false But I must needs say that there was small ingenâ—ity in acknowledging a mistake in that wherein they 〈◊〉 not been mistaken or by endeavouring to avoid a reputed Rock to run themselves on a certain Rock even the Rock of scandal For that the English Bishops had their vote in Parliament as a third 〈◊〉 and not in the capacity of temporal Barons will evidently appear by these reasons following For first the Clegy in all other Christian Kingdoms of theâ—e Noâ—thwest pâ—rts make the third Estate that is to say in the German Empire as appears by Thuanus the Historian lib. 2. In France as is affirmed by Paulus Aemilius lib. 9. in Spain as testifieth Bodinus in his De Bepub lib. 3. Foâ— which consult also the General History of Spain as in point of practice lib. 9 10 11 14. In Hâ—ngâ—ry as witnesseth Bonfinius Dec. 2. l. 1. In 〈…〉 by Thuanus also lib. 56. In Denmarkâ— as 〈◊〉 telleth us in Historia 〈…〉 observing antiently the same form and order of Government as was us'd by the Danes The like we finde in Camden for the Realm of Scotland in which antiently the Lords Spiritual viz. Bishops Abbots Priors made the third Estate And certainly it were very strange if the Bishops and other Prelates in the Realm of England being a great and powerful body should move in a lower Sphere in England then they doe elsewhere But secondly not to stand only upon probable inferences we finde first in the History of Titus Livius touching the Reign and Acts of King Henry the fifth that when his Funerals were ended the three Estates of the Realm of England did assemble together and declared his Son King Henry the sixth being an Infant of eight moneths old to be their Soveraign Lord as his Heir and Successor And if the Lords Spiritual did not then make the third Estate I would know who did Secondly the Petition tendred to Richard Duke of Glocester to accept the Crown occurring in the Parliament Rolls runs in the name of the three Estates of the Realm that is to say The Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons thereof Thirdly in the first Parliament of the said Richard lately Crowned King it is said expresly that at the request and by the consent of the three Estates of this Realm that is to say the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of this Land assembled in this present Parliament and by Authority of the same it be pronounced decreed and declared That our said Soveraign Lord the King was and is the very and undoubted King of this Realm of England c. Fourthly it is acknowledged so in the Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 3. where the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in that Parliament assembled being said expresly and in terminis to represent the three Estates of this Realm of England did recognize the Queens Majesty to be their true lawful and undoubted Soveraign Liege Lady and Queen Adde unto these the Testimony of Sir Edward Cooke though a private person who in his Book of the Jurisdiction of Courts published by order of the long Parliament chap. 1. doth expresly say That the Parliament consists of the Head and Body that the Head is the King that the Body are the three Eâ—tates viz. the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons In which words we have not only the opinion and tesâ—imony of that learned Lawyer but the Authority oâ— the long Parliament also though against it self Thoâ—e aged Bishops had been but little studied in their own concernments and betray'd their Rights if any of them did acknowledge any such mistake in châ—llenging to themselves the name and priviledges of the third 〈◊〉 Fol. 196. The Convocation now not sittingâ— and matters of Religion being brought under the cognizance of the Parliament their Wisdoms adjudged it not only convenient but necessary that some prime Clergy men might be consulted with It seems then that the setting up oâ— the new Assembly consisting of certain Lords and Gentlemen and two or more Divineâ— out of every County must be ascrib'd to the not sitting of the Convocation Whereas if that had been the reaâ—on the Convocation should have been first waâ—ned to reassemble with liberty and safe conducts given them to attend that service and freedom to debate such matters as conduced to the Peace of the Church If on those terms they had not met the substituting of the new Assembly might have had some ground though being call'd and nominated as they were by the Hoâ—se of Commons nothing they did could binde the Clergy further then as they were compellable by the power of the sword But the truth is the Convocation was not held fit to be trusted in the present Designs there being no hope that they would 〈…〉 change of the Goverâ—â—ent or to the abrogating of the Liturgy of the Church of England in all which the Divines of their own nomination were presum'd to serve them And so accordingly they did advancing their Presbyteries in the place of Episcopacy their Directory in the room of the Common Prayer Book their Confession to the quality of the Book of Articles all of them so short liv'd of so little continuance that none of them past over their Probationers year Finally having seâ—v'd the turn amus'd the world with doing nothing they made their Exit with far fewer Plaudites then they expected at their entrance In the Recital of whose names our Author craves pardon for omitting the greatest part of them as unknown to him whereas he might have found them all in the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons by which they were called and impowered to be an Assembly Of which pardon he afterwards presumes in case he hath not marshalled them in their Seniority because saith he Fol. 198. It â—avours something of a Prelatical Spirit to be offended about Precedency I â—ee our Author is no Changeling Primus ad extremum similis sibi the very same at last as he was at the first Certainly if it â—avour of a Prelatical Spirit to contend about Precedencies that Spirit by some Pythagorean Metempsychosis hath passed into the bodies of the Presbyterians whose pride had swell'd them in conceit above Kings and Princes Nothing more positive then that of Travers one of our Authors shining Lights for so he cals him Lib. 9. fol. 218. in his Book of Discipline Huic Discipline omnes Principes submittere Fasces suos necesse est as his words there are Nothing more proud and arrogant then that of the Presbyterians in Queen Elizabeths time who used frequently to say That King and Queens must lay down their Scepters and lick up the very dust of the Churrches feet that is their own And this I trow doth not savour so much of a Prelatical as a Papal Spirit Diogenes the Cynick affecting a vain-glorious poverty came into Plato's Chamber and trampled the Bed and other furniture thereof under his feet using these words Calco Platonis fastum
on their 〈…〉 Our Author tells us in his Brerewood upon a diligent enquiry hath found it otherwise then our Author doth letting us know That the first Countrey in Christendom whence the Jews were expelled without hope of return was our Countrey of England whence they were banished Anno 1290. by King Edward the first and not long after out of France Anno 1307. by Phiâ—ippus Pulcher. Not out of France first out of England afterwards as our Author would have it Fol. 100. Thus men of yesterday have pride too much to remember what they were the day before An observation true enough but not well applyed The two Spenâ—â—rs whom he speaks this of were not men of yesterday or raised out of the dirt or dunghill to so great an height but of as old and known Nobility as the best in England insomuch that when a question grew in Parliament whether the Baronesse de Spencer or the Lord of Aburgaveny were to have precedency it was adjudg'd unto de Spencer thereby declar'd the antientest Barony of the Kingdom at that time then being These two Spencers Hugh the Father was created Earl of Winchester for term of life and Hugh the Son by marrying one of the Daughters and co-heirs of Gilbert dt Clâ—re became Earl of Gloster Men more to be commended for their Loyalty then accused for their pride but that the King was now declining and therefore it was held fit by the prevalent faction to take his two supporters from him as they after did Fol. 113. The Lord Chancellor was ever a Bishop If our Author by this word ever understands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most commonly or for the most part he is right enough but then it will not stand with the following words viz. as if it had been against equity to employ any other 〈◊〉 〈…〉 he take the word ever in its proper and more natural sense as if none but Bishops had ever been advanced unto that office he doth not only misinform the Reader but confute himself he having told us fol. 31. of this present book that Thomas Becket being then but Archdeacon of Canterbury was made Lord Chancellor and that as soon as he was made Archbishop he resign'd that office But the truth is that not only men in holy Orders but many of the Laity also had attained that dignity as will appear to any who will take the pains to 〈◊〉 the Catalogue of the Chancellors and 〈◊〉 of the Grâ—at Seal in the Glossary of Sir Henry 〈◊〉 in which appear not only some of inferior dignity as Deans Archdeacons House-hold Chaplains but many also not dignified with any Ecclesiasticall â—â—â—â—or Notification and therefore in all probability to be looked on as meer Laymen Counsellors and Servants to the Kings in whose times they lived or otherwise studied in the Lawes and of good affectionâ— and consequently capable of the place of such trust and power Fol. 116. This yearâ— viz. 1350. as Authors generally agree King Edward instituted are Order of the Garter Right enough as unto the time but much mistaken in some things which relate unto that antient and most noble Order our Author taking up his Commodities at the second hand neither consulting the Records noâ— dealing in this business with men of credit For first there are not 〈◊〉 Canons resident in the Church of Winâ—or but thirteen only with the Dean it being King Edwards purpoâ—e when he founded that Oâ—deâ— consisting of twenty 〈◊〉 Knights himself being one to 〈◊〉 as many greater and lesser Canons and as many old Souldiers commonly called poor Knightsâ— to be pensioned there Though in this last the number was 〈…〉 up to his first intention He tels us secondly that if he be not mistaken as indeed he is Sir Thomas Row was the last Chancellor of the Order whereas Sir Iames Palmer one of the Gentlemen Huishers of the Privy Chamber succeeded him in the place of Chancellor after his decease Anno 1644. He tels us thirdly that there belongs unto it one Register being alwayes the Dean of Winsor which is nothing so For though the Deans of late times have been Registers also yet ab initio non suit sic it was not so from the beginning The first Dean who was also Register being Iohn Boxul Anno 1557. Before which time beginning at the year 1414. there had been nine Registers which were not Deans but how many more before that time I am not able to say their names not being on Record And soâ—â—thly he tels us that the Garter is one of the extraordinary Habiliments of the Knights of this Order their ordinary being only the blew Ribbon about their necks with the picture of St. George appendant and the Sun in his glory on the left shoulder of their Cloak whereas indeed the Garter is of common wearing and of such necessary use that the Knights are not to be seen abroad without it upon pain of paying two Crowns to any Officer of the Order who shall first claim it unless they be to take a journey in which case it is sufficient to wear a blew Ribbon under their Boots to denote the Garter Lastly whereas our Author tels us that the Knights heâ—eof do wear on the left shoulder of their Cloaks a Sun in his glory and attributes this wearing as some say to King Charles I will first put him out of doubt that this addition was King Charles his then shew him his mistake in the matter it self And first in the first year of that King Ap. 26 1626. it was thus enacted at a publick Chapter of the Oâ—der viz. That all Knights and Companions of the Order shall wear upon the left part of their Cloaks Coats and riding Cassacks at all times when they shall not wear their Roabs and in all places of Assembly an Escocheon of the Armes of St. George id est a Crosse within a Garter not enriched with Pearls or Stones in token of the honour which they hold from the said most noble Order instituted and ordained for persons of the highest worth and honour Our Authour secondly may perceive by this Act of the Kings that St. Georges Crosse within the Garter is the main device injoyned to be worn by all the Knights of that noble Order to which the adding of the Sun in his glory served but for ornament and imbellishing and might be either used or not used but only for conformities sake as they would themselves So many errors in so few lines one shall hardly meet with The Fourth Book From the first Preaching of Wickliffe to the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth OUR Author begins this Book with the Story of Wickliffe and continueth it in relating the successes of him and his followers to which he seems so much addicted as to Christen their Opinions by the name of the Gospel For speaking of such incouragements and helps as were given to Wickliffe by the Duke of Lancaster with other advantages which
passing of the Statute of Praemunire were without any further Ratification obligatory to all subjected to their jurisdiction And he hath told us also of such Convocations as had been called between the passing of the Statute of Praemunire and the Act for Submission that they made Canons whiche were binding although none other then Synodical Authority did confirme the same Upon whiâ—â—â—remisses I shall not fear to raise this Syllogism viz That power which the Clergy had in their Convocations before their submission to the King to binde the subject by their Canons and Constitutions without any further Ratification then own Synodicall Authority the same they had when the Kings power signified in his Royal assent was added to them but the Clergy by our Authors own confession had power in their Convocations before their submission to the King to binde the Subject by their Canons and Constitutions without any further ratification then their own Synodical Authority Ergo they had the same power to binde the Subjects when the Kings power signified by the Royal assent was added to them The Minor being granted by our Author as before is shewed the Major is only to be proved And for the proof hereof I am to put the Reader in minde of a Petition or Remonstrance exhibited to the King by the House of Commons Anno 1532. in which they shewed themselves agrieved that the Clergy of this Realm should act Authoritatively and Supremely in the Convocations and they in Parliament do nothing but as it was confirmed and ratified by the Royal assent By which it seems that there was nothing then desired by the House 〈◊〉 â—ommons but that the Convocation should be brought down to the same level with the Houses of Parliament and that their Acts and Constitutions should not binde the Subject as before in their Goods and Possessions untill they were confirmed and ratified by the Regal power The Answer unto which Remonstrance being drawn up by Dr. Gardiner then newly made Bishop of Winchester and allowed of by both Houses of Convocation was by them presented to the King But the King not satisfied with this Answer â—â—solves to bring them to his bent leâ—t else perhaps they might have acted something to the hindrance of his divorce which was at that time in agitation and therefore on the 10 of May he sends a paper to them by Dr. Fox after Bishop of Hereford in which it was peremptorily required That no Constitution or Ordinance shall be hereafter by the Clergy Enacted Promulged or put in Execution unlesse the Kings Highness do approve the same by his high Authority and Royal assent and his advice and favour be also interponed for the execution of every such constitution among his Highnesse Subjects And though the Clergy on the receipt of this paper remov'd first to the Chappel of St. Katherines and after unto that of St. Dunstan to consult about it yet found they no Saint able to inspiâ—e them with a resolution contrary to the Kings desires and therefore upon the Wednesday following being the 15 of the same Moneth they made their absolute submission binding themselves in Verbo Sacerdotii not to make or execute any Canons or other Synodical Constitutions but as they were from time to time enabled by the Kings Authority But this submission being made unto the King in his single person and not as in conjunction with his Houses of Parliament could neither bring the Convocation under the command of Parliaments nor render them obnoxious to the power thereof as indeed it did not But to the contrary hereof it is said by our Author that Fol. 194. He viz. the King by the advice and consent of his Clergy in Convocation and great Councel in Parliament resolved to reform the Church under his inspection from grosse abuses crept into it To this I need no other Answer then our Author himself who though in this place he makes the Parliament to be joyned in Commission with the Convocation as if a joynt Agent in that great business of Reforming the Church yet in another place he tels us another tale For fol. 188. it will appear saith he and I can tell from whom he saith it upon serious examination that there was nothing done in the Reformation of Religion save what was acted by the Clergy in their Convocations or grounded on some Act of theirs precedent to it with the Advice Counsel and Consent of the Bishops and most eminent Churchmen confirmed upon the Postfact and not otherwise by the Civill Sanction according to the usage of the best and happiest times of Christianity So then the Reformation of the Church was acted chiefly by the King with the advice of the Clergy in their Convocation the confirmation on the post-fact by the King in Parliament and that by his leave not in all the Acts and Particulars of it but in some few only for which consult the Tract entituled The Way and Manner of the Reformation of the Church of England Now as our Author makes the Parliament a joynt Assistant with the King in the Reformation so he conferreth on Parliaments the supreme Power of ratifying and confirming all Synodicall Acts. Fol. 199. The Parliament saith he did notifie and declare that Ecclesiasticall power to be in the King which the Pope had formerly unjustly invaded Yet so that they reserved to themselves the confirming power of all Canons Ecclesiastical so that the person or property of Refusers should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament But certainly there â—is no such matter in that Act of Parliament in which the submission of the Clergy and the Authority of the King grounded thereupon is notified and recorded to succeeding times nor any such reservation to themselves of a confirming power as our Author speaks of in any Act of Parliament I can knowingly and boldly say it from that time to this Had there been any such Priviledge any such Reservation as is here declared their power in confirming Ecclesiastical Canons had been Lord Paramount to the Kings who could have acted nothing in it but as he was enabled by his Houses of Parliament Nor is this only a new and unheard of Paradox an Heterodoxie as I may call it in point of Law but plainly contrary to the practice of the Kings of England from that time to this there being no Synodical Canons or Constitutions I dare as boldly say this too confirmed in Parliament or any otherwise ratified then by the superadding of the Royal assent For proof whereof look we no further then the Canons of 603 and 640 confirmed by the two Kings respectively and without any other Authority concurring with them in these following words viz. We have therefore for Us our Heirs and lawful Successors of our especial Grace certain knowledge and meer motion given and by these pâ—esents do give our Royal assent according to the foâ—m of the said Statute or Act of Parliament aforesaid to all and every of
the said Canons Orders Ordinances and Constitutions and to all and every thing in them contained And furthermore we do not only by our said Prerogative Royall and Supreme Authority in causes Ecclesiasticall ratifie confirme and establish by these our Letters Patents the said Canons Orders Ordinances and Constitutions and all and every thing in them contained as is aforesaid but do likewise propound publish and straightly enjoyne and command by our said Authority and by these our Letters Patents the same to be diligently observed executed and equally kept by all our loving Subjects of this our Kingdom both within the Province of Canterbury and York in all points wherein they do or may concerne every or any of them according to this our Will and Pleasure hereby signified and expressed No other Power required to confirme these Canons or to impose them on the people but the Kings alone And yet I â—row there are not a few particulars in which those Canons do extend to the property and persons of such Refusers as are concerned in the same which our Author may soon finde in them if he list to look And having so done let him give us the like Precedent for his Houses of Parliament either abstractedly in themselves or in cooperation with the King in confirming Canons and we shall gladly quit the cause and willingly submit to his â—er judgement But if it be Obâ—ected as perhaps it may That the Subsidies granted by the Clergy in the Convocation are ratified and confirmed by Act of Parliament before they can be levied either on the Granters themselves or the rest of the Clergy I answer that this makes nothing to our Authors purpose that is to say that the person or property of Refusers should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament For first before the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the 8. they granted Subsidies and other aids unto the King in their Convocations and levied them upon the persons concerned therein by no other way then the usuall Censures of the Church especiall by Suspension and deprivation if any Refuser prove so refractary as to dispute the payment of the sum imposed And by this way they gave and levied that great sum of an Hundred thousand pounds in the Province of Canterbury only by which they bought their peace of the said King Henry at such time as he had caused them to be attainted in the Praemunire And secondly there is a like Precedent for it since the said Submission For whereas the Clergy in their Convocation in the year 1585. being the 27 year of Queen Elizabeth had given that Queen a Subsidy of four shillings in the pound confirmed by Act of Parliament in the usual way they gave her at the same time finding their former gift too short for her present occasions a Benevolence of two shillings in the pound to be raised upon all the Clergy by vertue of their own Synodical Act only under the penalty of such Ecclesiastical Censures as before were mentioned Which precedent was after followed by the Clergy in their Convocation an 1640. the Instrument of the Grant being the same verbatim with that before though so it hapned such influence have the times on the actions of men that they were quarreld and condemned for it by the following Parliament in the time of the King and not so much as checkt at or thought to have gone beyond their bounds in the time of the Queen And for the ratifying of their Bill by Act of Parliament it came up first at such times after the Submission before mentioned as the Kings of England being in distrust of their Clergy did not think fit to impower them by their Letters Patents for the making of any Synodical Acts Canons or Constitutions whatsoever by which their Subsidies have been levied in former times but put them off to be confirmed and made Obligatory by Act of Parliament Which being afterwards found to be the more expedite way and not considered as derogatory to the Churches Rights was followed in succeeding times without doubt or scruple the Church proceeding in all other cases by her â—â—tive power even in cases where both the person and property of the Subject were alike concerned as by the Canons 1603 1640. and many of those past in Q. Elizabeths time though not so easie to be seen doth at full appear Which said we may have leisure to consider of another passage relating not unto the power of the Church but the wealth of the Churchmen Of which thus our Authoâ— Fol. 253. I have heard saith he that Queen Elizabeth being informed that Dr. Pilkington Bishop of Durham had given ten thousand pounds in marriage with his Daughter and being offended that a Prelates daughter should equal a Princesse in portion took away one thousand pounds a year from that Bishoprick and assigned it for the better maintenance of the Garrison of Barwick In telling of which story ouâ— Author commits many mistakes as in most things elâ—e For first to justifie the Queens displeasure if she were displeased he makes the Bishop richer and the Portion greater then indeed they were The ten thousand pounds Lib. 9. fol. 109. being shrunk to eight and that eight thousand pound not given to one Daughter as is here affirmed but divided equally between two whereof the one was married to Sir Iames Harrington the other â—nto Dunch of Berk-shire Secondly this could be no cause of the Queens displeasure and much lesse of the Courâ—ieâ—s envy that Bishop having sat in the See of Durham above seventeen years And certainly he must needs have been a very ill Husband if our of such a great Revenue he had not saved five hundred pounds per annum to prefeâ— his Children the income being as great and the charges of Hospitality lesse then they have been since Thirdly the Queen did not take away a thousand pound a year from that Bishoprick as is here affirmed The Lands were left to it as before but in regard the Garrison of Barwick preserved the Bishops Lands and Tenants from the spoil of the Scots the Queen thought fit that the Bishops should contribute towards their own defence imposing on them an annuall pension of a thousand pound for the better maintaining of that Garrison Fourthly Bishop Pilkington was no Doctor but a Batchelor of Divinity only and possibly had not been raised by our Author to an higher Title and Degree then the University had given him but that he was a Conniver at Non-conformity as our Author telleth us Lib. 9. fol. 109. Lastly I shall here add that I conceive the Pension above mentioned not to have been laid upon that See after Pilkingtons death but on his first preferment to it the French having then newly landed some forces in Scotland which put the Queen upon a necessity of doubling her Guaâ—ds and increasing her Garrisons But whatsoever was the cause of imposing this great yearly payment upon that Bishoprick certain I
Katheriâ—e Parr the Widow of King Henry the eighth and wife unto Sir Thomas Seimor the Lord here mentioned is generally charactered for a Lady of so meek a nature as not to contribute any thing towards his destruction Had the Dutchesse of Somerset been lesse impetious then she was or possest but of one half of that aequanimity which carryed Queen Katherine off in all times of her troubles this Lord might have lived happily in the armes of his Lady and gone in peace unto the grave We finde the like match to have been made between another Katherine the Widow of another Henry and Owen Tudor a private Gentleman of Wales prosperous and comfortable to them both though Owen was inferior to Sir Thomas Seimor both in Birth and Quality and Katherine of Valois Daughter to Charles the sixth of France far more superiour in her bloud to Queen Katherine Parr The like may be said also of the marriage of Adeliza Daughter of Geofry Earl of Lâ—vain and Duke of Brabant and Widow to King Henry the first marryed to William de Albeney a noble Gentleman to whom she brought the Castle and Honour of Arundel conâ—erred upon her by the King her former Husband continuing in the possession of their posterity though in severall Families to this very day derived by the Heirs general from this House of Albeney to that of the Fitz-â—lans and from them to the Howards the now Earls thereof Many more examples of which kinde foâ—tunate and succesful to each party might be easily â—ound were it worth the while Fol. 421. This barren Convocation is entituled the Parent of those Articles of Religion forty two in number which are printed with this Preface Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi c. Our Author here is guilty of a greater crime then that of Scandalum Magnatum making King Edward the sixth of pious memory no better then an impious and leud Impostor For if the Convocation of this year were barren as he saith it was it could neither be the Parent of those Articles nor of the short Catechisme which was Printed with them countenanced by the Kings Letters Patents preâ—ixt before it For First the Title to the Articles runneth thus at large viz. Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi Anno 1552 inter Episcopos alios eruditos viros convenerat ad tollendam opinionum dissensionem consensum verae Religionis firmandum Regia Authoritate in lucem editi Which title none durst have adventured to set before them had they not really been the products of that Convocation Secondly the King had no reason to have any such jealousie at that time of the major part of the Clergy but that he might trust them with a power to meddle with matters of Religion which is the only Argument our Author bringeth against those Articles This Convocation being holden in the sixth year of his Reign when most of the Episcopal Sees and Parochial Churches were filled with men agâ—eeâ—ble to his desiâ—es and generally conformâ—ble to the form of worship theâ— by Law established Thiâ—dly the Church of England for the first five years of Queen Elizabeth retained these Articles and no otheâ— as the publick tendries of the Church in poinâ—s of Doctrine which ceâ—tainly she had not done had they been reâ—ommended to her by a lesse Authoâ—ity then a Convocation Fourthly and lasâ—ly we have the testimony of our Author against himself who telling us of the Catechisme above mentioned that it was of the sanâ—e extraction with the Book of Articles addes afteâ—wards that being first composed by a single person it was perusâ—d and allowed by the Bishops and other learned men understand it the Convocation and by Royall Authority commended to all Subjecâ— and câ—mmanâ—ed to all School-masters to teach it their Scholars So that this Catechism being allowed by the Bishops and other learned men in the Convocation and the Articles being said to be of the same extraction it must needs follow thereupon that these Articles had no other Parent then this Convocation The truth is that the Records of Convocation during this Kings whole Reign and the first years of Queen Mary are very imperfect and defective most of them lost and amongst others those of this present year and yet one might conclude as strongly that my Mother died childless because my Christning is not to be found in the Parish Register as that the Convocation of this year was barren because the Acts and Articles of it are not entred in the Journal Book The Eighth Book OR The Reign of Queen MARY WE next proceed unto the short but troublesome Reign of Queen Mary in which the first thing 〈◊〉 occurs is â—ol 1. But the Commons of England who for many yeâ—â—s together had conn'd Loyalty by-heart out of the Staâ—â—â—e of the succession were so perfect in their Lesson that they would not be put out of it by this new started design In which I am to note these things first that he makes the Loyalty of the Commons of England not to depend upon the primogeniture of their Princes but on the Statute of Succession and then the object of that Loyalty must not be the King but the Act of Parliament by which they were directed to the knowledge of the next successor and then it must needs be in the power of Parliaments to dispose of the Kingdom as they pleas'd the Peoples Loyalty being tyed to such dispositions Secondly that the Statutes of Succession had been so many and so contrary to one another that the common people could not readily tell which to trust to and for the last it related to the Kings last Will and Testament so lately made and known unto so few of the Commons that they had neither opportunity to see it nor time to con the same by heart Nor thirdly were the Commons so perfect in this lesson of Loyalty or had so fixt it in their hearts but that they were willing to forget it within little time and take out such new lessons of disobedience and disloyalty as Wiat and his Partizans did preach unto them And finally they had not so well conn'd this lesson of Loyalty in our Authors own judgement but that some strong pretender might have taught them a new Art of Oblivion it being no improbable thing as himself confesseth to have heard of a King Henry the ninth if Henry Fitz-Roy the Duke of Somerset and Richmond had liv'd so long as to the death of King Edward the sixth Fol. 11. Afterwards Philpot was troubled by Gardiner for his words spoken in the Convocation In vain did he plead the priviledge of the place commonly reputed a part of Parliament I cannot finde that the Convocation at this time nor many years before this time was commonly reputed as a part of the Parliament That antiently it had been so I shall easily grant there being a clause in every letter of Summons by which the Bishops were required to attend in
Religious Predecessors and namely the Laws Customs and Franchises granted to the Clergy by the glorious King St. Edward your Predecessor according to the Laws of God the true profession of the Gospel establiâ—hed in this Kingdom and agreeable to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof and the ancient Customs of this Land The King answers I grant and promise to keep them Arch-Bishop Sir Will you keep Peace and godly agreement entirely according to your power both to God the holy Church the Clergy and the People Rex I will keep it Arch-Bishop Sir Will you to your power cause Iustice Law and discretion in Mercy and Truth to be executed in all your Iudgements Rex I will Arch-Bishop Sir Will you grant to hold and keep the Laws and rightful Customs which the Commonalty of this your Kingdom have and will you defend and uphold them to the Hâ—nor of God so much as in you lieth Rex I grant and promise so to do Then one of the Bishops reads this admonition to the King before the People with a loud voice Our Lord and King we beseech you to pardon and to grant and to preserve unto us and to the Churches committed to our charge all Canonical Priviledges and due Law and Iustice and that you would protect and defend us as every good King in his Kingdom ought to be a Protector and Defender of the Bishops and the Churches under their Government The King answereth With a willing and devout heart I promise and grant my Pardon and that I will preserve and maintain to you and the Churches committed to your charge All Canonical Priviledges and due Law and Iustice and that I will be your Protector and Defender to my power by the assistance of God as every good King ought in his Kingdom in right to protect and defend the Bishops and Churches under their Government Then the King ariseth and is led to the Communion Table where he makes a solemn Oath in sight of all the People to observe the premises and laying his hand upon the Book saith The things which I have before promised I shall perform and keep So help me God and the contents of this Book Such was the Oath taken by the King at his Coronation against which I finde these two Objections First That it was not the same Oath which anciently had been taken by his Predecessors and for the proof thereof an Antiquated Oath was found out and publisht in a Remonstrance of the Lords and Commons bearing date the twenty sixth of May 1642. And secondly It was objected in some of the Pamphlets of that time that the Oath was falsified by D. Laud Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to make it more to the Kings advantage and less to the benefit of the Subject then it had been formerly For answer whereunto the King remits the Lords and Commons to the Records of the Exchequer by which it might be easily prov'd that the Oath was the very same verbatim which had before been taken by his Predecessors Kings and Queens of this Realm And to the Pamphleters it is answered by Mr. H. L. the Author of the former History That there was no variation from the old forms but the addition of a clause to a Prayer there mentioned and that this varâ—ation was not the solitary act of Laud alone but of a Committee And this saith he I positively assert as minding the reformation of a vulgar Error thrown abroad in loose Pamphlets that Bishop Laud altered the Coronation Oath whereas the Oath it self was precisely the same with former precedents More candidly in this then the Author of the present History how great a Royalist soever he desires to be reckoned Fol. 31. This necessary Message produced no other supply then this insolency from a Member Mr. Clement Cook It is better says he to dye by a foreign Enemy then to be destroyed at home And this seditious speech of his was as seditiously seconded by one Dr. Turner of whom the King complain'd to the House of Commons but could finde no remedy nor was it likely that he should He that devests himself of a Natural and Original power to right the injuries which are done him in hope to finde relief from others especially from such as are parcel-guilty of the wrong may put up all his gettings in a Semtress thimble and yet never fill it But thus King Iames had done before him one Piggot a Member of the House of Commons had spoken disgracefully of the Scots for their importunity in begging and no less scornfully of the King for his extream profuseness in giving adding withal that it would never be well with England till a Sicilian Vesper was made of the Scotish Nation For which seditious Speech when that King might have took the Law into his own hands and punisht him as severely by his own Authority as he had deserv'd yet he past it over and thought that he had done enough in giving a hint of it in a Speech made to both Houses at White-Hall on the last of March Anno 1607. I know saith he that there are many Pigots amongst them I mean a number of Seditious and discontented particular persons as must be in all Commonwealths that where they dare may peradventure talk lewdly enough but no Scotish man ever spoke dishonorably of England in Parliament It being the custom of those Parliaments that no man was to speak without leave from the Chancellor for the Lords and Commons made but one House in that Kingdom and if any man do propound or utter any seditious Speeches he is straightly interrupted and silenced by the Chancellors Authority This said there was an end of that business for ought I can learn and this gave a sufficient encouragement to the Commons in the time of King Charls to expect the like From whence they came at last to this resolution not to suffer one of theirs to be questioned till themselves had considered of his crimes Which as our Author truly notes kept them close together imboldned thus to preserve themselves to the last fol. 35. This Maxim as they made use of in this present Parliament in behalf of Cook Diggs and Eliot which two last had been Imprisoned by the Kings command so was it more violently and pertinaciously insisted on in the case of the five Members Impeacht of High Treason by the Kings Attorney on the fourth of Ianuary Anno 1641. the miserable effects whereof we still feel too sensibly Fol. 40 And though the matter of the Prologue may be spared being made up with Elegancy yet rather then it shall be lost you may please to read it at this length Our Author speaks this of the Eloquent Oration made by Sir Dudly Diggs to usher in the Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham which being amplified and prest in six tedious Speeches by Glanvil Pim Selden Wansford Herbert and Sherland was Epilogued by Sir Iohn Eliot A vein of Oratory not to be found in the Body
the Church-Wardens generally in all the Parishes of the Kingdom notwithstanding they were told that the Lords had never given their consent unto it and that it would be safest for them to suspend their proceedings till the Parliament was again assembled But so mighty was the name of Pym that none of them durst refuse Obedience unto his Commands Nor did the Lords ever endeavour to retrench this Order but suffered their Authority and priviledge to be torn from them peece-meal by the House of Commons as formerly in imposing the Protestation of the third of May so now in this great Alteration in the face of the Church Fol. 432. The late Irish Army raised for the Assistance of the Kings Service against the Scots was disbanded and all their armes brought into Dublin This though our Authour reckoneth not amongst the grounds and reasons of the Irish Rebellion yet was it really one of the chief encouragements to it For when the King was prest by the Commons in Parliament for the disbanding of that Army a Suit was made unto him by the Embassadour of Spain that he might have leave to List three or four thousand of them for his Masters Service in the wars The like Suit was made also by the Embassadour of France and the King readily condescended to their severall motions and gave order in it accordingly But the Commons never thinking themselves safe as long as any of that Army had a sword in his hand never left importuning the King whom they had then brought to the condition of denying nothing which they asked till they had made him eat his word and revoke those Orders to his great dishonour Which so exasperated that Army consisting of 10000 Foot and 1500 Horse that it was no hard matter for those who had the managing of the Plot to make sure of them And then considering that the Scots by raising of an Army had gain'd from the King an Abolition of the Episcopall Order the reâ—cinding of his own and his Fathers Acts about the reducing of that Church to some Uniformity with this and setled their Kirk in such a way as best pleased their own humours why might not the Irish Papists hope that by the help of such an Army ready raised to their hands or easily drawn together though disperst at that present they might obtain the like indulgences and grants for their Religion Tantum Religio potuit suadere Malorum as true on the one side as the other Fol. 443. The next Morning the Vpper house sent them down to the House of Commons by the Lord Marshal Privy Seal c. the Lords Goring and Wilmot Our Authour speaks this of the first Letter sent from Ireland touching that Rebellion but is mistaken in the last man whom he makes to be sent down with these Letters The Lord Wilmot at that time was no Peer of England and therefore had no place in the English Parliaments The honour of an English Baron being first conferred on his Son the Lord Henry Wilmot by Letters Patents bearing date 29. of Iune Anno 1643. And as I am sure that the Lord Wilmot was not of that number so I am doubtfull whether the Lord Marshall were or not Our Authour not long before tels us that his Office of Lord High Steward was like to be begg'd from him in regard of his Absence which is to be understood of his absence out of the Realm and if he were then absent out of the Realm he could not now be present in the House of Peers Either not absent then or not present now is a thing past questioning Fol. 462. The King returns from Scotland magnificently â—easted by the City of London But while the Citizens at one end of the Town were at their Hosanna some of the Commons at the other end were as busie at their Crucifige intent on hammering a Remonstrance which they entitled A Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom in which they ript up all the actions which they had complained of in the King and sum'd up all those services which they had done for the common people The whole so framed that it served for a pair of Bellows to blow that fire which afterwards flamed out and consumed the greatest part of the Kingdom In the presenting whereof to the King at his coming from Scotland though the Lords refused to joyn with them in it yet was it presented to the King by some of their Members an Order made for the publishing and dispersing of it and the Lords brought at last to justifie what they had condemned Nor did the Citizens continue long in their good Affections For though they gave him Rost-meat now yet they beat him with the Spit in the Christmas following of which our Authour tels us saying Fol. 471. The loose people of the City and the Mechanick sort of Prentices were encouraged by the Ministers and Lecturers and other Incendiaries in tumultuous manner to come down to Westminster and by the way at Whitehall to be insolent in words and actions And insolent they were indeed both in words and actions some of them crying out as they past by that the King was not fit to live others that the Prince would govern better all of them with one voice that they would have no Porters lodge between them and the King but would come at him when they pleased using some other threatning words as if they meant to break open the Gates But so it happened that some of the Officers of the Kings late Army being come to the Court some of them to receive the Arrears of their pay and others to know the Kings Commands before they returned into the Low Countries to their severall Charges and observing the unsufferable Insolencies of this Rascal Rabble sallied upon them with drawn swords in which scuffle some of that tumultuous Rabble were slightly hurt and others dangerously wounded To these men being profest Souldiers was the Name of Cavaliers first given communicated afterwards to all the Kings party and Adherenâ—s though never in Arms or otherwise appearing for him then in the Loyalty of their Affections Fol. 477. This fell out as many would have it a lâ—â—â—ing case to their confusion How so Because saith he at a conference desired by the Lords with the House of Commons they were told by the Lord Keeper that this Petition and Protestation of the twelve Bishops was extending to the deep intrenching upon the fundamentall priviledges and beings of Parliaments c. Upon which Declaration the Bishops were voted to be guilty of High Treason committed first to the custody of the black rod and from thence to the Tower But first the Authour is to know that the Lord Keeper at that time was not altogether so rectus in Curia as might have been wished and therefore having received that Petition and Protestation from the hands of the King to whom in the first place it was addressed he communicated it privately to such of both
it But upon the best judgement which I am able to make I conceive it to be so full so punctuall and satisfactory that our Authour calling all the Doctors of his own making to his assistance is not able to mend it Fol. 1068. Some of these mutinied against each other and in the dissention a rumour was rais'd there of a Designe to impoyson the King c. Our Historian makes very slight of this matter disparaging both the Informer and the Information The Informer he disparageth by telling us that he was but an ordinary man though Osburn himself in a Letter to the Earl of Manchester takes on himself the Title of Gentleman which is as much as our Authour though he take upon himself the name of an Esquire can pretend unto The Information and the Evidence which was brought to prove it he censures to be disagreeing in it self and irregular in Law of which more anon In the mean time take here the whole Information word for word as Osburn published it in print as well for his own justification as the satisfaction of all loyall and wellâ—affected Subjects But not to leave your Lordship unsatisfied with this generall account the Intelligence I speak of concerning his designe I received from Captain Râ—lfe a person very intimate with the Governour privy to all Counsels and one that is very high in the esteem of the Army he my Lord informed me that to his knowledge the Governour had received severall Letters from the Army intimating they desired the King might by any means be removed out of the way either by pâ—â—son or otherwise And that another time the same person perswaded me to joyn with him in a deâ—igne to remove the King out of that Castle to a place of more secrecy profering to take an Oath with me and to do it without the Governours privity who he said would not consent for losing the allowance of the House His pretence for this attempt was that the King was in too publike a place from whence he might be â—escued but if he might be conveighed into some place of Secrecy he said we might dispose of his person upon all occasions as we thought fit and this he was confident we could effect without the Governours privity This Nâ—rrative he inclosed in a Letter to the Lord Wharton dated Iuâ—e 1. 1648. But finding that the Lord Wharton had done nothing in it the better as he conceived to give those time that were concerned in it to think of some stratagem to evade the discovery He inclosed it in another Letter to the Earl of Manchester by whom it was communicated to the House of Peers on the 19. of Iune But they in stead of sending for him to make good the Information on his corporall Oath as he earnestly desired in the said Letters committed both him and Rolfe to prison there to remain till the next Assizes for the County of Southhampton and not the Southhampton Assize as our Authour makes it At what time M. Sergeant Wilde a man for the nonce as we poor Countrey folks use to say was sent to manage the proceedings who so cunningly intangled the evidence and so learnedly laid the Law before the Jurors that Rolfe was acquitted and Osburn left under the disgrace of a salse Informer But the best is I should rather have said the worst though M. Serâ—eant could finde no Law to condemn Rolfe for an attempt to poison the King he could finde Law enough within few moneths after to condemn and execute Captain Burleigh for an intent to free him from the hands of those who were suspected to have no good intentions towards him as it after proved Fol. 1069. The Earl of Holland is sent Prisoner to Warwick Castle where he continued until his Arraignment and execution at Westminster the 9. of March â— Of this Earl we have said somewhat already enough to shew with what disloyalty and ingratitude he forsook the King his Master in the time of his greatest need To which I shall adde nothing now but this generall Note viz. that none of those who had prov'd disloyall to the King or acted openly against him in the Wars or otherwise had ever so much blessing from Heaven as to prevail in any thing which they undertook either for the re-establishment of his person or the re-stauration of his posterity witnesse in the first place Sir Iohn Hotham accursed in his mothers belly as himself confessed in an intercepted Letter brought to Oxford witnesse the fruitlesse attempts of Lougnern Powell and Poier not only in Pembrokeshire but other Counties of Southwales which they had made themselves Masters of in order to his Majesties Service witnesse the unfortunate expedition of Marquesse Hamilion of which more anon and the unseasonable rising of the Earl of Holland of whom now we speak witnesse the frequent miscarriages of the Lord Willoughby of Parham a man whom the King had courted to Loyalty beyond all example in his attempt to head a New Army against the old to employ some part of the Kings Navy against the rest and to make good the Barbador in despight of the Houses I take no notice â—ere of the miscarriages of such who had at first declared against him in set Speeches in the Houses of Parliament none of which prospered either in their persons or their actings when they returned to their own duty and endeavored the Advancement of the Kings Affairs And that I may not contain may self within England onely or be thought perhaps to partial in this Observation we have the Examples of the Lord Inchequin in Ireland and of the gallant Marquess of Montross in Scotland Of which the first for the actings of the other are known well enough was one of the first if not the very first of all who openly read any Protestation at the Market-Cross in Edinburgh against the Kings Proceedings in the Book of Common Prayer and other subsequent Actions which concerned the happiness of that Kingdom Fol. 1071. The Estates of Scotland had formed a Committee of Danger who had of themselves Voted to raise Forty thousand Men. â— But the Vote was bigger then the Army though the Army were much bigger then our Author makes it by whose calculation it amounts not to above Ten thousand five hundred men besides such additional Forces as were expected out of England and Ireland An Army gallantly appointed both for Horse and Arms which they had plundered out of England in the long time of their Service there for both Houses of Parliament the like being never set so out by that people since they were a Nation And it was big enough also to do more then it did had it been under a more forâ—unate Commander then the Marquess of Hamilton who brought from Scotland a greater Enemy within him then he was like to finde in England And possibly that inward Enemy might spur him on to a swift destruction by rendring him impatient of tarrying the coming of
in them the Hierarchy of Bishops so coldly pleaded for as shews he had a minde to betray the cause whilst all things pass on smoothly for the Presbyterians whom he chiefly acts for And this is that which we must look for par my par tout as the Frenchmen say Nor deals he otherwise with the persons which are brought before him then he doth with the Causes which they bring No profest Puritan no cunning Non-conformist or open Separatist comes upon the Stage whom he follows not with Plaudites and some fair Commends when as the Fathers of the Church and the conformable Children of it are sent off commonly in silence and sometimes with censure The late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury so eminently deserving of the Church of England must be rak'd out of his Grave arraigned for many misdemeanors of which none could accuse him when he was alive all his infirmities and weaknesses mustered up together to make him hateful to the present and succeeding Ages when Mr. â—ovâ—'s Treasonable practices and seditious Speeches must needs for footh be buried in the same Earth with him The University of Oxford frequently quarrelled and exasperated upon â—light occasions the late Kings party branded by the odious Title of Malignants not better'd by some froth of pretended Wit in the Etymology The regular Clergy shamefully reproached by the Name of covetous Confoâ—mâ—sts Lib. 9. fol. 98. And those poor men who were ejected by the late long Parliament despitefully called Baals Priests uâ—savory salâ— not â—iâ— to be thrown upon the Dungâ— hill though he be doubtful of the proofs which were brought against them Lib. 11. fol. 207. So many of all sorts wronged and injur'd by him that should they all study their personal and particular Revenges he were not able to abide it And therefore we may jâ—stly say in the Poets Language Si de to◠〈…〉 Namin â— quisâ—ue Deorum 〈◊〉 in 〈…〉 unus erit Which may be Englisht in these words Should all wrong'd 〈◊〉 seek t' avenge their same 〈◊〉 were not enough to bear the shame 9. But nothing does more evidently discover his unfaithful dealing then his repoâ—t of the proceedings in the Isle of â—â—gh between his Majâ—sty and the long Parliament Divines of which he tells us Lib. 11. fol. 235. That his 〈…〉 aâ—â—nâ—wledged their great pains to inform his iudgement according to their perswasions and also took especial notice of thâ—ir civilities of the Application both in the beginning and body of their Reply and having cleer'd himself from some mis-understanding about the Writ of Partition which they speak of puts an end to the business The man who reads this passage cannot choose but think that his Majesty being vanquisht by the Arguments of the Prebyterians had given over the cause and therefore as convicted in his Conscience rendreth them thanks for the Instruction which he had receiv'd and the Civilities they used towards him in the way thereof But he that looks upon his Majesties last Paper will finde that he had Learnedly and Divinely refeâ—'d all their Arguments And having so done puts them in minde of three questions which are propos'd in his former Paper acknowledg'd by themselves to be of great importance in the present controversie without an Answer whereunto his Majesty declar'd that he would put an end to that conference It not being probable as he told them that they should work much upon his Iudgement whilâ—â— they are â—â—arful to declare their own nor possible to reliâ—ve his conscience but by a free dâ—â—laring of theirs But they not able or not daring for fear of displeasing their great Masters to return an Answer to those Questions his Majesty remain'd sole Master of the field a most absolute Conqueror For though the first blow commonly does begin the Quarrel it is the last blow always that gets the Victory But Regium est cum benefeceris male audire It hath been commonly the fortune of the greatest Princes when they deserve best to be worst reported 10. Nor deals he better with the Church then he does with the King concealing such things as might make for her justification and advocating for such things as disturb her order In the last Book we finde him speaking of some heats which were rais'd in the Church about placing the Communion-Table Altar-wise and great fault found for the want of Moderation in those Men who had the managing of that business But he conceals his Majesties Determination in the Case of St. Gregories Novem. 3. 1633. by which all Bishops and other Ordinaries were incouraged to proceed therein and consequently those of inferior rank to defend their actings The Chappel of Emmanuel Colledge in Cambridge is built North and South contrary to the usage of the Primitive times and the Church of England with which King Iames being made acquainted he answered as our Author tells us That it was no maâ—ter how the Chappel stood so the heart stood right Which Tale being told by him and believed by others populum qui sibi credit habet Ovid. in Ep. Hypsiphil as he is like enough to finde many Believers farewel to all external Reverence in the Service of God What need we trouble our selves or others with standing kneeling bowing in the acts of Worship it is no matter in what posture the Body be so the Heart be right What need we put our selves or others to the charge of Surplices and Hoods of Gowns and Cassacks in the officiating of Gods Service It is no matter in what habit the Body be so the heart be right There is another Chappel in Cambridge which was never consecrated whether a Stable or a Dormitory is all one to me At which when some found themselves grieved our Author tells them That others of as great Learning and Religion himself especially for one dare defend that the continued Series of Divine Duties publickly practiced for more then thirty years without the least check or controul of those in authority in a place set apart to that purpose doth sufficiently consecrate the same Stables and Barns by this Argument shall in some tract of time become as sacred as our Churches and if the Brethren think it not enough for their ease to be pent up in so narrow a Room t is but repairing to the next Grove or Coppise and that in a like tract of time shall become as holy as Solomons Temple or any consecrated place whatsoever it be Churches may well be spared pull'd down and their Materials sold for the use of the Saints a Tub by this our Authors Logick will be as useful as the Pulpit unto Edification And that we may perceive that nothing is more precious with him then an irregular unconsecrated and unfurnished Chappel Melvins infamous Libel against the Furniture of the Altars in the Chappels Royal for which he was censur'd in the Star-Chamber must be brought in by head shoulders out of time and place for fear least such an excellent piece of
thereof in the main body of it not far from a little dore which openeth into one of the Prebends houses This I can say on certain knowledge being casually invited to his Funeral when I thought not of it though since his Statua hath been set up in the other place which our Author speaks of Fol. 153. The Right to the Crown lay not in this Henry but in Edmund Mortimer Earl of March descended by his Mother Philippa from Lionel Duke of Clarence elder son to Edward the third I shall not now dispute the Title of the House of Lancaster though I think it no hard matter to defend it and much less shall I venture on the other controversie viz. whether a King may Legally be depos'd as is insinuated by our Author in the words foregoing But I dare grapple with him in a point of Heraldry though I finde him better studied in it then in matter of History And certainly our Author is here out in his own dear Element Edmund Mortimer Earl of March not being the Son but Husband of the Lady Philippa Daughter of Lionel Duke of Clarence and Mother of Roger Mortimer Earl of March whom Richard the second to despite the House of Lancaster declared Heir apparent to the Kingdom of England 'T is true this Edmond was the son of another Philippa that is to say of Philip Montacute wife of a former Roger Earl of March one of the founders of the Garter So that in whomsoever the best Title lay if lay not in this Edmond Mortimer as our Author makes it 〈◊〉 154. This is one of the clearest distinguishing 〈…〉 the Temporaâ—â— and Spiritual Lordsâ— that 〈…〉 be tryed per pares by their Peers being 〈…〉 Noâ— shall I here dispute the point 〈…〉 may not challenge to be tryed by his 〈…〉 wheâ—â—er the Bishops were not Barons and 〈◊〉 of the Realm Our Author intimates that they were not but I think they were and this I think on the authority of the learned Selden in whom we finde that at a Parliament at Northampton 〈◊〉 Henry the 2. the Bishops thus challenge their own â—ee age viz. Non sedemus hiâ— Episcopi sed Barones Nos â—â—â—â—nes vâ—s Barones Pares hiâ— sumus that is to 〈◊〉 We 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 as Bishops only but as Barons We are Barons and you are Barons here we sit as Peers Which last is also 〈…〉 in terminis by the words of a Statuâ—e 〈◊〉 Act of Parliament wherein the Bishops are acknowledged to â—e Peers of the Land And for further proof heâ— eoâ— Ihon â—tratford Archbishop of Canterbury if I remember it aright being fallen into the displeâ—sure of King Edward the third and denyed entrance into the House of 〈◊〉 made his Protest that he was Primus 〈◊〉 Regni the 〈◊〉 Peer of the Realm and therefoâ—e not to be 〈…〉 from his place and Suffrage But of this Argument enough iâ— not too much as the case now stands 〈…〉 thing to consider what they have 〈…〉 what they are at this preâ—ent 〈…〉 Reign theâ—e paâ—â— an Act of Paâ—liament by which it was enacted That the Countrey of Wales should be stand and continue for ever from thenceforth incorpoâ—aâ—ed united and annexed to and with this Realm of England And that all and singular person and persons born and to be born in the said principality countrey or dominion of Wales shall have inâ—oy and inhe â—it all and singular Freedoms Liberties Rights Priviledges and Lawes within this Realm and other the Kings Dominions as other the Kings Subjects naturally boâ—n within the same have and injoy and inheâ—â—it And thirdly between the time which our Author speaks of being the 14 year of King Henry the fourth and the making of this Act by King Henry the eighth there passed boâ—e an hundâ—ed and twenty years which intimates a longer time then some years after as out Author words it Fol. 168. I will not complain of the dearness of this Univeâ—sity where seventeen weeks cost me more then seventeen years in Cambridge even all that I had The oâ—dinary and unwary Reâ—der might collect from hence that Oxford is a chargeable place and that all commodities there are exceeding dear but that our Author lets him know that it was on some occasion of distâ—â—bance By which it seems our Author doth 〈◊〉 to the time of the War when men from all 〈◊〉 did repair to Oxford not as a University but a place of safety and the fear Royall of the King at 〈◊〉 time notwithstanding all provisions were so plenâ—â—ull and at such cheap rates as no man had reason to complain of the 〈◊〉 of them No better argument of the 〈◊〉 of the soil and richness of the 〈◊〉 in which Oxford standeth then that the 〈…〉 on the accession of such 〈…〉 at that 〈◊〉 and on that occasion 〈◊〉 Author therefoâ—e 〈◊〉 be thought to relate unto somewhat else then is here expâ—essed and possibly may be that his being at Oxford at that time 〈◊〉 him within the compass of Delinquency and consequently of Sequestration And 〈…〉 hath 〈…〉 son to complain of the Vniversity or the dearness of it but rather of himself for coming to a place so chargeable and destructive to him He might have tarryed where he was for I never heard that he was sent foâ— and then this great complaint against the dearness of that Vniversity would have found no place Fol. 175. Surely what Charles the fifth is said to have said of the City of Florence that it is pity 〈◊〉 should be seen save only on holy-dayes c. Our Author is somewhat out in this in fachering that saying on Charles the fifth Emperor and King of Spain which Boterus and all other Authors ascribe to Charles Archduke of Austria that is to say to Charles of Inspruch one of the younger sons of the Emperor Ferdinand the first and consequently Nephew to Charles the fifth Not is oâ—r Author very right in taking Aquensis for Aix in Provence Fol. 178. Especially â—aith he if as I take it by Aquensis Aix be meantâ— scited in the fâ—rthermost parts of Provence though even now the English power in France was a waning For first the English never had any power in Provence no interest at all therein nor pretentions to it as neither had the French Kings in the times our Author speaks of Provence in thoâ—e dayes was independent of that Crown an absolute Estate and held immediately of the Empire as being a part and member of the Realm of Burgundy and in the actual possession of the Dukes of â—njou on the expiring of which House by the last will and Testament of Duke Rene the second it was bequeathed to Lewis the eleventh of France by him and his successors to be enjoyed upon the death of Charles Earl of Maine as it was accordingly And secondly that Bernard whom the Latine cals Episcopus Aquensis is very ill taken by our Author to be Bishop of Aix He was indeed Bishop of Acqus or
Parliament that they should warn the Clergy of their several and respective Dioceses some in their persons and others by their Procurators to attend there also But this hath been so long unpractic'd that we finde no track of foot-steps of it since the Parliaments of the time of King Richard the second It 's true indeed that in the 8. year of King Henry the sixth there passed a Statute by which it was enacted That all the Clergy which should be called thenceforth to the Convocation by the Kings Writ together with their servants and Families should for ever after fully use and enjoy such liberty or immunity in coming tarrying and returning as the great men Commonalty of the Realm of England called or to be called to the Kings Parliament have used or ought to have or enjoy Which though it make the Convocation equal to the Parliament as to the freedom of their Persons yet can it not from hence be reckoned and much less commonly reputed for a part thereof Fol. 14. Indeed the Queen bare Poole an unfeigned affection and no wonder to him that considereth 1. their Age he being about ten years older the proportion allowed by the Philosopher betwixt Husband and Wife c. In Queen Maries afâ—ection unto Poole and the reasons of it I am very well satisfied better then in the explication which he adds unto it For if by the Philosopher he means Aristotle as I think he doth he is very much out in making no more then ten years to be the proportion allowed by him betwixt the Husband and the Wife For Aristotle in the seventh Book of his Politicks having discoursed of the fittest time and age for marriage both in men and women concludes at last that it is expedient that maidens be married about the age of eighteen years and Men at seven and thirty or thereabouts His reason is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say Because they shall then be joyned in wedlock while their bodies be in full strength and shallâ— cease from procreation in fit time Whether so great a dispâ—oportion were allowed of then or that it was a matter of Speculation only and not reducible to practice I dispute not now Only I note that it is twenty years not ten which the Philosopher requires in the different ages of the Man and Wife Fol. 19. Lincoln Diocess the largest of the whole Kingdom containing Leicester c. with parts of Haâ—tford and Warwickshires That the greatâ— Diocess of Lincoln containeth the whole Counties of Bedford Buckingham Huntington Leicester and Lincoln with part of Hartfordshire is confessed by all but that it containeth also some part of Warwickshire I doe very much doubt Certain I am that Archbishop Parker a man very well skilled in the jurisdiction of his Suffragan Bishops assigns no part of Warwickshire to the See of Lincoln dividing that County between the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield and the Bishop of Worcester I see by this our Author is resolved to play at all games though he get by none Fol. 27. The Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies in Service and Sacraments they omitted both as superfluoâ—s and superstitioâ—s Our Author speaks this of the Schismatical Congregation at Franckford who tâ—rn'd the publick Church Liturgy quite out of their Church fashioning to themselves a new form of Worship which had no warrant and foundation by the laws of this Realm And first saith he the Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies they omitted both as superfluous and superstitious Superfluous and superstitious in whose opinion In that of the Schismaticks at Franckford our Authors or in both alike Most probably in our Authors as well as theirs for otherwise he would have added some note of qualification such as they thought they judg'd or they suppos'd them according as he hath restrain'd them to their own â—ense in the clause next following viz. in place of the English Confession they used another adjudged by them of more effect Adjudged by them in this not the former sentence makes me inclinable to believe that the Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies are both superfluous and superstitious in our Authors judgement not in theirs alone Secondly our Author as we have noted formerly on the second Book of this History reckons the Cross in Baptism used and required to be used by the Church of England among the superstitious Ceremonies and such like Trinckets with which that Sacrament is loaded And if he durst declare himself so plain in this second Book written as he affirms in the Reign of the late King when he might fear to be call'd to an account for that expression there is little question to be made but since Monarchy was turn'd into a State he would give his pen more liberty then he did before in counting the Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies is superfluous and superstitious as the Cross in Baptism Thirdly having laid down an abstract of the form of worship contriv'd by the Schismaticks at Franckford he honoreth them with no lower Title then that of Saints and counts this liberty of deviating from the Rules of the Church for a part of their happiness For so it followeth fol. 28. This saith he is the Communion of Saints who never account themselves peaceably possest of any happiness untill if it be in their power they have also made their fellow-sufferers partakers thereof If those be Saints who separate themselves schismatically from their Mother Church and if it be a happiness to them to be permitted so to do our Author hath all the reason in the world to desire to be admitted into their Communion and be made partaker of that happiness which such Saints enjoy And if in order thereunto he counts the Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies of the Church to be both superstitious and superfluous too who can blame him for it Fol. 39. Trinity Colledge built by Sir Thomas Pope â—I shall not derogate so much from Sir Thomas Pope as our Author doth from Trinity Colledge naming no Bishop of this House as he doth of others He tells us that he liv'd in this University about 17 weeks and all that time Dâ— Skinner the Bishop of Oxford liv'd there too Dr. Wright the Bishop of Liâ—chfield pâ—obably was then living alâ—o for he deceased not till after the beginning of the year 1643. but living at that time in his own House of Ecclesal Castle Both of them Members of this Colledge and therefore worthily deserving to have found some place in our Authors History And because our Author can finde no learned Writers of this Colledge neither I will supply him with two others in that kinde also The first whereof shall be Iohn Sâ—lden of the Inner Temple 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that renown'd Humanitian and Philologer sometimes a Commoner of this House and here initiated in those Studies in which he afâ—erwards attain'd to so high an eminence The second William Chillingworth an able and acute Divine and once a
Lactantius has it Posterity is too soon taught to follow the ill examples of their Predecessors And though he press it not so home as Clesselius did yet when the gap is once set open and the Hedge of Authority torn down bloodshed and war and other acts of open violence will come in of course So that we may affirm of this dangerous Doctrine as the Sorbonists once did of the Iesuites viz. Videtur in negotio sidei periculosa pacis Ecclesiae perturbativa magis ad destructionem quà m ad aedificationem But I have staid too long upon these first Notes I now proceed unto the rest Fol. 54. This Parliament being very active in matters of Religion the Convocation younger Brother thereunto was little employed and less regarded Our Author follows his design of putting matters of Religion into the power of Parliaments though he hath chosen a very ill Medium to conclude the point This Parliament as active as he seems to make it troubled it self so little with matters of Religion that had it done less it had done just nothing All that it did was the Repealing of some Acts made in the time of Queen Mary and setling matters in the same State in which she found them at her first coming to the Crown The Common Prayer Book being reviewed and fitted to the use of the Church by some godly men appointed by the Queen alone receiv'd no other confirmation in this present Parliament then what it had before in the last years of King Edward The Supremacy was again restor'd as it had been formerly the Title of Supreme head which seem'd offensive unto many of both Religioâ—s being changed into that of Supreme Governor nothing in all this done de novo which could entitle this Parliament to such activity in matters of Religion but that our Author had a minde to undervalue the Convocation as being little imployed and less regarded I grant indeed that the Convocation of that year did only meet for forms sake without acting any thing and there was very good reason for it The Bishops at that time were so â—enaciously addicted to the Church of Rome that they chose all except Anthony Kitchin of Landaffe rather to lose their Bishopricks then take the Oath of Supremacy So that there was little or no hope of doing any thing in Convocation to the Queens content in order to the Reformation of Religion which was then design'd had they been suffered to debate treat and conclude of such particulars as had relation thereunto But we shall see when things are somewhat better setled that the activity of the next Convocation will make amends for the silence and unsignificancy of this In the mean time I would fain know our Authors Reason why speaking of the Convocation and the Parlialiament in the notion of Twins the Convocation must be made the younger Brother Assuredly there had been Convocations in the Church of England some hundreds of years before the name of Parliament had been ever heard of which he that lists to read the collection of Councils published by that learned and industrious Gentleman Sir Henry Spelman cannot but perceive Fol. 71. This year the spire of Poles steeple covered with lead strangely fell on fire More modestly in this then when he formerly ascribes the burning of some great Abbeys to Lightning from heaven And so this steeple was both reported and believed to be fired also it being an ordinary thing in our Common Almanacks till these latter times to count the time among the other Eâ—oches of Computation from the year that St. Paul-steeple was fired with Lightning But afterwards it was acknowledg'd as our Author truly notes to be done by the negligence of a Plummer carelesly leaving his Coles therein â—â—nce which acknowledgement we finde no mention of this accident in our yearly Almanacks But whereas our Author finds no other Benefactors for the repairing of this great Ruine but the Queens bounty and the Clergieâ— Benevolence I must needs tell him that these were only accessories to the principall charge The greatest part hereof or to say better the whole work was by the Queen imposed on the City of London it being affirmed by Iohn Stow that after this mischance the Queens Majesty directed her Letters to Sâ—ow Suâ—veâ— the Maior willing him to take order for the speedy repairing of the same And in pursuance of that order besides what issued from the publick stock in the Chamber of London the Citizens gave first a great Benevolence and after that three Fifteens to be speedily paid What the Queen did in the way of furtherance or the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury in the way of help is to be lookt upon as their free voluntary Act no otherwise obliged thereto but as the publick Honour of the Church and State did invite them to it The Maior and City were the parties upon whom the command was laid as most concerned in the Repair of their own Cathedâ—al Which I thought good to put our Author in minde oâ— as a fault of omission only leaving such use as may be made of the Observation to the 〈◊〉 of others Fol. 71. Here I would fain be informed by some learned men in the Law what needed the restoring of those Children whose â—ather was condemned and died only for Heresie which is conceived a personal crime and not tainting the blâ—nd The Parliament this year had passed an Act for the Restitution in bloud of the children of Thomas Cranmer late Archbishop of Canterbury for which our Author as it seems can see no reason in regard he was condemned and died only for Heresie For though saith he this Archbishop was first accused of High-Treason yet it afterward was waved and he tryed upon Heretical opinions But in this our Author is mistaken For though Cranmer was condemned and died for Heresie yet he was not condemned for that only nor was the accusation for Treason wav'd as he saith it was but the conviction of him as an Heretick superadded to it Being accused of High-Treason for subscribing though unwillingly to the Proclamation of the Lady Iane he was committed to the Tower on the 15. of September and on the 13. of November following arraigned at the Guildhall in London and there convicted and condemned together with the said Lady Iane the Lord Guilford Dudley her Husband and the Lord Ambrose Dudley her Husbands Brother Of which four the Lady Iane and her Husband only suffered death on that condemnation the Lord Ambrose Dudley being reprieved for a better fortune and the Archbishop reserved for a moâ—e cruell death For the Queen finding it more satisfactory to the Court of Rome to have him burnt for an Heretick then hanged for a Traytor and being implacably bent against him for his activeness in the Divorce thought good to wave her first proceeding and to have him put to death for Heresie But the Attainder holding still good at the Common-Law there was great reason
Bishop of Chichester as finally the two first Chapters about the Tiâ—hing of the Iews were learnedly reviewed by Mr. Nettles a Countâ—ey 〈◊〉 but excellently well skilled in Talmudical Learning In which encounters the Historian was so gall'd by Tillesly so gagg'd by Montague and stung by Nettles that he never came off in any of his undertakings with such losse of credit In the Preface to his History he had charged the Clergy with ignorance and lazinesse upbraided them with having nothing to keep up their credit but beard habit and title and that their Studies reache no further then the Breviary the Postils and the Polyanthea But now he found by these encounters that some of the ignorant and lazie Clergy were of as retired studies as himself and could not only match but overmatch him too in his own Philoâ—ogiâ— But the Governours of the Church went a shorter way and not expecting till the Book was answered by particular men resolv'd to seek for reparation of the wrong from the Author himself upon an Information to be brought against him in the High Commission Fearing the issue of the business and understanding what displeasures were conceived against him by the King and the Church he made his personal appearance in the open Court at Lambeth on the eight and twentieth day of Ianuary Annâ— 1618. where in the presence of George L. Archbishop of Canterbury Iohn L. B. of London Lancelot L. B. of Winchester Iohn L. B. of Rochester Sir Iohn Benet Sir William Bird Sir George Newman Doctors of the Laws and Thâ—mas Mothershed Notary and Register of that Couâ—t he tendred his submission and acknowledgement all of his own hand-writing in these following words My goâ— Lords I most humbly acknowledge my error whicâ— haâ—e committed in publishing the History of Tithes and especially in that I have at all by shewing any interpretation of Holy Scriptures by medling with Councels Faâ—hers or Câ—nons or by whatsoever occurs in it offered any occasion of argument against any right of Maintenance â—ure divino of the Ministers of the Gospel beseeching your Lordships to receive this ingenuous and humble acknowledgement together with the unfeigned protestation of my grief for that through it I have so incurred both his Majesties and your Lordships displeasure conceived against me in behalf of the Church of England IOHN SELDEN Which his submission and acknowledgement being received and made into an Act of Court was entred into the publick Registers thereof by this Title following viz. Officium Dominorum contra Joh. Seldeâ—â— de inter Templo London Armigerum So far our Author should have gone had he plaid the part of a good Historian but that he does his work by halfs in all Church-concernments Fol. 72. James Montague Bishop of Winchester a potent Courtier took exceptions that his Bishoprick in the marshalling of them was wronged in method as put after any whose Bishop is a Privy Counsellour The Bishop was too wise a man to take this as our Author hates it for a sufficient ground of the proceeding against Dr. Mocket who had then newly translated into the Latin tongue the Liturgy of the Church of England the 39. Articles the Book of the Ordination of Bishops Priests and Deacons and many Doctrinal points extracted out of the Book of Homilies All which with Bishop Iewels Apology Mr. Noels Catechism and a new Book of his own entitâ—led Politiâ— Ecclesiae Anglicanae he had caused to be Printed and bound up together A Book which might have been of great honour to the Church of England amongst forain Nations and of no lesse use and esteem at home had there not been somewhat else in it which deserved the fire then this imaginary Quarrel For by the Act of Parliament 31 H. 8. 6. 10. the precedency of the Bishops is thus Marshalled that is to say the Archbishop of Canterbury the Archbishop of York the Bishop of London the Bishop of Durham the Bishop of Winchester the rest according to the order of their Consecrations yet so that if any of them were Secretary to the King he should take place of all those other Bishops to whom otherwise by the Order of his Consecration he had been to give it If the Doctor did mistake himself in this particular as indeed he did the fault might easily have been mended as not deserving to be expiated by so sharp a punishment The following reason touching his derogating from the Kings power in Ecclesiastical matters and adding it to the Metropolitan whose servant and Chaplain he was hath more reason in it if it had but as much truth as reason and so hath that touching the Propositions by him gathered out of the Homilies which were rather framed according to his own judgement then squared by the Rules of the Church But that which I conceive to have been the true cause why the Book was burned was that in publishing the twentieth Article concerning the Authority of the Church he totally left out the first clause of it viz. Habet Ecclesia Ritus sive Ceremonias statuendi jus in Controversus â—ides Authoritatem By means whereof the Article was apparently falsified the Churches Authority disâ—vowed and consequently a wide gap opened to dispute her power in all her Canons and Determinations of what sort soever And possible enough it is that some just offence might be taken at him for making the Fasting dayes appointed in the Liturgy of the Church of England to be commanded and observed ob Politiâ— is solum rationes for Politick Considerations only as insinuated pag. 308. whereas those Fasting-dayes were appointed in the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth Anno 1549. with reference only to the primitive Institution of those several Fasts when no such Politick considerations were so much as thought of But whatsoever was the true cause or whether there were more then one as perhaps there was certain I am it could not be for derogating any thing from the Kings Power and enlarging that of the Archbishop in confirming the election of Bishops as our Author tels us For though the Doctor doth affirm of the Metropolitans of the Church of England pag. 308. Vt Electiones Episcoporum suae Provinciae confirment that it belongs to them to confirm the Electioâ—s of the Bishops of their several Provinces and for that purpose cites the Canon of the Councel of Nice which our Author speaks of yet afterwards he declares expresly that no such confirmation is or can be made by the Metropolitans without the Kings assent preceding Cujus 〈◊〉 electi comprobantur comprobati confirmantur confirmati consecrantur pag. 313. which very fully clears the Doctor from being a better Chaplain then he was a Subject as our Author makes him Fol. 77. At this time began the troubles in the Law-Countries about matters of Religion heightned between two opposite parties Remonstrants and Contra-Râ—monstrants their Controversies being chiefly 〈◊〉 to five points c Not at this time viz. 1618. which our
Author speaks of but some years before They were now come unto their height and had divided the whole body of the united Belgick Provinces into two great Factions that of the Remonstrants whom in reproach they call their Minions being headed by Iohn Olden Barnevelt a principal Counseller of State and of great Authority in his Countrey the other of the Calvinists or Contra-Remonstrants being managed by Maurice Prince of Orange the chief Commander of the Forces of the States united both by Sea and Land But the troubles and divisions were now come to their full growth they began many years before occasioned by a Remonstrance exhibited to the States of Holland by the followers of Dr. Iames Harmin who liked better the Melanchthonian way then that of Calvin Anno 1610. and that Remonstrance counterballanced by a Contra-Remonstranâ—â— made by â—uch Divines who were better pleased with Calvins Doctrine in the deep Speculations of Predestination Grace Freewil c. then with that of Melanchthon Hence grew the names of Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants occurring frequently in the Writings on both sides till the Remonstrants were condemned in the Synod of Dort and either forced to yield the Cause or quit their Countrey Each party in the mean time had the opportunity to disperse their Doctrines in which the Remonstrants gained exceedingly upon their Adversaries especially after they had been admitted to a publick Confeâ—ence at the Hague Anno 1611. in which they were conceived to have had much the better of the day and so continued in encrease of their power and credit till the Quarrels and Animosities between the Prince and Barnevelt put a full period to the businesse by the death of the one and the Authority of the other Fol. 82. Hereby the equal Reader may judge how candidly Mr. Montague in his Appeal dealeth with our Divines charging them that the Discipline of the Church of England is in this Synod held unlawfull And again the Synod of Dort in some points condemneth upon the by even the Discipline of the Church of England Assâ—redly Mr. Montague deals very candidly with our Divines professing that he doth reverence them for their places worth and learning though not obliged as he conceived to all or any of the Conclusions of the Synod at Dort And he might very well declare as indeed he doth that the Discipline of the Church of England in that and other Dutch Synods was held unlawfull and by them condemned upon the by For whereas in the Confession of the Belgick Churches ratified and confirmed in the Synod of Dort it is declared and maintained that all Ministers are by the word of God of equall power it must needs follow thereupon that the Superiority of Bishops over other Ministers is against Gods word Quantum verò attinet Divini verbi Ministros ubicunque locorum sint eandem illi Potestatem Authoritatem habent ut qui omnes sint Christi unici illius Episcopi universalis unicique Capitis Ecclesiae Ministri These are the words of that Confewon as it stands ratified and recorded in the Acts of the Synod of Dort as before was said In which and by which if the Discipline of the Church of England be not made unlawful in terminis terminantibus as they use to say I am sure it is condemned upon the by which is as much as Mr. Montague had affirmed of it And howsoever Dr. Charleton then Bishop of Landaffe as well to vindicate his own dignity as the honour of the Church of England tendred his Protestation of that Synod in behalf of Episcopacy yet was it made to signifie nothing nor so much as honored with an Answer our Author noting at the end of this protestation Britannorum interpellationi responsum ne gru qâ—â—dem viz. to this interpellation of the British Divines nothing at all was answered There might be some wrong done to our Divines by the rest of that Synod but no wrong done by Mr. Montague neither to our Divines nor unto that Synod Fol. 89. Now whilest in common discourse some made this Iudge others that Sergeant Lord Chancellor King James made Dr. Williams lately and still Dean of Westminstet and soon after Bishop of Lincoln In this and the rest which followes touching the advancement of Dr. Williams to the place and dignity of Lord Keeper there are three things to be observed And first it is to be observed that though he was then Dean of Westminster when the custody of the Great Seal was committed to him yet was he not then and still Dean of that Church that is to say not Dean thereof at such time as our Author writ this part of the History For fol. 80. speaking of Dr. Hals return from the Synod of Dort Anno 1618. he addes that he continued in health till this day thirty three years after which fals into the year 1651. And certainly at that time Dr. Williams then Archbishop of York was not Dean of Westminster that place having been bestowed by his Majesty upon Dr. Steward Clerk of the Closet An. 1645. being full six years before the time which our Author speaks of Secondly whereas our Author tells us that the place was proper not for the plain but guarded Gown I would â—ain know how it should be more proper for the guarded Gown then it was for the plain There was a time when the Chancellors as our Author telleth us elsewhere were always Bishops and from that time till the fall of Cardinal Wolsey that Office continued for the most part in the hands of the Prelates at what time that great Office was discharged with such a general contentment that people found more expedition in their Suits and more ease to their Purses then of later times By which it seems that men who are never bred to know the true grounds and reasons of the Common Law might and could mitigate the Rigour of it in such difficult cases as were brought before them the Chancery not having in those days such a mixture of Law as now it hath not being so tyed up to such intricate Rules as now it is But thirdly whereas our Author in advocating for the Common Lawyers prescribeth for them a Succession of six Descentâ—s he hath therein confuâ—ed himself and â—aved me the trouble of an Animadveâ—sion by ◠〈◊〉 Note in which netelleâ—â— us that Sir Ch. Hatton was not bred a Lawyer If so then neither was the Title 〈◊〉 strong nor the Pâ—oscriptions so well grounded as ouâ— Author makes iâ— the intâ—â—position of Sir Christopher Hatton between Sir Tho. Bromley and Sir Iohn Puckering 〈◊〉 it to three descents and but thirty years which is too short a time 〈◊〉 a Prescription to be built upon Fol. 93. He had 14 years been Archbishop of Spalato c. Conscience in shew and covetousness indeed caused his coming hither â— This is a very hard sâ—ying a censure which enâ—â—enches too much upon the Pâ—iviledges of Almighty God who alone knows the
it But for the Protestation which gave the first hint to those bold demands which afterwards were made by some of the Commons it was this that followeth The Protestaâ—ion of the Commoâ—s Iaâ— 19. 1621. THe Commons now assembled in Parliament being justly occasioned thereunto concernâ—â—◠〈…〉 Lâ—bâ—rties Franchises and Priviledges 〈…〉 among others here mentioned do 〈…〉 Protestation following That the Liberâ—â—◠〈…〉 Priviledges and Jurisdiction of Parliament are the Ancient and undoubted Birth-right and inheritance of the Subjects of England and that the arduous and urgent affaires concerning the King State and defence of the Realm and of the Church of England and the maintenance and making of Laws and redresse of mischief and grievances which daily happen within this Realm are proper subjects and matter of Counsel and debate in Parliament And that in the handling and proceeding of those businesses every member of Parliament hath and of right ought to have Freedom of Speech to propound treat reason and bring to conclusion the same And that the Commons in Parliament have likewise Liberty and freedom to treat of the matters in such order as in their judgements shall seem fittest And that every Member of the said house hath like Freedom from all impeachment imprisonment and molestation other then by censure of the house it self for or concerning any speaking reasoning or declaring any matter or matters touching the Parliament or Parliament businesses And that if any of the said Members be complained of and questioned for any thing done or said in Parliament the same is to be shewed to the King by the advice and assent of all the Commons assembled in Parliament before the King give credence to any private Information Fol. 523. Hereupon the Members became Subjects again This I conceive to have been spoken by the Author in the way of Irony as in the same way of Irony the Members of the House of Commons were sometimes called by King Iames the Five hundred Kings For otherwise our Author knows as well as any that the Members are as much Subjects in the time of their sitting as they are or can be after the time of their Dissolution Fol. 527. And though Tiberius beheaded Cremutius for words onely That Cremutius Cordus was impeached in the Senate for words onely is affirmed by Tacitus But that he was beheaded for it by Tiberius is affirmed by none that Author telling us that having made his Defence in the open Senate and returning home Abstinentiâ— vitam finivit He ended his life by a wilful abstinence from food Nor was 〈◊〉 sentenced by the Senate to any other punishment then that his Books should be publickly burnt Libros per Aediles cremandos censuere Patres which was done accordingly the shame grief whereof made him end his life as before is said Fol. 528. But in a word their great Wealth was one notable baâ—â— to the Popes and the Gulf of other Orders Hospitallers Knights of the Rhodes and St. Johns All these together smack this Order and swallowed their Riches at one time by consent of all the Princes in Christendom where they had their Habitations Where were our Authors Wits when these words fell from him Hospitallers Knights of Rhodes and of St. Iohns all these together and yet all these together make one Order onely as Marcus Tullius Cicero made one onely Orator Called by these several names for several reasons called Hospitallers because they had the charge of the Hospital at Ierusalem erected for relief of Pilgrims to that holy place Secondly Knights of St. Iohns because founded in the Church of St. Iohn in Ierusalem and dedicated unto him as their Patron Saint Thirdly 〈◊〉 of the Rhodes from the setled place of their â—abitation after their expulsion out of Palestin from the year â—â—09 till the year 1522. when forc'd to leave that Island by Solâ—man the Magnificent they retired unto the Isle of Malta from whence now denominated Fol 529. From whom Digby had knowledge of that Kings Progâ—ess towards â—he North of Spain to Lerma a Town in Bisâ—ay That Lerm is scituate towards the Northern parts of Spain I shall reaâ—ily grant and yet not as a Town of Bisâ—ay but of old Castile scituate not far from Burgos the chief of that Province So also by a like error in Topography St. Andrews Saint Anderos the Spaniards call it is made to be a part of Biscay 〈◊〉 530. whereas indeed it is a well known Haven of the Realm of Leon and Oviâ—do neighboring on the Sea to Bisâ—ay â—ut no part thereof And now we are thus fallen on the Coast of Spain I should â—ake notice of the Procuration which is said by our Author â—o be left with the Earl of Bristol for impowring him to Espouse the Infantâ— within ten days after the Dispensation came from Rome fol. 552. But hereof thâ—re hath so much been said by the Observator on the History of the Reign of King Charls published by Haimon L'Strange Esq and the defence of those Observatiâ—ns against the Pamphleter that nothing needs be added here on that occasion Fol. 567. Indeed the Savoy Ambassador there said That the â—ntention of the King of Spain was for a cross match with France for himself â— It is not to be doubted but that the Spaniard tryed all ways and used all Artifices to divert the Treaty of a Marriage between the Prince of Wales and a Daughter of France But I cannot look upon it as a thing conceivable that he should pretend to any such cross Alliance for himself as is here alledged He had before married the eldest Sister who was still alive and therefore could not pretend to the yonger also And if it was not for himself as indeed it was not it cannot be imagined that he could give himself any hopes of it for any of his yonger Brethren there being so vast a disproportion between the Heir apparent of England and any yonger Brother of the House of Austria The Ambassador of Savoy might act something in order to the service and Designs of the Catholick King which could not be advanced by any such suggestion as is here laid downs And therefore our Author might have done very well to have spared his pains in giving us such a reason for the Interruption which was made in the Treaty of this Marriage by the Agents of the King of Spain as indeed cannot stand with reason And thus far have I gone in running over the most materiaâ— errors and defects of Mr. Sandersons Compleat History as he calls it of Mary Queen of Scotland and King James her Son the sixth of that name in Scotland and the first in England before the coming out of that large and voluminous piece entituled A compleat History of the Life and Reign of King Charls from his Cradle to his Grave in the doing whereof I proposed unto my self no other ends then first to vindicate the truth and next to do some right to the Author himself whom I
some of the 〈◊〉 of those who had possest themselves of the Crown â—ands in his â—athers Minority in which course he might hope to finde good success without noise or dangeâ— And â—f this may be called the adding of fuel to the fiâ—e of 〈…〉 King will finde a safe way to recover his own 〈…〉 from him by power and pride unless he do 〈…〉 strong hand which findes no resistance For which good serâ—ice if he were afterwards Knighted and made second Secretary of Estate the principal being called Lord Secretary in the stile of that Kingdom it was no more then he had worthily deserv'd for his sound Advice â—rom the Title and the Introduction proceed we next unto the History it self in which the first mistake we meet with 〈◊〉 the placing of the â—uneral of King Iames on the 14 of May which Mr. H. L. in his History of the Reign of King Chaâ—ls had 〈…〉 on the fourth in both erronâ—ously alike But the 〈◊〉 of the â—ormer History hath corrected his error by the 〈…〉 and placed it rightly on the seventh which the 〈…〉 Historian might have done also having so thorowly 〈…〉 all the Passages in those Observations 〈…〉 land had nothing but foul weather triste lugubre Coelum when she was at the Sea and the worst of foul weathers from the time of her landing to the very minute of her death The like tempestuous landing is observed to have happened to the Princesse Catharine daughter of Ferdinand and If bellâ— Kings of Spain when she came hither to be married to Prince Arthur eldest Son to King Henry 7 which afterwards was lookt on as a sad presage of those Calaâ—â—ities which hapned to that pious but unfortunate Lady in the last part of her life And certainly such presages are neither to be rejected as superstitious nor too much relied on as infallible such a middle course being to be steeâ—'d in such conjecturals as is advised to be held in Prophetical or presaging dreams not wilfully to be slighted nor too much regarded â—ol 6. The Parliament to be subordinate not coordinate with the Prince c. though King Charles unadvisedly makes himself a member of the house of Peers which the Parliament would never acquit him A passage which the Author likes well enough and hopes the Reader will do the like as it comes from himself but will not let it go uncensured in the Oâ—servator It is noted in the Observations p. 62. that the King having passed away the Bishops votes in Parliament did after by a strange improvidence in a Message or Declaration sent from York the 17. of Iune reckon himself as one of the three Estates which being once slipt from his pen and taken up by some leading men in the Houses of â—â—â—â—ament it never was let fall again in the whole agitatiâ—n of those Controversies which were bandied up and down between them Our Author says the same thing though in fewer words and yet corrects the Observator for taâ—ing notice of the Kings strange impâ—ovidence in a message 〈…〉 Iune 17. where he reckons himself as one of the 〈…〉 member of the House of Peers Fol. 10â— for which he 〈◊〉 to call him to a further account in 〈…〉 and so perhaps he may in a second edition of his History there being no such thing to be found in this 〈◊〉 Councels are privy and publick his Privy Councel by his own 〈…〉 electionâ—â— publick his Parliament Peers and people In these words there are two things to be enquired after first why the Bishops are not named as Members of this publick Councel and secondly why the people are admitted art thereof That the Bishops are to be accounted of as necessaâ—y members of this publick Councel appeareth by the 〈◊〉 writ of Summons by which they are severally and respectively called to attend in Parliament In which it is declared that the King by the advice of his Privy Councel hath called a Parliament unto this end ut cum Pralatis 〈…〉 Regâ—â— Colloquium haâ—eret that he for his part might confer with the Prelatâ— Peers and great men of the Realm and that they for their parts super dictis Negotiis tractarenâ— coâ—â—ilium suum impenderent should debate of all such difficult matters concerning the preservation of the Church and State as the King should recommend unto them and give their faithful Counsel in them accordingly So that the Author dealt not well with the Bishops in excluding them from being a part of the Kings publick Councel and putting the people in their room who never were beheld as members of it till so made by our Author the Commons being called to Parliament to no other purpose but ad consenâ—iendum faciendum to give consent and yield obedience to all such things as by the great Councel of the Kingdom 〈◊〉 communi Concilio Regni nostri shall be then ordained But if our Author say that he includes the Bishops in the name of Peers though I allow his meaning and am able to defend him in it yet I must still except against his expression because not plain and full enough to the vulgar Reader Ibid. But 〈◊〉 Iames altered that course aâ— best able of any his Predecessors to speak for him self It was indeed the common usage of the Kings of England to speak to their people in â—arliament by the mouth of the Chancellors not that they were not able to tell their own tales and express their own meâ—ning but that it was held for a point of State not to descend so much beneath themselves as to play the Orators Yet somtimes as they saw occasion they would speak their own mindes in Parliament and not trouble their Chancellors as appears by that speech of King Henry 7. when he resolved to engage himself in a war with France a copy whereof we have in the History of his Reign writ by the Lord Viscount St. Alban which he thus beginneth My Lords and you the Commons when I purposed to make a war in Britain by my Lieutenant I made declaration thereof to you by my Chancellor But now that I mean to make war upon France in person I will declare it to you myself c. Fol. 96. But King Iames thinking himself an absolute Master in the Art of speaking and desirous that his people should think so too in the opening of all his Parliaments and the beginning of each Session and many occasions on the by used no tongue but his own Which though it might seem necessary at the opening of his first Parliament to let the Lords and Commons see how sensible he was of that Affection wherewith the whole body of the Nation had imbraced his coming to the Crown yet the continual use thereof made him seem cheaper in the eyes of the People then might stand with Majecty Nor was this all the inconvenience which ensued upon it for first it put a necessity upon his son and â—â—â—cessor of doing the like to whom it
Commons in matters Doctrinally delivered without the least diminution of the Kings Authority in Ecclesiastical Causes there is nothing of the Presbyter or the Papist to be charged upon him as the Historian to create him the greater odium would fain have it to be Fol. 115. But how suddenly the Commons House 〈◊〉 upon the Lorâ—s liberties excluding the words the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in the very grant of the Bill of Subsidies c. And to say truth the Lords were but serv'd in their own kinde who having so unworthily joyn'd with the Commons in devesting the King from whom they deriv'd all their Honors of his just Prerogatives are now assaulted by those Commons and in danger of losing their own Rights which by the favor of the King or his Predecessors were conferr'd upon them which might have given them a sufficient warning but that there was a Spirit of Inâ—atuation over all the Land not to joyn with them any more in the like Designs against the King whose Authority could not be diminisht without the lessening of their own nor any Plot carried on toward his Destruction by which they would not be reduc'd to the same condition with the rest of the People But Quos Iupiter vult perdere dementat prâ—us so it prov'd with them Fol. 123. His body brought to York House and after sumptuously intombed at Westminster in St. Edwards Chappel The Church of Westminster was indeed founded by King 〈◊〉 the Confessour whom they called sometimes by the name of St. Edward the King 〈◊〉 that part of it that lies betwen the crosse Isle and the Chappel of King Henry 〈…〉 best known by the name of the Chappel of 〈◊〉 by reason of the many Kings and Queens which are there 〈◊〉 In a side Isle or inclosure whereof the Dukes body was Sumptuously interred with this glorious Epitaph which in honour of his invincible fidelity to his gracious Masters for I am otherwise a meer stranger to all his Selatious I shall here Subjoyn P. M. S. Vanae multitudinis improperium hic jacet Cujus tamen Hispania Prudentiam Gallia Fortitudinem Belgia Industriam Tota Europa mirata est Magnanimitatem Quem Daniae Sweciae Reges integerrimum Germaniae Transilvaniae Nassautiae Princip Ingenuum Veneta Reipublica Philobasileia Sahaudiae Lotharingiae Duces Politicum Palatinus Comes Fidelem Imperator Pacificum Turca Christianum Papa Protestantem Experti sunt Quem Anglia Archithalassum Cantabrigia Cancellarium Buckinghamia Ducem habuit Verùm siste viator quid ipsa Invidia Sugillare nequâ—t audi Hic est ille Calamitosae virtutis Buckinghamius Maritus redamatus Pater amaâ—s Filius obsequens Frater amicissimus Affinis Beneficus Amicus perpetuus Dominus Benignus Optimus omnium servus Quem Reges adamarunt optimates honorarunt Ecclesia deflevit Vulgus Oderunt Quem Iacobus Carolus Regum perspicacissimi intimum habuerunt A quibus Honoribus auctus negotiis onustus Fato succubuit Antequam par animo periculum invenit Quid jam Peregrine Aenigma mundi moritur Omnia fuit nec quidquam habuit Patriae parens hostis audiit Deliciae idem querela Parliamenti Quidum Papistis bellum infert insimulatur Papista Dum Protestantium partibus consulit Occiditur à Protestante Tesseram specta rerum humanarum At non est quòd serio triumphet malitia Interimere potuit laedere non potuit Scilicet has preces fundens expiravit Tuo ego sanguine potiar mi Iesu dum mali pascuntur meo Fol. 127. But the Religious Commons must reform Gods causâ— before the Kings nor would they be prescribed their Consultations but resolved to remit the Bill of Tunnage and Poundage at pleasure This is another new incroachment of the House of Commons that is to say the poasting off of the Kings businesse and the publick concernments of the State till they had either lessened his prerogative weakned the Authority of the Church or advanced the interest of the people Which resolution of not being prescribed their Consâ—ltations became at last so fixt amongst them that when the King had frequently recommended to them his Message of the 20. of Ianuary Anno 1641. So necessary for the setling of the peace of the Kingdome they returned answer at the last that it was an infringing of their Priviledges to be pâ—est with any such Directions Fol. 128. And King Iames commended them over to the Synod of Dort and there asserted by suffrage of those Doctors and were afterwards commended to the Convocation in Ireland Our Authour takes this Errour from the former Historian but takes no notice of the correction of it by the Observator though it â—ppears by his citation in the margin that he had consulted with those Observations in this very point And therefore I must let him know since otherwise he will not take notice of it that this is a strange Hysteron Proteron setting the Cart before the Horse as we use to phrase it The Convocation in Ireland by which the Articles of Lambeth were incorporated into the Articles of that Church was holden in the Year 1615. the Synod of Dort not held till three years after anno 1618. and therefore not to Dâ—rt first and to Ireland afterwards The like mistake in point of time we finde in our Authour fol. 134. where speaking of that wilde distemper which hapned in the House of Commons on the dissolving of the Parliament Anno 1628. he telleth us That the effects of those Malignities flew over Seas and infected the French Parliaments about this time where that King discontinued the Assemblies of the three Estates upon farre lesse Provocations Whereas he lets us know from the Observator within few lines after that those Assemblies of the three Estates in Francâ— were discontinued by King Lewis thâ— 13. and a new form of Assembly instituted in the place thereof Anno 1614. So that the malignity of those distempers which happened in the Parliament of England Anno 1628. could not about that time passe over the Seas and infect the French Parliaments which had been discontinued and dissolved 14. years before Fol. 133. This was ratiâ—ied by the Contract of this Nation which the Conquerour upon his admittance had declared and confirmed in the Laws which he published Our Author speaks this of an hereditary Freedom which is supposed to have been in the English Nation from paying any Tax or Tallage to the King but by Act of Parliament And I would fain learn so much of him as to direct me to some creditable Authour in which I may finde this pretended contract between the Norman Conquerour and the English Subject and in what Book of Statutes I may finde these Laws which were publisht by him to that purpose The Norman Conquerour knew his own strength too well to reign precariò to ground his Title on his admittance by the people or to make any such contract with them by which he might more easily win them
the Houses of Parliament being loth to lose so many good men appointed Mr. Stephen Marshal to call them together and to absolve them from that Oath which he did with so much confidence and Authority that the Pope himself could not have done it better The King was scarce setled in Oxford the fittest place for his Court and Counsel to reside in When Fol. 597. The noble Lord Aubigny Brother to the Duke of Richmond dyed and was buried at Oxford This Lord Aubigny was the second Son of Esme Duke of Lenox and Earl of March succeeding his Father both in that Title and Estate entail'd originally on the second Son of the House of Lenox he receiv'd his deaths wound at Edge-Hill but dyed and was solemnly interr'd at Oxford on the 13 of Ianuary then next following the first but not the last of that Illustrious Family which lost his life in his Kings Service For after this in the year 1644. the Lord Iohn Stewart lost his life in the Battle of Cheriton near Alresford in the county of South-Hampton And in the year 1645. the Lord Bernard Stewart newly created E. of Litchfield went the same way in the fight near Câ—ester The Duke of Richmond the constant follower of the King in all his Fortunes never injoying himself after the death of his Master languishing and pining from time to time till at length extremity of Grief cast him into a Fever and that Fever cast him into his Grave A rare example of a constant and invincible Loyalty no paralel to be found unto it in the Histories of the antient or latter Ages Philip de â—omines telleth us of a Noble Family in Flanders that generally they lost their lives in the Wars and Service of their Prince And we finde in our own Chronicles that Edmond Duke of Summerset lost his life in the first Battle in St. Albans Duke Henry following him taken in the Battle of Hexam and so beheaded a second Duke Edmond and the Lord Iohn of Somerset going the same way in the Battle near Teâ—xbury all of them fighting in the behalf of King Henry the sixth and the House of Lancaster But then they heapt not Funeral upon Funeral in so short a time as the first three Brothers of this House in which as those of the House of Somerset did â—all short of them so those of that Noble House in Flanders fell short of the House of Somerset Fol. 601. In this time the Queen in Holland now Imbarques for England the sixteenth of February and with contrary winds and foul Weather was forced back again and thereafter with much hazzard anchored at Burlington Bay the nineteenth and Lands at the Key the two and twentieth In this our Author tells the truth but not the whole truth the Queen induring a worse Tempest on the Shore then she did upon the Sea Concerning which the Queen thus writes unto the King viz. The next night after we came unto Burlington four of the Parliament Ships arrived without being perceived by us and about five of the clock in the Morning they began to ply us so fast with their Ordnance that it made us all 〈◊〉 rise out of our Beds and to leave the Village at least the Women one of the Ships did me the favor to flank upon the House where I lay and before I was out of my Bed the Cannon Bullets whistled so loud about me that all the Company pressed me earnestly to go 〈◊〉 of the House their Cannon having totally beaten down all the neighboring Houses and two Cannon Bullets falling from the top to the bottom of the House where I was So that clothed as I could be I went on foot some little distance out of the Town under the shelter of a ditch like that of New-market whither before I could get the Canon-Bullets fell thick about us and a Sergeant was killed within twenty paces of me We in the end gained the Ditch and staied there two hours whilest their Canon plaied all the time upon us the Bullets flew for the most part over our headâ— some few only grazing on the Ditch covered us with Earth Nor had they thus given over that disloyal violence if the ebbing of the Sea and some threatnings from the Admiral of Holland who brought her over had not sent them going Fol. 603. The next day the Prince marches to Glocester his hasty Summons startled them at these strange turnings So saies our Authour but he hath no Authour for what he saith The Prince marched not the next day to Glocester nor in many moneths after having businesse enough to do at Cirencester where he was upon the taking of which Town the Souldiers Garrison'd for the Parliament in the Castles of Barkly Sudely and the Town of Malmsbury deserted those places which presently the Prince possessed and made good for the King Which done he called before them all the Gentry of Cotswold and such as lived upon the banks of Severn betwixt Glocester and Bristol who being now freed from those Garisons which before had awed them were easily perswaded by him to raise a Monethly contribution of 4000. pound toward the defence of the Kings person their Laws and Liberties It was indeed generally beleeved that if he had marched immediatly to Glocester while the terrour of sacking Cirencester fell first upon them the Souldiers there would have quitted the place before he had come half way unto it the affrightment was so generall and their haste so great that Massey had much adoe to perswade the Townsmen to keep their Houses and the Souldiers to stand upon their Guard as I have often heard from some of good quality in that City till the Scouts which he sent out to discover the Motions of the Prince were returned again But whatsoever they feared at Glocester the Prince had no reason to march towards it his Army being too small and utterly unfurnisht of Canon and other necessaries for the attempting of a place of such a large circumference so well mann'd and populous as that City was Contented therefore with that honour which he had got in the gaining of Cirencester and feeling the Kings affairs in that Countrey he thought it a point of higher wisedom to return towards Oxford then hazard all again by attempting Glocester Fol. 604. The Scots Army marched Southwards and crossed Tine March 13. If so it must be in a dream not in Action the Scots not entring into England till December following when the losse of Bristol Exceter and generally of all the West compelled the Houses of Parliament to tempt the Scots to a second invasion of the Kingdome And this appears most clearly by our Authour himself who tels us fol. 615. ' That Sir William Aâ—min was sent to Edinburgh from the Parliament to hasten the Scots Army hither having first sworn to the Solemn League and Covenant each to other Before which Agreement as to the taking of the Solemn League and Covenant by all the Subjects of
both Kingdoms and the payment of Advance-Money beforehand to the Sum of an hundred thousand pounds the Scots resolv'd not to stir a foot in their way towards England They knew in what necessity their dear Brethren in England stood of their Assistance and therefore thought it good to make â—ay while the Sun shiâ—â—d and husband that necessity to their best Advantage So that there was no Marching over Tine on the 13. of March Anno 164â— where our 〈…〉 it we must look for it in the Year next following if we mean to finde it And finding them there we shall finde this of them Fol. 669. 〈…〉 with a party of Horse to assault them in such places where they lay most open to advantage not doubting but to give a good account of his undertakings In all which 〈◊〉 and desires he is said to have been crossed by General 〈◊〉 an old experienced Soldier but a Scot by Nation whom hiâ— Majesty had recommended to the Marquess of Newcastle as a fit man to be consulted with in all his Enterprizes and he withal took such a fancy to the man that he was guided wholly by him in all his Actions Had this man been imployed in the Kings own Army he might have done as good Service as any other whatâ—oeverâ— But being in this Army to serve against the Scots 〈◊〉 own dear Countrey-Men he is said to have discouraged and disswaded all Attempts which were offered to be made against them giving them thereby opportunity of gaining ground upon the English till the Marquess his retreat towards York And those affections he is reported to have carried also with him in the Battle of Marston-Moor near York where he is said to have charged so faintly that he not onely lost all thâ—se Advantages which the Prince had gotten but gave the Enemy my opportunity to make head again to the loss of all which brings into my minde the politick Conduct of Eumenes once one of Alexanders meanest Captains but afterwards a great Commander in Asia-minor He had an Army compounded of the Greek and Barbarous Nations and being to fight with Craterus Alexanders great Favorite whilst he lived who had an Army made up of the like Ingredients he plac'd 〈◊〉 Asiatick Soldiers against the 〈…〉 Fol. 604. 〈…〉 Our Author speaks this of the Divines asâ—embled at Westmâ—â—ster by an Oâ—din of the Lords and Commons to be advis'd withal in matters which concerned Religion for the establishing whereof there was much pretended by them but little done These men besides their four 〈◊〉 per diem were either gratified with Lectures in and about London or 〈◊〉 in the Universities or the best Sequestred Benefices in the Countrey holding their own preferment still without sticking at such Pluralities in themselves which before they had condemn'd in others But though they did little work for their Wages yet they did moâ—e then our Author speaks of Ceâ—tain I am that they rose not without 〈◊〉 their intended Directory publisht in Print and Authorized by an Ordinance of both Houses of Parliament The â—itle of the Book runs thus viz. A Directory for the publick Worship of God throughout the three Kingdoms of England Scotland and Ireland c. Printed at London for the Company of Stationers The Ordinance bears Daâ—e on the third of January Anno 1644. and is thus Entituled viz. An Ordinance of Parliament for the taking away of the Book of Common Praâ—er and for the establishing and putting in Execution of the Directory for the publick Worship of God By which we see that their intended Directory was not onely finished but also Authorized and published before they roâ—e Though our Author speaking again of these Divines fol. 974. and in the year 1647. telleth us That the Prince Elector was 〈◊〉 by the Commons to sit amongst them for his 〈◊〉 in the Composure of the Directory which will come out one day The Directory was come out before and if the Prince 〈◊〉 sat not with them till 1647. as our Author 〈◊〉 it he must needs come too late to give them any assistance in that Composure 〈…〉 Fâ—elding was questioned and committed at Oxford and by a Councel of War sentenced to 〈◊〉 his Head c. But this I look upon as a Court Pageant onely to entertain the People and take off their edge against the man who certainly was a person of too much Honor Vaâ—or and Fidelity to betray the Town if he could possibly have held it Although the King knew well enough and knew withal how unable he was at that time to give him any â—it supplies or to â—aise the â—iege though it conâ—ern'd him for the reputatâ—on of his Cause to march in Person unto Reading and shew his willingness to relieve it But so great a fear fell on all those that were in Oxford and such a general Report there was of Fieldings Treachery that to appease their murmuâ—ings and compose their thoughts Fielding was called in question and condemned to die a Scaffold set up in the Castle Green for his Execution and a day appointed on which he was to be Beheaded Before which time the Earl of Essex not advancing and the â—it being over the Execution was â—eprieved till a further time and Fielding by degrees recovered as much estimation amongst those at Oxâ—ord as formerly he had attained to in the Court or Camp And to say truth the fear at Oxford was not 〈◊〉 when the News came of the taking of Reâ—â—ing the Town being â—o unfortified on the North side of it the King so 〈◊〉 at that time of necessary Ammunition to make good the place that it could not possibly have been deâ—ended i◠〈◊〉 had marched directly towards it and 〈…〉 Fol. 615. And brought to bed at Exceter of a Daughter the 16. of June named Henrietta Maria Not so but Henrietta only Maria is added by our Authour who was none of the Gossips and therefore should not take upon him to name the childe But such Misnomers are so frequent in him as might make a sufficient Errata at the end of his History were there none else in it Fol. 622. And so a New one was framed engraven thereon the picture of the House of Commons and Members sitting Reversed the Arms of England and Ireland â—rosse and Harp pale â— If so this new Seal could not so properly be called the Great Seal of England but the great Seal of the House of Commons represented in it who are so far from being the High Court of Parliament though were they such they could have no Authority for a Great Seal of their own that they are not so much as Members of the Great Councell Most true it is that the prevailing party in both Houses of Parliament conceived it necessary to have a Great Seal lying by them as well for the dispatch of such Commissions as they well to speed in in reference to the present War as for the sealing of such Decrees and processes as were to be
and be presumed to have two faces with the one looking towards London for which he was upon his march with the other on Malvarn Hills where the Cavaliers faced him And secondly We must think the Cavaliers to be very Cowards that durst not face him supposing still that he had two faces at a nearer distance then from Malvarn Hills distant from Cirencester thirty miles at the least and how far from Chilleton let them tell me who have searcht the Maps But though he makes the Cavaliers to keep out of danger yet he brings the Queen neer enough unto it whom we finde at Newleâ—y Fight fol. 648. placed by him with the King on the top of an Hill to behold the battle But herein his intelligence fail'd him the Queen being at that time safe in Oxford and the King venturing his most sacred person with the rest of his Army Mercurius Aulicus one of his best Authours for a great part of the War could have told him so had he consulted him in this as in other places Fol. 639. The Irish Forces coming under the command of Sir Michael Ernly an experienced Souldier and landing in Wales c. The Forces which our Authour speaks of were not Irish but English sent over in the beginning of the War to defend the South-parts of Ireland against the Rebels But being forced for the Reasons mentioned in our Authour to come to a cessation with them four thousand of them put themselves into a body under the command of Sir Michael Ernly above-named and came over into England to serve the King against the Houses of Parliament by which they had been so unhandsomely handled Had they been kept together in a Body and serv'd under their old known Commanders there is no question to be made but that they might have much advanc'd his Majesties Service But Prince Rupert who was all in all in the Councell of War caused them to be divided from one another distributed them into severall Regiments of his Majesties Armies and placed them under new Commanders which gave the Souldiers great displeasure and their Offiâ—ers more rendring their Service less honourable to themselves and of small advantage to the King Of these Officers Col. Monk was one descended from a Daughter of Arthur Plantaginet Vicount Lisle the Naâ—urall Son of King Edward the fourth who afterwards falling off to the Houses of Parliament much advanced their affairs defeating a great Fleet of the Hollanders Anno 1653. and at this day Commander in chief over the English Forces in Scotland Fol. 661. In all the Western Countries the Parliament had not a Souldier but at Plymouth and Pool â— What think we then of Lime a Sea-Town in Dorsetshire and consequently in the West Had there not been some Souldiers in it of the Parliament party and good Souldiers too it could not have held out so long against Prince Mâ—urice who wasted there the greatest part of the Cornish Army which had serv'd so fortunately under the Command of Sir Raph Hopton and yet could not take it But Lime was a Sea-Town as before was said and Prince Maurice had only a Landâ—Army which rendred the Design not more impossible then imprudent the besieging of a Haven-Town without a Navy to prevent all relief by Sea being like the hedging in of Cucko or the drowning of a quick Eâ—le by the Wise men of Gotham Fol. 662. The Marquesse of Newcastle for the King went into Darbyshire where he listed fifteen hundred Voluntiers assisted by Sir John Gell his Interest thereabouts and Sir John Harpers Worse and worse still The Earl of Newcastle assisted by Sir Iohn Gell were brave News indeed That Sir Iohn Harper might do his best in it I shall easily grant But Sir Iohn Gell was all along a principall stickler for the Houses of Parliament and spent his whole stock of Interesse in that Countrey to advance their Service In the pursuit whereof he was observed to be one of their first Commanders which issued out Warrants to the Tenants of the Lords and Gentry who did adhere unto the King to bring in their rents and be responsall for them for the time to come to the Committee at Darby one of which Warrants Dated in March 1642. was brought to Oxford and is this that followeth To the Constable of Acmanton WHereas these unnaâ—ur all Wars at this present are sâ—mented and maintained by ` Papists and Malignants to the utter undoing of many honest men and the ruine of the whole Commonwealth for the better preventing of which misery and to do the best we can to put a speedy end to these distractions according to the trust reposed in us by the Ordinance of Parliament we think sit to command you that presently upon receipt hereof you give notice to all the Tenants within your Constablery named in a Schedule herewiâ—h sent you that henceforward they pay all their Renâ—s due to any of those persons or to any other that contribute or bear Arms against the Parliament to the Committee here at Darby or to such other person or persons as the said Committee shall nominate And we all promise that such of those Tenants who shew their forwardnesse to bring in their Rents to the Committee at Darby by our Lady day next or within four daies aftâ—rwards shall have a discharge against their Landlords of the whole rent and shall have a fourth part abaâ—ed them And those Tenants that are refractory and come not willingly to us shall not only be forced to pay their whole Rents but also shall be pâ—occeded against as malignant persons and such as endeavor the continuance of these troubles Given under our hands March 1642. The Names of the Persons contained in the Schedule above-mentioned amouâ—t to the number of 46. viz. the Earl of Shrewsbury the Earl of Devonshire the Earl of New-castle whom our Authour makes so much befriended by Sir John Gell the Earl of Chesterfield the Lord Maltravers Sir John Harper of Caulk and Sir John Harper of Swarstone Sir William Savill Sir John Fitz Herbert of Norbury Sir Edward Mosely c. All men of very great Estates and therefore like to send in the more grist to the Mill at Darby So farre did Sir John Gell act for the Houses of Parliament And he continued in those actings till the end of the War After which falling into some suspition to have changed his Affections he was committed to the Tower in no small danger of his life and came not off but with the loss of former Actings Fol. 712. This no question caused their General Essex early the next day to quit his glorious Command and in a small Boat to shift away by Water If that were it which caused him to shift away in a small Boat he must needs play the part of a Cowardly Soldier whilst every one of the Soldiers stood ready to act the part of a brave Commander And therefore it is probable that there was somewhat more in it then
ordinary temper And so much was the King startled when he heard of the giving up of that City with the Fort and Castle and that too in so short a time that he posted away a Messenger to the Lords at Oxford to displace Col. Legg a well known Creature of Prince Ruperts from the Government of that City and Garison and to put it into the hands of Sir Thomas Glenham which was accordingly done and done unto the great contentment of all the Kings party except that Prince and his Dependents But Legg was sweetned not long after by being made one of the Grooms of his Majesties Bed-chamber a place of less command but of greater trust Fol. 891. And now the Parliament consider of a Term or Titleâ— to be given to the Commissioners intrusted with their Great Seal and are to be called Conservators of the Common-wealth of England Not so with reference either to the time or the thing it self For first The Commissioners of the Great Seal were never called the Conservators fo the Common-wealth of England And Secondly If they ever had been called so it was not now that is to say when the Kings Seals were broken in the House of Peers which was not long after Midsummer in the year 1646. But the truth is that on the 30 of Ianuary 1648. being the day of the Kings most deplorable death the Commons caused an Act or Order to be printed in which it was declared that from thenceforth in stead of the Kings Name in all Commissions Decrees Processes and Indictments the â—â—tle of Custodes Libertatis Angliae or the Keepers of the Liberties of England as it was afterwards englished when all Legall Instruments were ordered to be made up in the English-Tongue should be alwaies used But who these Keepers of the Liberties were was a thing much questioned some thought the Commissioners for the great Seal were intended by it whom our Authour by a mistake of the Title cals here the Conservators of the Common-wealth others conceiv'd that it related to the Councel of State but neither rightly For the truth is that there were never any such men to whom this Title was appliable in one sense or other it being onely a Second Notion like Genus and Species in the Schools a new devised term of State-craft to express that trust which never was invested in the persons of any men either more or fewer Fol. 892. â—o then the eldest Son and the yongest Daughter are with the Quâ—â—n in France the two Dukes of York and Glocester with the Princess Elizabeth at St. James 's The Prince in the Weâ—t with his Army â— This is more strange then all the rest that the Kings eldest Son should be with his Mother in France and yet that the Prince at the same time should be with his Army in the West of England I always thought till I saw so good Authority to the contrary that the Prince and the Kings eldest Son had been but one person But finding it otherwise resolved I would fain know which of the Kings Sonâ— is the Prince if the eldest be not It cannot be the second or third for they are here called both onely by the name of Dukes and made distinct persons from the Prince And therefore we must needs believe that the Kings eldest Son Christned by the name of Charls-Iames who dyed at Greâ—nwich almost as soon as he was born Anno 1629. was raised up from the dead by some honest French Conjurer to keep company with the yong Princess Henrietta who might converse with hâ—m as a Play-Fellow without any terror as not being able to distinguish him from a Baby of Clouts That he and all that did adhere unto him should be safe in their Persons Honors andâ—â—onsciences in the Scotish Army and that they would really and effectually joyn with him and with such as would come in unto him and joyn with them for his preservation and should employ their Armies and Forces to assist him to his Kingdomâ— in the recovery of his â—ust Rights But on the contrary these jugling and perfidious 〈◊〉 declare in a Letter to their Commissioners at London by them to be communicated to the Houses of Parliament that there had been no Treaty nor apitulation betwixt his Mâ—â—esty and them nor any in their names c. On the receit of which Letters the Houses Order him to be sent to Warwick Castle But Lesâ—ly who had been us'd to buying and selling in the time of his Pedlâ—ry was loth to lose the benefit of so rich a Commodity and thereupon removes him in such post-haste that on the eighth of May we finde him at Southwel and at Newcastle on the tenth places above an hundred Miles distant from one another and he resolv'd before-hand how to dispose of him when he had him there â—o Scotland he never meant to carry him though some hopes were given of it at the first for not onely Lesly himself but the rest of the Covenanters in the Army were loth to admit of any Competitor in the Government of that Kingdom which they had ingrossed whoâ—y to themselves but the 〈◊〉 in an Assembly of theirs declare expresly against his coming to live amongst them as appears fol 〈◊〉 So that there was no other way left to dispose of his person but to â—ell him to the Houses of Parliament though at the first they made 〈◊〉 of it and would be thought to stand upon Terms or Honor The Eaâ—l of Lowdon who lov'd to hear himsâ—lf speak more â—hen â—ny man living in some Speâ—ches made beâ—ore â—he Houses protested strongly against the dâ—livery of their Kings Person into their Power 〈◊〉 what in 〈◊〉 â—â—amy would lie upon them and the whole Nation â—f 〈◊〉 â—hould to 〈◊〉 But this was but a coâ—y of their Countenance onely 〈◊〉 â—â—vice to raise the Marâ—eâ— and make is â—uch money 〈…〉 as they could At last they came to this Agreement that for the sum of Two hundred thousand pounds they should deliver him to such Commissioners as the Houses should Authorize to receive him of them which was done accordingly For Fol. 939. The Commissioners for receiving the Person of the King came to Newcastle Iune 22. c. Not on the 22 of Iune I am sure of that the Commodity to be bought and sold was of greater value and the Scots too cunning to part with it till they had raised the price of it as high as they could The driving of this Bargain took up all the time betwixt the Kings being carried to Newcastle and the middle of the Winter then next following so that the King might be delivered to these Commissioners that is to say from Prison to Prison on the 22 day of Ianuary but of Iune he could not And here it will not be amiss to consider what loss or benefit redounded to those Merchants which traded in the buying and selling of this precious Commodity And first The Scots not long before their breaking out
against their King had in the Court two Lords High Stewards and two Grooms of the Stool successively one after another And at their taking up of Arms they had a Master of the Horse a Captain of the Guard a Keeper of the privy Purse seven Grooms of eight in his Majesties Bed-Chamber and an equal number at the least of Gentlemen Ushers Quarter-Waiters Cup-Bearers Carvers Sewers and other Officers attending daily at the Table I speak not here of those which had places in the Stables or below the Stairs or of the Servants of those Lords and Gentlemen which either lived about the Court or had Offices in it All which together made up so considerable a number that the Court might well be called an Academy of the Scots Nation in which so many of all sorts had their Breeding Maintenance and Preferment Abroad they had a Lieutenant of the Tower a Fortress of the most consequence in all the Kingdom and a Master-â—unner of the Navy an Office of as great a trust as the other and more of those Monopolies Suits and Patents which were conceiv'd to be most grievous to the Subject then all the English of the Court. In the Church they had two Deanries divers Prebendaries and so many Excclesiastical Benefices as equalled all the Revenue of the Kirk of Scotland All which they lost like Aesops Dog catching after a shadow For what else were those empty hopes of ingrossing to themselves all the Bishops Lands and participating equally with both Houses in the Government of this Kingdom which drew them into England the second time but an airy shadow And yet by catching at that shadow they lost all those Advantages which before they had both in Court and Countrey and that not onely for the present but in all probability for the times to come The Presbyterians laid their Heads and Hands together to embroil the Realm out of a confidence that having alienated the greatest part of the Tribes from the House of David they might advance the golden Calves fo their Presbyteries in Dan and Bethel and all other places whatsoever within this Land And for the maintenance thereof they had devoured in conceit all Chapter Lands and parcelled them amongst themselves into Augmentations But no sooner had they driven this Bargain but a Vote passed for selling those Lands towards the payment of the Debts of the Commonwealth Nor have they lived to see their dear Presbytery setled or their Lay-Elders entertained in any one Parish of the Kingdom for the advancement whereof the Scots were first incouraged to begin at home and afterwards to pursue their work by invading England Others there were who labored for nothng more then the raising of a New Commonwealth out of the Ruins of the old Monarchy which Plot had been a carrying on from the first coming of this King to the Crown till they had gotten him into their hands these being like the Husbandmen in Saint Matthews Gospel who said among themselves this is the Heir come let us kill him and let us seize on his Inheritance Matth. 21. 38. A Commonwealth which they had so modelled in their Brains that neither Sir Thomas Moors Vtopia nor the Lord Verulams new Atlantis nor Plato's Platform nor any of the old Idaeas were equal to it the Honors and Offices whereof they had distributed amongst themselves and their own Dependents And in pursuance of this project they had no sooner brought the King to the end they aimed at but they pass an Act for so they called it prohibiting the Proclaiming of any Person to be King of England c. That done they passed another for the abolishing the Kingly Office in England c. dated the 17 of March One thousand six hundred forty eight A third for declaring and a constituting the People of England to be a Commonwealth and Free State dated May 19. 1649 which last they solemnly proclaimed by their Heralds and Serjeants in the most frequented parts of London and made themselves a new Great Seal with the Arms and Impress of their new Commonwealth ingraven on it And yet these men that had the purse of all the Kingdom at command and Armies raised for defence of their Authority within the space of six years were turned out of all And this was done so easily and with so little noise that the loss of that exorbitant Power did not cost so much as a broken Head or a Bloody Nose in purchasing whereof they had wasted so many Millions of Treasure and more then an Hundred thousand Lives So that all reckonings being cast up it will appear that all were losers by the Bargain as it happens commonly to such men as love to traffick in the buying and selling of prohibited Commodities and thereby make themselves obnoxious to all such forfeitures as the severity of the Laws and the King Displeasure shall impose upon them How he was carried by those Commissioners to Holdenbyâ—House â—House and from thence by a party of Horse to the Head-Quarters of the Army our Author hath inform'd us in the course of this History But being there he tells us that he was permitted to give a meeting to his Children Fol. 995. And accordingly they met at Maidstone where they dined together Well boul'd Vincent as our Authour knows who says in another place He gives us the Copy of a Letter in the very same fol. from the King to the Duke of York dated at Casam Iuly 4. 1647. in which he declares his hope that the Duke might be permitted with his Brother and Sister to come to some place betwixt that and London where he might see them adding withal that rather then hâ— might not see them he would be content they should come to some convenient place to dine and go back at night So then the place for this joyful meeting must be some convenient Town or other betwixt Casam and London But Casam is a Village of Berkshire distant about thirty Miles from London Westward and Maidstone one of the chief Townâ— of Kent is distant about thirty Miles from London towards the East so that London may be truly said to be in the middle betwixt Maidstone and Casam but Maidstone by no means to be in any position betwixt Casam and London Perhaps our Author in this place mistakes Maidstone for Madenhith from Reading ten and from London two and twenty miles distant and then he may do well to mend it in his second Edition And then he may correct also another passage about Judge Ienkins whom fol. 836. he makes to be taken Prisoner in the City of Hereford and fol. 976. at Castle in Wales So strangely does he forget himself that one might think this History had several Authors and was not written nor digested by any one man Fol. 96â— Nay did not Heraclius the Greek Emperor call for aid of theâ— Râ—ke-hell rabble of Scythians to assist him against the Saracens â— I believe he did not For as I remember not to
if the Squire had markt it well he might have found that the Respondeâ—t did not confesse himself to be guilty of publishing any mistaken intelligence in saying that the Articles of Ireland were abrogated and those or England setled in the place thereof but for saying that this alteration was confirmed in the Parliament of that Kingdome Anno 1634. were as it was not done in Parliament but in Convocation For which mistake as the Resâ—ondent hath observed in the place before-cited though it be only in the circumstance not in the substance of the Fact he stands accused by the Lord Primate of no lesse then 〈◊〉 and that by M. Sâ—nderson is thought to be but a gentle pennance for so presumptuous an assertion An 〈◊〉 which hath no presumption in it if you mark it well For if it can be proved as the Respondent answereth in his Appendix pag. 88. that the Articles of Ireland were called in and those of England were received in their place then whether it were done by Parliament or Convocation is not much materiall And for the proof of this that the Aâ—ticles of Ireland were repealed and the Articles of the Church of England as in the way of a super-induction were setled in the place thereof there hath been so much offered in the Book called The Observator Rescued and in that called The Respondit Petrus as may satisfie any rationall and impaâ—tiall Reader So that the Squire might very well have saved the labour of taxing the Respondent for want of ingenuity which he makes to be a great rarity in him and much more in defaming a whole Nation with a matter of truth in saying the Articles of the Church of England were not only appâ—oved but revived in the Church of Ireland and consequently by that reception they were virtually at the least if not also formally substituted in the place thereof Against which though the Lord Primate have said something he hath proved just nothing and both the Doctor and the Squire prove as little as he And here again I do desire that this reverend Prelate may not have his Name tost like a Tennis ball between two Rackets but that he may be suffered to rest with quiet in his grave for the time to come Et placida compostâ—â— morte quiesâ—aâ— as the Poet hath it But were the Respondent guilty of no other crime then by trespassing on the reverend name and living â—ame of this deceased but learned Prelate to shew his malice to the dead there had not needed any thing to be added to his justification The Panmâ—phleter will not suffer him to go â—ff so quietly and therefore tels us that it is no news for D. Heylin to be a disturber of pious and 〈◊〉 men while they are living It seems by this that D. Heylyn is a man of a troublesome nature neither in charity with the dead noâ— at peace with the living I specially if they come under the name and notion of emiâ—nent and pious men but though it be no news in the judgement of Squire Sanderson yet I can confidently say that it is Novum crimen anie hoc tempus in auditum a crime which never was charged before upon D. Heylin who hath hitherto appeared an Advocate for the dead and living as often as they have come under the unjust censures of some modern Writers And this the former Observations together with these Animadversions and Advertisements when he hath any grounds of truth to proceed upon do most clearly evidence Against which Declaration the Squire is able to instance only in one particular whereas indeed he hath but one particular to make instance in his instancing in no more but that particular being not so much an argument of his super-abundant charity towards the Respondent as of his little store of matter wherewithall to charge him And yet this one and onely instance touching D. Prideaux hath so little truth in it that it is only one degree removed from a sâ—ander For first omitting that D. Heylin took his degree An. 1633. and not in 1635. as the Pamphleter makes it the said Doctor never scandalized him at Court to the late King being then at Woodstock the said Doctor never making any such information to the King against D. Prideaux either at Woodstock or elsewhere Secondly The said Doctor never made any such information to any other person or persons if every thing which is delivered in the way of discourse may not be brought within the compasse of an information by whom it might be carried to his Majesties ear And for the proof hereof since I cannot raise men from the dead to bear witnesse to it I shall only say First That the Squire himself doth seem to give no credit to that Paper For if he did it would have found some place in that part of his History where it might properly have been inserted as well as he hath told us of the whole Story of some bustles in Oxon Anno 1631. occasioned by M. Thorne of Balâ—ol Colledge and M. Ford 〈◊〉 Magdaline Hall in which D. Prideaux was concerned and for which he received a check from the King at Woodstock In relating whereof though the name of D. Prideaux be not mentioned but couched only under the generall name of other of their partakers who received a check yet M. Fâ—ller from whom he borrowed the whole relation is more punctual in it and reports it thus viz. 1. The Preachers complained of were expelled the Vniuersâ—y 2. The Proctors were deprived of their places for accepting their appeal 3. D. Prideaux and D. Wilkinson were throughly checkt for engagiâ—g in their behalf The former of these two Doctors ingenâ—â—â—â—◠〈◊〉 to the King that Nemo motalium omnibâ—s hoâ—is sapit which wrought more on his Maâ—esties affectioâ—s 〈◊〉 if he had harangued it with a long Oration in his own 〈◊〉 Church-Hist lib. 11. fol. 141. 142. The Respondent hereupon inferreth That if M Sanderson had then given so much credit to that paper in publishing whereof he ascribeth so much merit to himself as he now seems to do he would have given it some place in his History to shew with what credit D Prideaux came off from that â—econd encounter at Woodstock and what discredit the Respondent got by his false Information And secondly The Respondent saith that he was then one of his Majestâ—es Chaplains in ordinary for the Moneth of August preaching before him at Oâ—t lands on Sunday the 18 of that Moneth and officiating the Divine Service of the Church in the great Hall of Woodstock-Mannor on the Sunday following during which intervall either upon the Thursday or Friday this businesse of D. Prideaux was in agitation to which there is no question but he had been called if he had been so much concerned in the information as the Pamphlet makes him And if he had been called to iâ— it is not probable that the Doctor had gone