in their Controversies of the Popes Supremacy of general Councels Generall Councell above the Pope the Pope above the Archbishop the Archbishop above the Ordinary because men may Appeale from the Ordinary to the Archbishop from him to the Pope but now with us to the Kings Delegates If there be any difference betweene c See Grafton p. 512 513. 161. Matthew Paris p. 954. Fox old Edition p. 508. King or Subject touching any inheritances Priviledges or Prerogatives belonging to the Crowne it selfe or any points of misgovernment yea which is more if there be any suite quarrell or difference betweene our Kings in Act and any other their Competitors d See Hoveden p. 724 725 for the Crowne it selfe which of them hath best title to it who of them shall enjoy it and how or in what manner it shall be setled the Lords and Commons in Parliament are and ought to be the sole and finall Judges of it Not to give you aâ—y instances of this kinde betweene King and Subjects which I have formerly touched nor to relate how our e Walsingham Hist p. 514. Speed p. 647 648. Kings Edward the first King John f Matthew Paris p. 273. 274 275. condemned to death by a Parliament in France by French Peeres for slaying his Nephew Arthur trecherously with his owne hands and likewise to lose the Crowne of England Henry the third and other our Kings have Appealed to the Parliaments of France and England upon differences betweene the Peeres and Kings of France and them concerning their Lands and Honours in France Or how King Edward the third and Philip of France submitted both their Titles to the Kingdome of France to the determination in a French Parliament where they were both personally present which adjudged the Crowne to Philip Nor yet to repeate the i pag. 5. forementioned precedents how the Lords and Commons when the Title to the Crowne hath beene in dispute have transferred it from the rightfull Heires to others I shall give you some other pregnant evidences where the Parliament hath finally determined the Title to the Crowne when it hath beene in competition and setled it in a legall manner to avoid debates by way of Appeale to them by compeâ—itors or reference from the Kings themselves as the onely proper Judges of such a superlative controversie Not to mention any stories of our British Kings to this purpose where the * See Matthew Westm Fabian Grafton Holin Kingdom Lords and Commons then disposed of the Crowne in cases of minority want of Heâ—res misgovernment and câ—ntroversies abâ—ut the Title to the Crowne * Polichron l. 6. c. 18. Speed p. 399. See Grafton and Holinshed accordingly Canutus after the death of King Edmond Anno 1017. claiming the whole Realme against Edmonds Brethren Sons referred his Title upon the agreement made between Edmond and him foâ— this purpose to the Parliament who resolved for Canutus Title and thereupon tooke an Oath of fealâ—y to him Offering to defend his right with their swords against all others claimes After his decease the * Matthew Westminster and Malmesâ—wy Anno 1036. Holinshed l. 17. c. 13. p. 398. Speed p. 404. 406. Huntingdon Walsingham Anno 1036. 10â—0 Title to the Crowne being controverted betweene Hardicanute the right Heire and Harold his elder but base Brother it was referred to a Parliament at Oxfoâ—d who gave their voyces to Harold there present and presently proclaimed and consecrated him King Anno 1036. After whose death the States of England sent and adjudged the Crowne to Hardicanute then in Denmarke He dying * Huntindon l. 6. Polychron l. 6. c. 18. Speed p. 410. Matthew Westâ—n An. 1042. p. 415. Edward the Confessor by a generall consent of the Nobles Clergy and People who presently upon Harolds death enacted by Parâ—iament g Matthew Paris p. 893. 925. 930. 948. 954 655. Grafton p. 188 189 Speed p. 687 688 785 786. That none oâ— the Danish blood should any more Reigne over them was elected King and declared â—ight Heire to the Crowne Anno 1126. k Hoveden Hunâ—ingdon Matthew Westminster Matthew Paris Walsingham Polychronicâ—n Fabian Anno 1126. Speed p. 477. See Hoâ—inshed Grafton Stow Anno 1126. King Henry the first having no issue male but onely one Daughter Maude to fucceed him summoned a Parliament in the presence of himselfe and David King of Scotland wherein the Crowne was setled upon Maude after his decease being of the ancient Royall English Blood whereupon Stephen his Sisters Sonne and all the Nobles presently swore fealty to â—er As much as in them lay after King Henries death if â—e dyed without issue male to establish â—er Queene â—f the Monarchy of great Britaine But Stephen after his decease usurped the Crowne against his Oath h Polyd. Virgil l. 19. Claudius Seyseâ—â—us his French Monarchy By the unanimous consent and election of the Lords and Commons And after seventeene yeares civill warres â—o the devastation of the Realme l Walsingham Ypod An. 1113 Matthew Westm An. 1153 p. 42. Matthew Paris â— 82 83. Speed p. 497. Hoveden p. 490. Hunâ—indon Hist l. 8 p. 598. Fox Vol. 1. p. 261. King Stephen and Henry the Sonne of Maude came to a Treaty â— Walâ—ingford where by the advise of the Lords they made this accord That Stephen if he would should â—eaceably hold the kingdome during his life and that Henâ—y should be his adopted Sonne and Successor enjoy â—he Crowne as right Heire to it after his death and that the King and all the Bishops and Nobles should â—weare that Henry after the Kings death if he suâ—vived him should Pâ—ssesse the Kingdome without any conradiction Which done the civill warres ceased and a blessed peace ensued and then comming to Oxford in a Parlâ—ament all the Nobles did fealty to Henry who was made chiefe Justiciar of England and determined all the affaires of the Kingdome In the 8. and 25. E. 3. there was a m 25. E. 3. Parl 2. in the Statuts at large doubt moved in Parliament whether the children of the King or others borne beyond the Seas within his Allegiance should inâ—erit lands in England The King to cleare all doubts and ambiguities in this case and to have the Laâ— herein reduced to ceâ—tainty charged the Prelates Earles Barons and other wise men of his Councell assembled in Parliamâ—nt in the 25. yeare of his Raigne to deliberaâ—â— of this point who with one assent resolved That the Law of the Realme of England is and alwayes hath beene such that the children of the Kings â—â— England in whatsoever parts they be borne in England or elsewhere be able and owe to beare inheritance after the death of their Ancestors Which when they had declared the King Lords and Commons by a special Act did approve and affirme this Law for ever the onely Act passed in that Parliament And in a * Cooke l. 7. The Princes case Parliament 11. E. 3. this
Kings eldest sonne was created Duke of Cornwall by Parliament which then also entailed the Dutchy of Cornwall upon the eldest sonnes of the Kings of England See 21 R. 2. c. 9. * 7. H. 4. c. 2. Hals Chronicle 1. H. 4. f. 10. 15. Fabian parâ— 7. p. 376. Speed p. 763. King Henry the fourth the â—etâ—er to assure the inheritance of the Crownes and Realmes of England and France to him and his posterity caused them by a speciall Act of Parliament in the first yeare oâ— his raigne to be entailed and setled on himselfe and the heires of his body begotten and Prince Henry hiâ— eldest sonne to be established pronounced ordained and decreed heire apparant to him and to succeed hiâ— in the said Crownes and Realmes to have them with their appurtenances after the Kings death to him anâ— the heires of his body begotten And if he should die without heire of his body begotten then to remaine to thâ— Lord Thomas the Kings second sonne with successive remainders to Lord John the third and Lorâ— Humfry the Kings fourth sonne and the heires of their bodies begotten After which Act passed for tâ—â— avoyding for all claimes titles and ambiguities to be made unto the Crowne he thought never by any of his Subjects to be molested or troubled the rather because in this Parliament it was first concluded that deposed King Richard should continue in a large prison and â—e plenteously served of all things necessâ—ry both for viande and apparell and if any persons should presume to reare warre or congregate a multitude â—o deliver him out of prison that then he should be the first that should die â—or that sediâ—ious commâ—tion Which King Richard as * Fabian part 7. p. 373. Sir John Bâ—got by his Bill exhibited to this Parliament averred hâ—â— divers times at sundry Parliaments in his time holden said that he would have his intent and pleasurâ— concerning his owne matters whatsoever betide of the residue and if any withstood his will or minde bâ— would by one meanes or other bring him out of his life And further said to him at Lichfield in the one â—â— twentieth yeare of his raigne that he desired no longer for to live then to see his Lords and Commons haâ—â— him in â—s great awe and dread as ever they had of any his Progenitors so that it might be chronicled of him that none passed him of honour and dignity with condition that he were deposed and put â—â—rom his said dignity the next morrow after So wilfull was he as to preferre his will before his Crowne or safety n Hall An. 38. 39. H. 6. f. 176. to 183. Fabian Anâ—o 1441. p. 470. Grafton p. 643. to 648. Holins Stow Howes An. 1440 144â— In the yeares 1440. and 1441. Edward Duke of Yorke came into the Parliament House anâ— there in a large Oration laid claime and set forth his Title to the Crowne of England which King Heâ—ry the sixth had long enjoyed desiring the Parliament to determine the right of the Title betweene theâ— both â—ides submitting to their resolution as the proper Judges of this weighty royall controversie After lonâ— debate and consideration of the case among the Peers Prelates and Commons of the Realme it wâ—â— finally agreed and resolved by them That in as much as Henry the sixth had beene taken as King for 38. yeaâ—â— and more that he shâ—uld enjoy the name and title of King and â—ave pâ—ssessiâ—n of the Realme during his nâ—turall life And if he either died or resigned or FOR FAITED THE SAME for breaking â—â— part of this concord then tâ—e said Crowne and authority royall should immediately descend to the Duke â—â— Yorke King Edward the 4. his Father if he then liveâ— â—r else to the next heire of his line And that the sâ— Duke from thenceforth should be Protector and Regent of the Kingdome Provided alway that if the Kiâ—â— did closely or apertly study or goe about to breake or alter this agreement or to compasse or imagine the deâ—â— of the said Duke or his bloud then he TO FORFEIT THE CROWNE and the Duke Tâ— TAKE IT These Articles made by the Parliament betweene them they both subscribed sealed â— swore to and then caused them to be enacted Loe here we have these two Kings submiting their Titles â— the Crowne and Kingdome it selfe to the Resolution of both houses of Parliament as the Soveraigâ— Judge betwene them who settled the Crowne in this order under paine of â—orfeiting it by Kiâ—â— Henry if he violated their Decree herein and appointing a Lord Protector over the Kingdome in â—â— full age as o Historia Angliae p. 458. Parliamentum fuit câ—nvâ—catum in quâ— Parliamento ex assensu omnium Statuum idem Dux Defensor seu Protector Angliae fueraâ— nominaâ—us ordinaâ—us omniaque Regni offâ—cia beneficia ejus dispositioni sunt commissa Walsingâ—am informes us a Parliament câ—nstituted Duke Humsry to be protector of hiâ— and hâ—s Kingdome of England and the Duke of Bedford to â—e Regent of France during his minority whâ— exercised all regall power by vertue of that authority which the Parliament derived to them Aâ—â— this in these two Kings reignes p See Grafton p. 691. 692. Speed p. 869. 878. 859. 886. 1. E. 4. c. 1. 17. E. 4. c. 7. the Crown and its descent were variously setled by Parliament as I haâ—â— formerly manifested yet so as that which one Parliament setled in this kinde continued firme till it â—â— akered or reversed by another Parliament King q Speeds Hist p. 928. 931 Richard the third comming to the Crown by usurpâ—tion to strengthen his Title procured the Lords and Commons to passe an Act of Parliament where in thâ— declare him to be their lawfull King both by election and fuccession entaile the Crowne upon him and the heiâ—â— â—f his body lawfully begotten create his Sonne Edward Prince of Wales and declare him heire to succeed him in â—he royall Crowne and dignity after his decease In which Act of Parliament recited at large by Speed there is this memorable passage That the Court of Parliament is of such Authority and the people of this land of such a nature and disposition as experience teachâ—th that manifestation or declaration of any Truth or Right made by the three Estates of this Realme Assembled â—n Parliament and by the Authority of the â—ame makes before all other things most faith and certainty and â—uieting of mens mindes removeth the occasion of all doubts and seditious language r Halls Chro. 1 H. 7. f. 855. Henry the seventh afâ—erwards slaying this usurping Richard at Boswell-field to avoyd all ambiguities and questions of his Title to the Crowne in his first Parliament procured the Lords and Commons by a speciall Act to setâ—le the inheritance of â—he Crownes of England and France on him and the heires of his body lawfully begotten perpetually by the grace â—f God so to endure and on none
but beauty also and ornamenâ— writes John Speed After all this i Walfing Hist Ang. p. 349. to 400 â—podigm Newstriae p. 144. to 158 Speed Hist p. 747. to 762. Holin Graft Stâ—w Fabian Caxton and others King Richard the second in the ninth yeare of his reigne summoned a Parliament whereâ—â— Michael de la Pole Earle of Suffolke for cheating the King was put from his Lord Chancellorship of England by thâ— Parliament and the Seale taken from him against the Kings will and given to Thomas Arundell Bishop of Ely Whereupon both Houses gave halfe a tenth and halfe a fifteene to be disposed of as the Lords thought fit for thâ— defence of the Realme The Parliament was no sooner dissolved but the King recals de la Pole and other ill counsellors to the Court shewing them greater favour then before In so much that at Christmas the King madâ— de la Pole sit at his owne table not in the usuall garment oâ— a Peere but of a Prince out of a stomacke and hatred againâ—â— the Peeres whom from thenceforth he never regarded but feinedly and then fals to plot the death of the Duke of Glâ—cester and other Nobles who opposed his ill Counsellors For which purpose he appoints a meeting at Noâ—â—ing haâ—â— Castle with a few persons generally ill-beloved ill-advised and ill-provided The course agreed upon by thâ— King and that ill-chosen Senate was first to have the opinion of all the chiefe Lawyers who saith Speâ—â— seldome faile Princes in such turnes concerning certaine Articles of Treason within whose nets they presumâ—â— the reforming Lords were and if the Lawyers concluded those Articles contained Treasonable matters thâ—â— under a shew of justice they should be proceeded against accordingly The Lawyers who were the very meâ—â— which in the last Parliament gave advice to the Lords to doe as they did now meering were demanded Whether by the Law of the Land the King might not disaâ—ull the Decrees of the last Parliament They joyntly answeâ—ed he might because he was above the Lawes a most apparent errour confessing that themselves had in thâ— Parliament decreed many things and given their judgement that all was according to Law which they acknowledgâ— to be altogether unlawfull The King thus informed appointeth a great Councell at Nottingham and withaâ—â— sends for the Sheriffs of Shires to raise Forces against the Lords who denyed saying that they could not raisâ— any competent Forces or Armes against them the whole Counties were so addicted to their favours and being furtheâ— willed to suffer no Knights to be chosen for their shieres but such as the King and his Counsell should name they aâ—swered that the election belonged to the Commons who favored the Lords in all and would keepe their usuall customes a good president for our present Sheriffes whereupon they were dismissed Then were the Lawyeâ— and Judges Robert Tresilian and his companions called before the King to determine the judgements of Treason against the Lords to be legall and to set their Seales thereto which they did Meane time the King and Duke of Ireland sent messengers to hire what Forces they could That they might stand with them if neede weâ—â— against the Lords in the day of battle * Note this Many of which answered that they neither could nor would stand against thâ— Lords whom they knew for certaine intimately to love the King and to endeavour all things study all things doe aâ—â— things for his honour yet many out of simplicity thinking themselves to be hired promised to be ready upon the Kingâ—â—oâ—â—ce The Lords hearing of these proceedings were much sadded being conscious to themselves â—â— no 〈…〉 â—â—rthy the Kings so great indignation The Duke of Glocester sent his purgation upon Oath by the Bishop â—â— London to the King wâ—o inclining to credit the same was in an evill houre diverted by de la Pole â—he Duke hereupon makes his and their common danger knowne to the rest of the Lords upon which â—ey severally gather forces that they might present their griefes to the King How he favoured Trayâ—rs not onely to them but to the Publique to the imminent danger of the Realme unlesse it were speeâ—ly prevented The King on the other side by Trayterous CoÌ„unsellours advise sought how to take â—em off single before they were united but in vaine by reason their party was so great Meane time â—me peaceable men procured that the Lords should repaire safe to Westminster and there be heard Thiâ—er approaching they are advertised by some who had sworne on the Kings behalfe for good deaâ—â—g to be used during the interim that in the Mewes by Charing-Crosse a thousand armed men which â—ithout the Kings privity Sir Thomas Trivet and Sir Nicholas Brambre Knights were reported to have â—â—d for their destruction attended in ambush The King sweares his innocency promising safe conâ—â—ct to the Lords if they would come who thereupon came strongly guarded and would trust no longer â—he King sitting in royall State in Westminster Hall the Lords present themselves upon their knees before â—m and being required by the Lord Chancellour Why they were in warlike manner assembled at â—aring gye Park contrary to the Lawes their joynt answer was That they were assembled for the good of the â—ing and kingdome and to weed from about him such Traytors as be continually held with him The Traytors â—ey named to be Robert de Vere Duke of Ireland Alexander Nevill Archbishop of Yorke Michael de â— Pole Earle of Suffolke Sir Robert Tresilian that salse Justiciar Sir Nicholas Brambre that false Knight â— London with others To prove them such They threw downe their Gloves as gages of challenge for a triâ—l by the Sword The King hereupon replyed as knowing they were all hidden out of the way This â—all not be done so but at the next Parliament which shall be the morrow after Candlemas all parties shall â—ceive according as they deserve And now to you my Lords How or by what authority durst you presume to levy â—orces against me in this Land did you thinke to have terrified me by such your presumption Have not I men and â—mes who if it pleased me could environ and kill you like sheepe Certainely in this respect I esteeme of â—u all no more then of the basest Scullions in my Kitchins Having used these and many like high words â—e tooke up his Unckle the Duke from the ground where he kneeled and bade all the other rise The â—st of the conference was calme and the whole deferred till the next Parliament then shortly to be holâ—â—n at Westminster In the meane time that the world might see how little able the King was to equall â—s words with deeds a Proclamation was set forth in which the King before any tryall cleareth the â—ords of Treason names those persons for unjust accuâ—ers whom the Lords had before nominated The â—ords neverthelesse thought not good to sever themselves but kept together for feare of the worst which
Subjects f 〈…〉 to be sworne to observe the same anâ— after bound them in bonds for the firmer keeping of the same to the great 〈…〉 doing of many honest men Which how parallel they are to the late and present Court Practises and Doctrines of our times 〈…〉 wise men determine The King being thus Judicially dethroned in Parliament Henry the fourth 〈…〉 the same Parliament which continued notwithstanding Richards deposition who summoned it 〈…〉 created King who in the q â— H. 4. c. 1. 2 3 4. first Parliament of his Raigne reversed and annulled as illegall the P 〈…〉 liament of 21 Rich. 2. with all its Acts Circumstances and dependants and revived that of 11 Rich. 2. 〈…〉 all points as made for the great honour and common profit of this Realme To these I might adde t 〈…〉 r Walsing hist Angl. p. 416. 417. Ypodig p. 168. 170. Pol. l. 8. c. 10. Caxt. p. 430. Hal Chr. par 1. f. 25 Hol. p 529. Speed p. 775. Maroin Fabian Grafion and others Rebellious insurrectious of Richard Scroope Arch-bishop of Yorke the Earle of Northumber land a 〈…〉 their Complices against King Henry the fourth Anno 1405. to reforme the State and government 〈…〉 lieve the Church and Common weale and Depose King Henry in and by a forced Parliament The Spee p. 486 Hunting lib. 8. insurrection of the Popish Nobles against King Stephen for violating his Oath touching Forrests and 〈…〉 ther immunities of Church and Commonwealth which they would force him â—o confirme the severall k Walâ—ing ham Hist Angl. p. 258. to 281. Speed â— 849. c. 734. c. insurrections of Jacke Cade Jacke Straw Wat Tyler and their Popish Vulgar rabble to force their King to call Parliaments to alter and repeale old Lawes enact new displace offensive great Officers promote new ones of their nomination to ratifie what propositions they required and subvert the government of the Real 〈…〉 with the l Speed p. 1032 to 1049 1112. to 1120. See Hall Grafton Holinshed Howes Martin in the lives of H. 8. Ed 6. and Q. Eliz. severall Rebellions of the Popish Lincolne-shire and Yorke-shire men under Doctor Mackarell a Monke and some men of quality in Henry the 8 his raigne Of the Cornish men Norsolke men Ket and others in Edward the 6. his rule of the Popish Earles of Northumberland Westmoreland and other Northern Papists in Queene Elizabeths dayes by force of Armes to compelâ— these severall Princes to summon Parliaments to repeale all Lawes against Mosse and Popery and for the establishment of the Protestant Religion with other Acts concerning the government of the Common-wealth to enact divers new Lawes and propositions which they demaunded to remove great Officers and privie Counsellors from their places and the like All which transcend the Acts and proceedings of this or any other our Protestant Parliaments or subjects being done without any preceding Order or resolution of both houses representing the whole Kingdome and against the generall consent of the people But I shall conclude with one ancient president more in one of our beâ—â— Kings reignes In 25. E. 1. m Walsig Hist Angl. p. 36 37 38. 39 40. 41. 42 44. 48. Ypoaigmâ— Neustriae p. 83. 84. 85. 86. 97. Cookes Magna Charta p. 530. to 580. The Lords and Commons in Parliament grievously complained and Petitioned to the King against divers taxes tallages and prisâ—ges wherewith they were oppressed by him to the great impoverishing of the Realme against the violation of Magna Charta the Charter of the Forrest the imposition upon Woolls and their sommons to goe with him into Flanders to which they were not bound by Law The King excusing these taxes by reason of his necessity to mainetaine the warres and giving them a dilatory answer the Earle Marshall and Hereford withdrew themselves from Parliament and with their complices commanded the Barrons of the Eschequor not to levie the 8. penny of the people granted to the King at S. Edmonds and induced the Citizens of London to joyne with them to recover their Liberties Whereupon the King sending to them for peace they would condescend to no peace but on these termes That the King should confirme Magna Charta and Charta de Forresta with the other Articles to them annexed that he should enact and take no ayds tax or tallage from the Clergie or Commons without their common consent in Parliament and that he should remit all offences to these Earles and their confederates all which the King ratified by his * Articuli sâ—per Chartaâ— Charter at large by his oath and by a solemne excommunication of the Bishops twice every yeate of all those who should transgresse this Charter of his For which the Laity gave him the 9 and the Clergie the 10. penny of their goods And because this confirmation was made in Scotland the Kings and divers others promised for him that he should confirme it when he came into England which they pressing him to doe in a Parliament at London in the 27. yeare of his Reigne after some delayes he ratified it with this addition in the close saving the right of our Crowne which when the Lords heard they departed home in great discontent but the King re-sommoning them at quinidena Pasche granted all things absolutely according to their desire committing the per-ambulation of the Forests throughout England to 3. Bishops 3 Earles and 3. Barrons to settle their bounds according to God and justice which not being speedily executed but neglected the King having purchased a dispensation of his oath wherewith he had ratified his foresaid Charter from the Pope 〈…〉 ereupon the King holding a Parliament at Stamford the 29. of his Reigne the Lords and Barrons repaired thither with great store of horses and Armes with a purpose to extort aâ—ull execution of the Charter of the Forrest hither to deferred upon which the King considering their earnestnesse and importunity condescended to their will in all things Sixtly Parliaments Lords and Prelates in former times have affirmed that when a Parliament was once met together by lawfull sommons it might not be dissolved or discontinued againe at the Kings meere pleasure till all the publicke affaires for which it was called were dispatched all grievances redressed and all Petitions exhibited therein fully heard and answered agreeable to the resolution of the great a Surius Concil Tom. 4. p. 103 c. Fox Act. and Monuments vol. 1. â—dit ult p. 879 c Councils of Basil Constans and divers Popish * John White his way c. Sect 37 n. 30. p. 102 Writers that a generall Councell once lawfully sommoned by â—he Pope and met cannot be dissolved by him againe at his pleasure without the Councels consent before all the Churches affaires be therein setled Vpon which resolution thâ—se Counâ—ells continued together and deposed sundry Popes notwithstanding their Bulls to dissolve them to keepe themselves in their chaires This is apparent
houses license under paine a Major Pars est totum Brookes Corporations 34. Smiths Common-wealth of England l. 2. c. 3. â—f inditement imprisonment or fine as appeares by the Bishop of Winchesters case 3. E. 3. 19. Fitz. â—orone 161. and Stamford l. 3 c. 1. f. 153 compleatly answers that fond cavill of the Malignants â—nd Royalists against this Parliament that the king and many of the other members have wilfully â—bsented themselves from the House of purpose to dissolve it if they could notwithstanding the late â—peciall Act made by their joyntconsents for its continuance Ergo this unlawfull Action of theirs to effect this pernicious designe must nullifie or at least invalid in their new non-sence Law and â—ogicke the lawfull proceedings of those worthy faithfull members who continue in it to preserve â—oth Parliament Kingdome Religion Lawes Liberties from ruine and dissolution If these abâ—ent members be the greater number why doe they not come and over-vote the rest in the House in peaceable legall usuall Parliamentary way rather then challenge them into the field in a military â—legall unusuall bloody manner unheard of in former ages If the lesser party then present or abâ—ent the Major part must over-rule them volensnolens as it hath ever used unlesse they will be wilâ—â—ller I cannot say wiser then all their predecessors put together As for his Majesties absence from Parliament by the pernicious advise of Evill Counsellors so Object â—uch insisted on by Malignants I answer 1. That it was without any just cause given by the Parliament Secondly It was much Answ â—gainst their wills who have a See their Messages and petitions to the king to this purpose oft importuned petitioned and used all possible meanes to procure â—is returne 3. His absence was procured and is yet continued by those alone who most unjustly â—axe the Parliament for it and would take advantage of this their owne wrong Fourthly though â—e be personally absent as a man yet he is still Legally present in Parliament called the kings preâ—ence as he is a king as he is in al other his Courts of Iustice where all proceedings are entred b See Camdens Brit. p. 163. which stiles the Parliament the kings presence The Register of Writs Old New Natura Brevium old and new book of Entries Cookes Institures on Littleton f. 71. 6 Coâ—am Rege though the king never yet sate personally in either of them as he hath oft times done in his Parliament for the continuance whereof he hath passed such an Act as will inseperably tye his â—oyall presence to it though his Cavaliers about him should by force withdraw his person from it â—ot onely as farre as Yorke but the remotest Indies yea he must first cease to be king of England ere â—e can be legally absent from his Parliament of England This his wilfull personall absence from â—is greatest Counsell which desires and needes it is as many conceive an Act of the highest in justice â—hat ever any Prince could offer to his Parliament worse then a â— King 12. 2 Chron. 18. Rehâ—boams forsaking the counsell â—f his ancient Sages to follow the hare braind advise of his young Cavaleers for though he followâ—d not their ancient prudent counsell yet he withdrew not himselfe from them as his Majestie â—oth now sever himselfe from his Parliament not onely without but against all prefidents of his â—oyall predecessors except king b Richard the second who once absented himselfe from his Parliaâ—ent above 40. dayes yet then returned to it upon better advise and the very common custome and â—aw of the Land which he is obliged by his Coronation oath and many late protestations added â—o it constantly to maintaine This appeares most clearely by the ancient Treatise of the manâ—er of holding of Parliaments in England both before and since the conquest * See Minshes Dictionary Title Parliament f. 526. tendeâ—ed to and apâ—roved by the Conquerone himselfe newly printed 1641 which in the Section touching the kings â—bsence from Parliament resolves thus The king is BOVND by all meanes possible TO BE PRESENT AT THE PARLIAMENT unlesse he be detained or let therefrom by bodily â—icknesse and then he may keepe his chamber yet so as he lye not without the Manour or Towne â—t the least where the Parliament is held and then he ought to send for 12. persons of the greaâ—est t Grafton p. 348. 349. 350. and best of them that are sommoned to the Parliament that is 2. Bishops 2. Earles 2 Baâ—ons 2. Knights of the shire 2 Burgesses and 2. Citizens to looke upon his person to testifie and â—itnesse his estate and give A uthority to the Arch-bishop of the place the Steward of England â—nd chiefe justice that they joyntly and severally should begin the Parliament and continue the same â—â— his name expresse mention being made in that commission of the * Note this cause of his absence there â—hich ought to suffice The reason is because there was wont to be a cry and murmure in the Parâ—iament for the kings absence because his absence is hurtfull and dangerous to the whole commoâ—alty of the Parliament neither indeede OVGHT OR MAY HE BE ABSENT BUT ONEâ—Y IN THE CASE AFORESAYD And whereas Malignants clamour that most of the â—ords are absent as well as the king and therefore this can be no lawfull Parliament The same â—uthor will in forme them that if the Lords be once sommoned to Parliament and then appeare â—ot or absent themselves the king may hold the Parliament with the commonalty and commons â—f the kingdome every of which hath a greater voyce in Parliament then the greatest Earle in Engâ—â—nd because he represents a whole county towne or city the other himselfe alone without Bishops â—arles or Barons because in times past before there was either Bishop Earle or Baron yet even â—hen kings kept their Parliaments but on the contrary no Parliament can be kept by the king and â—eeres if all the Commons for the kings misgovernment or such like cause should absent themâ—â—lves This is the judgement of r In Holinsheads Chronicle of Ireland f. 127. 128. Master John Vowel too who writes in this manner Yet neâ—â—rthelesse if the king in due order have sommones all his Lords and Barons and they will not come or if they come they will not yet appeare or if they come and appeare yet will not doe or yeeld â—â— any thing then the king with the consent of his Commons may ordain establish any acts or Laweâ— which are as good sufficient and effectuall as if the Lords had given their consents But on thâ— contrary if the Commons be sommoned and will not come or comming will not appeare or appeâ—ring will not consent to doe any thing alleaging some just weighty and great cause the King in thesâ— cases d Cromptons Iurisdiction of Courts f. 8. 4. H. 7. 18. 7. H. 7. 14. 11. H. 7. 27. Parliament
1. c. 2. 19. H. 6. 63 a. 64. b. 31. H. 8. c. 10. Dyer 60 a. Cookes Institutes on Littleton f. 109. 110. Writers resolve is the most high and abâ—olute power the supreamest and most ancient Court of the Realme of England and hath the power of the whole Realme both Head and Body and amorg other Priviledges this is the highest that it is above the Law â—t selfe having power upon just grounds to alter the very common Law of England to abrogate and repeale old Lawes to enact new Lawes of all sorts to impose taxes upon the people yea it hath power to declare the meaning of any doubtfull Lawes and to repeale all Patents Charters Grants and â—udgements whatsoever of the King or any other Courts of Iustice if they be erronious or illegall not onely without but against the Kings personall consent so far as finally to obliege both King and Subjects Now it is cleare on the contrary side that the King hath not the power of the whole Realm â—ested in his person that he t Fortescue c. 10. to 1â— Bracton l. 1. c. 8. l 3. c 9. Fleta l 1 c. 5. 17. Brooke Patents 25. 41. 12. 51. 53. 69 73. 100 Prerogative 15. 103. Commissions 15. 16. See Iudge Crooks and Iudge Huttons Arguments against Ship-money Petition of Right 3. Carol. Br. Parliament 42. and his Prerogative are not above but subordinate to the Lawes of the Realme that he cannot by his absolute regall power altar the Common Law of the Realme in any particular point whatsoever that he cannot repeale any old nor enact any new Law whatsoever norimpose the least taxe or common charge upon his people nor imprison their persons distraine s Sir Thomaâ— Smith of the Common-wealth of England l. â— c. 1. 2. Holinshed Description of England c. 8. p. 173. Cambdens Brittania p. 173. Iohn Vowels Order and usage how to keepe a Parliament in Holinsheads Chronicles of Ireland p. 101. to 120. Minshewes Dictionary Tit. Parliament their goods declare any Law or reverse any judgement in the meanest of his Courts without or against his peoples joynt consents in Parliament For Potestas sua Juris est non Injuriae Nihil â—liud potest Rexin terris niâ—i ID SOLVM QVOD DE JVRE POTEST Bracton l. 3. c. 9. f. 107. Therefore without any peradventure the Parliament in this regard is the most Soveraigne Authority and greater in jurisdiction than the King v Of the Common-wealth l. 2. c. 10. p. 159. Iohn Bodin that great Lawyer and Polititian resolves That the chiefe marke of an absolute and Soveraigne Prince is to give Lawes â—o all his Subjects in generall and to every of them in particular without consent of any other greater equall or lesse than himselfe For if a Prince be bound not to make any Lawes without the consent of a greater than himselfe he is then a very Subject if not without his equall he then hath a Companion as x l. 2. c. 16. f. 34. a. l. 1. c. 8. f. 5. b. Fleta l. 1. c. 17. Walfingham Hist p. 36 37. 40. Bracton and others forecited say our English King hath namely his Earles and Lords thence-stiled Comites if not without the consent of his inferiours whether it be of his Subjects or of the Senate or of the people he is then no Soveraigne Whence it followes that the Kings of England who cannot make any Law to obliege either all or any of their Subjects nor impose any * Taxes nor repeale any Common or Statute Law but in and by their Parliaments are no absolute Soveraigne Princes as some Royalists and Court Divines most falsly averre them to be but meere mixt Soveraignes inferiour to their Lawes and Parliaments the â—ole Law-makers and Law-alterers though not against but with the Kings assents considered not abstractively as Kings but copulative as a branch and member of the Parliament And indeede to speake impartially though the kings Royall assent y See Sir Thomas Smiths Common wealth of England l. z. c. 1. 2. 3. Holinshed Description of England c. 8. p. 173. Chronicles of Ireland p. 101. 102. M. Hackwels manner of passing B 〈…〉 Sect. 8. p. 74. Brooke Parliament 4. 107. 33. H. 6. 33. 33 H. 8. c. 21. Cromptons Iurisdiction f. 7. b. Br. Parliament 26. 39. 40 41. be generally requisite to passe and ratifie Lawes yet I humbly conceive that the originall prime Legislative power of making Lawes to binde the Subjects and their Posteritie rests not in the kings owne royall person but in the Kingdome and Parliament which represents it For first admit the king should propound any Lawes to his people as kings and Lawgivers usually did at first yet these Lawes would no wayes obliege them unlesse they voluntarily consented and submitted to them in Parliament and the sole reason why our Acts of Parliament binde the Subjects in former times and at this day is not because the king willed them z 4. H. 7. 18. 7. H. 7 14. 11. H. 7. 27. 33. H 6. 17. Bro. Parliament 4. 40. 76. 107. Cromptons Iurisdiction f. 8. but because the people gave their a Bro. Ancient Demesne 2â— 10. H. 7. 20. a. 33. H. 8. c. 17. generall consents unto them in Parliament as Sir Thomas Smith in his Common-wealth of England Holinshed the Prologues to most Ancient Statutes the King by the advise and assent of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons and at the speciall request of the Commons in Parliament assembled and by THE * See 2. 7. 8. 12. 14. 17. 4. H. 7. AUTHORITY OF THE SAME PARLIAMENT doth grant and ordaine c and all our Law-bookes resolve and that upon this received Maxi ne of Law Quod tangit omnes ab omnibus debet approbari The king doth but like the Minister in Marriage declare it to be a Law but t is the parties consents which makes the marriage and the people onely that makes it â— Law to binde them whence those in a Cook 7. â—â—luins case 7. H. 6. 35. b. Dyer 373. Br. Parliament 98. Scotland Ireland Man Garnsey â—â—â— Jerâ—â—e are not bound by our English Statutes nor we by theirs nor tenants in Ancient demesne because they consented not to them Therefore the chiefe Legislative power is in the people and both Houses oâ— Parliament not in the king as it was in the Roman State Where the b Livy Hist â— 1. 2. Bodin Common-wealth â— 1 c. 10. people had the Soâ—eraigne Iurisdiction of making and confirming Lawes to binde them not their Kings Emperours oâ— Senate as I shall hereafter manifest Secondly this appeares by the case of c Fiz Assise 413. Avowry 74. Praescriâ—â—ion 67. Broo Custome 31. Co. 5. Rep. f. 63. 64. 67. 68 Kitâ—chin 45. 73 â—0 Customes and By-Lawes in Corporations and Manoâ—â—s which binde all the Corporation and Tenants if they be reasonable without the Kings or Lords consents by reason of
their mutuall assents alone and as these private By-â—awes obligâ— all those who consent to them by reason of their owne free assents onely so doe all publike Acts of Parliaments obliâ—ge all Subjects onely because of their generall assents to them in their Knights Citizenâ— and Burgesses elected by and d See â— â—ac c. 1. representing their persons Thirdly all e 33. H. 6. 17. Br. Parli 4. M. Hackwell of Pasâ—â—ng Bills Cromp. Iuris â— 8. Chron. of Ireland f. 127. â—â—â— 30. Acts of Parliament are usually made framed altered thrice read engrossed voted and fully agreed upon in both Houses without the Kings personall knowledge or privity for the most part before they come to have his royall assent And when they are thus agreed on by both Houses the king cannot alter any one word or letter in them as the Houses may doe but must either absolutely assent to or consider further of them as the Houses tender them And if the king send any Bill he desires to have passe it must be thrice read and assented to in both houses which have power to reject aâ—ter enlarge or limit it as they thinke meete else it can be no Act at all Aâ— cleare demonstration that the chiefe power of enacting and making Lawes is onely in the people Commons and Peeres not the king who by his Writ doth purposely sommon them to meete anâ— enact Lawes as the chiefe Legislators witnesse this notable clause in the y Cromp. Iuris of Courts f. 1. 2. and at the end of the Manner of â—olding Parliaments in England Writ for the Election of Knights Burgesses Ita quod iidem Milites plenam safficientem â—oteâ—â—atem pro S E COMMVNITATE Comitatus praedicti dicti Cives Burgenses prâ— se COMMVNITATâ— Civitatum Burgorum praedictorum divisim ab iâ—sis babeant AD FACIENDVM Eâ— CONSENTIENDVM HIS quae â—â—ne ibidem DE COMMVNI CONSILIO DICTI REGNâ— not Regis nostri contigerint ORDINARI super negotâ—â—s antedictis Ita quod PRO DEFECTâ— POTEST ATâ—S HVâ—VSMODI c. dicta negotia INFECTA NON REMANEANT quovâ— modo answerable to which is that clause in * Pope Elutherius his Epistle to our first Christian king Lucius about An. 185. Exillis Deigratia PER CONSILIVM REGNI VESTRI SVME LEGEMâ— per illam Dâ—i potentia vestrum reges Britaniae regnum Fourthly all publicke Acts are the whole Kingdomes Lawes made principally and solely foâ— the subjects benefit if good their prejudice if ill therefore the whole kingdome represented iâ— and by both Houses not the king knowing much better what is good or bad for themselves theâ— the king alone it is z See â—â—tv before just and reasonable that they and not the king should be the principalâ— Law-makers to binde or buâ—then themselves with any new Lawes penalties or restraints Fifthly it is cleare that all Acts which give any Subsidie Tax Penalties or forfaitures to the king are made onely by the people in Parliament and not principally by the king since the king cannoâ— be sayd in any propriety to give any thing to himselfe This is undeniable by the forme of penning all subsidie Bills granted by the Commons or Clergie Your Commons assembled in your Higâ— Court of Parliament c. humbly present your Majestie with the free and cheerefull gift of two intire sâ—bsidies which we humbly beseech your Majestâ—e graciously to accept c. Your Majesties faithfull subjects the Prelats and Clergie c. with one agreement and uniforme consent have given and granted and by these presents doe give and grant to your Highnesse c. foure intire Subsidies in manner and forme as followeth And by the kings assent to these Bills a Hackwâ—ls passing of Biâ—s sect 8 p. 78 Le Roy remercy ses Loaulz subjects accept LOVR BENEVOLENCE c. the Commons having the sole power to grant or deny b See Rostal Taxes and Tenthes The Acts of Subsiâ—ies 21. Iac â—â—is present Parliament Speed p. 745. Subsidies and Taâ—es when they see cause and to limit the proportion of them the manner and time of paying them and to order how and by whom they shall be received and imployed aâ— all Acts of this Nature â—anifest If then they be the chiefe Law-makers in these Acts which layâ— any imposition â—pon the Subjects goods or restraint on his person then by like â—eason in all other penall publik Lawes Sixâ—ly All Acts of Paâ—liaments made in the raignes of â—surpers who have no Title to the â—rown nor right to assent to Lawes are c See 1. E. 4. c 6. 4. E. 4. 10 9. E 4. 1. 2. â—r Charters dâ—â—ardon 22. 13. Eliâ— c. â— firme and good in Law and shall binde the right heires to the Crowne as iâ— evident by the Lawes made by king John Henry the 4. 5. 6. reputed usurpeâ—s by Edward the 4. and Richard the third acknowledged an usurper whose Lawes are yet in force The reason is as is cleare by 1. E. 4. c 6. because the Lawes and all other Iudiciall Acts in Courtâ— of Iustice are the Acts of the Parliament and Courts themselves which are lawfull not of the king who is unlawfull Therefore certainely the Legislative power is more in the Parliament thenin the king if not wholly in it there being Lawes and Kingdomes before kings were Seventhly admit the king should dye without heire no doubt the kingdome and Parliament have a just right either to alter the government or dispose of the Crowne to what familie they please as â—he constant practise of all kingdomes in such cases manifests and d The trâ—e difference c. part 3. p 416. Bishop Bilson himselfe assureth us that all Nations once members of the Roman Empire when the right heires failed were suffered to elect their Governours where they pleased as the Romans themselves might doe and no doubt they might make binding publike Lawes during the Inter-regâ—um yea if the king be an infant as Henry the 3. Henry the 6. Edward 3. 5. and Richard 2. with other ouâ— kings were when the Crowne â—escended to them or non Compos Mentis or taken with a dead palsie or Apoplexie or an Ideot by â—irth or Age or a Monkeprofessed as e Fox Actâ— Monument vol. 1. p. 173. Speeds Hist p. 244. some kings have beene or absent in a Pilgrimage to Rome or â—â— voyage to the Holy Land or other remote forraigne Parts by reason of warres as f See Nubrigenfis Speed Holinshead Mat. Westmâ— and others in the lives of R. 1. H. 1. 2. 3â— 4. 5. 6. 8. Ed. 1. 2. 3. 4. divers of our Kings heretofore have beene and so unable personally to consent to lawes no doubt in all such â—ases the right of creating a Protector to executâ— regall power sommon Parliaments assent to Lawes is â—nely in the g Walsingh Hist Angl. A. 1422. p. 458. Speed p. 1108. Grafton p. 496. 447. 648. Fabian p.
his finger he said * Neta Thou â—â— in no wise be ruled by these men for these be those which brought me into this lamentable plight and the miâ— thou seest me in A memorable strange speech of a distracted Prince And thus the Emperour 5 Grimstons Imperiall History p. 581 582. Sententia Exâ—â—ctorationis Depositionis Wencestai An. 14â—0 in Germani Hist Tom. 2. p. 180. 181. Iean Crespin L estate de Lesglise p. 465. Wenâ—â—us was likewise deposed by the Princes electors of the Empire For besotting himselfe so with pleasures â— as that he became altogether unfit for the government and a man unprofitable for the Empire and Christian â—â—monwealth and Rupert Count Palatine of Râ—ine and Duke of Bavaria was elected Emperor in his stead â—â— like no doubt might be lawfully done here in England by the whole Kingdome and Parliament if â— such cases of incurable folly or frenzy should befal any of our Kings who might then either create a Lord â—tector to governe both King or Kingdome during such disabilities of Government in the King as â—hildricke for a time before his deposition was governed and over-ruled in all thingâ— by the Marshall â—he Palace or else Crowne the next Heire King if he be capable to Governe Yea in the time of our â—on Kings when the right Heire was an Inâ—ant unable to governe the Crowne usually descended â—he next Heire of full age Hence * Speedâ— hist p. 252 253. 262. 364 365 See Matthew West Polyâ—hâ—onicon Floren. Wigorniensis Holinshed Hunâ—â—ndon and others Wibba King of Mercia deceasing Penda his Sonne being an Infant Crowne descended to his Nephew Ceorl of full age after whose death Penda being of ripe age inheriâ— the Kingdome So King Wulfeher deceasing leaving his Sonne Kenred within age his Brother Ethelred â—â—eeded him who resigning his Crowne and turning Monke after he had Reigned 30. yeares Kenred â—â— of full age enjoyed the Crowne So Ethelfred King of Northumberland dying Edelwald his Brother â—â—ed the Government and Reigned Aldulfe Ethelherds Sonne being then a minor who enjoyed not â— Crowne till after Edelwalds death So * Gaufredus Monu lib. 3. c. 20. Grafton p. 67. Cassebelan succeeded Lud his Brother in the Kingdome of Briâ—e Luds Sonnes being too yong and insufficient to Reigne The like was very usuall in Scotland of â—â—h there are divers precedents in Graâ—ion Hector Bâ—etius and Buchanan which I pretermit All which 6 Aventine l. 3. f. 293. Friâ—ingens l. 5. c. 13. Nauclerus vol. 3. Gen. 26. â—â—iculars laid together are a most cleare unanswerable demonstration that the Soveraignest power and â—isdiction of all others resides in the whole Kingdome and Parliament not in the King hâ—mselfe since â—â— may thus dispose of the very Crowne it selfe and determine all controversies all titles which conâ—e it The King alone having no power to transferre it to any other without the Lords and Comâ—â—s free consents as was resolved in the case of King John who resigned and granted his Crowne to the â—e without the Kingdomes consent and therefore the resignation and grant were adjudged voyd not â—y by the 7 Graâ—ton l. 1. 112. French King and his Lords but by our owne Parliament as you may read in 40 Ed. 3. â— 8. and Doctor Crakenâ—â—orpe Of the Popes temporall Monarchâ— cap. 2. p. 251. to 255. This point â—ave thus copiouâ—ly debated not out of any the least intention to derogate from his Majesties just â—reâ—acy and Pâ—erogatives royall which I have ofâ— solemnely sworne to maintaine to the utmost of my powâ— and shall God willing performe but out of a serious desire to rectifie the generall mistakes of men â—ching a pretended Prerogative which their fantasies onely not the Law have unduely attributed to â— King and to vindicaâ—e the just Liberties Priviledges and Prerogatives of the Parliament so much â—yed declaimed against of laâ—e by a company of ignorant Papists Maâ—ignanâ—s Royalists who know not â—t the jurisdiction of Parlâ—aments is according to the Protestation the clearing of which points in my â—ke apprehension is the onely high and ready way to compose our present differences and settle all â— distractions which the ignorance and mistakes of the Kings and Parliaments just Prerogaâ—ives and â—ers next to the trecherous maâ—iâ—e of the Papists have principally raised among us almost to the â—e of the Kingdome For my part I professe sincerely I love and honour both King and Parliament â—â— and in the controversies now betweene them concerning their Jurisdictions stand as a man indiffeâ— to doe right to boâ—h without prejudice to either the King being the Principall Member of the Parâ—ent the elevating of its now disdaâ—ned Power to its due altitude can be no depression but advancement â—e Kings prerogative which shines most perspicuously in Parliaments whiles King and Parliament â—â—nited and is most eclipsed onely when they are divided as the precedents in all ages manifest And â— I dare confidently averre that there are no such enemies to the Kings Prerogative as those who adâ—cing it beyond due bounds doe necessarily draw it into dispute in which it commonly comes off with â— and diminution in the end as in â—hâ— late cases of Loâ—nes Ship-mony and the like If any here object against the premises f 1 El c. 2. that the King is the onely Supreme Governour of this Râ—aâ—â— Object That g Li. 1. c. 8. f. 5 6. l 3. c 9. f. 107. Bracton h L. 1. c. 5. 17 Fleta and our i 3 E. 3. 19. Corone 161. 22 Answer E. 3. 3. b. Dyer 297 a. Stamfo 153. a. Law bookes resolve That the King hath no Peere in his Kingdoâ— for so he should lose his Empire since Peeres or equals have no command over one another much more then ouâ—â— he not to have a Superiour or mightier for so he should be inferiour to those who are subject to him and inferâ—ours cannot be equall to Superiours The King ought not to be under man but under God and the Law If then Jâ—stice be demanded of him by way of Petition because no writ runs against him though k 22 E. 3. 3. b anciently some wâ—â— did if he doe not justice this punishment may be sufficient to him that he may expect God will revenge it Neâ—â— quidem de factis suis praesumat disputare mâ—lto fortius contra factum suum venire c. Therefore the Kâ—â— is above the Parliament and whole Kingdome not they above him I Answer First that the meaning of all these Bookes is that the King is above every one of his Sâ—â—jects and hath no Peere nor Superiour if they be taken particularly and distributively as single mâ—â— as the words Parem Superiorem in the singular number and the like explaine the meaning of the Bookâ— to be But if we take them collectively in Parliament as they are one body and represent the whole Kiâ—â—dome then these very Authours resolve in their forequoted words
The Treachery and Disloyalty of Papists to their Soveraignes both in Doctrine and Practise WHen I seriously consider the memorable Preamble of 3 Jac. ch 4. That it is found by daily experience that many of his Majesties Subjects who adhere in their hearts to the Popish Religion by the infection drawne from thence and by the wicked and divellish counsell of Jesuites Seminaries and other persons dangerous to the Church and State are so farre perverted in the point of their loyalties and due obedience unto the Kings Majesty and the Crowne of England as they are ready to entertaine and execute any Treasonable Conspiracies and Practises as evidently appeares by that more then barbarous and horrible attempt to have blowne up with Gunpowder the King Queene Prince â—ords and Commons in the House of Parliament assembled tending to the utter subversion of the whole State lately â—dertaken by the instigation of Jesuites and Seminaries and in advancement of their Religion by their Schollars â—ught and instructed by them for that purpose With the Statutes of 35. Eliz. ch 2. and 3 Jacobi ch 5. which â—â—act That all Popish Recusants shall be restrained to some certaine places of abode and confined to their private â—uses in the Country and not at any time after to passe or remove above five miles from thence under paine of forfeiting â—â— their Lands Goods and Chattels during life That none of them shall remaine within ten miles of the City of â—ondon nor come into the Court or house where his Majesty or Heire apparent to thâ— Crowne of England shall be nor â—ave in their owne houses or in the hands or possession of any other at their disposition any Armour Gunpowder or Muâ—tion of what kind soever And all this for the better discovering and avoiding of such Trayterous and most danâ—rous Conspiracies Treasoâ—â— Practises and attempts as are daily devised and practised against our most gracious â—overaignes Person and â—â—â— Commonweale by rebellious and trayterous Papists And when I read in * Dated January 10. 1606. and Februa 22. 1603. two of King â—â—mes his Proclamations That those adhering to the profession of the Church of Rome are blindly led together â—ith the superstition of their Religion both unto some points of Doctrine which * Note this cannot consist with the loyalty of Subâ—cts towards their Prince and oft times unto direct actions of conspiracies and conjurations against the State wherin â—â—ey live as hath most notoriously appeared by the late most horrible and almost incredible conjuration grounded upâ— points of Doctrine in that Church held and maintained and contrived and practised with the privity and warrant of â—any of the principall Priests of that profession to blow up our children and all the three Estates in Parliament assemâ—ed And when we consider the course and claime of the Sea of Rome we have no reason to imagine that Princes of â—r Religion and profession can expect any assurance long to continue unlesse it might be assented by the meditation of other â—rinces Christian that some good course might be taken by a generall Councell free and lawfully called to plucke up â—ose rootes of dangers and jealousies which arise for cause of Religion as well betweene Princes and Princes as beâ—eene them and their Subjects and to make it manifest that no State or Potentate either doth or can challenge powâ— to dispose of earthly Kingdomes or Monarchies or to dispense with Subjects obedience to their naturall Soveraignes Which was never yet attempted much lesse effected And in the Booke of Thankesgiving appointed for the â—â—h of November set forth by King James and the Parliaments speciall direction this observable Prayer â—omewhat altered by the now a Who confesseth Justifieth it in his Speech in Star-chamber June 14. 1637. Arch-prelate of Canterbury in the latter Editions to pleasure his Friends the â—pists To that end strengthen the hand of our gracious King the Nobles and Magistrates of the Land with Judgeâ—ent and Justice to cut off these workers of iniquity the Papists whose Râ—ligion is rebellion whose faith is factiâ— whose practise is murthering of Soules and Bodies and to roote them out of he confines of this Kingdome I canâ—ot but star damazed yea utterly confounded in my selfe at the Impudency and Treachery ofthose pernicious â—ounsellors who in affront of all these Lawes and premises have issued out sundry b See the Parliaments late Declaration Commissions under â—s Majesties hand and seale to divers notorious Papists not onely to furnish themselves with all sorts of â—mes and Munition but likewise to meet together armed and raise Forces in the Field to fight against the â—rliament Kingdome and Protestant Religion even contrary to divers his Majesties late Printed Declaraâ—ns and Protestations to all his loving Subjects advanced them to places of great trust and command in his â—ajesties severall Armies and procured them free accesse unto if not places of trust about his sacred person â— if they were his loyallest Subjects his surest guard as many now boldly stile them and more to be confiâ—ed in then his best and greatest Councell the Parliament whom they most execrably revile as Rebels â—â—d Traytors the more colourably to raise an Army of Papists to cut their throats and the throat of our Proâ—stant Religion first as they have already done in Ireland and then last of all his Majesties in case he refuse to become the Popes sworne vassall or alter his Religion which he hath ost protested and we beleeve he will never doe But I desire these ill Counsellours of the worst Edition to informe his Majesty or any rationall creature how it is either probable or possible that an Army of Papists should secure his Majesties person Crowne Dignity or protect the Protestant Religion the Parliament or its priviledges to all which they have shewed themselves most prosessed enemies We all know that Popish Recusants c See King James his Apology against Bellarmin Laurentius Byerlincke Opus Chronogr p. 319. Deus et Rex The Lord William Howards Sonnes late Booke in Defence of Papists taking the Oath of Allegiance obstinately refuse to take the Oath of Supremacy or Allegiance some of them that tooke it having beene excommunicated by their Priests for a reward Theâ— summe of which Oath is * 3 Jac. c. 4. That they doe truely and sincerely acknowledge and professe That the Pope hath â—â— authority to depose the King or to dispose of any his Kingdomes or to authorize any foraine Prince to invade his Countries or to discharge any his Subjects from their Allegiance to his Majesty or to license any of them to beare armes oâ— raise tumults against him or to offer any violence or hurt to his royall Person Government Subjects That notwithstanding any Declaration Excommunication or deprivation made or granted by the Pope or any Authority derived from him against the King his Heires and Successors or any absolution from their obedience they will beareâ— faith
Historians and Henâ—y the fourth elected and created King in his stead In both which depositions the Popish Prelares were chiefe 〈…〉 ctors Å¿ Speed p. 869. 878. 879. 887. Holingshead Polychronicon Fabian Grafton Hall Stow Caxton in their lives Anno 1462. King Henry the sixt Queen Margaret and Prince Edward their Sonne were by a Popish Parliament disinherited of their right to the Crowne and Edward the fourth made King after which King Henry was by another Parliament recrowned and reestablished in his Kingdome and Edward the fourth declared 〈…〉 Traytor and usurper of the Crowne And not long after Edward taking King Henry prisoner and causing him to be murdered in the Tower another Popish Parliament Anno 1472. abrogated King Henries Lawes and â—eestablished King Edward All this have our Popish Parliaments Prelates Lords and Commons formerly done and that rightly and legally as they then supposed which far transcends the highest stâ—aines of pretended inâ—roachments on his Majesties royalties by the present Parliament which detests such presidents Secondly our Popish Parliaments Pecres and Prelates have oft translated the Crowne from the right heires â—nd setled it on others who had no lawfull right or title to it electing and acknowledging them for their oneâ—y Soveraigne Lords in which actions the Popish Prelates and Clergy were commonly the Ring-leaders witnesse their t Speed p. 410. 411. 425 426. 404. to 407. 410. 416. 418. 419. 455 456. 466 467. 548 549. 550. 590. 591. See Matthew Paris Matth. Westminster Malmesbury Hunting don Eadmerus 〈…〉 bian Walsingham Caxton Polychronicon Polydoâ— Virgil Hall Grâ—â—tâ—n Stow How Hollinshead Haywarâ— Mâ—â—tin Daniel and Sir 〈…〉 their severall lives of these Kings electing and crowning of Edward who was illegitimate and putting by Ethelred the right heire after â—dgars decease An. 975. The electing and Crowning Canutus King a meere forrainer in opposition to Edmund â—he right heire to King Ethelred An. 1016. Of Harold and Hardiknute both elected and crowned Kings successiveâ—y without title Edmund and Alfred the right heires being dispossessed and the latter imprisoned and tortuâ—ed to death An. 1036. and 1040. yet after Hardiknutes decease Edward surnamed the Confessor was chosen King by consent of Parliament And the English Nobilitie upon the death of King Harold enacted That none â—f the Danish blood should any more reigne over them After this Kings death Edgar Etheling who had best title was rejected and Harold elected and crowned King so after William the Conquerors decease Anno 1087. Robert â—he elder brother was pretermitted and William Rufus the younger brother crowned and established in the Throne After whose death Henry the first his younger brother though not next heire was elected King â—y the Clergy Nobles and Commons who refused to admit of any King but with capitulations and caveats to their â—wne liking upon faire promises for resorming bad and rigorous Lawes remission of Taxes exacted on the Subjects and â—unishment of the chiefe causers of them and a solemne oath to frame good Lawes and ratifie Saint Edwards Lawes â—ll which he really performed So after the death of Richard the first John Earle of Morton was elected and crowned King and his Nephew Arthur the right heire disinherited And he dying his sonne Henry the third was â—lected and crowned and Lewis made King in his fathers life by the Barons removed The like we finde in â—he case of King Henry the fourth King Edward the fourth and Richard the third made Kings by Acts of Parâ—â—ament by our Popish Prelates and Nobles with the Commons consent upon unlawfull or doubtfull Titles â—y way of usurpation and the right hereditary line put by Such a transcendent power and â—urisdiction as this 〈…〉 disinherite the right heire and transferre the Crowne to whom they throught meerest neither the present nor â—ny other Protestant Parliament Peeres or Subjects ever claymed or exercised though Popish Parliaments â—relates Lords and Commons have thus frequently done it of which you may reade more in 25. H. 8. c. 22. 26. 〈…〉 8. c. 12. 28. H. 8. c. 7. 35. H. 8. c. 5. Thirdly the Lords and Commons in times of Popery have sent our writs and summoned a Parliament in the Kings name and forced the King to call a Parliament without and against his full consent Thus they summoned and held a Parliament in Ireland Anno 1341 refusing to come to a Parliament there summoned by the Kings officers and authority as the u In Camdens Britania English p. 188. Irish Annalls doe more at large record Thus they x Walsingham Hist. Ang. p. 107. 398. Speed p. 681. 757. summoned and held two Parliaments here in England to depose King Edward the second and King Richard the second without these Kings consents and by two severall Acts of Parliament 4. E 3. c. 4. and 36. E. 3. c. 10. enacted That for the maintenance of the Lawes and Statutes and redresse of divers mischiefes and grievances which daily happeâ—eth a Parliament shall be holden every yeare once and more often if need be whereas this Parliament was 〈…〉 called but by the Kings owne free consent and hath moderated these former Acts by changing the annuall into 〈…〉 triennuall Parliament by a speciall Bill to which his Majestie gave his full and free assent y Myrror c. 1. sect 3. p. 10. Co. instit on Littleton f. 110. Spelman Concil p. 347. Long before which Acts King Alfred in an assembly of Parliament ordained this for a perpetuall custome that a Parliament should be called together at London twice every yeare or oftner in time of peace to keep the people of God from sinne th 〈…〉 they may live in peace and receive right by certaine usages and holy judgements Fourthly Our Popish Barons Prelates and Commons have refused to meet in Parliament when the King ha 〈…〉 summoned them by his writ z Matth. Paris An. 1233. p. 344 473 c. Speedes Hi. p. 607. to 613. Anno Dom. 1233. King Henry the third summoned his Earles and Barons to appeare at a Parliament at Oxford where the King now resides but they all joyntly sent him an expresse messag 〈…〉 that they would not come upon his summons for that the Kings person went guarded with Poictovines othe 〈…〉 strangers who swayed and miscounselled him as ill Counsellors doe now the King so as they could no 〈…〉 there appeare with safety at which message the King grew very angry resolving that they should bee on 〈…〉 twice and thrice summoned to appeare Whereupon Roger Bacon who usually preached before the King freely told him That if he did not remove from him Peter Bishop of Winchester and Peter de Rivallis his malign 〈…〉 Counsellors he could never be quiet And Roger Bacon a Clergy man also of a pleasant wit seconding Robert advise told the King that Peirae and Rupes were most dangerous things at Sea alluding to the Bishops name Petrus de Rupibus The King hereupon comming a little to himselfe and taking that
presence and of all his Barons and himselfe was one of the Excommunicators That such a one should be maâ— their Chiefe Justice who would judge according to Right without respect to poore or rich With other things concerning the kingdome to the common utility peace and honor of the King and kingdome To these their necessaâ—â— Councels and provisions they did frequently and most constantly by way of advice desire the King to condescend swearing and giving their mutuall Faith and hands one to another That they would not defisâ—â— prosecute their purpose neither for losse of money or Lands nor love nor hare no nor yet for life or deaâ— of them or theirs till they had cleared England to which they and their forefathers were borne from up starts and aliens and procured laudable Lawes The King hearing this and that they came exquisitely arme that so he and his aliens might be enforced if they would not willingly assent tooke his corporall Oath aâ— his Sonne Prince Edward also that he would submit â—o their Councels and all those their Ordinances fâ—â— feare of perpetuall imprisonment The Lords having by an Edict threatned death to all that resisted Whiâ— done all the Peeres and Prelates tooke their Oath To be faithfull to this their Ordinance and made all whâ— would abide in the Kingdome to sweare they would stand to the â—ryall of their Peeres the Arch-bishopâ— and Bishops solemnely accursing all that should rebell against it And Richard King of Romans the Kings younger Brother comming soone after into England to visit the King and his owne Lands the d Matth. Par. p. 952 953. Spe. p. 636. Barons enforce him according to his promise sent them in writing before his arrivall to take this Oath as soone as he laâ—ded in the Chapter-house at Canterbury Heare all men that I Richard Earle of Cornewall sweare upon â—â— holy Gospels to be faithfull and forward to reforme with you the kingdome of England hithertâ— by the councell of wicâ—ed men so much deformed And I will be an effectuall coadjutoâ— to expell the Rebels and troublers of the Realme fâ—â— out of the same This Oath will I observe under paine to for feit all my Lands I have in England To such a high straine as this did these Popish Parliaments Prelates Peeres and Commons scrue up their â—â—risdictions to preserve themselves and the Kingdome from slavery and desolation whom Matthew Paris â—â— continuer for this service stiles e History Angliae p. 95â— Angliae Reipublicae Zelatores the Zelors of the English Republicke Neithâ— is this their example singular but backed with other presidents In the second and third yeares of King Eâ—ward the second f Walsing â—pâ—digma Neust An. 1309 1310 Hist Ang. p. 70. to 77. S. p. 608. c. with Holin Stow. Graf How and others Fâ—x Act. Mon. vâ—l â— Ed. ult p. 480 481. Piers Gaveston his great proud insolent covetous unworthy Favorite miscounselling aâ— seducing the young King from whom he had beene banished by his Father and swaying all things aâ—â—â— pleasure the Peâ—res and Nobles of the Realâ—e seeing themselves contemned and that foraine upstart pâ—â—feâ—red before them all came to the King and humbly entreated him That he would manage the Affaires of â— Kingdome by the Counsels of his Barons by whom he might not onely become more cautious but more safe from incâ—â—bent dangers the King Voce â—enus consented to them and at their instance summoned a Parliament at Londâ—â— to which he commanded all that ought to be present to repaire Where upon serious debate they earnâ—â—ly demanded of the King free liberty for the Barons to compose certaine Articles profitable to himselfe to his kingdome and â—o the Church of England The King imagining that they would order Piers to be banished a loâ—â— time denyed to grant their demand but at last at the importunate instance of them all he gave his assent aâ— swore he would ratifie and observe what ever the Nobles should ordaine The Articles being drawne up and agreed by common consent they propounded them to the King and by their importunity much against his well-liking caused him to ratifie them with his Seale and to take his corporall Oath to observe them Which done the Archbishop of Canterbury with his Suffragans solemnely denounced a sentence of excommunication against all who should contradict these Articles which they caused to be openly read in Pauls Church London in the presence of the Prelates Lords and Commons of the whole Kingdome the King being present Among which Articles they demanded That Magna Charta with other provisions necessary to the Church and Realme should be observed that the King â—s his Father had commanded should thrust all Strangers out of his Court and kingdome and remove ill Councellours â—â—om him That he would thenceforth order all the affaires of the Kingdome by the Counsell of the Clergie and Lords â—nd begin no warre nor depart any where out of the kingdome without common consent The King notwithstanding â—ll these things seemed hard and insupportable to him consented to the Articles and banished Piers into â—reland No * Note the credit of Princes Regall promises and Protestations sooner was the Parliament dissolved but the King neglecting his Fathers solemne adjurations â—ogether with his owne Oath never to reduce Piers sends for him backe to his Court marryeth him to the Countesse of Glocester his owne sisters daughter sheweth him more favour then ever Resolving with himselfe â—o retaine this Gaveston maugre all his Earles Barons and for the love of him to put his Crowne and life in â—erill when time should serve In which whither the King or his favourite shewed lesse discretion it is not â—t the first easily determined it being as unsafe for the one with so offensive behaviour to affect immoderate â—â—ew and use of grace as for the other to the injury of his name and Realme to bestow the same But upon â—he Queenes complaint to the King of France her Brother of Piers his insolence and prodigality and on the â—arons message to the King by common consent That he should banish Piers from his company and observe the â—ffect of the foresaid Articles or else they would certainely rise up against him as a perjured person by a like vow which â—peech seemed hard to the King because he knew not how to want Piers but yet discerned that more danger would spring â—p if he obeyed not the Lords Petition Piers rather by the Kings permission then good liking did the third â—â—me abjure the Realme with this proviso that if at any time afterward he were taken in England he should â—e forthwith put to death as a perilous enemy to the Kingdome yet he returning in Christmas to the King at Yorke the Lords spirituall and temporall to preserve the Liberties of the Church the Kingdome and remove this â—iper elected Thomas Earle of Lancaster for their Generall and sent honourable messengers to the King reâ—uesting him
first by the Ancient Treatise Of the manner of holding Parliaments in England which informes us That the first day of the Parliament publike Proclamations ought to be made in the City or Town where the Parliament is kept That all those who would deliver Petitions or Bills to the Parliament should deliver them in a certaine time That the Parliament should not depart so long as any Petition made thereto â—angeth undiscussed or undecided or at the least to which there is not made a determinate answer the Kings Majestie being desirous of his grace and favour to give the â—ubject redresse of any injurie not to suffer his people to goe unsatisfied Hence departing of the Parliament OVGHT TO BE in such manner First IT OVGHT TO BE demaunded yea and publikely proclaimed in the Parliament and within â—he Pallace of the Parliament whether there be any that hath delivered a â—etition to the Parliament and â—ath not received answer thereto If there he none such it iâ— supposed that every one is satisfied or else answered unto at the least So farre forth as by Law it may be And then all may depart Hence it waâ— that in 21. R. 2. c. 16. 17. 18. 19. divers Petitions not read nor answered in Parliament by reason of â— See Walâ—ingham Mat. Paris Fabian Holinshed Grafton Martyn Speed in their lives shortnesse of time and not determined sitting the Parliament were by speciall Acts of Parliament referred to divers Lords and Commons to examine answer and plainely determine all matters contained in the said Petitions as they should thinke best by their good advise and discretion even out of Parliament which they heard and determined accordingly and made binding Acts thereupon as appeares by the statutes themselves This Doctrine was very well knowne to King Iohn Henry the 3. Edward the 2. Richard the 2. Henry the 6. and Edward the 4. the Parliaments which opposed and deposed most of them sitting and continuing sitting both before and after their deposing sore against their wills as the fore-remembred histories manifest else no doubt they would have broken up all these Parliaments at their pleasure and never permitted such Acts Iudgements to passe against themselves Favorites ill Counsellours pretended Prerogatives had they lawfull power to dissolve them summoned in their names or the Parliaments actually determined by their depositions or resignations as we finde they did not and none ever yet held they did King Richard the 2 fearing the losse of his Crowne or some restraints by Lawes in the 11. yeare of his raigne proposed this question among others to his Iudges at Nottingham Castle which for ought I finde was never doubted before b See 21 R. 2. c. 12. Whether the King whensoever pleaseth him might dissolve the Parliâ—ment and command his Lords and Commons to deparâ— from thence or not Whereunto it was of one minde answered that he may and if any would proceede in c Walâ—ingham Holinshed Fabian Graft Speed in 11. R. 2. the Statuts at large that yeare the Parliament against the Kings will he is to be punished as a Traytor For which opinion and others some of these Iudges and Lawyers as Trysiâ—ian Blake were condemned of high Treason the next Parliament 11. R. 2. drawne upon a hurdle to Tyburne and there executed as Traytors to the King and Commonwealth others of them who delivered their opinions rather out of feare of death and bodily tortures then malice were yet condemned as Traytors and banished the Kingdome onely their lives were spared True it is that the packed and over-â—wed Parliament of 21. R. 2. terrified by the Kings unruly great guard of Cheshire Archers fore-mentioned 21. R. 2. c. 12. being specially interrogated by the Kiâ—g how they thought of these answeres of the Iudges sayd That they thought they gave their answeres duely and faithfully as good and lawfull lâ—ige people of the King ought to doe But yet the Parliament of 1 H. 4. c. 3. 4. repealed this Parliament of 21. R. 2. with all its circumstances and dependents revived the Parliament of 11 R. 2. with the judgements and proceedings given against these treacherous temporising Iudges as a thing made for the great honour and common profit of the Realme Besides the e Cooke 9. Rept f. 1. in the Epistle 4. E. 3. c. 14. â—6 E. 3. c. 10. Statutes of King Alfred and Edward the 3. which enact that a Parliament shall be holden once every yeare and oftner if neede be for redresse of mischiefes and grievances which dayly happen strongly intimate that if a Parliament ought in Law to be called as often as need is of purpose to redresse the Subjects grievances and mischiefes then it ought not in point of Law to be dissolved till these greivances and mischiefes f Magna Charta 1556. part 2. f. 164. be redressed else the sommoning of it would be to no purpose and bring a great trouble and charge to the whole kingdome without any benefit at all Moreover the King by his Oath is bound to doe equall justice and right to all his Subjects in all his Courts of justice In Magna Charta c. 29. he makes this Portestation We shall deny nor deferre to no man either Iustice or right and by sundry other g 18. E. 3. Stat. 3. 20 E 3. c. â— Acts all the Kings Iudges are sworne and commanded to doe even Law and execution of right to all his subjects rich or poore without having regard to any person and without letting or delaying to doe right for any Letters Writs or Commandements that shall come to them from the King or any others and shall doe nothing by vertue of them but goe forth to doe the Law and hold their Courts and Processes where the Pleas and matters be depending before them notwithstanding aâ— if no such Letters Writs or Commandements were come unto you The makers therefore of these Oâ—thes and Lawes in dayes of Popery and the Parliaments of 2. E. 3. c. 8 14. E. 3. c. 14. 1. R. 2. c. 2. which Enact That it shall not be commanded by the great seale or little seale to delay or disturbe common right and though such commandments doe come the Iustices shall not therefore leave to doe right in ANY POINT that Iustice and right be indifferently ministred to every of the Kings Subjects did certainely beleeve that the King neither by his great nor privie seal nor by Writ or Letter could without just or lawfull cause assigned prorogue or adjourne the Teâ—me or sitting of any Courts of Iustice much lesse prorogue or dissolve his highest Court and grand Counsell of the Realme the Parliament or disable them to fit to redresse the Kingdomes and subjects severall grievances or secure the Realme from danger Which if he might lawfully doe at his pleasure without the Houses joynt assents there would necessarily follow not onely a deferring and deniall but likewise a fayler of Iustice in the highest Court or Session
which these Acts disable the King who is so farre inferior to the Law that he cannot so much as delay the smallest proceedings of it in any Court or Session by his supreame power by any meanes whatsoever to effect in his meanest Courts much lesse then in the greatest from whence the subvertion of Lawes Libertie Iustice and the whole Realme would ensue If any therefore cavill at the All for the continuance of this Parliament till both houses shall agree to adjourne or dissolve it or at the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments which when they meete shall not be dissolved without their consents for 40. dayes space next after their first meeting Let them now learne that this is no Innovation nor encroachment on the Crowne but an ancient Priviledge of Parliament both claimed practised and resolved in times of Popery in an higher degree then now it is And thus you see how in these particulars the Popish Parliaments Prelates Lords and Commons in former times have claimed and exercised far greater Priviledges and Iurisdictions then this or any other Pâ—orestant Parliament hath hitherto claimed or practised which I hope will for ever silence the clamourous tongues of all ill Counsellors Courtiers Royalists Malignants Papists and Cavaliers against the present Parliament of whose highest yeâ— moderate proceedâ—ngs themselves alone have beene the occasions and therefore of all others have least cause to complaine against them But to returne againe to the first grand Objection Thirdly I answer that the High Court of Parliament and whole kingdome which it represents may in divers respects be truely and properly 3. The Parliament and kingdome proved to be above the king sayd to be the Highest Soveraigne power of all others and above the King himselfe which because it may â—eeme a dangerous paradox and tends much to the vindication both of the Priviledges Honour and â—urisdictions of our High Court of Parliament now so much undervalued because not really knowne to most and to the justification of the proceedings in this present Parliament which many out of ignorance and malice so much declaime against both by Word and writing in a most licentious manner I shall take a little liberty to demonstrate the truth of it by such convincing reasons of Authorities as no rationall man I hope shall be able to contradict but must necessarily submit to First it is undeniable that See Cromptons jurisdiction of Courts Title Parliament Brooke Title Parliament Holinsh Description of England c. 8. p. 173. Chron. of Ireland p. 120 to 130. Sir Th. Smiths CoÌ„mon-wealth of England l. 2. c. 1. 2. 3. Cowel and Minshew Tit. Parliament Camdens Brit. p. 177. the Court of Parliament hath a lawfull power to question all the Kings Paâ—ents Charters Commissions Proclamations Grants Warrants Writs and Commitments whatsoever whether they be Legall yea to cancell or repeale them in case they be illegall mischeivous or onerous to the Subject not onely without but against the Kings consent and mandate to the contrary as appeares by infinite presidents in this and all former Parliaments the scourges of Monopolists Patentees and Projectors the Pests of the Commonwealth The like power have all other Courts of Iustice within the Kingdome in some degree when such Charters and Writs of the King are brought judicially before them because they are Courts of the Law to which the King and all his Actions are and must be subject Now that which can thus question cancell disanull revoke the Kings owne royall Charters Writs Commissions Patents c. though ratified with the great seale and regall power even against his will must certainely be a Soveraigne power and Authority which in point of Law and Iustice is fuâ—eriour to the King This is Bractons resolution l. 2. c. 16. f 34 a and Fletaes l. 1. c. 17. Where â—hey affirme the Law and Parliament to be above the King because they may censure judge and rescinde the Kings Acts and Charters legally and judicially even against his personall though not legall Will which â—s the Law Secondly It is unquestionably true that in all cases of difference betweene the King and all or any of his Subjects though they concerne the Kings Prerogative and the highest branches thereof the Parliament is the supremest and most proper judge and its resolution from which there is no appeale â—o any higher tribunall shall finally binde not onely all the subjects but the King himselfe notwithstanding his owne personall disassent This is manifest by the many late resolutions given in Parliament against sundry Patents Commissions Writs Charters Impositions Loanes Shipmoney i See 21. Iacob c. 3. Co. l. 8. f. 125. to 130. l. 10. f. 113. l. 11. f. 84. to 89. Fitz Brooke and Ash Tit. Charters Grant le Roy Comissions Habeas Corpus Bayle and the Iudges arguments against Ship-money Forrest-Bounds Marshall Law Pressing and â—illetting souldiers Imprisonment by speciall Command of the King or his Privie Counsell Tonnage and Poundage Knighthood and Taxes The Commission of Array and â—he like which obliege both King and Subject the King in receiving justice in such cases being subject â—o the Law as well as the meanest of his subjects as k Rex in justitia reâ— pienda minimo de â—egno suo comparatur minimus esse debet vel quaâ—i in judicio suscipiendo Bracton l. 1. c. 8. f. 5. b. l. 3 c 9. f. 107. Bracton truely avers against all Royalists mistakes Now that which can thus finally conclude and binde the King himselfe even volens nolens â—n cases of highest concernment entrenching farthest upon his Prerogative Royall must doubtlesse â—e the most Soveraigne power Superiour to the Kings And in this sence every Court of Justice whose just resolutions and every petty Jury whose upright verdicts obliege the King because warâ—anted by the Law which is paramont the King as Bracton m Lib. 1. c. 5. 17. Fleta n Cap. 9. to 15. Fortescus o Speech in Parliament 1609 King Iames p In his â—awes in Fox Acts Mon. Edit vol 1. p. 214. Edward the Confâ—ssor yea and q Aristotle resolve may be truely sayd to be above the Kings â—erson which they binde but not above the Parliament which by its suparlative power may examine â—ll Å¿ 1 H. 7. 1. Br. parliament 92. Ash tab 65. 67. judgements and verdicts in other Courts by way of error or appeale and reverse them if there be â—â—use when as the King in person cannot by law examine or reverse them but onely in his Courts â—f Iustice by his Iudges Thirdly Parliaments oft times doe and may as they see cause enlarge the Kings Prerogative and Royall â—ower in sundry particulars in which the King had no such jurisdiction before these Acts witnesse the â—tatute de Praerogativa Regis 25. H. 8. c. 19. 20 21. 26. H. 8. c. 1. 3. 31. H. 8. c. 8. 9. 34. 35. H. â— c. 23. 27 H. 8. c. 15. 28. H. 8. c.
2. c. 16. f. 24. That a King is created and elected by whom but by his kingdome to this purpose to doe justice unto all That a king cannot doe any thing else in earth seeing be is Gods Minister and Vicar niâ—â—id solum quod de jure a Luk. 2. 22. 23. 24. â—otest but that onely which he can doe by Law That God the Law and his Court to wit the Earles â—nd Barons in Parliament are above the King and ought to bridle him and are thence called c Comites viâ— quia a Comitatu â—ive a societate nomen sumpserunt qui etiam dicâ— possunt Consules a consulendo Reges enim tales siâ—â— associant ad consulendum regendum populum Dei. ordinaâ—tes eos in magna potestate honore nomine c. Idem l. â— c. 8. f. 5. 6. Coâ—ites because they are the Kings Companions Fleta an Ancient Law-booke written in King Edward â—he third his raigne lib. 3. c. 3. and 17. useth the selfe same words that Bracton doth and concludes â—hat the King hath a Superior to wit God and the Law by which be is made a Kiâ—g and his Court of Earles â—nd Barons to wit the Parliament d De Laudibus Legum Argliae c. 9. to 15. Fortescue a great Lawyer Chauncellor to King Henry the 6. â—roves at large That the King is not above but under the Law that be cannot alter the Law of Ergland â—or â—ay any Taxes at all on his Subiects but by Parliament That all lawfull Kings and Kingdomes were at â—â—rst created and erected onely by the unanimous free assent of the people that the kingdome of England is a Poâ—cie or Aristocraticall mixt Government not an absolute royall Soveraignety That the e Hanc potestatem â popâ—lo effluxam ipse habet c. p. 25. King hath his â—â—yall power DERIVED TO HIM FROM THE PEOPLE whereby it is unlawfull for him to â—le his people by any other power which he prosecutes in sundry chapters too tedious to transcribe â—nd in one word f Chap. 8. vol. â— pag. 173. Raphael Holinshed Iohn Vowell and others in their Description of England â—rinted Cum Privilegio resolve thus of the Parliaments power This House hath the most high and â—bsolute power of the Realme for thereby kings and mighty Princes have from time to time beene â—eposed from their thrones and Lawes are enacted and abrogated Offenders of all sorts punished and corâ—pted Religion either disanulled or reformed It is THE HEAD AND BODY OF ALL THE â—EALME and the place where every particular man is intended to be present if not by himselfe yet by â—s Advocate and Attorney For this cause any thing that is there enacted is not to be withstood but obeyed â—â— all men without contradiction or grudge and to be short all that ever the people of Rome might doe eiâ—â—er Centuriatis Comitiis or Tribunitiis the same is and may be done by the Authority of Parliament Now the Romans in their assemblies had power to enact binding Lawes to create and elect â—â—eir Kings and Emperours and likewise to judge censure and depose them to create and elect all kindes â—â— Officers and to * See Bodine l. 2. c 5. l. â— c. 10 Eutropius and Grimston in the life of Nero Maximinius Heliogabalits and others Livy Rom. Hist l. 1. â—â— change the very forme of their State and Government as I shall hereafter manifest Therefore by these Authors resolution the Parliament hath an absolute power to doe the like when â—hey see just cause Sir Thomas Smith one of the Principall Secretaries of State to King Edward the 6. â—nd Queene Elizabeth and a Doctor of Law in his Common-wealth of England l. 2. c. 1. in the old but â—â— in the last Edition hath the same words in effect with Holinshead and addes that the Parliament giâ—eth forme of Succession to the Crowne c. Our kings royall power being then originally derived to â—hem conferred on them by the peoples and kingdomes common consents in Parliament and all their â—ew additionall Prerogatives too as the premises evidence it cannot be denied but that the whole â—ingdome and Parliament are really in this sence above him and the most Soveraigne prime power â—â—om whence all other powers were and are derived See Fortescue c. 9. to 15. Fourthly This is undeniable because the whole kingdome in Parliament may not onely augâ—ent but likewise * abridge allay abolish and resume some branches of the Kings royall power and â—â—erogative if there be just cause as when it becomes onorous mischievous and dangerous to the Subâ—ects inconvenient to or inconsistent with the kingdomes peoples welfare peace safety Liberty or â—he Lawes this is most apparant by Magna Charta Charta de Forresta Statutum de Prerogativa Regis De Tallâ—gio non-concedendo 1. E. 3. c. 6 7. 2. E. 3. c. 2. 8. 3. E. 1. c. 35. 9. E. 3. c. 12. 5. E 3. c. â— 10. E. 3. c. 2. 3 14. E 3. c. 1. 14. 18. E. 3. c. 8. 25 E. 3. c. 4. Stat. 3. c. 1 2. Stat. 5. c. 8. 11. 36. E. 3 c. 10. â— 7. E. 3. c. 18. 42. E. 3. c. 3. 10. R. 2. c. â— 11. R. 2. c. 1. to 7. 1. R. 3. c. 2. 4. H. 4. c 13. 21. Jac. c. 2. 3. 24. 7. H. 8 c. 3 â—he Petition of Right 3. Caroli most Statuts against Purveyens Pardons Protections the Acts made this Parliament against Ship-money Knight-hood Forrest-bounds Pressing of Souldiers the Star-Chamber High-Commission the Trienniall Parliament the Continuance of this Parliament whiles they please with g See the Arguments against Ship-money and Impositions and the Declarations against the Commission of Aray sunâ—ry other Acts which restraine abridge repeale and resume divers reall and pretended branches of the â—ings royall Prerogative because they proved grievous and mischievous to the people and dangeous and pernicious to the kingdome This then answers that irrationall groundlesse position of Doctor Ferne That h Resolving of Conscience Sect 4. 5. the Subjects neither lawfully may nor ought in any case to resume al or any part of that Regall power wherewith they have once invested their Kings by common consent Which as it is contrary â—o that received principle of nature and reason Eodem modo quo quid constituitur dissolvitur That â—ll Governments created by mens consents may be altered diminished or repealed by their consents â—â— i See Ioshua Iudges Samuel Kings Chron. Daniel throughout â—saiah Ieremy Ezickiel in sundry chap. sundry Presidents and Prophesies in Scripture concerning the alterations the Subversions and Dimiâ—utions of kings and kingdomes to the constant practise of k See Sleidan de 4. or Imperiis Mat. West Livy Iustin Opmerus Purchas Chronicon â—hronicorum and all generall Histories all Realmes and States whatsoever from â—dam till this instant who have undergone many strange alteratians eclipses diminutions yea Peâ—â—ods of Government to the Resolution of l Polit. l.
2 3 4 5. Plato de Republica Bodius Common wealth The Repub of â—undry Nations Aristotle and al other Polititions who hold all formes of Government changeable and revocable without any injustice if necessâ—ry or convenient So likewise â—o the very end for which kings haveregall power as well as other Governours and Governments were ordained to wit their kingdomes peoples m Rom. 14. 1 to 6. 1 Pet. 2. 13. 14. 2 Sam. 5. 12. Aristotle Pol. l. 3. 4. 5. Caelius Rhodig l 8. c. 1. Bracton l. 3. c. 9. f. 107. welfare safety peace protection c. Salus pâ—puli being not onely that Suprema Lex but principall end for which all royall power was instituteâ— by God and man and to which they must submit in case it become in compatible or cannot consist together without dammage or danger to the publike safety what therefore that learned Father Augustine Bishop of Hippo long since resolved touching the now much contested for Lordly State of Episcopacie which he and neere 300. African Bishops more were then ready to lay downe for the Churches peace I may fitly apply to the now over much contended for supposed royall Prerogatives of kings to effect Peace in the State in these times of uncivill military that I say not bloody dissentions raised about them betweene king and Parliament An vero c. n Augustinus de Geftis cune Emerita Donatist Epis Tom. 7. pars 1. p. 782. 783. What verily did ouâ— Redeemer descend from heaven into humane members that we might he his members and shall we leâ—t his very members be rent in pieces with cruell division feare to descend out of our thrones we are ordained BP â— foâ— Christian peoples â—ake what therfore may profit them for Christian peace that let us do with our Bishoprickes Quod autem sum propter te sim si tibi prodest non sim si tibi obest What I-am I may be for thee if it profit thee I may not be if it be hurtfull to thee If we be profitable servants why do we envie theâ— eternall gaines of our Lord for our tempot all sublimities or Prerogatives Our Episcopall dignity will o See all Acts of Repeale and others which alter the common Law See Smiths Common-wealth l. 2. c. 2. 3. be more fruitfull to us if it shall more unite the flock of Christ then disperse it if retained If when I will retain my Bishoprick I disperse the â—lock of Christ how is the dammage of the flock the honour oâ— the sheapheard c. Old statute Lawes yea and the common Law of England may be and oft are repealed and altered by Parliaments though above the king and his Prerogative when they become mischieuous â—â— inconvenient therefore any branches of the kings Prerogative inferiour to these Lawes when they prove grievous or dangerous to the subjects It is the kings own professed Maxime in full Parliamen p At the end of the Petition of Right 3. Caroli Printed and inrolled by his speciall command in all his Courts That the Kings Prerogative is but to defend the Peoples Liberties when therefore it either invades or subverâ— them it may justly it must necessarily be restrained diminished or resumed by the Parliament from whose assent or grant it first proceeded The Emperour q See Eutropius Sabellicus Grimston Speed others of his life Otho the first and our king Richard the second as r Speeds History p. 757. some imagine voluntary resigned relinquished their Crownes to their immortall honour to prevent the effusion of their Subiects blood by civill warres and settle peace within theiâ— Realmes and shall not other kings then most joyfully part with some Punctilioes of their reall oâ— branches of their supposed Prerogatives for the selfesame ends if their Parliaments see good cause to resume them and of right may doe it Fifthly The king though he be the chiefe and principall yet he is onely one member of the Parliament and kingdome the least because but one person though the highest branch the Lords and Commons not elected by but assigned Counsellors to the king by the kingdome and people being the greatest and most considerable part as representing the intire body of the kingdome Now common reason Law and experience manifests t See Br. Tit. Corporations that the whole or greatest part in all politique or naturall Bodies is of greater power Jurisdiction then any one particular member Thus in all our t Corporations the Court of Aldermen and Common Councell is of greater power then the Major though the chiefe Officer the Chapter of greater authority then the Deane the Deane and Chapter then the s Keckerman Systema Logic. l. 1. c. 22. BPP the whole Bench then the Lord chiefe Justice the whole Counsell then the President the whole Parliament then either of the Houses and by like reason then the king especially since one of the three Estates is lesser then the three Estates together who in Parliament by the fundamentall Constitions of the Realme are not v See the fuller answer to Dr. Ferne. p. 2. 3. Subordinate but Coordinate parts of the same great Common-Councell of the kingdome It is Aristotles expresse determination x Quod eorum qui rempublicam gerunt majori parti placueâ—it id est ratum ac â—â—mum Arist Polit. l. 4. c. 8. l. 3. that in an Oligarchie Aristocrasie and Democrasie whatsoever seemes good to the Major part of the Governours of the Common-wealth that is ratified and that it is unfit the part should be above the whole And in all Courts of Iustice Corporations and Elections y Br. Corporations 34. 8. H. 6. c. 7. the major part have alwayes had the greatest sway and constantly over-ruled the lesse though it be but by one casting voyce as is evident to all in the Elections of Knights and Burgesses of and votes in the Parliament in which the z 14. H. 8. f. 3. b. King Lords and Commons by the Common Law make up but one intire Corporation since then even in Parliament it selfe the Major part over swayes the rest yea the king himselfe who hath no absolute negative voyce but onely in refusing to passe some kinde of Bills not all of which more hereafter doubtlesse the whole or Major part of the Parliament which in Law is the whole is above the king the chiefe member of it Which consideration together with the Statutes of 5. R. 2. Stat. 2. c 4. 6. H. 8. c. 16. Enacting That none elected to be in any Parliament shall depart or absent himself from the same Parliament till it be fully ended or proroged without speciall license of the Speaker of the Commons to be entred of record in the jornall Booke under paine of amercement losse of wages and other punishment nor * See the manner of holding Parliaments in England newly Printed London 1641 and Dyer f. 60. 2. any member of the upper House without that
belongeth to a King for hasty rashnesse bringeth all things to ruine according to the saying of thâ— Gospell Every Kingdome divided in it selfe shall be brought to desolation Master o Vol. 1. p. 214. Fox informes us that William the Conquerour through the peoples clamour promised to confirme this King Edwards Lawes but the most part of them he omitted contrary to his Oath at his Coronation Indeede I finde not that the Conqueror tooke this Oath when he was crowned but I reade in * History p. 440. 441. Speed and others that William the Conquerour abrogating for the most part the ancient Lawes of the Land and introducing neâ— hard Lawes of his owne written in the Norman tongue which the people understood not and thâ— Iudges wrested at their pleasures to the forfeiture of Goods Lands Life hereupon the Nobility and Natives seeking to cast off these snares and fetters of his Lawes set up Edgar Athelin for theâ— Generall once againe and â—ell into a new conspiracie raising great forces and resolving to make thâ— sword their Iudge The King hereupon by Lanfrankes advise who as Reâ—oboams sages gave him counsell somewhat to beare with their abuses rather then to hazard the ruine of all in fight appointed a meeting at Berkhamâ—teed Anno 1172. where the King entring parly with the English Nobility did so farre winde himselfe into their good opinions that they all forthwith layd downe their weapons And he for his part fearing to lose the Crowne with shame which he had gotten with effusion â—f so much blood gave his Oath upon the holy Evangelists and the reliques of Saint Albane the Martyr the same being ministred to him by Abbot Fredericke swearing to observe and inviolably to â—â—epe the ancient Lawes of this Land and most especially those compiled by King Edward the Confessor â—hough as the event soone shewed he little meant to doe as he promised Peace thus established â—is conference ended and the Kings oath received the English Armies disband themselves as dreaâ—ing Note this they had now good fortune by the foote and hoping the greatest stormes of their dangers were â—aâ—t which presently proved but a vaine surmise For king William having compounded with the â—anes began extreamely to hate the English Nobles and with full resolution of their destruction â—â—ddenly set upon them apart which he durst not attempt when they were united so that * See Hâ—ntindon Hist l. 7. p. 369. Mat. Paris Hist p. 6. sâ—aying â—ny imprisoning others and persecuting all of them with fire and sword well was he that could â—e first â—â—ne Such little faith or assurance is there in the solemne Oathes and Protestations of Kings to â—â—eir Subjects which are seldome really performed and intended onely as snares to intrap them if â—â—ey confide and rely upon them without any better security The forme of the kings Coronation â—er since Edward the a hath beene this and is thus administred p Magna Charta Printed Cum Privilegio London 1558. part 2. f. 16â—â— Iudamentum Regis quando coronaâ—uâ— Remonstrance Nov 2. p. 25. to 38. The Metropolitan or Bishop â—â—at is to Crowne the King with a meane and distinct voyce shall interrogate him if he will confirme with an â—ath the Lawes and customes granted to the people of England by ancient just and devout kings towards â—od to the samepeople and especially the Lawes and Customes and Liberties granted by glorious King Edward to the Clergie and People And IF HE SHALL PROMISE that he will assent to all these â—et the Metropolitan or Bishop expound to him what things he shall sweare saying thus Thou shalt â—epe to the Church of God to the Clergie and people Peace intirely and concord in God according to thy â—â—wer The king shall answer I will keepe it Thou shalt cause to be done in all thy judgements equall â—dright justice and discretion in mercy and verity according to thy power He shall answer I will doe it â—â—ou grantest just Lawes and Customes to be kept and thou dost promise that those Lawes shall be protected â—d confirmed by thee to the honour of God QUAS VULGUS ELEGERIT which the people shall â—se according to thy power He shall answer I doe graâ—t and promise And there may be added to â—e foresayd Interrogations what other things shall be just All things being pronounced he shall confirme that he will observe all things with an oath upon the Altar presently taken before all There â—ath beene a late unhappie difference raised betweene the q See the Parliaments Remonstrance of the 26. of May. p. 9. His Majesties Answer thereto p. 16. 17. and the Parliaments Reply Nou. 2. p. 2â— to 38. king and Parliament about the word ELEGERIT the Parliament affirming the word to signifie shall chuse according to sundry written â—oles and Printed Coppies in Latin and French the King on the contrary affirming it should be â—â—th chosen But he that observes the words of the ancient Oathes Populo tibi commisso rectam â—â—liciam exercebis malas leges iniquas consuetudines si aliquae fuererint in Regno tuo delebis bonas servabis all in the future tence and the verbes servabis Facies fierâ— protegendas corâ—oborandas in â—e former and same clauses of the Oath now used all of them in the future with the whole Scope â—tent and purport of this part of the Oath must necessarily grant shall chuse to be the true reaâ—ng and that it referres to the confirmation of * Iudge Huttons Argument against Ship-money p. 32. determines so future Lawes to be afterwards made in Parliament not those onely in being when the Oath was administred else kings should not be obliged by their â—athes to keepe any Lawes made after their Coronations by their owne assents but onely those â—â—eir Predecessors assented to not themselves which were most absurd to affirme From these severall Oathes and Passages the usuall forme of the Nobles proclaiming such and â—â—ch Kings of England with other r Page 4. â—â— forecited Histories it is apparant First that Popish Parliaments Peeres and Subjects have deemed the Crowne of England not meerely successive and heâ—ditaâ—y though it hath usually gone by descent but arbitray and elective when they saw cause maâ— of our kings comming to the Crowne without just hereditarie Title by the Kingdomes Peeres â—d peoples free election onely confirmed by a subsequent Act of Parliament which was then reâ—â—ted a sufficient Right by vertue whereof they then reigned and were obeyed as lawfull kings â—d were then and yet so acknowledged to be their Right by Election of their Subjects being seldome or never adjudged an illegall usurpation in any Parliaments whence the statute of 1 E. 4. c. 1. â— d â— E. 4. â— 2. declare king Henry the 4. 5. and 6. to be successively kings of England indeed and not right yet not usurpers because they came in by Parliament Onely Richard the third who treacherously murthered Edward the 5. his
Soveraigne and violently usurped his Crowne at first before any Parliament â—â—ve it him compelling the Lords and Commons afterwards to Elect him King out of feare after his slaughâ—â— in Bosworth field was declared an usurper by Act of Parliament 1. H. 7 c. 6. and so adjudged to by 1 E. 4. c. 1. 8. H. 7 c. 1. 9. E. 4. f. 1. 2. and Henry the 7. had the Crowne set upon his head in the â—â—ld by my Lord Standly as though saith s Page 8 â— â—â— Grafton he had beene elected king by the voyce of the people â— in ancient times past in divers Realmes it hath beene accustomed Secondly that those kings who have enjoyed the Crowne by succession discent or election have still taken it upon the condition and covenants conteined in their Coronation Oathes which if they refused to sweare to the Peeâ—â— and people really and bona fide to performe they were not then to be crowned or received as kings â—â— adjured in the name of God to renounce this dignity And though in point of Law t Cooke 7. Report f. 10. 11. Calvins case Marâ—il Patauinus Defen Pacis pars 2. c. 25. those who enjoy â—â— Crowne by Succession be Kings before their Coronations yet it is still upon those subsequent * Littleton sect 378. 379. Cookes Instit Ibid. f. 232. 233. 234. Condition in Law contained in their Coronation Oathes which impose no new but onely ratifie the old conditions â— separably annexed to the Crowne by the Common Law ever since Edward the Confessors dayes if not â—â—fore as the Oathes of all our kings to their people really to performe thâ—se Articles and Condition fully demonstrate Thirdly that these Oathes are not meerely arbitrary or voluntary at the kiâ—â— pleasure to take or refuse them if he will but necessary and inevitable by the Law and constâ—â—â—sage of the Realme yea of all v Baldus Proaem de Feud n 32. Dr Crakenth defence of Constantine p. 163. to 175. Grimst Imperiall Hist p. 653. Christian kingdomes whatsoever which prescribe like Oathes to tâ—â— kings From all which I may firmely conclude that the whole Kingdome and Parliament are â—â— Supreame Authoritie and Paramount the king because they may lawfully and doe usually prescrâ—â— such conditions termes and rules of governing them to him and binde him by Oath faithfully to perfoâ—â— the same as long as he shall continue king which oath our kings usually tooke or at least faithfuâ—â— promised to take to their Subjects in ancient times before ever they did or would take an Oath â— fealty homage or Allegiance to them as the premises evidence Claus Rot. 1. R. 2. M. 44. Tenthly Our Parliaments and kingdome anciently in times of Popery and Paganisme â—â— both challenged and exercised a Supreame power over the Crowne of England it selfe to transfeâ—â— it from the right heire and setled it on whom themselves thought meete to elect for their King â—â— likewise to call their Kings to an account for their misgovernment and breach of Oath to the prejudice of their people so farre as to article against them and either by force of Armes or a judicâ—â— sentence in Parliament actually to depose them and set up others in the Throne as many * See Fortescue c. 12. to 15 Iohan. Mar. de Rege Regis Instit l. 1. â— 7. 8. 9. foreciâ—â— presidents together with the examples of Archigallo and Emerian two ancient British Kings and Edwin King of Mercia deprived of allhonour and Kingly dignity by the unanimous consent of their Subjects for their Tyranny Oppression misgovernment and vicious lives and others elected and made Kings their places evidence which Acts of theirs they then reputed just and Legall Those Parliament then and Nationall Assemblies which have thus disposed of the Crowne and Kings themselves and exercised such jurisdiction over them must certainely be above them and the highest Soveraingâ— power True it is our Protestant Peeres Commons and Parliaments never challenged nor exercised such jurisdiction and I presume they will never doe it However it is neither honourable nâ—â— safe for Kihgs and the most destructive policy their ill Counsellours can suggest unto them so faâ— to oppresse their Subjects or exasporate their Parliaments as to provoke them to use the extremity x See p. 4. 5. 6. their power and revive dead sleeping presidents the consideration whereof when they were fresh mâ—â— succeeding Kings more just and moderate in their governments and reclaimed many Vitious and Oppressâ—â—â— * See Mat. West Jeofry Monmouth Polych Fab. Graft Holin Speed in their lives Princes as Archigallo and others witnes for their reliefe We know what Solomon saith y Eccles 7. 7. Surely â—â—pression maketh a wise man mad and if Kings or their evill Instruments shall so farre mad their Subject and Parliaments either by oppressions rapines misgovernment destroying making warre upon them putting them out of their protections as to make them cry out as they did against King Iohn z Mat. Par. p. 264. 265. 268. Grafton p. 111. 112. Bishop Bilson part 3. p. 480. Rex Iohâ—nes factus est de Rege Tyrannus imo de homine in â—estialem praerumpens feritatem Veâ— tibi Iohanni Regâ— ultime Anglorum Principum abominatio Nobilitatis Anglicanae confusio Heu Anglia vastata â— plius vastanda c. Whereupon presently ensued a Nolumus hunc regnare Tandemque decretum â— ut aliquem potentem in Regem eligerent per quem possint ad possessiones prisâ—inas revâ—cari credentes â— nuâ—lus Iohanne peior vel durior possit dominari tale miserabile statuentes argumentum Fortuna miserima tuta est Nam timor eventus deterioris abest Cumque aliquandiâ— quem eligerent â—aeâ—itâ—ssent demum in hoc pariter consensâ—runt ut Ludovicum filâ—â— Philippi Regis Francorum sibi praeficerent ipsum in Regem Angliae sublimâ—rent Which they did King Iohns their owne and the whole kingdomes great prejudice We know what the ill advise of Râ—â— boams rough young Counsellors produced 2 Chron. 10. And the King answered the people roughly â—â— the advice of the young men saying My father made your yoake heavie but I will adde thereto â— * See 2 Chro. 10. 11. father chastised you with whips but I will chastise you with scorpions And when all Israel saw that â— king would not harken unto them the people answered the King though he came to the crown by succeâ—â— on saying What portion have we in David and we have none inheritance in the Son of Iesse every maâ— your tents O Israel and now David see to thine owne house So all Israel went to their tents and eleâ—â— Ieroboam for their King and fell away from the house of David to this day being never after united to â— but continuing a distinct Kingdome from it wherefore the best policy Kings can use to perpetuate their Thrones to them and their Posterity is to â—â—â—at their Subjects so
other and all attainders and Acts against him by Edward the fourth and King Richard s Grafton p. 856. this Parliament annibilated After him King Henâ—y the eighth to ratifie his divorce from Queâ—ne Katherine caused it to be confirmed and his t Sp. p. 1028. Marriage with her to be utterly dissolved by Act of Parâ—iament and by u 25 H. 8. c. 22. 26 He. 8. c. 13. 28 H. 8 c. 7. 35 H. 8. c. 5. See Hall sundry Acts ratified his subsequent Marriages and setled the descent of the Crowne to â—is posterity somewhat different from the course of the Common Law which Statutes were afterwards altered â—nd the descent of the Crowne setled by other speciall Bils in Parliament both in x 1 Mar. c. 1. Parliament 2. c. 1. 2. 1 Eli. c. 3. 13 Eliz. c. 1. Queene Maries and Queene Elizabeths Reignes Whose Titles to the Crowne were setled and in some sort created by the â—arliament By the notable Staâ— of 13. Eli. c. â— worthy reading for this purpose it is made no lesse then high Treason â—o affirme That the Queene WITH and BY THE AUTHORITY OF THE PARâ—IAMENT of England is not able to make Lawes and Statutes of sufficient force and validity to binde liâ—it restraine and governe all persons their Rights and Titles that in any wise may or might claime any interest or â—ossibility in or to the Crowne of England in possession reâ—ainder inheritance succession or otherwise howsoever â—nd all other persons whatsoever King Edward the sixt Queene Elizabeth and other our Princes holding â—heir Crownes by a Parliamentary Title rather then by the course of the * See Cooks Institut Littlei f. 15 16. Common Law which this â—tatute affirmes the Parliament hath power to alter even in case of descent of the Crowne It is observable that the Statutes of 25 H. 8. c. 22. 28 H 8. c. 7. and 35 H. 8. c. 1. doe not onely Nulâ—â—fie some of this Kings marriages and ratifie others of them declaring some of his issues legitimate and herediâ—ble to the Crowne others not and appoint the Queene if living to be Protector of the infant King or Queene â—at should inherit the Crowne or such of the Lords as the King by his last will should designe But likewise preâ—cribe strict Oathes for every Subject to take to maintaine the Succession of the Crowne as it is limited â—y those Acts which Oathes for any to refuse is made high Treason or to write or speake any thing aâ—ainst the Succession of the Crowne as it is therein limited And withall they derive a plenary authority â—â— the King who thereupon * 35 H. 8. c. 1. acknowledgeth the great trust and confidence his loving Subjects had in him â— putting in his hands wholly the Order and Declaâ—ation of the Succession of this Realme by his Letters Patents â—der his Seale or his last will in writing signed with his â—and for laâ—ke of issue lawfully begotten of his boâ—â— to * 28 H. 8. c. 7. 35 H. 8. c 1. give limit assigne appoint or dispose the imperiall Crowne of the Realme to what person or persons â—d for such estate in the same and under such conditions as it should please his Majesty The Parliament therein â—omising by oâ—e common assent to accept take love dread and obey as their legall Governours and Supreame â—ads such person or persons onely as the King by auâ—hority of those Acts shâ—uld give the Crowne unto and â—olly to stâ—cke to them as true faithfull Subjects Provided that if any of his Children or Heires afterward â—d usurâ—e one upon the oâ—her in the Crowne of this Realme or claime or challenge the said Imperiall Crowne â—â—erwise or in any other course forme degree or condition then the same should be given disposed or liâ—ted unto them by the King by verâ—ue of those Acts. Or if any person or persons to whom it should please â—â— King by authoâ—ity of those Acts to dispose the said Crowne and Dignity of this Realme or the Heires of any â— them should at any time hereafter demand challenge or claime the Crowne of this Realme otherwise or in â—y other course forme degree or condition then the same should be given disposed and limited unto them by â—â— King by verâ—ue and authority of these Acts That then all and singular offenders in any of the premises â—ntrary to these Acts and all their Abettouâ—s Maintainers Factours Counsellours and Aiders therein shall be â—emed and adjudged HIGH TRAYTORS TO THE REALME and that every such â—ence shall be accepted reputed and taken to be high Treason and the offenders therein their ayders c. â—â— every such offence shall suffer such judgement paiâ—es of death losses and forfeitures of Lands Goods and Priâ—ledges of sanctuary as in any cases of high Treason And over that as well the Kings said Heiâ—es and Children every such person and persons to whom the Crowne should be limited as aforesaid and eâ—ery of their Heires â—â— every such offence above specified by them or any of them to be committed shall lose and forfeit as well all such â—ight Title and interest that they may claime or challenge in or to the Crowne of this Realme as Heires by â—scent or by reason of any gift or Act done by the King for his or their advancement by authority of those Acts by any manner of meanes or pretence whatsoever And the Statute of 35. H. 8. c. 1. which entailed the Crowne upon Queene Mary after Edward the 6. his decease without issue hath this proviso That if the said Lady Mary doe not keepe and performe â—â— conditions as King Henry by his Letters Patents or last Will in writing should hereafter declare and limit â—â—â— said estate in the Imperiall Crowne That then and from thenceforth the said Imperiall Crowne shall beâ— come to the Lady Elizabeth and the heires of her body lawfully begotten in such like manner and forme aâ— thâ—â— the said Lady Mary were then dead without any â—eires of her body begotten any thing in this Act contained â— the contrary notwithstanding And the like proviso there is for Queene Elizabeth That if she performe not â—â— like conditions limited as aforesaid to her estate in the Crowne That then the said Imperiall Crowne shall â— and come to such person or persons as the King by his Letters patents or last will shall limit or appoint By â— which Acts worthy reading and consideration the Parliaments Supreame power of setling and disposing the descent and inheritance of the Crowne and giving Authority even to the King himselfe to â—â—pose of it upon condition on paine of forfeiture as aforesaid which the King alone had no right nor poâ—er at all to doe will easily appeare to the most malignant Spirits In the first y â— Jac. c. 1. Parliament of our late King James the first Bill then passed was an acknowledgemâ—â— and confirmation of his immediate lawfull and undoubted succession and right to
doe both â— point of Law Divinity conscience resist the highest powers because they resist the Parliament and â— shall receive damnation to themselves for it either here or hereafter if they repent not which I seriously â—sire all those Delinquents Papists Malignants ill Counsellers and Cavaliers to consider who conâ—ary to severall Orders and Declarations of Parliament yea contrary to the Law of God of Nature of the â—ealme have like unnaturall Vipers taken up offensive Armes against the Parliament and Kingdome to â—ine them with our Religion Lawes and Liberties at once Thirdly Hence it followes that the Resolutions and Declarations of the Lords and Commons in Parliaâ—ent the supremest Court against the Commission of Array Arming of Papists raising of Forces impoâ—g Taxes to maintaine Warre against the Parliament plundering and the like ought to be obeyed and subâ—itted to as lawfull and binding both by the King himselfe the Kingdome and every private Subject â—hatsoever and that the Kings extrajudiciall and illegall Declarations out of Parliament in direct oppoâ—ion and contradiction to the resolutions and Votes of both Houses in Parliament ought not to be obeyed â—e King himselfe as our Law Bookes resolve being no t 8 H. 4. 13. b. 24 H. 8. c. 12. 52 H. 3. c. 1. 25 H. 8. c. 21. Cookes 1 Institutes on Mag. Charta f. 103. See here p. 14. 34. competent Judge especially out of his Courts â—hat is Law or what not in those Cases but the Parliament onely Which extrajudiciall new device of conâ—olling affronting the Resolutions and Declarations of both Houses by opposite Proclamations and â—â—clarations published in his Majesties name is such a transcendent violation of and contempt against â—e knowne priviledge the sacred venerable Authority and power of Parliaments as I am confident â—â— age can parallell and if not severely vindicated by exemplary punishments of the highest nature upâ—â— those ill Counsellors and corrupt Lawyers who contrive and pen them will bring this Highest greaâ—st and most honorable Court wherein the u 31 H. 8. c. 1 1 Jac. c. 1. Dr. Student 44. a. whole Kingdome and every member of it are represented into â—eater contempt and lesse estimation with all men whether Natives or Forainers then the basest Court â—â— Pipouders is No King nor Subject ever yet attempted such affronts against the Resolutions of any Judâ—s in inferiour Courts Let no person whatsoever then presume by pen or tongue any longer to aâ—â—igne or traduce the Resolutions and Ordinances of this highest Tribunall If Kings or Counsellors of â—ate willinstruct or excite the Subjects peremptoâ—ily to disobey and contemne the Ordinances the â—udgements of the Parliament let them never expect the least obedience or submission to any of their â—wn commands which are of lesser credit and Authority Fourthly That the Parliament and whole Kingdome being the highest power or any Member of â—â—e Parliament cannot by any publicke Acts or Votes of theirs consented to in Parliament become Trayâ—â—s or guilty of high Treason against the King either by the Common Law oâ— the Sâ—atute of 25. Ed. 3. b page 4 5. â— 2 of Treasons which running in the singular number If A MAN c. that is any private man â— men by their owne private authority shall levy warre against the King c. it ought to be judged high â—reason extends not to the whole Kingdome or Court of Parliament representing it of which no treaâ—n was ever yet presumed and by this very act is made the Judge of all Treasons that are doubtfull being â—ver yet included within the words or meaning of any Law concerning Treasons and therefore cannot be â—ilty of it Hence the depositions of a Graf parâ— 6. p. 62 63. Galfredus Moâ—â—â— Fabiaâ— Polychr others Archigallo and Emcrianus two ancient British Kings by the unaniâ—ous assent of the Lords and Commons for their rapines oppressions and Tyranny with other forenamed Saxâ— Kings and of Edward the second Richard the second Henry the sixth Edward the fourth by Acts â—â— Parliament the creating of Richard the third King and the frequent translations of the Crowne from â—e right heire at Common Law to others who had no good title by the whole Kingdome or Parliament â—o lesse then c Bracton l. 2 Glan l. 2. f. 112 Myrror c. 1 sect 4. Britton c. 8. f. 16. c. 22. f. 39 25. E. 3. â— 2. See Rastal â—rote Staâ—â—f Crompt Dalton in their Titles Chapters of Treason high Treason in private persons was never yet reputed much lesse questioned or adjudged â—igh Treason in the whole Kingdome or Parliament or any chiefe active Members in these Parliaments which being above the King are uncapable of Treason for any their judiciall actions and resolutions in such cases being onely Tortious and Erroneous reversible by other Acts in Parliament not Trayterous and Rebellious as appeares by all the forequoted Statutes and by 13 Eliz. c. â— which makes it high Treason d page for any person to affirme That the Queene by Authority of the Parliament of England is not able to make Lawes e Walsingham Holin Graf Sto. Speed Martyn Fab. Polychro in 21 R. 2. 11 R. 2. c. 3 4. 21 R. 2. c. 12. and Statutes of sufficient force to alter limit and binde the Crowne of this Realme and the descent limitation inheritance and government thereof And for direct Authorities in this very point Robert Tresylian and Belknap then chiefe Justices Holt Fulthorpe and Burgh Judges Locton Kings Sergeant and Blake the Kings Counsell in the Parliament oâ— 1â— Rich. 2. were condemned executed and banished the Realme as guilty of high Treason onely for affirming under their hands and seales f See the particulars more at large in 21 R. 2 c. 12. That the Duke of Glocester the Earles of Arundell aad Warwicke were and that other Lords and Commons might be guilty of high Treason for procuring a Commission and other proceedings in Parliament and be punished for it as Traytors Which opinion of theirs being afterwards affirmed for Law in a packed Parliament 21 Rich. 2. was the very next Parliament in 1 Hen. 4. c. 2 3 4. repealed and the judgement given against those Judges for this Trayterous opinion tending to the utter subversion of Parliaments resolved and enacted to be just This g See 1 H. 4. c. 3. and here p. 13. Judge h Spee p. 747 Belknap foresaw and therefore was unwilling to put his Seale to this opinion Saying There wanted but a hurdle a horse and halâ—â—â— to carry him where he might suffer the death HE HAD DESERVED for if I had not done this â— should have dyed for it and because I have done it I DESERVE DEATH for betraying the Lords Which makes me wonder at a passage in i Hist p. 675 Speed who records it now frequent in Malignants moutheâ— That the very shop where the Barons originall Treasons were forged was THE PARLIAMENT HOUSE wherein from time to time they
E. 3. Stat. 1. c. 3. If any Minister of the King or any other person of what condition soever he be doe or come against any point of the great Charter or other Statutes or the Lawes of the Land he shall answer to the Parliament as well as the SUTE OF THE KING as at the sute of the party AS FARRE FORTH WHERE â—T WAS DONE BY COMMISSION OR COMMANDEMENT OF THE KING as of his owne authority And by that parallel good Law recorded by * Part. 7 p. 376 Fabian made in Parliament in the first yeare of King Henry the fourth That no Lord nor other person of nâ— degree should after that day lay for his excuse as some then did any constraint or coacting of his Prince in executing of any wrong judgement or other criminous or unlawfull deeds saying that for feare they durst not otherwise doe for such excuse after this day SHALL STAND HIM IN NO STEED And in this Parliament * Fabian part 7. p. 342. 375. Hals Chron. 1. H. 4. f. 10. Grafton p. 408. Walsingham Hist p. 393. 402. Hall was judged to be drawne from the Tower of London unto Tiburne and there to be hanged and quartered which was accordingly executed only because he was one of those who secretly murâ—â— ered the Duke of Glocester at Calice illegally attainted of Treason in the Parliament of 21. R. 2. without due processe of the Law by King Richard the second his command and likewise the Dukes of Aumarl Surrey Exeter with other Noble men were deprived of their Dukedomes of most of their Lands Castles Honors for having a finger in this Dukes suffâ—cation and death by King Richards instigation and command and had lost their heads too if the common peopte had beene their Judges who murmured against King Henry for sparing their lives as you may read in * Histor p. 402. 403. Speed p. 763. Walsingham and Speed All which I would advise his Majesties Captainâ—s Cavalliers and ill Counsellors to consider The rather because all levying of warre either against the King or against the Kingdome and Parliament now made a matter of high Treason on both sides must and ought to be determined and resolâ—ed which of them is high Treason and which not and the parties guilty of it must and ought to be tried arraigned judged and condemned for it onely in and by the Parliament and in and by no other Court or Judges as is punctually resolved by the severall Statutes of 11. R. 2. c. 1. 2. 3. 4. 21. R. 2. c. 2. 3. 4. 1 2. 20. 1. H. 4. c. 10. and the very words of the Statute of 25 E. 3. c. 2. of Treasons especially being a new case If then the Parliament are and must be the onely judges of this question Which of the two parties now â—n Armes are Traytors and the onely Court wherein all must be tried on this point they may easily judge who are and must be the Traytors in this case and those who by the Kings meere personall command and presence whom they have treacheronâ—ly withdrawne from his Parliament fight now both against Parliament and King in his legall and regall capacity when the time of triall comes will be found reall Traytors both to King and Kingdome what ever their owne ignorance temporising Lawyers or hopes of prevailing may now suggest unto them In the Parliament of 15. Edward 2. the two Spensers were by â— * Exisium Hugonis le Despensor f. 50. 52. speciall Act of Parliament adjudged Traytors banished and their lands and goods confiscated for miscounâ—elling their King and advising him to ride with armed Troopes of horses and men into Glocestershire to assault the good people there and to levy warre within the Realme to the destruction of the Church and people contrary to the forme of the great Charter and breach of the peace of the Realme What severe judgement then may those ill Counsellors and Cavalliers deserve who have actually levied warre not onely against the Counâ—y of Glocester which they have pitifully harrowed and spoyled contrary to all Law sacked p See the Relation takinâ— cest Cicester â—o its utter ruine and led away the good people thence Captives to Oxford in triumph for the most part barefooted through dirt and mire in this cold Winter Season chained together in ropes more like to Turkish-Gally-slaves then English Christian Subjects onely for this new kinde of supposed Treason and Rebellion the defence of their Liberties lives and goods against theeving Cavalliers which they may defend by Law * Fitz. Corone 192. 194. 246. 258. 261. 330. Stamford f. 11 12 13. 22 H. 7. 39 24 H. 8. c. 5. Cooke I. 5. f. 51 52 53. and justifie the killing of all those who shall violently assault them to rob them of them denying them so much as a draught of cold water to quench their thirst by the way and keeping off all whâ— would give it to them many of them being since dead at Oxford of samine and more then barbarous usage â— but likewise against most Counties of England miserably wasted by them and the whole Kingdome Parliament and King himselfe in his politicke Capacity and raised an Army of Papists against expresâ—â— late Acts of Parliament who not onely now set up their long exploded Masse openly in Yorkeshire Reading and other places but which my very soule abhorres to thinke of have even freshly moâ—â— impiously Shit upon the English Bible in folio defaced and burnt many Testaments and godly English Bookâ— in John Hamonds house a Bookeseller in Marleborough when they sacked it in contempt of our Religion setting the chimney on fire with their excessive flames and if reports be credible have since buâ—ned divers English Bibles and other good Bookes in the publicke Market place at Reading under the very Gallowes in detestation of our Protestant faith whose utter extirpation is their chiefe designe Certainly if these ill Councellors once come to a legall triall a Gallowes will be too milde a punishment to expiate such a prodigious high Treason which former ages can hardly parallell especially if they perseverâ— therein But of this more fully hereafter Sixthly Hence likewise it necessarily followes that the Houses of Parliament being the Soveraigne Power ought of right to enjoy and may when they see just cause for the Kingdomes safety and benefiâ—â— order and dispose the Militia Navy Ports Forts and Ammunition of the Realme into such personâ— custodies as they may safely confide in nominate both the great Counsellors publique Officers anâ— Judges of the Kingdome of right require if not enforce if wilfully denyed the Kings Assent to all publicke Bils of Right and Justice necessary for the Commonweale and safety of his Subjects takâ— up defensive Armes to protect their Priviledges Lawes Liberties and established Religion not onely against Malignants and Popish Recusants but the King himselfe if he raise Forces against them yea impose taxes upon the Subject and distraine imprison secure them for the publicke defence and safety when they deeme it necessary All which particulars I shall God willing fully prove by such Demonstrations Arguments punctuall Authorities and undeniable precedents in former ages as shall I troâ—undeceive the blinded world and convince if not satisfie the greatest Royallists and Malignants both in point of Law and Conscience in the next part of this Discourse which shall passe the Presse with aâ— convenient expedition if God permit Finis partis Primae Errata Page 2. l. 31. read all the royall p. 15. l. 26. enact r. exact p. 17. l. 17. of and p. 20. l. 16. if it r. if being laâ— downe it p. 22. l. 18. last doubtfull rising