the like and settle here for their Lives and their Posterities after them if they had the same Freedom and Security here as they have in Holland and Italy where the grand Duke of Tuscanâ—y and other Princes allow them not only perfect Liberty and Security but give them the priviledge of making Laws among themselves and that they would reside with us is proved from the known Principles of Nature viz. Principle 1. All men by Nature are alike as I have before demonstrated and Mr Hobbs hath truly asserted how Erroneous soever he may be in other things Princip 2. Fear is the cause of Hatred and hatred of separation from as well as evil Deeds to the Parties or Government hated when opportunity is offered This by the way shews the difference between a bare connivence at Dissenters in matters of Religion and a toleration by Law the former keeps them continually in Fear and consequently apt to Sedition and Rebellion when any probable occasion of success presents The latter disarms cunning ambitious minded men who wanting a popular discontented Party to work upon can effect little or nothing to the prejudice of the Government And this methinks discovers clearly the Cause why the Lutherans in Germany Protestants in France Greeks in Turkey and Sectaries in Holland are such quiet peaceable-minded-men while our Non-Conformists in England are said to be enclinable to Strife War and Bloodshed Take away the Cause and the Effect will cease While the Laws are in Force against men they think the Sword hangs over their Heads and are always in fear though the Execution be suspended not knowing how soon Councils or Counsellors Times or Persons may change it is only Perfect Love that casts out Fear and all men are in love with Liberty and Security It cannot be denyed that the industrious Bees have Stings though Drones have not yet Bees sting not except those that hurt them or disturb their Hives It is said the Iews cannot Intermarry with us and therefore it cannot be supposed they will reside long amongst us although they were treated never so kindly why not reside here as well as in Italy Poland or Holland they have now no Country of their own to go to and therefore that is their Country and must needs be so esteemed by them where they are best used and have the greatest Security CHAP. VIII Concerning Wool and Woollen Manufactures THat Wool is eminently the Foundation of the English Riches I have not heard denyed by any and that therefore all possible means ought to be used to keep it within our own Kingdom is generally confessed and to this purpose most of our modern Parliaments have strenuously endeavoured the contriving of severe Laws to prevent its Exportation and the last Act made it Felony to Ship out Wool Woolfels c. Notwithstanding which we see that English and Irish Wool goes over so plentifully that it is within a very small matter as cheap in Holland as in England The means to prevent this Evil by additional Penal Laws and alterations of some of those now in being were long under debate by his Majesties command in the Couâ—cil of Trade who according to their duty took great pains therein and since I have been informed the same things were under consideration in Parliament so that I doubt not but in due time we shall see some more effectual Laws enacted to this purpose as well in relation to Ireland from whence the greatest of this mischief proceeds as in England then ever yet have been yet I do utterly despair of ever seeing this Disease perfectly cured till the Causes thereof be removed which I take to be 1st Heighth of Interest in England which an Abatement by Law to 4 per Cent would cure 2dly Want of Hands which an Act of Naturalization would cure 3dly Compulsion in matters of Religion which some relaxation of the Ecclesiastical Laws I hope would effectually cure For while our Neighbours through the cheap valuation of their Stocks can afford to trade and disburse their Monies for less profit then we as hath been I think sufficiently demonstrated by the fore-going Discourse and have more Hands to employ then we by reason of the large Immunities and Priviledges they give both to Natives and Foreigners there is no question but they will be able to give a better Price for our Wool than we can afford our selves and they that can give the best price for a Commodity shall never fail to have it by one means or other notwithstanding the opposition of any Laws or interposition of any Power by Sea or Land of such force subtilty and violence is the general course of Trade Object But some may say and take it as well from what I have writ elsewhere as from their own Observations Will not the well-making of our Woollen-Manufactures contribute much to the keeping of our Wool naturally within our own Kingdom I answer Doubtless it will have a great tendency thereunto but can never effect it till the aforesaid Radical Causes of this Disease be removed which brings me to the next Question viz. What will improve our Woollen-Manufactures in quality and quantity This is a very great Question and requires very deliberate and serious Consideration but I shall write my present Thoughts concerning it
desiring those Gentlemen's pardon from whom I may differ in Opinion having this to say for my self that I do it not rashly this being a business that I have many Years considered of and that not solitarily but upon converse with the most skilful men in our several English Woollen Manufactures 1. Then I say Those three fore-mentioned Particulars which will naturally keep our Wool at home will as naturally encrease our Woollen-Manufactures 2. Negatively I think that very few of our Laws now in force to this purpose though our Statute-Books are replenished with many have any tendency thereunto nor any thing I have yet seen in Print For 1 st All our Laws relating to the Aulnegeors duty every body knows signifie nothing to the encrease or well-making our Manufactures but are rather chargeable and prejudicial 2 dly All our Laws that oblige our People to the making of strong substantial and as we call it Loyal Cloth of a certain length breadth and weight if they were duly put in Execution would in my opinion do more hurt than good because the Humors and Fashâ—ons of the World change and at sometimes in some places as now in most slight cheap light Cloth will sell more plentifully and better than that which is heavier stronger and truer wrought and If we intend to have the Trade of the World we must imitate the Dutch who make the worst as well as the best of all Manâ—factures that we may be in a capacity of serving all Markets and all Humors 3 dly I conclude all our Laws limitting the number of Loomes numbered or kind of Servants and Times of working to be certainly prejudicial to the cloathing of the Kingdom in general though they be advantagious to some particular Men or Places who first procured those Laws of Restriction and Limitation 4 thly I think all those Laws are Prejudicial that prohibit a Weaver from being a Fuller Tucker or Dyar or a Fuller or Tucker from keeping a Loome 5 thly I conculde that stretching of Cloth by Tentors though it be sometimes prejudicial to the Cloth is yet absolutely necessary to the Trade of England and that the excess of straining cannot be certainly limitted by any Law but must be lâ—ft to the Sellers or Exporters discretion who best knows what will please his Customers beyond the Seas besides if we should wholly prohibit straining of Cloth the Dutch as they have often done would buy our unstrained Cloth and carry it into Holland and there strain it to six or seven Yards per piece more in length and make it look a little better to the Eye and after that carry it abroad to Turkey and other Markets and there beat us out of Trade with our own Weapons But some may then ask me Whether I think it would be for the advantage of the Trade of England to leave all men at liberty to make what Cloth and Sâ—uffs they please how they will where and when they will of any lengths or sizes I answer Yes certainly in my judgment it would be so except such Species only as his Majesty the Parliament shall think fit to make Staples as suppose Colchester Bayeâ— Perpetuanoes Cheanyes and some other sorts of Norwich Stuffs to be allowed the honour of a publick Seal by which to be bought and sold here and beyond Seas as if it were upon the publick Faith of England and where-ever such Seal is allowed or shall be thought fit to be affixed to any Commodity I would desire the Commodity should be exactly made according to the Institution and always kept to its certain length breadth and goodness But in case any shall make of the said Commodities worse then the Institution I think it would be most for the publick advantage to impose no Penalty upon them but only deny them the benefit and reputation of the publick Seal to such Bayes or Stuffs as shall be so insufficient which in my opinion would be punishment 〈…〉 those that should make worse than thâ— Standard and advantage enough to those that should keep to it 2. For all Cloth and Stuffs not being made Staples I think it would be of very great use that the Makers did weave in their Marks and affix their own Seals containing the length and breadth of the Pieces as hath been provided in some Statutes and that no Maker under severe Penalties shall use another Mark or Seal with such Penalty to every marker or seller whose Cloth or Stuffs shall not contain the length and breadth set upon the Seal as his Majesty and the Parliament shall think sit 3. If the makers of all Stuffs whatsoever for Exportation whether Sâ—aples or not which are commonly sold by the Piece and not by the Yard or Ell were obliged to make them no shorter than antiently they have been made the particular lengths of each sort whereof might be provided for and expressed in the Act this good effect would follow upon it viz. At all foreign Markets where we pay a great Custom by the Piece according to the Books of Rates currant in the several Countries we should pay but the same Custom abroad for a piece of full length which now we do for one that iâ— shorter Notwithstanding I conceive it would be expedient to leave it to the makers discretion to make their pieces as much longer as they please CHAP. IX Concerning the Ballance of Trade THat the Greatness of this Kingdom depends upon Foreign Trade is acknowledged and therefore the Interest of Trade not unbecoming Persons of the highest Rank and of this Study as well as others it may be said there 's an infinite in it none though of the largest Intelects and Experience being able to fathom its utmost depth Among other things relating to Trade their hath been much discourse of the Ballance of Trade the right understanding whereof may be of singular use and serve as a Compass to Stear by in the Contemplations and Propagation of Trade for publick Advantage The Ballance of Trade is commonly understood two ways 1. Generally something whereby it may be known whether this Kingdom gaineth or loseth by Foreign Trade 2. Particularly something whereby we may know by what Trades this Kingdom gaines and by what Trades it loseth For the first of these It is the most general received opinion and that not ill grounded that this Ballance is to be taken by a strict Scrutiny of what proportion the value of the Commodities exported out of this Kingdom bear to those Imported and if the Exports exceeds the Imports it is concluded the Nation gets by the general course of its Trade it being supposed that the over-plush is Imported in Bulloin and so adds to the Treasure of the Kingdom Gold and Silver being taken for the measure and standard of Riches 2. This Rule is not only commonly applyed to the general course of Foreign Trade but to particular Trades to and from this Nation to any other Now although this notion have much of
upon and taxing the Inhabitants at pleasure as the King doth them it is not probable they should make that succesful Progress in Planting Propriety Freedom and Inheritance being the most effectual Spurs to Industry 2. Though some who have not looked far into this matter may think the Spaniards have made great Progress in Planting I am of opinion that the English since the time they set upon this Work have cleared and emproved fifty Plantations for one and Built as many Houses for one the Spaniards have Built this will not be very difficult to imagine if it be considered First that it is not above fifty or sixty Years since the English intended the Propagating Foreign Plantations Secondly that the Spaniards were Possessed of the West-Indies about our King Henry the 7 th's time which is near two Hundred Years past Thirdly that what the Spaniard hath done in the West-Indies hath been ten times more by Conquest then by Planting Fourtly That the Spaniards found in the West-Indies most of the Cities and Towns ready Built and Inhabited and much of the Ground emproved and cultivated before their coming thither Fifthly That the Inhabitants which they found there and subdued were such a People with whom some of the Spaniards could and have mixed from whence hath proceeded a Generation of People which they call Mestises whereas the English where they have set down and Planted either found none or such as were meer wild Heathen with whom they could not nor ever have been known to mix Sixthly That now after such a long series of time the Spaniards are scarce so Populous in any Part of the West-Indies as to be able to bring an Army of Ten Thousand Men together in a Months time From all which I conjecture 1st That his Majesty hath now more English Subjects in all his Foreign Plantations in sixty Years than the King of Spain hath Spaniards in all his in two Hundred Years 2d That the Spaniards Progress in Planting bears no Proportion to the encrease of the English Plantations 3 d. That seeing the Spaniards in the time of their greatest Prosperity and under so many Advantages have been such indifferent Planters and have made such slow progress in Peopleing those parts of the West-Indies which they possess It is not much to be feared that ever the English will be mated by the Spaniards in their Foreign Plantations or Production of the Native Commodities of those Parts Now the reasons why the Spaniards are so thin of people in the West-Indies I take to be such as these following viz. First and principally because they exercise the same Policy and Governments Civil and Ecclesiastical in their Plantations as they do in their Mother-Kingdom from whence it follows that their People are few and thin abroad from the same causes as they are empty and void of people at home whereas although we in England vainely endeavour to arrive at a Vniformity of Religion at home yet we allow an Amsterdam Liberty in our Plantations It is true New-England being a more independant Government from this Kingdom then any other of our Plantations and the People that went thither more one peculiar Sort or Sect then those that went to the rest of our Plantations they did for some Years past exercise some Severities against the Quakers but of late they have understood their true Interest better insomuch as I have not heard of any Act of that kind for these five or six Years last notwithstanding I am well informed that there are now amongst them many more Quakers and other Dissenters from their Forms of Religious Worship then were at the time of their greatest Severity which Severity had no other effect but to encrease the New-English Non-conformists 2 d. A second reason why the Productions of the Spanish West-India Commodities are so inconsiderable in respect to the English and consequently why their Progress in Planting hath been and is like to be much less then the English as also the encrease of their People I take to be the dearness of the Freight of their Ships which is four times more then our English Freight and if you would know how that comes to be so twelve per cent Interest will go â— great way towards the satisfying you although there are other concomitant lesser causes which whosoever understands Spain or shall carefully read this Treatise may find out themselves 3 d. A third reason I take to be the greatness of the Customs in Old-Spain for undoubtedly high Customs do as well dwarf Plantations as Trade 4 th The Spaniards Intense and singular Industry in their Mines for Gold and Silver the working wherein destroys abundance of their people at least of their Slaves doth cause them to neglect in great measure Cultivating of the Earth and producing Commodities from the growth thereof which might give employment to a greater Navy as well as sustenance to a far greater number of people by Sea and Land 5 th Their multitude of Fryers Nuns and other reclust and Ecclesiastical Persons which are prohibited from Marriage 3. The third sort of People I am to Discourse of are the Portugeeze and and them I must acknowledge to have been great Planters in the Brazeils and other Places but yet if we preserve our People and Plantations by good Laws I have reason to believe that the Portugeeze except they alter their Politicks which is almost impossible for them to do can never bear up with us muchless prejudice our Plantations That hitherto they have not hurt us but we them is most apparent for in my time we have beat their Muscovado and Paneal Sugars quite out of use in England and their Whites we have brought down in all these Parts of Europe in price from seven and eight pounds per l. to fifty Shillings and three Pounds per l. and in quantity whereas formerly their Brazeil-Fleets consisted of One hundred to One hundred and twenty thousand Chests of Sugar they are now reduced to about Thirty thousand Chests since the great encrease of Barbadoes The reason of this decay of the Portugeeze Productions in Brazeils is certainly the better Policy that our English Plantatitions are founded upon That which principally dwarfs the Portugeeze Plantations is the same before-mentioned which hinders the Spaniards viz. extraordinary high Customs at home high Freights high Interest of Money Ecclesiastical persons c. From all that hath been said concerning Plantations in general I draw these two principal Conclusions 1 st That our English Plantations may thrive beyond any other Plantations in the World though the Trades of all of them were more severely limitted by Laws and good Execution of those Laws to their Mother-Kingdom of England exclusive to Ireland and new-New-England 2dly That it is in his Majesties power and the Parliaments if they please by taking off all Charges from Sugar to make it more intirely an English Commodity then white-Herrings are a Dutch Commodity and to draw more profit to this
offended with me I dare undertake that this will never spoil but mend their Marriages besides the greater good it will bring to their Country and to their Posterities after them whether they prove to be Noblemen Gentlemen or Merchants c. I have in several places of my ensuing Treatise referred to some Tracts I formerly published upon this subject which being now wholly out of Print I thought fit to Re-print and annex unto this which at first I intended not Some there are who would grant that abatement of Interest if it could be effected would procure to the Nation all the good that I alledge it will bring with it but say it is not practicable or at least not now 1. A needless scruple and contradictory to experience for first a Law hath abated Interest in England three times within these few Years already and what should hinder its effect now more then formerly 2. If a Law will not do it why do the Vsurers raise such a dust and engage so many Friends to oppose the passing of an Act to this purpose The true reason is because they are wise enough to know that a Law will certainly do it as it hath done already though they would perswade others the contrary And if it be doubted we have not Money enough in England Besides what I have said in my former Treatise as to the encrease of our Riches in general I shall here give some further Reasons of probability which are the best that can be expected in this case to prove that we have now much more Money in England then we had twenty Years past Notwithstanding the seeming scarcity at present if I should look further back then twenty years the argument would be stronger on my side and the proportion of the encrease of Money greater and more perspicuous but I shall confine my self to that time which is within most mens Memories 1. We give generally now one third more Money with Apprentices then we did twenty years past 2. Notwithstanding the decay and loss of sundry Trades and Manufactures yet in the gross we Ship off now one third part more of the Manufactures as also Lead and Tin then we did twenty years past which is a cause as well as a proof of our increase of Money If any doubt this if they please to consult Mr Diâ—kins Surveyor of his Majesties Customs who is the best able I know living and hath taken the most pains in these Calculations he may be satisfactorily resolved 3. Houses new built in London yield twice the Rent they did before the Fire and Houses generally immediately before the Fire yielded about one fourth part more Rent then they did twenty years past 4. The speedy and costly buildings of London is a convincing and to Strangers an amazing Argument of the plenty and late encrease of Money in England 5. We have now more then double the quantity of Merchants Shiping we had twenty years past 6. The course of our Trade from the increase of our Money is strangely altered within these twenty years most Payments from Merchants and Shop-keepers being now made with ready Money whereas formerly the course of our general Trade run at three six nine twelve and eighteen Months time But if this case be so clear some may ask me How comes it to pass that all sorts of men complain so much of the scarcity of Money especially in the Country My answers to this Query are viz. 1. This proceeds from the Frailty and Corruption of humane Nature it being natural for men to complain of the present and commend the times past so said they of Old The former days were better then these and I can say in truth upon my own Memory that men did complain as much of the scarcity of Money ever since I knew the world as they do now nay the very same Persons that now complain of this and commend that time 2. And more particularly This complaint proceeds from many mens finding themselves uneasie in the matters of their Religion it being natural for men when they are discontented at one thing to complain of all and principally to utter their discontents and complaints in those things which are most popular Those that hate a man for some one cause will seldom allow of any thing that is good in him and some that are angry with one person or thing will find fault with others that gave them no offence like peevish Persons that meeting discontent abroad coming home quarrel with their Wifes Children Servants c. 3. And more especially this complaint in the Country proceeds from the late practice of bringing up the Tax-Money in Wagons to London which did doubtless cause a scarcity of Money in the Country 4. And principally this seeming scarcity of Money proceeds from the Trade of Bankering which obstructs circulation advanceth Usury and renders it so easie that most Men as soon as they can make up a Sum of 50 l. or a 100 l. send it into the Gold-Smith Which doth and will occasion while it lasts that fatal pressing necessity for Money so visible throughout the whole Kingdom both to Prince and People From what hath been last said it appears the matter in England is prepared for the abatement of Interest which as Sr Henry Blunt an honourable Member of his Majesties Council of Trade well said before the Lords at the debate is the Unum Magnum towards the prosperity of this Kingdom It is a generative good and will bring many other good things with it I shall conclude with two or three Requests to the Reader 1. That he would Read and consider what he Reads with an entire Love to his Country void of private interests and former ill grounded impressions received into his mind to the prejudice of this principle 2. That he would Read all minding the matter not the stile before he make a judgment 3. That in all his meditations upon these Principles he would warily distinguish between the Profit of the Merchant and the Gain of the Kingdom which are so far from being always parallels that frequently they run counter one to the other although most Men by their Education and Business having fixed their eye and aim wholly upon the former do usually confound these two in their Thoughts and Discourses of Trade or else mistake the former for the latter from which false measures have proceeded many vulgar errors in Trade some whereof by reason of Mens frequent mistakings as afore-said are become almost Proverbial and often heard out of the Mouths not only of the common People but of Men that might know better if they would duly consider the afore-said distinction Some of the said common Proverbial errors are viz. 1. Vulgar Error We have too many Merchants already 2. The Stock of England is too big for the Trade of England 3. No Man should exercise two Callings 4. Especially no Shop-keeper ought to be a Merchant 5. Luxury and some Excess may be
a Fine of Fifty Pounds and the success hath been answerable For the first Company settled upon that narrow limitted Interest although their Stock was larger then this decayed and finally came to ruin and destruction Whereas on the contrary this being settled on more rational and consequently more just as well as more profitable Principles hath through Gods Goodness thriven and encreased to the trebling of their first Stock CHAP. IV. Concerning the Act of Navigation THough this Act be by most concluded a very beneficial Act for this Kingdom especially by the Masters and Owners of Shiping and by all Sea-men yet some there are both wise and honest Gentlemen and Merchants that doubt whether the Inconveniencies it hath brought with it be not greater then the Conveniencies For my own part I am of Opinion that in relation to Trade Shiping Profit and Power it is one of the choicest and most prudent Acts that ever was made in England and without which we had not now been Owners of one half of the Shiping nor Trade nor employed one half of the Sea-men which we do at present but seeing time hath discovered some Inconveniencies in it if not Defects which in my poor opinion do admit of an easie Amendment and seeing that the whole Act is not approved by unanimous consent I thought fit to discourse a little concerning it wherein after my plain method I shall lay down such Objections as I have met with and subjoyn my Answers with such Reasons as occur to my memory in confirmation of my own Opinion The Objections against the whole Act are such as these Object 1. Some have told me That I on all occasions magnifie the Dutch policy in relation to their Trade and the Dutch have no Act of Navigation and therefore they are certainly not always in the right as to the understanding of their true Interest in Trade or else we are in the wrong in this I answer I am yet to be informed where the Dutch have missed their proper Interest in Trade but that which is fit for one Nation to do in relation to their Trade is not fit for all no more then the same Policy is necessary to a prevailing Army that are Masters of the Field to an Army of less force then to be able to encounter their Enemy at all times and places The Dutch by reason of their great Stocks low Interest multitude of Merchants and Shiping are Masters of the Field in Trade and therefore have no need to build Castles Fortresses and places of Retreat such I account Laws of limitation and securing of particular Trades to the Natives of any Kingdom because they viz. the Dutch may be well assured That no Nation can enter in common with them in any Trade to gain Bread by it while their own use of Money is at 3 per Cent and others at 6 per Cent and upwards c. Whereas if we should suffer their Shiping in common with ours in those Trades which are secured to the English by Act of Navigation they must necessarily in a few Years for the Reasons above 〈…〉 eat us quite out of them Object 2. The second Objection to the whole Act is Some will confess that as to Merchants and Owners of Ships the Act of Navigation is eminently beneficial but say that Merchants and Owners are but an inconsiderable number of men in respect of the whole Nation and that Interest of the greater number that our Native Commodities and Manufactures should be taken from us at the best rates and foreign Commodities sold us at the cheapest with admission of Dutch Merchants and Shiping in common with the English by my own implication would effect My answer is That I cannot deny but this may be true if the present profit of the generality be barely and singly considered but this Kingdom being an Island the defence whereof hath alwayes been our Shiping and Sea-men it seems to me absolutely necessary that Profit and Power ought joyntly to be considered and if so I think none can deny but the Act of Navigation hath and doth occasion building and employing of three times the number of Ships and Sea-men that otherwise we shouâ—d or would do and that consequently If our Force at Sea were so greatly impared it would expose us to the receiving of all kind of Injuries and Affronts from our Neighbours and in conclusion render us a despicable and miserable People Objections to several Parts of the Act of Navigation Object 1. The Inhabitants and Planters of our Plantations in America say This Act will in time ruin their Plantations if they may not be permitted at least to carry their Sugars to the best Markets and not be compell'd to send all to and receive all Commodities from England I answer If they were not kept to the Rules of the Act of Navigation the consequence would be that in a few Years the benefit of them would be wholly lost to the Nation it being agreeable to the Policy of the Dutch Danes French Spaniards Portugals and all Nations in the World to keep their external Provinces and Colonies in a subjection unto and dependency upon their Mother-Kingdom and if they should not do so the Dutch who as I have said are Masters of the Field in Trade would carry away the greatest of advantage by the Plantations of all the Princes in Christendom leaving us and others only the trouble of breeding men and sending them abroad to cultivate the Ground and have Bread for their Industry Here by the way with entire submission to the greater Wisdom of those whom it much more concerns give me leave to Query Whether instead of the late prohibition of Irish Cattle it would not have been more for the benefit of this Kingdom of England to suffer the Irish to bring into England not only their live Cattle but also all other Commodities of the Growth or Manufacture of that Kingdom Custom free or on easie Customs and to prohibit them from Trading homeward or outward with the Dutch or our own Plantations or any other places except the Kingdom of England Most certainly such a Law would in a few Years wonderfully encrease the Trade Shiping and Riches of this Nation Query 2. Would not this be a good addition to the Act of Navigation and much encrease the employment of English Shiping and Sea-men as well in bringing from thence all the Commodities of that Country as supplying that Country with Deals Salt and all other foreign Commodities which now they have from the Dutch Que. 3. Would not this be a means effectually to prevent the Exportation of Irish Wool which now goes frequently into France and Holland to the manifest and great damage both of England and Ireland Que 4. Would not this be a Fortress or Law to secure to us the whole Trade of Ireland Que. 5. Would not this render that which now diminisheth and seems dangerous to the value of Lands in England viz. the growth of
Ireland advantagious by encrease of Trade and Shiping and consequently the power of this Kingdom Object 2. The second Ojection to part of the Act of Navigation is usually made by the Eastland and Norway Merchants who affirm that in effect their Trade is much declined since the passing the Act of Navigation and the Danes Sweeds Holsteners and all Easterlings who by the said Act may Import Timbâ—r and other Eastern Commodities have encreased in the number of their Shiping imployed in this Trade since our Act of Navigation at least two third parts and the English have proportionably declined in the number of theirs imployed in that Trade I answer That I believe the matter of Fact asserted is true as well as the cause assigned viz. the Act of Navigation and yet this should not make us out of love with that excellent Law rather let it put us upon contriving the Amendment of this seeming Defect or Inconvenience the Cure whereof I hope upon mature consideration will not be found difficult for which I humbly propound to the Wisdom of Parliament viz. That a Law be made to impose a Custom of at least 50 l. per Cent on all Eastland Commodities Timber Boards Pipe-Staves and Salt imported into England and Ireland upon any Ships but English built Ships or at least such only as are sailed with an English Master and at least three fourths English Marriners And that for these Reasons Reas. First If this be not done the Danes Sweedes and Easterlings will certainly in a few Years carry the whole Trade by reason of the difference of the charge of building a Ship fit for that Trade there or here viz. a Fly-boat of 300 Tuns new built and set to Sea for such a Voyage may cost there 13 or 1400 l. which here would cost from 22 to 2400 l. which is so vast a disproportion that it is impossible for an English man to coape with a Dane in that Navigation under such a discouragement to ballance which there is nothing but the Strangers duty which the Dane now pays which may come to 5 or 6 l per Ship per Voyage at most one with another which is incompitable with the difference of Price between the first cost of the Ships in either Nation And this is so evident to those who are conversant in those Trades that besides the decrease of our Shiping and encrease of theirs that hath already happened ours in probability had been wholly beaten out of the Trade and only Danes and Easterlings freighted had we been necessitated to build English Ships and had not been recruited on moderate Prices by Fly-boats being Ships proper for this Trade taken in the late Dutch War and by a further supply of Scotch Prizes likewise through his Majesties permission and indulgence Reas. 2. Because the number of Strangers Ships imployed in the aforesaid Trade yearly I estimtae to be about two hundred Sail which if such a Law were made must unavoidably be all excluded and the Employment fall wholly into English Hands which would be an excellent Nursery and give constant Maintenance to a brave number of English Sea-men more then we can or do employ at present Reas. 3. The Act of Navigation is now of seventeen or eighteen Years standing in England and yet in all these Years not one English Ship hath been built fit for this Trade the reason whereof is that before mentioned viz. that it is cheaper freighting of Danes and Easterlins and it being so and all men naturally led by their Profit it seems to me in vain to expect that ever this Law will procure the building of one English Ship fit for that employment till those Strangers are excluded this Trade for England and much more improbable it is that any should now be built than it was formerly when the Act was first made because Timber is now at almost double the price in England it was then The consequence whereof is That if timely Provision be not made by some additional Law when our old Stock of Flemish Prizes is worn out as many of them are already we shall have very few or no Ships in this Trade The Objections which I have heard made to this Proposition are viz. Object 1. If such an Imposition be laid on those gross Commodities imported by Strangers Ships that will amount to the excluding all Strangers from this Trade we shall want Ships in England to carry on the Trade and so the Commodity will not be had or else will come very dear to us I answer â—f the Commodity should be somewhat dearer for the present it would be no loss to the Nation in general because all Freight would be paid to English men whereas the freight paid to Strangers which upon thâ—se Commodities is commonly as much or more then the value of Goods is all clear loss to the Nation 2 dly If there should be a present want of Shiping and the Parliament shall please to enjoyn us to build English Ships for this Trade This extraordinary good Effect will follow viz. It will engage us to do that we never yet did viz. To fall to building of Fly-boats gâ—eat Ships of burthen of no force and small charge in sailing which would be the most profitable undertaking that ever English men were engaged in and that which is absolutely necessary to be don if ever we intend to board the Dutch in their Trade and Navigation these Fly-boats being the Milch-Cows of â—olland from which they have suckâ—d manifoldlâ— greater Profit than from all their Ships of force though both I know are necessary But if at first the Parliament shall think fit to enjoyn us only to Ships sailed with an Enlish Master and three fourths English Marriners the Danes and Easterlins being by this means put out of so great an Employment for their Shiping we shall buy Ships proper for this Trade on easie terms of them perhaps for half their cost which under value in purchase will be a present clear profit to England Object 2. If this be done in England may not other Princes account it hard and unreasonable and consequently Retaliate the like upon us To answer this Objection its necesary to enquire what Kingdom and Counâ—ry will be concerned in this Law 1 st Then Italy Spain and Portugal will be wholly unconcerned 2 dly So will France who if they were concerned can take no offence while they lay an Imposition of 50 or 60 per Cent upon our Drapery 3 dly The Dutch and Hamburgers would not by such additional Law be more excluded then now they are and the latter would have an advantage by it in case the Danes should as it may be supposed they will lay a Tax upon our Shiping there for the consequence thereof would be that much of those kind of Commodities we should fetch from Hambrough where they are plentifully to be had though at a little dearer Rate and yet not so dear but that the Dutch fetch Yearly thence 350
order to the building and supplying our Shiping that without them other Trades could not be carried on It will not be denied by the honourable East-India Company but they import much more Goods into England than they export that to purchase the same they carry out quantities of Gold Silver annually yet no man that understands any thing of the Trade of the World will affirm that England loseth by that Trade The Dutch with good reason esteem the trade of the East-Indies more profitable to them than are the Mines of Gold and Silver in America to the King of Spain and if the English Companies were vested by Act of Parliament with so much Authority as the Dutch have and thereby encouraged to drive as full a Trade thither as the Dutch do I doubt not but it would be so not so much to the private gain of the Members of that Company as the publick profit of this Kingdom in general however as it is it will not be difficult to prove that it is the most beneficial Trade this Nation drives at present For 1 st That trade constantly employes twenty five to thirty Sail of the most War-like Ships in England with Sixty to a Hundred Men in each Ship and may in two or three Years more employ a greater Number and in order to the carrying on that Trade that Company hath lately unconstrained given considerable Encouragements for the building of great Ships which hath had good effect 2 dly It supplies the Nation constantly and fully with that in this Age necessary material of Salt-Petre 3 dly It employs the Nation for its Consumption with Pepper Indico Calicoes and several useful Drugs near the value of 150000 l. to 180000 l. per Annum 4 thly It furnished us with Pepper Cowryes Long-Cloth and other Callicoes and painted Stuffs proper for the Trade of Turkey Italy Spain France and Guiny to the amount of 2 or 300000 l. per Annum most of which Trades we could not carry on with any considerable advantage but for those supplies and these Goods exported do produce in foreign parts to be returned to England six times the Treasure in Specie that the Company exports from hence Now if not only the aforesaid advantages be seriously considered but also what detriment the Nation would sustain if we were deprived of those supplies both in point of Strength and War-like Provisions in regard of Shiping and Salt-Petre but also in respect of the furtherance it gives to many other Trades before-mentioned it will easily appear that this Trade though its Imports exceeds its Exports is the most advantagious Trade to England and deserves all encouragement for were we to buy all our Pepper and Callicoes c. of the Dutch they would raise our Pepper which now standâ— the Nation but about 3 d. per pound in India to or near the proportion which they have advanced on Nutmegs Cloves and Mace which cost the Dutch not much more per pound in India than Pepper since they engrossed the Trade for those Commodities and the use of Callico in England would be supplied by foreign Linnen at greater Prices so that what may be secured from this Nation 's consumption would in probability cost them above 400000 l. per Annum more then now it doth and our foreign Trades for Italy Guiny c. would in part decay for want of the afore-said supplies There is another Notion concerning the Ballance of Trade which I think not impertinent here to take notice of viz. Some are of opinion that the way to know whether the Nation gets or loseth in the general by its fore-going Trade is to take an inspection into the course of the Exchange is generally above the intrinsick value or Par of the Coins of foreign Countries we not only lose by such Exchanges but the same is a demonstration that we lose by the general course of our foreign Trade and that we require more supply of Commodities from abroad than our exports in Goods do serve to purchase And certain it is that when once the Exchaâ—ge comes to be 5 or 6 per Cent above the true value of foreign Monies our Treasure would be carried out whatever Laws should be made to prevent it and on the contrary when the Exchange is generally below the true value of the foreign Coins it is an evidence that our Exports do in value exceed what we require from abroad And so if the Exchange comes to be 5 or 6 per Cent below the true value of the foreign Coins returns will be made for England in the Coins of foreign Countries Now that there is also a great deal of truth in this Notion is not to be denied and that the diligent observance and consideration of the course of the Exchange may be of use and very necessary in many respects and is a very ingeniuous Study for any that would dive into the mystâ—ries of Trade yet because this is likewise subject to vary on many accidents of Emergencies of State and War c. because there is no settled course of Exchange but to and from France Holland Flanders Hambrough Venice Legorn Genoa and that there are many other great and eminent Trades besides what are driven to those Countries this cannot afford a true and satisfactory solution to the present Question Thus having demonstrated that these Notions touching the Ballance of Trade though they are in their kind useful Notions are in some cases fallible and uncertain If any shall ask How shall we then come to be resolved of the matter in Question I answer first The best and most certain discovery to my apprehension is to be made fâ—om the encrease or diminution of our â—rade and Shiping in general for if our Trade and Shiping diminish whatever profit particular men may make the Nation undoubtedly loseth and on the contrary if our Trade and Shiping encrease how small or low soever the profits are to private men it is an infallible Indication that the Nation in general thrives for I dare affirm and that Catagorically in all parts of the whole World where-ever Trade is great and continues so and grows daily more great and encreaseth in Shiping and that for a succession not of a few Years but of Ages that Trade must be Nationally profitable As a Town where only a Fair is kept if every Year the number of People and Commodities do augment that Town however the Markets are will gain whereas if there comes still fewer and fewer Peâ—ple and Commodities that place will decline and decay Discoursing once with a Noble Lord concerning this measure or method of knowing the Ballance of our Trade or more plainly our general National gain or loss by Trade his Lordship was pleased to oppose by asking two very proper Questions viz. Quest. 1. Is there not a great similitude between the Affairs of a private Person and of a Nation the former being but a little Family and the latter a great Family I
younger Persons which were never before at Sea I appeal to the Reader whether such a yearly return of Sea-men abiding at home with us all the Winter and spending their Money here which they got in their Summer-Fishery were not a great access of Wealth and Power to this Kingdom and a ready supply for his Majesty's Navy upon all Emergencies 6. The Fishing Ships yet are and always have been the breeders of Sea-men the Planters and Boat-keepers are generally such as were bred and became expert at the cost of the Owners of Fishing Ships which Planters and Boat-keepers enter very few new or green men 7. By the building fitting victualling and repairing of Fishing-Ships multitudes of English Trades-men and Artificers besides the Owners and Sea-men gain their subsistance whereas by the Boats which the Planters and Boat-keepers build or use at New-found-Land England gets nothing Object But against all that I have said those that contend for a Governour at New-found-Land object 1. That without a Governour and Government there that Country will be alwayes exposed to the surprizal of the French or any Foreigners that shall please to attacque it 2. That the disorders of the Planters which I complain of and some others which for brevities sake I have not mentioned cannot be remedied without a Governour To which I answer first That when we cannot preserve our Colonies by our Shiping or so awe our Neighbours by our Fleets and Ships of War that they dare not attempt them our case will be sad and our Propriety will be lost or in eminent danger not only abroad but at home likewise 2 dly All the Fish that is killed at New-found-Land in a Summer is not sufficient to maintain strength enough on Shore to defend two Fishing Harbours against ten men of War whereas that Country hath more Harbours to defend than are to be found in Old England 3 dly If a Governour be established the next consequence will be a Tax upon the Fishing and the least Tax will encrease the price of Fish and that unavoidably will give the Trade away wholly into the French Hands 4 thly A Government there is already of antient Custom among the Masters of the Fishing-Ships to which the Fishermen are inured and that free from Oppression and adapted to the Trade insomuch that although a better might be wished I never hope to see it XI That New-England is the most prejudical Plantation to this Kingdom I am now to write of a People whose Frugality Industry and Temperance and the happiness of whose Laws and Institution do promise to themselves long Life with a wonderful encrease of People Riches and Power And although no men ought to envy that Vertue and Wisdom in others which themselves either can or will not practice but rather to commend and admire it yet I think it is the duty of every good man primarily to respect the well-fare of his Native Country and therefore though I may offend some whom I would not willingly displease I cannot omit in the progress of this discourse to take notice of some particulars wherein Old England suffers diminution by the growth of those Colonies settled in New-England and how that Plantation differs from those more Southerly with respect to the gain or loss of this Kingdom viz. 1. All our American Plantations except that of New-England produce Commodities of different Natures from those of this Kingdom as Sugar Tobacco Cocoa Wool Ginger sundry sorts of dying Woods c. Whereas New-England produces generally the same we have here viz. Corn and Cattle some quantity of Fish they do likewise kill but that is taken saved altogether by their own Inhabitants which prejudiceth our New found-land Trade where as hath been said very few are or ought according to Prudence to be employed in those Fisheries but the Inhabitants of Old England The other Commodities we have from them are some few great Masts Furs and Train-Oyl whereof the Yearly value amounts to very little the much greater value of returns from thence being made in Sugar Cotton Wool Tobacco and such like Commodities which they first receive from some other of his Majesty's Plantations in Barter for dry Cod-Fish salt Mackerel Beef Pork Bread Beer Flower Pease c. which they supply Barbadoes Iamaica c. with to the diminution of the vent of those Commodities from this Kingdom the great Experience whereof in our own West-India Plantations would soon be found in the advantage of the value of our Lands in England were it not for the vast and almost incredible supplies those Colonies have from New-England 2. The People of New-England by vertue of their Primitive Charters being not so strictly tied to the observation of the Laws of this Kingdom do sometimes assume a liberty of Trading contrary to the Act of Navigation by reason whereof many of our American Commodities especially Tobacco and Sugar are transported in New-English Shiping directly into Spain and other foreign Countries without being Landed in England or paying any Duty to his Majesty which is not only loss to the King and a prejudice to the Navigation of Old England but also a total exclusion of the old English Merchant from the vent of those Commodities in those Ports where the New-English Vessels trade because there being no Custom paid on those Commodities in New-England and a great Custom paid upon them in Old England it must necessarily follow that the New-English Merchant will be able to afford his Commodity much cheaper at the Market than the Old English Merchant And those that can sell cheapest will infallibly engross the whole Trade sooner or later 3. Of all the American Plntations his Majesty hath none so apt for the building of Shiping as New-England nor none comparably so qualified for the breeding of Sea-men not only by reason of the natural industry of that people but principally by reason of their Cod and Mackerel Fisheries And in my poor opinion there is nothing more prejudicial and in prospect more dangerous to any Mother Kingdom then the encrease of Shiping in their Colonies Plantations or Provinces 4. The People that evacuate from us to Barbadoes and the other West-India Plantations as was before hinted do commonly work one English man to ten or eight Blacks and if we kept the trade of our said Plantations intirely to England England would have no less Inhabitants but rather an encrease of people by such evacuation because that one English man with the ten Blacks that work with him accounting what they eat use and wear would make employment for four men in England as was said before whereas peradventure of ten men that issue from us to New-England Ireland what we send to or receive from them doth not employ one man in England To conclude this Chapter and to do right to that most Industirous English Colony I must confess that though we loose by their unlimitted Trade with our Foreign Plantations yet we are very great Gainers