Selected quad for the lemma: england_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
england_n	act_n	kingdom_n	parliament_n	5,978	5	6.9475	4	true

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A34711	A discourse of foreign war with an account of all the taxations upon this kingdom, from the conquest to the end of the reign of Queen Elizabeth : also, a list of the confederates from Henry I to the end of the reign of the said queen ... / formerly written by Sir Robert Cotton, Barronet, and now published by Sir John Cotton, Barronet.	Cotton, Robert, Sir, 1571-1631.	1690 (1690)	Wing C6488; ESTC R9016	65,651	106

it hath blessed both us and that Kingdom with the benefit of Peace yet hath it not delivered himself from a large and yearly expence here for supportation of that State out of his own Treasure And thus far in answer of the Argument from increase of Revenue by forraign Dominions As to the Arguments of Honour by addition of Titles and forraign Territories it may suffice in answer That so long as this Crown was actually possessed of any such Signiory the Tenure and Service did ever bring with it a note and badge of Vassalage than which nothing to so free a Monarch as the King of England who is Monarcha in Regno tot tanta habet Privilegia quot Imperator in Imperio a Monarch in his Kingdom and hath as many and as large Priviledges therein as an Emperour in his Empire could be more in blemish or opposition To write Domino Regi nostro Franciae To our Lord the King of France as during the time we held the Provinces in France we usually did in all our Letters and publick Contracts with that Crown can be called no addition of Honour And whether upon every command to act in person those base services of Homage and Fidelity as first in putting off the Imperial Crown the kneeling low at the foot of that King and taking an Oath to become Homme liege du Roys de France a liege subject to the Kings of France c. we in performing so the duties of a subject do not much more disparage the dignity of a Soveraign is no question of doubt From these considerations of Reputation and Honour the greatest stayes that support Majesty and retain Obedience our Kings of England have as far as to the forfeit of those Signiories either avoided or refused the services As King John did Normandy and Edward the second resigned to his Son the Duchy of Aquitain to put off the act of homage from himself to whom it could not in respect of his Regality but be a dishonour As appeareth in Henry the second who having made his Son Consortem Imperii a King of England with him Homagium à Filio noluit saith the Record quia Rex fuit sed securitatem accepit would not receive Homage of him because he was a King but took his Security In the seventeenth of Richard the second the Lords and Justices would not consent to a Peace with France unless the King might not do Homage they held it so bas● supposing thereby the liberty of the Kings Person and Subject wronged And thus much of the little Reputation that either in Title or Territory those subordiante Duchies in France added to this Crown As for the Kingdom of France the people of England were so little in love with that Title as any Honour to them that by Acts of Parliament 14 Ed. 3. and 8 Ed. 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France nor the Kingdom of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown And so much we have ever been in fear of that place lest it might leave this State to the misery of a Provincial Government as in 17 H. 6. the Commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown answered that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the Kings aboad there and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State besides the transport of our money in the mean time which would inrich that Countrey and impoverish the Realm at home whereby we should justly again say Britannia servitutem suam quotidie emit quotidie poscit The Britains are every day begging to be slaves every day giving money for it THe last motive is the advantage we now have of greater Facility and assurance of Success in any forreign enterprise by this happy Union of both Kingdoms than ever any of our Ancestors had To which in answer nothing can be more full than laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertakings in other parts weigh how they suit these times and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to them of equal worth and valuation The first consideration is in Place the next in Person In the wars of France whether those for the defence of particular Signiories or competition of the intire Kingdom we had ever Ports to land at and Forts to retire to which now we have not The coast of Normandy was our own by which we might enter the midst of France And Edward the third when he intended to annoy the East part sided with Montfort against Charles de Bloys whom he invested with the Duchy of Britain that so he might have there an easie footing Thus by leave of his Confederates in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side and a sure retreat when upon any occasion he would come back as he did to Antwerp And wheresoever any Army may have a quiet descent the greatest difficulty is overcome for the rest consisteth in Chance wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevail than Vertue But ibi grave est Bellum gerere ubi nullus est Class● Portus apertus non ager pacatus non Civitassocia non consistendi aut procedendi locus quocunque circum spexeris hostilia sunt omnia There 't is a hard task to wage war where there is no Port open for our Navy the Countrey our enemy no City our Confederate no place to make a stand or to march out from but whithersoever a man looks he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us And this must be now our case which was never our Ancestors Advantage personal was either A Party found made For the Persons considerable the a●… the Subjects to our enemies or our own Confederates Of the first our Kings heretofore did either work on the opportunity of any dissention ministred or by Pension and Reward either make a fraction in Obedience or Neutrality in Assistance with the Subjects of their Adversary The Dukes of Burgundy Earls of Britain Dreux and others in France offended with their Sovereign Confederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico Regi Angliae became Confederates with Henry Earl of Britain and King of England and thereupon drew him over into Britain The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000 l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyalty Edw. 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France if Robert de Artoys displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Master for that Earldom had not incited and complotted for him as Godfrey of Harecourt did after Nor Henry 5. if the unsound memory of the French King the jealousie of those Princes and Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune Confederates THe

his Souldiers Richard the second pawned Vasa aurea ●…iversa Jocalia Vessels of Gold and divers ●…ewels to Sir Robert Knowles Henry the ●…urth anno 3. to a Merchant for money invadi●…vit Tabellam Triscllas suas Argenteas de ●…ispania ingaged his Tablet and stools of Silver which he had from Spain Henry the sixth ●…ageth and selleth to the Cardinal of Winchester ●…nd others an 10 12 and 29. many par●…els of his rich Jewels And the late Queen in ●…e end of her dayes to ease her Subjects did the ●…ke with many in the Tower And Extremity hath yet stretched some of our Kings to so high a strain of Shift that Edward ●…e third invadiavit magnam Coronam An●…liae pawned his Imperial Crown three several ●…mes an 17. in partibus transmarinis in for●…aign parts and twice to Sir John W●senham his ●…erchant first in the twenty fourth and ●…fter an 30. in whose custody it remained ●…ight years To Henry Bishop of Winchester Henry the fifth invadiavit magnam Coronam auream gaged his Imperial Crown of Gold in 〈◊〉 fifth of his Reign And when Henry the thi●… had laid to gage omnia Insignia Regalia 〈◊〉 his Robes and Kingly Ornaments and upon assurance of redelivery or satisfaction had pawne●… Aurum Jocalia Feretri S. Edwardi Confess●…ris the Gold and Jewels belonging to the Shri●… of S. Edward the Confessour A course mo●… moderate than by force to have taken as Willi●… the Conquerour did the Chalices and Shrines 〈◊〉 other Churches or as Clement the seventh●… who to pay the Souldiers of Charles the fifth me●…ed the Consecrated Vessels was in the end wh●… he had neither means of his own left nor reputatio●… with others constrained to beg relief of his Subject●… in this low strain c Pauper sum omni destitu●… The sauro necesse habeo ut me juvetis nec aliqui●… erigo nisi per gratiam I am poor and have 〈◊〉 Treasure left ye must needs relieve me neither d●… I demand any thing but of your meer love and courtesie And turning to the Abbot of Ramsey to say Amice obnixe supplico quatenus me juvas mi●… centum libras conferendo My friend I beseec●… thee for Gods sake to help me with an hundred pound adding withall majorem Eleemosyn●… fore sibi juvamen conferre pecuniamve qu●… alicui ostiatim mendicanti that it would be a greater deed of Charity to contribute to his Wants than to give to one that begged from door to door So that of the waste of these time●… and want of those Princes I may truly with the Satyrist say Ossa vides Regum vacuis exuta medullis Thou seest the Bones of Kings spoil'd of their Marrow IT now resteth by some few particulars to observe with what Wealth we have returned ●ome loaden with the Spoils of our Enemies ●ince no motives are so powerful to the Common greedy People as the hopes of gain which will ●asily enforce them Ire super gladios superque Cadavera patrum Et caesos calcare Duces Tread upon Swords and on their Fathers Graves And spurn their slaughter'd Captains In the Expeditions of Henry the third their purchases were so great that the Londoners were more grieved at the intolerable Beggeries that the King and his Army brought back than for the expence of their own moneys For Cum labor in damno est crescit mortalis egestas When Toil brings Loss Begg'ry must needs increase The same King although called in by the Nobility of France in Faction against their Master returned no better rewarded than Consumpta pecunia infinita Nobilibus Militibus innumer abilibus vel Morti datis vel infirmitati vel fame attenuatis vel ad extremam redactis paupertatem with the having spent an infinite deal of money his Nobles and Souldiers without number being either slain or sickly 〈◊〉 maimed or half-starved or else reduced to 〈◊〉 tream poverty Innocentius the Pope repayed the expence 〈◊〉 Henry the third and his people in his Sicilian S●…vice with no better wages than this Scoffe Th●… England was Puteus inexhaust us quem 〈◊〉 lus poterat exsiccare a Well not to be emp●… which no man could draw dry What the succeeding times afforded may be well gathered o●… of the many Petitions in Parliament in the twenty second of Edward the third the fourth and seventh of Richard the second the eighth of Henry●… the fifth and tenth of Henry the sixth ever complaining of the extream Beggery the people brought home and desiring some speedy Relief The Treasure Henry the eighth spent in aid of Matoimilian about recovery of Veron●… nullum aliud factum nisi damnum dedec●… peperit brought him nothing else but Loss and Dishonour For the Emperour having his turn served delivered contrary to Contract that City to the French threatning to Confederate with them ni Rex ei continuo persolveret unless the King would forthwith pay him down a great summ of money believing as the words are Minis terrore ab hoc Rege pecuniam posse haberi that this King would part with his money upon threatnings and great words For the great Army of this King sent over into France and the Million almost of Crowns he supplied the Emperour and Duke of Bourbon with in their wars of Millan his People enduring new and unheard of Taxes at home and his Souldiers great Extremity abroad he was himself at the last of all their ends effe●●ed having spent the Treasure of his Father ●nd the Bounty of his Subjects forsaken and ●●st as the Pasquil painted him inter Maysem ●hristum Mahumetem betwixt Moses Christ ●nd Mahomet with this word Quo me vertam ●●scio Which way to turn me I know not For ●wo Millions of Crowns bestowed in purchase ●f Tournay not without suit of his own he deli●ered it with little or no recompence and rated ●is potential Interest of France at no greater ●umm than an Annuity of 100000 Crowns What from the thirtieth of this King until the last ●f his son Edward the sixth for 3173478 l. ●5 s. 4 d. spent at Sea and Land in Forraign wars his State received of inrichment it seemeth so ●ean as not worthy any place either in Story or Accompts Until the late Queen was drawn into wars ●he had in Treasure 700000 l. but after she was ●nce intangled it cost her before the thirtieth of ●er Reign 1517351 l. at which time she was but ●ntering into the vastness of her future Charge For the annual expence of 126000 l. in the Low-Countries from 1587. until 1593. the yearly disbursement for Flushing and the Brill ●8482 l. the debts of the States 800000 l. and the Aides of the French King since he attained to that Crown to above 401734 l. was after that time Thus by reason of war besides Taxes upon her People to the Summ of

most part either out of the Treasury or Customes of England disbursed From the eighteenth of Edward the third until the one and twentieth in which space it was taken the charge amounted to 337400 l. 9 shill 4 d. Anno 28. of the same King for little more than a year 17847 l. 5 shillings In anno 29. 30581 l. 18 d. for two years compleat In the thirtieth received by Richard de Eccleshal Treasurer of Callis from the Bishop of Winchester Treasurer of England 17847 l. And in the year following 26355 l. 15 shill In the second of Richard the second de receptis forinscecis which was money from the Exchequer at Westminster 20000 l. for three years compleat Anno 5. 19783 l. For three years ending anno 10. 77375 l. For the like term until an 13. 48609 l. 8 shill And for the four succeeding years 90297 l. 19 shill And for the last three years of his Reign 85643 l. From the end of Richard the second until the fourth of Henry the fourth for three years 62655 l. 17 shillings And for one succeeding 19783 l. The Charge in Victual and Provision for two years five months in this Kings Reign 46519 l. 15. shillings In the first four and peaceable years of his Son there was issued from the Treasury of England 86938 l. 10 shill for this place And from anno 8. until the 9. 65363 l. It cost Henry the sixth above all Revenue 9054 l. 5 shill in an 11. The Subsidies in England were an 27. levied in Parliament to defray the wages and reparation of Callis And the one and thirtieth of this King there was a Fifteen and 2 shill of every Sack of Wool imposed upon the Subjects here to the same end And the Parliament of 33. was assembled of purpose to order a course for discharge of wages and expence at Callis and the like authority directed the fourth of Edward the fourth that the Souldiers there should receive Victuals and salary from out of the Subsidies of England The disbursement thereof one year being 12771 l. And in the sixteenth of the same King for like term there was de Portu London Hull Sancti Botolphi Poole Sandwico by the Ports of London Hull Boston Pool and Sandwich 12488 l. paid to the Treasury of Callis And in an 20. from out of the Customes of the same Ports to the same end 12290 l. 18 shill And in 22. 11102 l. And the year following 10788 l. The setled ordinary wages of the Garrison in this Town yearly was 24 Hen. 8. 8834 l. And about the thirtieth when the Viscount Lisle was Deputy 8117 l. And from the thirtieth of this King to the end of his Son Edw. 6. this place did cost the Crown 371428 l. 18 shill From the first purchase of it by Edw. 3. until the loss thereof by Queen Mary it was ever a perpetual issue of the Treasure of this Land which might in continuance have rather grown to be a burthen of Danger to us than any Fort of Security For from the waste of money which is Nervus Reipublicae the Sinew of a Common-wealth as Ulpian saith we may conclude with Tacitus Dissolutionem Imperii docet si fructus quibus Respub sustinetur diminuantur it foreshews the ruine of an Empire if that be impaired which should be the sustenance of the Common-wealth And therefore it was not the worst opinion at such time as the Captivity of Francis the French King incited Henry the eighth to put off that Kingdom although in the close major pars vicit meliorem the greater party out-voted the better that to gain any thing in France would be more chargeable than profitable and the keeping more than the enjoying The issue was in Tournay Bullen and this Town manifest Besides the jealousie that Nation ever held over our designes and their own liberty For as Graecia libera esse non potuit dum Philippus Graeciae Compedes tenuit Greece could never be free so long as Philip had the Fetters of Greece in his custody so as long as by retention of Callis we had an easie descent into and convenient place to trouble the Countrey a Fetter to intangle them they neither had assurance of their own quiet nor we of their Amity And it was not the least Argument from Conveniency in the detention of Callis after the eight years expired of Redelivery used by the Chancellour of France That we should gain much more in assured peace which we could never have so long as we were Lords of that Town than by any benefit it did or could yield us It was never but a Pique and Quarrel between the two Realms For upon every light displeasure either Princes would take by and by to Callis and make war there God hath made a separation natural betwixt both Nations a sure wall and defence Et penitus toto divisos Orbe Britannos That is the English were divided from all the world But a little more to inform the weight of these Charges it is not amiss to touch by way of comfort that from which we are so happily by the infinite blessings of God and benignity of a Gracious King delivered and also that other of burthen still though much lightened until conformity of Affections and designs of Councils shall further effect a Remedy The Charge of Barwick and the Frontiers in 20 Edward 3. was 3129 l. for three years In the end of Richard 2. and entrance of Henry 4. 10153 l. And 11 Henry 6. the Custody of the Marches 4766 l. In the 2 Mariae the annual Charge of Barwick was 9413 l. And in an 2 Elizabeth 13430 l. And an 26. 12391 l. The Kingdom of Ireland beyond the Revenues was 29 E. 3. 2285 l. An. 30. 2880 l. and an 50. 1808 l. All the time of Richard 2. it never defrayed the charges And came short in 11 Henry 6. 4000 Marks of annual issues The Revenue there in omnibus exitibus proficuis in all the rents and profits yearly by Accompt of Cromwel Lord Treasurer not above 3040 l. But passing over these elder times in the Reign of the late Queen when the yearly Revenue was not 15000 l. the expence for two years ending 1571. amounted to 116874 l. In an 1584. for less than two years came it to 86983 l. The charge there in two years of Sir John Parrots Government ending 1586. was 116368 l. In anno 1597. the Receipt not above 25000 l. the issue was 91072 l. And when in 35 Elizabeth the Rents and Profits of that Kingdom exceeded not 27118 l. the Disbursement in seven moneths were 171883 l. The Charge 1601. for nine moneths 167987 l. And for the two years following accounted by the allayed money 670403 l. And in the first of the King 84179 l. Whose Government although