Franciscus Haraeus compiled Annals of the bloody and fierce Warres in the Netherlands when some of those Provinces fell from the obedience of Philip the second King of Spaine Which businesse he relates in such a way as must in probability lead a Reader to believe that the King and his Officers were altogether innocent and the people of those Countries the only causers of their own Calamity Meteranus wrote the History of those very times which who so reads must needs make a contrary censure concerning the occasion of that Warre The like discrepancy hath been found in Historians of all ages and Nations and therefore not to be much wondred at if it now happen But that which of all other is most likely to be differently related because informations will not agree in such a distance is concerning the actions of Warre and Souldiery and in the time of this Warre it is a thing of extreme difficulty I might say of impossibility for those of one Party to be truly informed of all the Councels or the very Performances and Actions of Commanders and Souldiers on the other side How much valour the English Nation on both sides have been guilty of in this unnaturall Warre the World must needs know in the generall fame But for particulars how much Worth Vertue and Courage some particular Lords Gentlemen and others have shewed unlesse both sides do write will never perfectly be known My residence hath bin during these Wars in the quarters and under the protection of the Parliament and whatsoever is briefly related of the Souldiery being toward the end of this Book is according to that light which I discerned there For whatsoever I have missed concerning the other Party I can make no other Apology then such as Meteranus whom I named before doth in the Preface to his History De Belguis tumultibus Whose words are thus Quòd plura de Reformatorum patriae defensorum quà m de Partis adversaere bus gestis exposuerìm mirum haudquaquam est quoniam plus Commercii familiaritatis mihi cum ipsis major indagandi opportunitas furt Si Pars adversaidem tali probitate praestiterit ediderit Posteritas gesta omnia legere liquido cognoscere magno cum fructu poterit In like manner may I averre that if in this discourse more particulars are set down concerning the actions of those men who defended the Parliament then of them that warred against it it was because my conversation gave me more light on that side to whom as I have indeavoured to give no more then what is due so I have cast no blemishes on the other nor bestowed any more characters then what the truth of Story must require If those that write on the other side will use the same candour there is no feare but that posterity may receive a full information concerning the unhappy distractions of these Kingdoms This I must adde that to inform the world of the right nature causes and growth of these Distractions it will require that the Discourse begin from precedent times which I shall indeavour to deduce down to the present with as much brevity as the necessity of unfolding truth can possibly admit Neither is it needful to begin the Story from times of any great distance or to mention the Government of our most ancient Princes but from that Prince fresh in the memory of some yet living who first established the Reformed Religion in this Kingdome and according to that 〈◊〉 a new interest in the State which was most behoofefull and requisite for her Successors to follow and much conducing besides the glory of Almighty God to their own Honour Power and Greatnesse THE CONTENTS BOOK I. CHAP. I. WHerein is a short mention of Queene Elizabeth King James and the beginning of King Charles his Reign His two first Parliaments Of the War with Spaine and France The death of the Duke of Buckingham And the third Parliament of King Charles 1 CHAP. II. A briefe Relation of some grievances of the Kingdome The various opinions of men concerning the present Government The condition of the Court and Clergy of England Some observations of a stranger concerning the Religion of the English people 15 CHAP. III. The condition of the Scottish State and Clergy when the new Booke of Lyturgy was sent unto them how it was received with some effects which followed The Kings Proclamation sent by the Earle of Traquare against which the Lords make a Protestation 27 CHAP. IV. The Scots enter into a Covenant The Marquesse Hamilton is sent thither from the King A Nationall Synod is granted to them but dissolved within few daies by the Marquesse as Commissioner from the King The King declares against the Covenanters and raises an Army to subdue them 38 CHAP. V. The 〈◊〉 of the English People from this Warre with Scotland 〈◊〉 King advanceth to Yorke with his Army The prepaâ—â—â—◠〈◊〉 the Scottish Covenanters A Pacification is made and 〈◊〉 Armies disbanded Another Preparation for Warre with â—â—â—â—land A Parliament called to begin in England on the 13 of 〈◊〉 The Parliament of Scotland is broken off by command of 〈◊〉 to the Earle of Traquare 46 CHAP. VI. The Parliament beginneth in England but is soone dissolved The Clergy continue their Convocation The Scots enter into England Some passages of the War A Parliament is called to begin on the third of November A Truce between the Armies for two Moneths 58 CHAP. VII The beginning of the English Parliament Grievances examined Sufferers relieved Delinquents questioned The Archbishop of Canterbury committed to the Tower The flight of Secretary WINDEBANKE and of the Lord Keeper FINCH 70 CHAP. VIII The Tryall and death of the Earle of Strafford Conspiracies detected during the agitation of it An Act for continuance of this present Parliament With a mention of that Grant of the Trienniall Parliament in February before 87 CHAP. IX Allowance of money from the English Parliament to the Scots The vast Charge of disbanding the two Armies The great Taxations for that purpose and the manner of Poll Money The people take a Protestation An Act for putting down the High Commission Court and Starre-Chamber with other occurrences of that time The Queene Mother departeth England The King goeth into Scotland 103 BOOK II. CHAP. I. A Standing Committee during the Recesse of both Houses of Parliament The Rebellion of the Irish and Massacre of the â—testants there Some indeavours of the English Parliament 〈◊〉 relief of that Kingdom 1 CHAP. II. The King returneth out of Scotland and is pompoushly entertained by the City of London The Remonstrance is published by the Parliament The King entreth into the House of Commons The 〈◊〉 of the 12. Bishops and how it was censured by the Lords and Commons Divers unhappy obstructions of the relief of Ireland 16 CHAP. III. The Queen passeth into Holland with her Daughter the Princesse Mary Difference between the King and Parliament concerning the Militia The
The effect of that Protestation was for we cannot here insert it at large That the Service Booke was full of Superstition and Idolatry and ought not to be obtruded upon them without consent of a Nationall Synod which in such cases should judge That it was unjust to deny them liberty to accuse the Bishops being guilty of high crimes of which till they were cleered they did reject the Bishops as Judges or Governours of them They protested also against the High Commission Court and justified their owne meetings and superscriptions to Petitions as being to defend the glory of God the Kings Honour and Liberties of the Realme This Protestation was read in the Market place at Sterlin and the Copy hung up in publike CHAP. IV. The Scots enter into a Covenant The Marquesse HAMILTON is sent thither from the King A Nationall Synod is granted to them but dissolved within few daies by the Marquesse as Commissioner from the King The King declares against the Covenanters and raises an Army to subdue them FRom Sterlin the Commissioners resorted to Edenburgh whither many from all parts met to consult of the present businesse and concluded there to renew solemnly among them that Covenant which was commonly called The lesser confession of the Church of Scotland or The confession of the Kings family which was made and sealed under King JAMES his hand in the yeare 1580. afterwards confirmed by all the Estates of the Kingdome and Decree of the Nationall Synod 1581. Which Confession was againe subscribed by all sorts of persons in Scotland 1590. by authority of Councell and Nationall Synod and a Covenant added to it for defence of true Religion and the Kings Majesty which Covenant the aforesaid Lords Citizens and Pastours in the yeare 1638. did renew and tooke another according to the present occasion The Covenant it selfe expressed at large in the Records of that Kingdome consisted of three principall parts The first was a re-taking word for word of that old Covenant 1580. confirmed by Royall Authority and two Nationall Synods for defence of the purity of Religion and the Kings Person and Rights against the Church of Rome The second part contained an enumeration of all the Acts of Parliament made in Scotland in defence of the reformed Religion both in Doctrine and Discipline against Popery The third was an application of that old Covenant to the present state of things where as in that all Popery so in this all innovations in those Bookes of Lyturgy unlawfully obtruded upon them are abjured and a preservation of the Kings Person and Authority as likewise a mutuall defence of each other in this Covenant are sworne unto Against this Covenant the King much displeased made these foure principall objections First By what authority they entred into this Covenant or presumed to exact any Oath from their fellow Subjects Secondly if they had power to command the new taking of this Oath yet what power had they to interpret it to their present occasion it being a received Maxime That no lesse authority can interpret a Law then that which made it or the Judges appointed by that Authority to give sentence upon it Thirdly What power they had to adde any thing to it and interpose a new Covenant of mutuall assistance to each other against any other power that should oppose them none excepted And fourthly That all Leagues of Subjects among themselves without the privity and approbation of the King are declared to be seditious by two Parliaments in Scotland one of the tenth Parliament of JAMES the sixth Act the twelfth and the other the fifteenth Act of the ninth Parliament of Queene MARY What answer the Covenanters made to these objections and what arguments the King used to enforce the contrary are largely expressed in many writings being such indeed as not onely then but since in the sad calamities of England have been discoursed of in whole volumes containing all that can be said concerning the true Rights and Priviledges of Princes and People The Covenant notwithstanding was generally subscribed by all there present at Edenburgh in February 1638. and Copies of it sent abroad to those who were absent and so fast subscribed by them also that before the end of Aprill he was scarce accounted one of the Reformed Religion that had not subscribed to this Covenant And the Church and State were divided into two names of Covenanters and Non-Covenanters the Non-Covenanters consisting â—irst of Papists whose number was thought small in Scotland scarce exceeding six hundred Secondly some Statesmen in Office and favour at that time Thirdly someâ— who though they were of the Reformed Religion were greatly affected to the Ceremonies of England and Booke of Common-Prayer Many Bishops at that time came from thence to the Court of England and three Lords of the Councell of Scotland whom the King had sent for to advise about the affaires of that Kingdome where after many debates what course to take whether of reducing the Covenanters by Armes or using more gentle meanes The King at last sent the Marquesse HAMILTON together with those three Lords into Scotland The Marquesse arrived at Dulketh and within few daies entred Edenburgh in Iune being met and conducted into the City by a great multitude of all ranks in which number were seven hundred Pastors of Churches The Marquesse by the Kings Command dealt with the Covenanters to renounce their Covenant or else told them there was no hope to obtaine a Nationall Synod which they so much desired for setling of the Church which they affirmed could not be done without manifest perjury and profanation of Gods Name But when nothing was agreed upon they besought the Marquesse at his returne into England to present their humble desire to the King But before his departure in Iuly he published the Kings Proclamation wherein his Majesty protests to defend the Protestant Religion and that he would no more presse upon them the Booke of Canons or Service Booke but by lawfull Mediums That he would rectifie the High Commission and was resolved to take a speedy opportunity of calling both a Parliament and Synod When the Proclamation was ended the Covenanters read their Protestation of which the heads were That they never questioned his Majesties sincerity in the Protestant Religion That these grants of his were not large enough to cure the present distempers for he doth not utterly abolish that Service-Booke nor the High Commission being both obtruded against all Law upon them That their meetings are not to be condemned in opprobrious words being lawfull and such as they would not forsake untill the purity of Religion and peace might be fully setled by a free and Nationall Synod The Marquesse went into England to returne at a prefixed day the twelfth of August In the meane time the Scots keepe a solemne Fast and the Covenanters not hoping from the King so quick a call of a Nationall Synod as the present malady required published a writing wherein
people take a Protestation An Act for putting downe the High Commission Court and Starre-Chamber with other occurrences of that time The Queene Mother departeth England The King goeth into Scotland THe Parliament conceiving themselveâ— somewhat strengthened and secured by by that Act of continuance began to fall upon the maine businesse of the Kingdome but their first desire was to ease themselves of that unsupportable charge of keeping two Armies in pay It was therefore resolved that both the Armies should forthwith be disbanded The Earle of Holland was nominated by the King and well approved of by the Parliament to go down as Generall for disbanding of the English And for the speedy disbursement of so great a summe which was to be raised out of the Poll-Money of which I shall speake anon and the â—ix Subsidies much Plaâ—e was appointed with more then ordinary haste to be melted and coyned The Reader will here perchance desire to be satisfied by what meanes the Scottish Army which the King in the beginning of the Parliament was so dâ—sirous to have driven out of the Kingdome and stiled Rebells should continue undisbanded till this time The Cessation of Armes which was made before to expire about the end of December last was at that time renewed by the Parliament for a Moneth longer who presently after tooke it into consideration that the Scots should be satisfied for all their charges they had been at and losses sustained since that unhappy Warre that the King had raised against them In the February following after a serious debate concerning that businesse the necessities of the Scots being well weighed and their demands considered it was not onely agreed that their Ships taken since that Warre should be restored and 4000. l. in ready money given to them to rigge those Ships but for the maine of all it was resolved upon by both Houses to give the full summe of 300000. l. in these words expressed Towards a supply of the losses and necessities of our Brethren of Scotland and that the Parliament would in due time take into consideration the manner of raising and daies of payment Whereupon the Scottish Commissioners three daies after returned thankfulnesse to the Parliament not onely for that great summe of 300000. l. but for the stile of Brethren which they had given them And the same weeke to continue and further strengthen the amity of both Nations the Parliament of England Ordained that all Books Libels and Proclamations against the Scots should be called in and a thanksgiving to God should be in all Churches thorow England for the happy conclusion of that peace But before the time came that the Parliament pressed with so many great and weighty Affaires could have leisure to consider and fully determine the times for payment of that great summe to the Scots which was not till the 19. day of the following Iune when it was concluded that they should receive 100000 l. of it at Midsomer come twelve Moneth and the other 200000. l. at Midsomer two yeares after the Scots presented many Papers to the House at severall times for money to supply the wants of their Army which were friendly entertained and considered by the Parliament for that Army was kept long undisbanded insomuch as about the end of the following May there was in Arreare due to the Scottish Army besides the gift of 300000 l 120000. l. So great a charge was the Parliament of England content to be at rather then suffer the Scots to go till businesses were better setled which gave occasion to many of the Clergy and others not well affected to them not onely in discourse but written Libels to taxe the Parliament and impute it to them as a crime of too much distrust of the King and that they kept a forraigne Army to awe their owne Prince But certaine it is that since that time when the forenamed Conspiracies began to breake out the Houses not well assured of the King nor fully trusting the English Army were content that the Scots should not be disbanded untill the other were being also doubtfull of that Irish Army which the King as is before expressed had told them he could not disband for some reasons best knowne to himselfe Nor was that Army of Scots disbanded till August at the same time when the English Army was by the Earle of Holland appointed Generall to that purpose And both the Armies quietly departed conducted to their owne homes by Order from Justices of Peace through the severall Counties To defray so vast a charge as the payment of two great Armies the Parliament besides the grant of six Subsidies imposed a Taxe seldome or never knowne which was that of the Poll-Money wherein the whole Kingdome were to be personally assessed Every Duke at 100 l. a Marquesse at 80 l. Earles at 60 l. Viscounts and Barons at 40 l. Knights of the Bathe 30 l. other Knights 20 l. Esquires 10 l. every Gentleman dispending 100 l. per annum was seized at 5 l. and all others of ability to pay a competent proportion the meanest head of the whole Kingdome was not excused under six pence This Bill of Poll-Money was offered by the Houses to the King together with two other of great concernment one for putting downe the High Commission Court and the other for putting downe the Starre-Chamber But the King shewed some reluctancy in that businesse desiring to passe only that Bill of Poll-Money for the present and to deliberate about passing of the other two At which the House of Commons being certified so much by the Lords were not well contented and voted that his Majesty should passe all three or none at all Notwithstanding the King upon the second of Iuly did accordingly passe the Poll-Money and demurred upon the other two But understanding that the matter was so ill taken and loath upon mature deliberation to displease the Kingdome at that time he came againe upon the following Tuesday being the fifth of Iuly and passed the other two for putting downe the High Commission and Starre-Chamber Many of the Courtiers and neerest servants about the King were very sorry that his Majesty seeing that he passed those two Bills so soone after had not freely done it at the same time as was desired together with the Poll-Money Because it might be thought an unwillingnesse in him and that his heart which was then feared did not perfectly concurre with his Peoples desires Whereby much of the thanks which so great a grace freely and forwardly expressed might have deserved did seeme in a manner lost The King therefore at the passing of those two Bills told them as much That He could not but be sensible of those reports of discontent which he had heard was taken by some for his not passing them before and thought it very strange that two things of so great importance should be expected from him without an allowance of time to consider of them That he wondred they could harbour any
slaine That Commission of Array was directed from the King to Sir NICHOLAS CRISPE Sir GEORGE STROUD Knights to Sir THOMAS GARDINER Knight Recorder of London Sir GEORGE BINION Knight RICHARD EDES and MARMADUKE ROYDEN Esquires THOMAS BROWNE PETER PAGGON CHARLES GENNINGS EDWARD CARLETON ROBERT ABBOT ANDREW KING WILLIAM WHITE STEVEN BOLTON ROBERT ALDEM EDMUND FOSTER THOMAS BLINKHORNE of London Gentlemen and to all such other persons as according to the true intent and purport of that Commission should be nominated and appointed to be Generals Colonels Lieutenant Colonels Serjeant Majors or other Officers of that Councell of Warre The Commission it selfe is to be read at large in the Parliament Records But this Conspiracy was prevented and proved fatall to some of the Contrivers being detected upon the last day of May which happened at that time to be the day of the Monethly Fast and Master WALLER Master TOMKINS with other of the forenamed Conspirators being apprehended were that night examined by divers grave Members of the Parliament of whom Master PYM was one and afterwards reserved in custody for a Tryall They were arraigned in Guild-Hall and Master WALLER Master TOMKINS Master CHALLONER Master HASELL Master WHITE and Master BLINKHORNE were all condemned none were executed but Master TOMKINS and Master CHALLONER being both hanged Master TOMKINS in Holborne and Master CHALLONER in Cornhill both within sight of their own dwelling houses Master HASELL dyed in Prison BLINKHORNE and the other were by the mercy of the Parliament and the Lord Generall Essex reprived and saved afterwards Master WALLER the chiefe of them was long detained Prisoner in the Tower and about a yeare after upon payment of a Fine of ten thousand pounds was pardoned and released to go travell abroad It was much wondered at and accordingly discoursed of by many at that time what the reason should be why Master WALLER being the principall Agent in that Conspiracy where Master TOMKINS and Master CHALLONER who had been drawne in by him as their own Confessions even at their deaths expressed were both executed did escape with life The onely reason which I could ever heare given for it was That Master WALLER had been so free in his Confessions at the first without which the Plot could not have been clearly detected That Master PYM and other of the Examiners had ingaged their promise to do whatever they could to preserve his life He seemed also much smitten in conscience and desired the comfort of godly Minister being extremely penitent for that soule offence and afterwards in his Speech to the House when he came to be put out of it much be wailed his offence thanking God that so mischievous and bloody a Conspiracy was discovered before it could take effect CHAP. III. Matters of State trans-acted in Parliament touching the Assembly of Divines The making of a new Great Seale Impeaching the Queene of High Treason and other things The Lord Generall Essex after some Marches returneth to quarter his wasted and sick Army about Kingston The Kings Forces Masters of the West The Earl of Newcastle his greatnesse in the North. Some mention of the Earle of Cumberland and the Lord FAIRFAX AT the same time that these Conspiracies were closely working to undermine the Parliament and Warre was raging in highest fury throughout the Kingdome many State-businesses of an unusuall nature had been trans-acted in the Parliament sitting For things were growne beyond any president of former ages and the very foundations of Government were shaken according to the sense of that Vote which the Lords and Commons had passed a yeare before That whensoever the King maketh Warre against the Parliament it tendeth to the dissolution of this Government Three things of that unusuall nature fell into debate in one moneth which was May 1643. and were then or soone after fully passed one was at the beginning of that moneth concerning the Assembly of Divines at Westminster Among other Bils which had passed both Houses and wanted onely the Royall Assent that was one That a Synod of Divines should be chosen and established for the good and right settlement of Religion with a fit Government for the Church of England This Bill was oft tendred to the King to passe but utterly refused by him The matter therefore was fully argued what in such cases might be done by Authority of Parliament when the Kingdomes good is so much concerned when a King refuseth and wholly absenteth himselfe from the Parliament And at last it was brought to this conclusion That an Ordinance of Parliament where the King is so absent and refusing is by the Lawes of the Land of as good Authority to binde the people for the time present as an Act of Parliament it selfe can be It was therefore Voted by the Lords and Commons That the Act for an Assembly of Divines to settle Religion and a forme of Government for the Church of England which the King had oft refused to passe should forthwith be turned into an Ordinance of Parliament and the Assembly thereby called debate such things for the settlement of Religion as should be propounded to them by both Houses which not long after was accordingly put in execution The case seemed of the same nature with that of Scotland in the yeare 1639. when the Scottish Covenanters as is before mentioned in this History upon the Kings delay in calling their Nationall Synod published a writing to that purpose That the power of calling a Synod in case the Prince be an Enemy to the truth or negligent in promoting the Churches good is in the Church it selfe In the same moneth and within few daies after another businesse of great consequence was by the Lords and Commons taken into consideration which was the making of a new Great Seale to supply the place of that which had been carried away from the Parliament as before is mentioned This businesse had been fully debated in the House of Commons and the Moneth following at a Conference between both Houses the Commons declared to the Lords what great prejudice the Parliament and whole Kingdome suffered by the absence of the Great Seale and thereupon desired their speedy compliance in Votes for the making of a new one The matter was debated in the House of Peeres put to Votes and carried for the negative The onely reason which they alleadged against the making of a new Seale was this That they have hitherto dispatched all business since the absence of the Seale by vertue of Ordinances of Parliament and they conceived that the same course might still be kept in what matters soever were necessary to be expedited for the good of the Kingdome without a Seale Yet the Lords gave a respective answer That if the House of Commons would informe them in any particular cases wherein the Kingdomes prejudice by absence of the Great Seale could not be remedied by vertue of an Ordinance they would take it into further consideration to induce complyance accordingly Neither was
the other side who had oppressed them No commotion at all was raised from the oppressed party though it consisted of the body of the Nation and therefore strong enough to have vindicated themselves would they have risen in illegall tumults The Land was yet quiet and that storme which the people had feared before the death of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM was not in so long a time fallen upon England although the causes in Government which made them feare it had continued at the height ever since They onely wished for a Parliament but durst not hope it unlesse some strange accident not yet discovered by them might necessitate such a cure The Commons therefore But in Scotland it was once quite ruined and by degrees built up againe not without many difficulties not without great reluctancy of the Peeres Gentry and most of the Ministers not without extraordinary interposition of Regall Authority and great art used by two Kings in managing the businesse and raising it to that height in which then it stood as you may reade at large in some late Writers of that Kingdome Neither were the Peeres and Gentry of that Kingdome so impatient of this new yoakeâ— onely out of zeale to preservation of Religion in purity though that no doubt were their greatest reason that Church having been ever much addicted to the Reformation of Geneva And those other Churches as it appeared by their great unwillingnesse to receive those few Ceremonies of the English Church at their Synod of Perth but as loath also to suffer any diminution of their Temporall Liberties which could not be avoided in admittance of Episcopall Jurisdiction and was manifested in that Kingdome by divers examples of rigorous proceedings which some Bishops used against Gentlemen of quality by way of Fines and Imprisonments and the like which particulars are too large to be here inserted in this Narration In the yeare 1637. a Booke of Lyturgy was composed and sent out of England which they complained of because it was not before allowed by their Church in a Nationall Synod as was fit for a businesse of so great import with an expresse command from the King that they should reverently receive it and publikely reade it in their Churches beginning on Easter day and so forward against which time the Privy Councell of Scotland had commanded that every Parish should buy two at the least of them That Service-Booke was the same with the Common-Prayer Booke of England excepting some few alterations of which some as they observed were alterations for the better but others for the worse For the better they esteemed that so many Chapters of the Apocrypha were not appointed to be read as in the English Prayer Booke and where the English retained the old vulgar Latine Translation especially in the Psalmes that Booke followed the last Translation commonly called that of King JAMES Those alterations for the worse were divers observed by the Scots especially in the Lords Supper of which some were these The expresse command for situation of the Altar so called to the Easterne Wall together with many postures of the Minister whilest he officiated expressed in their exceptions but especially this that in the consecrating prayer those words which in the English Common-Prayer Booke are directly against Transubstantiation were quite left out in that Booke and instead of them such other words as in plaine sense agreed with the Roman Masse Booke As for example Heare us O most mercifull Father and of thy Omnipotent goodnesse grant so to blesse and sanctifie by thy Word and Spirit these creatures of bread and wine that they may be to us the body and blood of thy beloved Sonne Many other alterations the Scots have observed and expressed in their writings and in one word affirmed that wheresoever that Booke varies from the English Lyturgy it approaches directly to the Roman Missall and offered to prove that all the materiall parts of the Masse Booke are seminally there It was thought by many that if the Booke without any alteration at all had been sent into Scotland though the Scots perhaps would not have received it they would not have taken it in so evill part And it might have been construed onely as a brotherly invitation to the same service which England used But what the reasons were of those alterations I finde no where expressed but onely where the King in his Declaration concerning that businesse is pleased to say thus WE supposing that they might have taken some offence if we should have tendred them the English Service-Booke totidem verbis and that some factious spirits would have endeavoured to have misconstrued it as a badge of dependance of that Church upon this of England which we had put upon them to the prejudice of their Lawes and Liberties We held it fitter that a new Booke should be composed by their owne Bishops in substance not differing from this of England that so the Roman Party might not upbraid us with any weighty or materiall differences in our Lyturgyes and yet in some few insensible alterations differing from it that it might truly and justly be reputed a Booke of that Churches owne composing and established by Our Royall Authority as King of SCOTLAND These were the Kings expressions which as it seemed were not satisfactory to the Scots in that point For they were as is before specified not well affected to their owne Bishops whose power and jurisdiction over them was rather enforced then consented to Neither did they suppose that a conformity in Church-Worship had it been such as their consciences could well have imbraced had beene any badge of their dependancy upon England as being a people not conquered but united in an equall freedome under the same King Besides they could not relish it well that the Archbishop of Canterbury and other English Bishops who in many points of Ceremony and Worship which they accounted things tolerable did make as neere approaches to the Church of Rome as possibly they could for no other reason as they professe in their writings then that they laboured to bring union into the Christian Church if it were possible should now invite the Church of Scotland whom they accounted more puritanicall then themselves to union by a quite contrary way as in stead of framing their Service neerer to the Scottish profession and Discipline to urge them to a Lyturgy more popish then their owne So that it seemed for unity they were content to meet Rome rather then Scotland To returne to the Narration The Service-Booke according to the Kings command was offered to the Church of Scotland and the Councell there and published by Proclamation a day for the reading of it in all Churches appointed which was the Easter day following 1637. But then upon some considerations and further triall of mens minds as the King declares the first reading of it was put off untill the 23. of Iuly next ensuing to the end that the Lords of the Session
their Session being the same with the Terme in England and others who had any Law businesse might see the successe of it before the rising of the Session which alwaies endeth upon the first of August and that so upon their returne into their severall Countries they might report the receiving of this Booke at Edenburgh it being ordered That on that Sunday the Booke should be read only in the Church of Edenburgh and some other neere adjacent and warning was printed and published in those severall Pulpits the Sunday before that it was to be read On the 23. day of Iuly being Sunday the Booke was read in Saint Gyles Church commonly called the great Church at Edenburgh where were present many of the Privy Councell both Archbishops and divers other Bishops the Lords of the Session the Magistrates of Edenburgh and a great auditory of all sorts But the people especially the meanest vulgar for they first appeared against it and some women expressed so great a detestation of the Booke not onely in words and outcries but actions that the City Magistrates were troubled much to get the Service performed and the Bishop who read it comming out of the Church had probably beene slaine by the multitude if he had not been rescued by a Nobleman Betweene the two Sermons the Councell and Magistrates met about preventing future tumults but though the Booke were read more quietly in the afternoone yet the tumult was farre greater after evening Prayer from the people who had stayed in the streets and the Bishop in the Earle of ROXBOROUGH his Coach hardly escaped from being stoned to death The greatest men and Magistrates of Edenburgh to excuse themselves to the King some of them also writing to the Archbishop of Canterbury layed all the fault upon the Rabble for as yet none of quality had appeared insomuch as that the Privy Councell and Magistrates of Edenburgh the next morning held some consultation about finding out and punishing the ringleaders of that uproare But not long after upon the appearing of some others of higher ranke and Petitions from divers Ministers That the reading of that Booke might be a while tespited till his Majesty might be further petitioned and informed the Councell yeelded so far as that it should not be urged by the Bishops till his Majesties pleasure were further knowne Upon which many Gentlemen and Ministers who had resorted to Edenburgh with Petitions not long before returned in part satisfied to their owne habitations and at many places met together with fastings and Prayer That God would be pleased to direct the Kings heart in that way which they conceived most conducible to the happinesse of the Church and State of Scotland Upon the 18. of October following harvest being now ended a great conflux of all sorts was at Edenburgh to heare what the King was pleased to determine of the businesse where they finde an Edict against them That upon paine of being guilty of Rebellion all should within few houres warning depart the City and because the Citizens of Edenburgh had twice tumultuously opposed the Prayer Booke and assaulted the Bishop of Edenburgh as a punishment to that City the Terme was to be removed to the Burgh of Linlithgow and the next Terme after the ordinary vacants to be held at the Burgh of Dendie there to remaine during his Majesties pleasure The Petitioners as they were then called were much moved at this Edict and on the 19. of that October presented to the Privy Councell a great complaint against the Bishops whom they conceived the Authors of all this businesse and desired justice against them as well for other crimes as for introducing contrary to Law that superstitious and idolatrous Book To this complaint a great number of all ranks subscribed and professed to the Councell that they could not depart out of Edinburgh till some way were found out to settle the present grievances Whilest they stayed there their number daily increased from all the remotest Provinces that the Councell were enforced to give way that till the Kings pleasure were yet further knowne they might chuse some out of their number of all ranks to represent the rest and follow the cause in the name of all the rest Upon which they chose foure of the higher Nobility foure of the lower ranke of Nobility as representers of Provinces as many Burgesses of Townes and foure Pastors as representers of the Classes having setled this the rest quietly departed to their owne homes The King hearing of these things sent a command to the Councell of Edenburgh not to take upon themselves any more the decision of this controversie which he reserved in his owne power And Proclamation was made in December 1637. concerning the Kings intentions that they were not to infringe the Lawes or Liberties of the Kingdome When therefore the Commissioners petitioned the Councell to give way to them to bring their Actions against the Bishops the Councell answered That the King had commanded them to receive no more Petitions against either the Bishops or Booke of Service Whereupon the Commissioners discontented prepare a Protestatâ—on against the Kings Councell declaring That what mischiefe soever might afterwards ensue was to be all imputed to the Kings Councell for denying Justice The Councell fearing what effects might follow desired the Bishops to absent themselves and gave leave to the Commissioners to appeare before them where the Lord of Lowden in name of all the rest made an Oration in which charging the Bishops with other crimes besides these stirres he desired them to be altogether removed from the Councell Table till they had answered and cleered themselves To the like purpose spake one of the Ministers The Councell seemed sorry that it lay not in their power since the Kings Command was peremptory to give satisfaction to their desires but intreated their patience for so small a time as till they might againe receive notice of his Majesties pleasure The King further certified by them sent for the Earle of TRAQUARE into England who was soone dispatched againe into Scotland and in February 1638. caused the Kings Mandate in Sterlin where the Councell then sate to be published The Proclamation declared that the Bishops were wrongfully accused as Authors of sending the Prayer Booke That his Majesty himselfe was Author of it and all was done by his Command That he condemned all tumultuous proceedings of his Subjects to exhibite Petitions or complaints against the innocent Bishops and booke of Lyturgy and all subscriptions to that purpose hitherto as conspiring against the publike peace pronouncing pardon to those which repented and the punishment of high Treason to such as persisted promising to heare the just complaints of his Subjects so they offended not in matter or forme After the Proclamation was made at Sterlin the Earle of HUME Lord LINDSEY and others in name of all the Petitioners made a Protestation against it which Protestation was afterward repeated at Lithgow and last at Edenburgh
to declare unto them in a Parliament which former Princes used to call upon lesse occasions but not revealing the proceedings of it to the Body of his Privy Councell acquainting onely some of them whom he thought fittest for his purpose as the King himselfe expresseth in two places of his owne Booke intituled A large Declaration concerning the late tumults in Scotland pag. 76. and page 126. in fine the Scots are declared Rebels and the King in Person with an English Army richly furnished is going to chastise them CHAP. V. The aversenesse of the English people from this Warre with Scotland The King advanceth to Yorke with his Army The preparation of the Scottish Covenanters A pacification is made and both Armies disbanded Another preparation for Warre with Scotland A Parliament called to begin in England on the 13. of April The Parliament of Scotland is broken off by command of the King to the Earle of Traquare NEver were the people of England so averse from any Warre as neither hating the Enemy against whom nor approving the cause for which they were engaged Their owne great sufferings made them easily believe that the Scots were innocent and wronged by the same hand by which themselves had beene oppressed and for the cause it was such wherein they could not desire a Victory supposing that the same Sword which subdued the Scots must destroy their owne Liberties and that the contrivers of this Warre were equall Enemies to both Nations Nor was this onely the thought of wisest Gentlemen but the common people in generall were sensible of the mutuall interest of both Kingdomes Those Courtiers who were in all things wholly complyant to the Kings will did also dislike this Warre with Scotland though not for the same reason which the forenamed did as not considering the cause or quarell but the disadvantage of the Warre it selfe Those disadvantages they used to vent in contemptuous expressions of the poverty of Scotland That nothing could be gotten from such wretched Enemies That the King were happy if with his Honour he might suffer it to be rid of that Kingdome and would be a great gainer by the losse of it The younger Courtiers were usually heard to wish Scotland under water or that the old Wall of SEVERUS the Emperour were now re-edified Those Courtiers that were of a graver discourse did likewise seeme to feare the consequence of this bâ—sinesse and I remember would daily mention the Story of CHARLES Duke of Burgundy his pressing of a Warre upon the Swissers and what PHILIP DE COMMINES relates about the Battell of Granson that the Duke lost to the value of three millions of Crownes all which he fondly ventured against so wretched a people that it is there expressed if all the Swissers had been taken Prisoners they would not be able to pay a Ransom to the value of the Spurres and Bridle-bits in his Campe And very frequent in their mouthes was that Verse Curandum in primis ne magna injuria fiat Fortibus miseris Juvenal Take heed of offering too great injuries To people stout and poore But the people of England though they abhorred the very thought of that unnaturall Warre yet glad they seemed to be that such an occasion happened which might in reason necessitate the King to call an English Parliament and so by accident redresse the many grievances of England Which might also prevent the feare of such Warres for the future and bring a just punishment upon those who were sound to be the Authors or assistors of this present disturbance But the King though resolved to pursue his designe of Warre rather then take the advice of a Parliament was content to want the aid of it and to seeke supplies of a lower condition Great sums of money he borrowed from the chiefe Nobility and required proportionable Loanes from all the Judges and Officers but specially the Clergy of all ranks were liberall in contribution to this War which was then called by many men Bellum Episcopale All Courtiâ—â—s as well extraordinary as ordinary were summoned to attend the King in Person with Horse and Armes in a proportion suitable to their rankes By whom and such voluntiers of the Gentry as came in to gaine His Majesties favour with old Souldiers that imbraced it as their profession a gallant Army was made up Yorke was appointed for the Rendezvouze and the Earle of ARUNDELL Commander in chiefe The King as it was well knowne had beene advertised by many and especially by the prosecuted Bishops who were fled out of Scotland that the Scottish Covenanters were in no sort able to resist him That scarce any English Army at all would be needfull to fight but onely to appeare and His Majesty would finde a party great enough in Scotland to do the worke And indeed much might have been done in that kinde if the Lords of the Covenant had not used a most dexterous and timely prevention which is as necesssry in a defensive as an offensive Warre For besides the feared incursion of the English upon their Borders and what invasion the Deputy of Ireland on the Westerne Coast might make together with the Earle of ANTRIM and his Forces from the Hebrides the Marquesse HUNTLEY in the North and Marquesse DUGLAS towards the Southerne parts with the Earle of HETH were to be feared and the Towne of Aberden to be secured before it could fortifie to receive the Kings Fleet. All which with timely care was undertaken and provided against by severall Lords as ARGILE for the West MONTROSSE for the North Colonell MONROE for the South The most considerable Forts in that Kingdome were taken in at the beginning without any blood or resistance and furnished by them with Ammunition as Edenburgh and Dun-Britain and the Haven of Leeth to secure Edenburgh suddenly fortified All Neuters or suspected persons they disarmed without tumult The Castle of Dalketh they scaled and tooke with all the warlike provision which had been brought into it by Marquesse HAMILTON the yeare before In that Castle they found the Kings Crowne Scepter and Sword which in great state and solemnity were carried from thence by the greatest Noblemen and layed up in Edenburgh Castle The Covenanting Lords at the same time published a long Remonstrance in answer to the Kings Proclamation against them the 27. of February and to satisfie the people of England concerning their proceedings and intents The Marquesse HAMILTON arrived at Forth with a Fleet in May and sent Letters to the Governour of Edenburgh to obey the Kings Commands and especially to publish in Edenburgh that Proclamation which had been by the King proclaimed at Yorke upon the 25â— of Aprill wherein among other things the Rents and Debts due to Covenanters from Tenants and others are forbidden to be paid to them The Governour desired the Marquesse to expect an answer till the Parliament sate which was to begin within few daies who returned answer to the Marquesse That they could not
sooner venture to do then to make himselfe the Author of a new and good one seeing it hath been observed that few Statesmen have ever opposed Princes but rather seconded and assisted them in their bad inclinations From whence it comes that few Statesmen have converted Princes from ill courses but been themselves perverted from that goodnesse which seemed to be before in them Historians therefore neither imputed the goodnesse of AUGUSTUS to MARCUS AGRIPPA or STATILIUS TAURUS nor TIBERIUS faults to SEJANUS According to that sentence of MACHIAVELL Recta consilia à quocunque profiscuntur à Principis prudentia non autem Principis prudentia à rectis consiliis derivatur At that time the King declared to his Councell an intention that he had of calling a Parliament in England to begin in Aprill following The people seemed to wonder at so great a novelty as the name of a Parliament but feared some further designe because it was so long deferred whilest in the meane time preparations for a Warre against Scotland seemed to go forward and the Deputy of Ireland was first to go over and summon a Parliament in Ireland which he accordingly did crossing the Seas about the end of December What worke he was to do there the people knew not but wished that the English Parliament might have begun before the Scottish businesse had proceeded too farre which they supposed might happily prevent so sad a Warre and save those charges which would before Aprill grow upon such warlike preparations and require a supply from that Parliament that it were better to prevent such a necessity then purposely to stay till that necessity were made On the 18. day of that December the Earle of TRAQUARE by a Command from the King under his Privy Seale broke up the Parliament in Scotland and prorogued it till the second day of Iune in the following yeare The Scots complained that it was a new example and breach of their Liberties not heard of before in twenty ages That a Parliament fully assembled and compleat in all her Members whilest businesse of moment was depending should be dissolved without the consent of the House it selfe That whatsoever Kings in other Kingdomes might do it concerned not them to enquire but it was absolutely against their Lawes according to which the King had lately promised them he would onely proceed TRAQUARE immediately upon the dissolution of the Scottish Parliament hastened to the Court of England to certifie the King of all proceedings And the Parliament Deputies of Scotland dispatched away with speciall instructions to the King also foure Commissioners the Earles of DUMFERLING and LOWDEN DUGLASSE and BARCLAY Their instructions were That before the King himselfe not the Councell of England because of the independency of that Kingdome they should complaine of those injuries and intreat redresse which had been offered to them since the Pacification The dissolving of their Parliament The Garrisonning of Edenburgh Castle with three times as many as would serve for defence The garrisoning of Dun-Britain Castle with English Souldiers That the Scots trading in England but more especially in Ireland were enforced to new Oathes damning their late Covenant and contrary to the Articles of Pacification They sent withall an information to the English Nation in generall touching all their proceedings and intentions and expressing at large as may be there read what particular injuries they had received since the Pacification and how much contrary to that Agreement The foure Scottish forenamed Commissioners after some audiences before the King and divers of his English Councell were in March committed to Prison the King intending shortly to charge them the Parliament being neere LOWDEN to the Tower and the other three to other custody About this time the Earle of STRAFFORD returning out of Ireland where he had held a short Parliament and gotten foure Subsidies from them came to the King againe and the English Parliament being presently to begin an accusation was drawne against LOWDEN then Prisoner in the Tower concerning a Letter written from the Scottish Covenanters to the French King to which Epistle the said Earle had set his hand The matter of accusation was That the Scots weary of obedience to their owne King had recourse to a forraigne Prince for assistance and by that meanes might draw the Armies of France into this Island His answer was The Letter was written in May 1639. when Scotland was threatned with a grievous invasion and they had notice that by Ambassadors and Agents their Cause was represented odious to all forraigne Princes and States That their intention was to cleare themselves from those aspersions abroad and especially to the King of France whose Ancestors had been ancient friends to the Kingdome of Scotland and for feare least that King might possibly be wrought upon to be their Enemy otherwise That it was not to draw Warlike assistance from the King of France which neverthelesse they thought lawfull in an extreame necessity and persecution but only his mediation in their behalfe to their owne King and that the Letter well examined would beare no other sence Though there were mention of aid yet their secret instructions to their Messenger had specified what kinde of aid it was which they desired But howsoever they alledged that the draught of that Letter did not then please them nor was it at all consented to nor intended to be sent besides that the Superscription To the King at which so great exception was taken as if they acknowledged the French King for their Soveraigne was not written at all by them but added by some Enemy after that it was gotten out of their hand Besides all this the thing was done afore the Pacification and Act of Oblivion and ought not now to be remembred against them Whether their answer were sufficient or not true it is that nothing at all was made of that businesse though the King himselfe at the beginning of the English Parliament mentioned it against the Scots as a proofe of their disloyalty and justification of those Warlike preparations which he had made against them The Scots in the meane time had written to the English Parliament a large Justification of all their proceedings intreating them by the way of Brotherly advice To be wary in vindicating their owne Lawes and Liberties to frustrate the designe of those evill Counsellors who had procured this Parliament for no other end then to arme the King with warlike supplies against his Scottish Subjects and by that Warre to inslave if not ruine both the Nations That after so many violations and dissolutions of Parliaments in England this was not called to redresse grievances but to be so over-reached if they were not carefull and couragious that no possibility should be left for the future of redressing any That some dangerous practise might be well suspected when at the same time a Parliament was denyed to Scotland though promised by the word of a King granted to England when not
pounds and the rest of the Clergy according to their abilities proportionably to make up the summe Certaine it is it was not in any substantiall way advantagious to the King but onely to give them time and opportunity to taxe the Clergy in Money for supplying his Majesty in the Warre then on foot against the Scots The King must needs be driven to a great exigent at that time having so expensive a Warre in hand and wanting the assistance of Parliament The courses that were then taken by the King to supply that defect were partly the contribution of the Clergy to whom that Warre was lesse displeasing then to the Laity Collections were made among the Papists Writs of Ship-money were issued out againe in a greater proportion then before great Loanes were attempted to be drawne from the City of London to which purpose the names of the richest Citizens were by command returned to the Councell Boord But these waies being not sufficient some other were made use of which were of a nature more unusuall as the seizing of Bolloine in the Tower the Lord COTTINGTON also for the Kings use tooke up a great Commodity of Pepper at the Exchange to be sold againe at an under rate A consultation was also had of coyning 400000. l. of base Money upon allegation that Queen ELIZABETH had done the like for her Irish Warres but the King waved that upon reasons which the Merchants gave of the inconveniencies of it The Scots hearing of the breach of this English Parliament thought it high time to provide for their owne safety and being restrained in their Trade and impoverished by losse of Ships seized in divers parts resolve to enter England with a sword in one hand and a Petition in the other signifying in the meane time to the people of England in two large Remonstrances what their intentions were to that Nation and the reasons of their entrance which who so pleases may reade at large in their printed Booke When the King had notice of the Scots intentions a Fleet was forthwith sent to annoy the Maritime Coasts of Scotland and a Land Army to meet at Yorke where the Earle of STRAFFORD as President of the North commanded in Chief though the Earle of NORTHUMBERLAND at the time of raising the Army was named Generalissimo but for want of health could not be present A great Magazine of Ammunition had been sent to Hull Newcastle and Berwick the Castle of Edenburgh being kept by RIVEN a firme man to the Kings side But in the Expedition of the Kings Army towards the North it was a marvellous thing to observe in divers places the aversenesse of the Common Souldiers from this Warre Though Commanders and Gentlemen of great quality in pure obedience to the King seemed not at all to dispute the cause or consequence of this Warre the Common Souldiers would not be satisfied questioning in a mutinous manner Whether their Captaines were Papists or not and in many places were not appeased till they saw them receive the Sacrament laying violent hands on divers of their Commanders and killing some uttering in bold speeches their distaste of the Cause to the astonishment of many that common people should be sensible of publike Interest and Religion when Lords and Gentlemen seemed not to be By this backwardnesse of the English Common Souldiers it came to passe that the Warre proved not so sharpe and fatall to both Nations as it might otherwise have done Some blood was shed but very little first at Newburne a Towne five miles distant from Newcastle where part of the English Army encamped to intercept the passage of the Scots as they marched toward Newcastle But many of the English Souldiers forsooke their Commanders and â—led sooner then the use of that Nation is to do in Warre But the English Horse made good a fight and with great courage and resolution charged upon the Scots but all in vaine their number being too small In this Skirmish which happened upon the 28. of August the number of men slaine on both sides is not related either by the English or Scottish Relation but certaine it is that it was not great Three valiant and active Commanders of the English Army were taken Prisoners Colonell WILMOT Sir JOHN DIGBY and ONEALE the two latter being Papists and both Captaines of Horse This fight opened that rich Towne of Newcastle to the Scots and within few daies after they put a Garrison into Durham commanded by the Earle of Dumferling and taking that Fort of Newcastle upon Tine intercepted some Ships which were newly arrived there with Provision of Corne for the Kings Army Some blood was also shed about the same time when part of the English Garrison at Berwick hearing that some Ammunition was layed up in a little Towne of Scotland Dunsian made an attempt upon it but found it better fortified then was expected and were repelled with some slaughter from whence hearing that a greater power of Scots was making toward them under the command of the Lord HADINTON who unfortunately perished afterward blowne up with powder at Dunglasse they returned to Berwick The King during these Skirmishes had by Proclamation warned all the English Nobility with their followers and Forces to attend his Standard at Yorke against the Scots the 20. of September where whilest himselfe in Person resided he received an humble Petition from the Scots containing an expression of their loyalty to him and the innocence of their intentions toward England But their expressions were in such generall termes that the King returned answer to the Earle of LANURICK Secretary for Scotland Commanding them to specifie their demands more particularly Which whilest the Scots prepared to do it pleased God to open the hearts of many English Lords who considering and bewailing the great calamity and dishonour which England was then throwne into by these unhappy proceedings of the King framed an humble Letter subscribed by all their hands and sent it to His Majesty wherein they represent to him the miserable condition of the Kingdome and mischiefes attending that wicked Warre as the danger of his Person the waste of his Revenue the burden of his Subjects the rapines committed by that Army which he had raised wherein Papists and others ill-affected to Religion are armed in Commands who are not by the Lawes permitted to have Armes in their owne houses The great mischiefe which may fall upon the Kingdome if his intentions which are reported of bringing in Irish and forraigne Forces should take effect The urging of Ship-money The multitude of Monopolies and other Patents to the great and universall grievance of his people The great griefe of the Subjects for the long intermission of Parliaments for dissolving of the last and former dissolutions of such as have been called without any good effect For remedy whereof and for prevention of future dangers to his owne Royall Person and the whole State they humbly intreat his Majesty That he would be pleased
discontent if they remembred how much he had done this Parliament as his granting that the Iudges hereafter should hold their places quam diù se benè gesserint bounding the Forrest Lawes taking away Ship-money establishing the Subjects property in Tonnage and Poundage granting the Trienniall Parliament free Iustice against Delinquents With other things Concluding graciously That He would omit nothing which might give them just content And when he had signed the forenamed Bills after a short mention of the journey which he intended speedily to take into Scotland he propounded to them a thing very acceptable concerning his Nephew the Prince Elector Palatine that he could not but at the desire of that Prince send an Ambassadour to assist him at the Dyet at Ratisbone with the Emperour and fearing that he should not receive so good an Answer as might in justice be expected For the better countenancing that businesse he intended to publish a Manifesto in his owne name but would not do it but by consent and advice of Parliament without which he conceived it would be a thing of no validity Which Manifesto was afterwards made by the full consent of both Houses and Sir THOMAS ROE a Member of the House and a Gentleman of great abilities was sent to the Emperour at Ratisbone about it but without any good successe At the same time the Queene Mother of France as was before desired by the Parliament was to take her leave of England The King consented to her departure but Money wanting for the Provision of her Journey the Parliament allotted ten thousand pounds to her out of the Poll-Money This great Lady had arrived in England almost three yeares before and so long been entertained by the King her Sonne in Law with great respect and an allowance answerable to support her State 100. l. per diem It was her mis-fortune how farre her crime I cannot tell that during her abode here the two Kingdomes of England and Scotland were imbroyled in great troubles which the People were apt to impute in some measure to her counsels knowing what power the Queene her Daughter had with the King Others taxed her not at all but looked upon other causes the same counsells which long before her arrivall had distempered England but the people made their judgement upon it from her actions or successes in other places But however it were the Queene was fearefull of the people here and had not long before desired to have a guard allowed her pretending feare of her life by reason of some attempts which she conceived made against her upon which a Guard was set about her house Her Regency in France had not beene happy nor according to the interest of that Kingdome though that perchance may be accounted a fault not so particular to her as commonly incident to the Regency of Queene Mothers in that Land In so much as THUANUS commends the saying of CHARLES the ninth a Prince whom otherwise he doth not praise upon his death bed That since he must dye at that age being foure and twenty he thanked God he had no Sonne least France should fall under a Regency of which he had found the sad effects His Mother was KATHERINE DE MEDICIS of the same Family with this Queene After the time of her Regency her actions had been such that the King her Sonne would not harbour her in his owne Kingdome nor was she welcome into the Territories of her Sonne in Law the King of Spaine But the people there were no lesse desirous of her departure then afterward in England Insomuch as she became a strange example of the instability of humane fortunes that so great a Queen and Mother to so many mighty Princes should want a quiet Harbour for her age Not long after her departure from England she died at Culleine and might seeme a parallel in some things to the same Empresse who founded that City and there planted a Roman Colony AGRIPINA wife to CLAUDIUS CESAR and Mother to NERO They both had tasted of power been active in it but not pleasing to the people They were both taught that the greatnesse of their Sonnes was not so much advantage to their Power as they had hoped and had learned that all power dependent upon another is of small validity and lesse stability as TACITUS observes speaking of the same AGRIPINA Nihil rerum mortalium tam instabile fluxum est quam fama potentiae non sua vi nixa About two Moneths before the departure of this Queene the Princesse MARY eldest daughter to the King not yet ten yeares of age was married with great triumph at White-Hall to the young Prince of Orange WILLIAM Bishop WRENNE being then Deane of the Kings Chappell performed the solemnity on Sunday the second of May 1641. The Marriage had been before debated of in Parliament and consented to The King himselfe upon the ninth of February having declared to the Lords what large Propositions the Ambassadours of the States had made to him upon that purpose The people in generall were pleased with this Marriage and glad the King had chosen out a Protestant Prince and servant to a State which had beene long confederate with England and whose interest carried them the same way Professors of the same Religion and in that kinde of Discipline to which the greatest part of Parliament and People were inclined and hoped though at that time it was not so fully declared as afterward to reforme the Church of England to as that of Scotland already was By this Match of the Kings owne chusing they began to hope that the Spanish Faction in Court was not now at all prevalent but that things might hereafter be carried according to the right English way In this hope they were the more confirmed seeing the Parliament go on without any opposition from the King no dissention having yet happened nor likely to happen as they conceived for that Conspiracy of bringing up the Army against the Parliament which we touched before was not yet discovered nor at all thought of though within few daies after it broke out But some there were who suspended their joy and were not much confident that this Marriage would bring happinesse to England unlesse the King were perfectly right with his People and wished the same thing they did considering at one side the condition of the Prince of Orange and that he might be ambitious of more then was due to him and for that reason ingage himselfe in a reciprocall way for the King against his People if occasion served On the other side they considered the States as Polititians of this world and men who had other interests then that of Religion and if dissention should in England happen betweene Prince and People which was never but feared in some degree might be apt to side with the King against the just freedome of the Subject which must needs depresse the strength of England and keepe it from so much greatnesse
Realme contrary to the said Doctrine and according to the duty of my Allegiance I will maintaine and defend his Majesties Royall Person Honour and Estate as also the Power and Priviledge of Parliaments the lawfull Rights and Liberties of the Subjects and every Person that shall make this Protestation in whatsoever he shall do in the lawfull pursuance of the same and to my power as farre as lawfully I may I will oppose and by all good waies and means endeavour to bring condigne punishment on all such as shall by force practise counsels plots conspiracies or otherwise do any thing to the contrary in this present Protestation contained And further That I shall in all just and honourable waies indeavour to preserve the union and peace betwixt the three Kingdomes of England Scotland and Ireland and neither for hope feare or any other respects shall relinquish this Promise Vow and Protestation It were not amisse in this place briefly to mention some alterations which had been made before the time that the King tooke his journey into Scotland though they were not done immediately about that time but some weekes or Moneths before because they concerne some Noble men of whom we shall have occasion hereafter to make mention in the course of this History The Lord COTTINGTON upon the 17. of May 1641. had resigned his place Master of the Wards the Lord Viscount SAY and SEALE succeeded him in that Office Within few daies after the Lord Treasurer Doctor JUCKSON Bishop of London resigned his Staffe and the Office was committed to five Commissioners About that time the Earle of Leicester lately come from being Ambassadour in France was by the King made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland The Earle of Newcastle was removed from being Governour to the Prince and the Marquesse of Hartford appointed in his roome THE HISTORY OF THE PARLIAMENT OF ENGLAND The Second Book CHAP. I. A Standing Committee during the Recesse of â—oth Houses of Parliament The Rebellion of the Irish and Massacre of the Protestants there Some endeavours of the English Parliament for relief of that Kingdom THE businesse of England by this absence of the King was at a great stand In such a concurrence of high affairs so great an expectation to find redress of pressing Grievances nothing was so irksome to the People as delay To retard the cure was little better then to destroy And the Sequel within a short time proved worse then the wisest men could imagine or the most jealous possibly suspect though jealousies and fears were then grown to a great height the Parliament of England less then ever assured of the Kings real affection to them Nothing of State was transacted in Parliament during the Kings absence Some debates there were only about Church-service and alterations to be made in the Book of Common-prayer in which notwithstanding nothing was concluded One businesse only came to be discussed of which the King himself gave occasion who within few daies after his arrival in Scotland signified by a Letter to the Lords That he was engaged to the Spaniard by promise to let him have four thousand souldiers out of that lately disbanded Irish Army which the Earle of Strafford had before raised his desire was to make good his promise by consent of Parliament But the House of Commons whom the Lords had invited to a Conference for that purpose would not consent that any Irish should go to assist the Spaniard some reasons were then given but more particular cause was shewed about ten daies after when a second Letter came from the King in which his Majesty declared That the Spanish Ambassador claimed his promise from which in honor he could not recede Notwithstanding since he had found that Ambassador so reasonable as that he was content to accept of two thousand he hoped the Parliamnnt would not deny that The House took it into consideration and within two dayes the Lord of FAWKLAND a Member of the House of Commons at a conference delivered to the Lords gave reasons in the name of that House why it was very unfit to grant the Kings desire because the Spaniard was not only an Ally confederate but an assistant to the Emperor against the Prince Elector his Majesties Nephew who by the power and oppression of that Emperor had bin long deprived of his inheritance And at this time when the King had published a Manifesto in behalf of his Nephew and to that purpose sent an Ambassador to the Dyet of Ratisbone it would seem a contradiction in the King to assist the Enemies of the said Prince Elector and a drawing of his own Sword against himself besides the great prejudice it must needs bring to the Protestant cause which this present Parliament so much intended and laboured to promote Upon these reasons it was thought fit not to consent to the Kings desire in that point And immediately the two Houses of Parliament rejourned themselves from that day being the eighth of September till the twentieth of October and appointed a standing Committee of fifty Members during that recesse Before the Accesse and meeting again of the Parliament Letters came from the English Committee in Scotland and were read before that standing Committee of Westminster importing the discovery of a Treasonable plot against the lives of Marquesse HAMILTON and others the greatest Peâ—res of Scotland the conspirators being the Earle of Crayford and some others How it was discovered or how prevented or whether the King had any privity to it though one of that country have since written very plainly charging the King with it because the State of Scotland were very silent in it the Parliament of England took the lesse notice of it Only the standing Committee for avoiding the like attempts at London and fearing that such might flow from the same spring appointed strong guards to be placed in many parts of the City till further directions might be given from the two Houses at their Accesse The malignancy which at that time began to appear in people of that condition and quality which wee before mentioned and was not only expressed in usual discourse among their companions but vented in scurrilous and bitter Libels against those Lords and Commons who were generally reputed the most Sedulous for the common-wealth was cause sufficient to increase the feares and jealousies of the Parliament But that fatall fire which so sadly wasted the three Kingdoms broke out there where it was least feared and those that seemed most secure were the first sufferers About the end of October 1641 during the Kings abode in Scotland the most barbarous and bloudy Rebellion that ever any age or Nation were guilty of broke out in Ireland The atrocity of it is without a paralell and as full of wonder was the close carriage of so black and far-reaching a Designe The innocent Protestants were upon a suddain disseised of their Estates and the persons of above two hundred thousand men women and
the Lord MANDEVILL and the forenamed five Members by Sir WILLIAM KILLIGREW Sir WILLIAM FLEMEN and others in the Innes of Court and else where in the Kings name was an high breach of the priviledge of Parliament a great scandall to his Majesty and his Government a seditious act manifestly tending to the subversion of the Peace of the Kingdome and an injury and dishonour to the said Members there being no legall charge or accusation against them Whereas there is mention made in the late recited words of this Declaration concerning the Innes of Court we cannot omit that about the same time so unhappy a Genius of division reigned among all sorts there wanted not some men dis-affected to the Parliament who went up and down perswading the young Gentlemen of the Innes of Court to make offer of their service to the King as a guard of defence if any danger threatned his Person Upon which divers of those young Gentlemen to ingratiate themselves repaired to the Court and were kindly received by the King and Queen The Parliament at that time further declared That the Priviledges of Parliament and the Liberties of the Subject so violated and broken could not be fully and sufficiently vindicated unlesse his Majesty would be pâ—eased to discover the names of those persons who advised his Majesty to issue out such Warrants for sealing of the Chambers and Studies of the said five Members to send a Sergeant at Armes to the house of Commons to demand those members to issue out Warrants for their apprehension to come thither himself in Person to publish Articles in the forme of a Proclamation against the said Members in the fore-declared manner to the end that all such persons who advised him to these actions might receive condigne punishment According to this the Houses humbly desired his Majesty that he would so far satisfie their just and legall request as to let them know those informers for the Law in two severall Statutes provides that satisfaction that if in time of Parliament the King accuse a Member of the same of what crime soever he ought to signifie to the Parliament who were the informers but the King refused to do it Upon which the House of Commons examined his Atturny General Sir EDWARD HERBERT who had preferred the aforesaid Articles he confessed nothing to them concerning any other Person or informer but only that he received the Command from the King himself and knew nothing further of it The same the King testified concerning his said Attourny in a Letter to the Lord Keeper wherein he justifieth the Atturny his action as being no otherwise then the duty of a servant required But the Parliament made another judgement of it as namely that Sir EDWARD HERBERT had broken the Priviledge of Parliament in preferring the said Articles and done an illegal act upon which he was committed to prison These actions of the King did exceedingly afflict all honest Protestants especially at such a time when the affairs of bleeding Ireland did so much and so speedily require the assistance of England which must needs by these unhappy distractions be retarded and the totall losse of the Protestant Cause there much endangered But the City of London was not the least sensible of it who in a deep and sorrowfull apprehension of this designe Petitioned the King with an expression of all the fears and dangers which they conceived themselves in at that time The things which they enumerate in their Petition are That his Majesty had put out a Person of Honor and Trust from being Lieutenant of the Tower That he had lately fortified White-hall with men and munition in an unusuall manner Some of which men had abused with provoking language and with drawn swords wounded divers unarmed Citizens passing by To explain this branch of their Petition the Reader must be informed That the King the very next day after he had entred the House of Commons as aforesaid went in his Coach into the City of London whither he had heard that those five Members had retired themselves and was every where humbly entreated by the Citizens in flocks about his Coach That he would be pleased to agree with his Parliament and not infringe the Priviledge thereof The King perceiving which way the affections of the City went returned again to White-hall where he staid about a week after During which time by what advice or to what intention I cannot tell he built there a little Court of Guard and entertained some Gentlemen and others who as the Petition declares gave those affronts to divers Citizens that passed by They complain likewise in the Petition of the late endeavours used to the Innes of Court the calling in divers Canoniers and other assistants into the Tower the late discovery of divers Fire-works in the hands of a Papist But most of all say they our feares are encreased by your Majesties late going into the House of Commons attended with a great number of armed men besides your ordinary Guard for apprehending divers Members of that House to the endangering of your sacred Person and of the Persons and Priviledges of that Honorable Assembly The effects of all which fears tend not only to the overthrow of the whole trade of this City and Kingdom which your Petitioners already feel in a deep measure but also to the utter ruine of the Protestant Religion and the Lives and Liberties of all your loyall Subjects The Petitioners therefore most humbly pray your sacred Majesty that by the advice of your great Councell in Parliament the Protestants in Ireland may be speedily relieved the Tower put into the hands of Persons of Trust that by removall of doubtfull and unknown Persons from about White-hall and Westminster a known and approved Guard may be appointed for the safety of your Majesty and Parliament and that the Lord MANDEVILL and the five Members of the House of Commons lately accused may not be restrained of Liberty or proceeded against otherwise then according to the Priviledges of Parliament The King though he conceived this Petition as himself expressed of an unusuall nature yet willing to give content to the City returned a Gracious Answer to their particulars That for Ireland he conceived he had expressed as much care on his part as possibly he could and would not faâ—l for the future What he had done concerning the Tower had been to satisfie their fearâ— before in displacing one or good Trust and putting in another of unquestionable Reputation and what preparation of strength soever he made there was with as great an eye of safety and advantage to the City as to his own Person For his Guard entertained at White-hall he alleadged the disorderly and tumultuous conflux of people to Westminster to the danger of his Royall Person not punished at all by course of Law and if any Citizens were wounded he was assured it happened by their own ill demeanours that he knew no other endeavours to the Innes of
Court then a gracious Intimation that he accepted the tender of their loyall affections encouraging them to continue the same upon all occasions That he knew of no Fire-works in the hands of Papists For his going to the House of Commons that he intended no course of violence though that way had been justifiable for he was assured that no Priviledge of Parliament could extend to Treason which he knew would be proved against them upon cleer grounds and they in due time should be acquainted with it and that his proceedings against them should be according to the Lawes The King presently after his answering of that Petition sent another Message to the Parliament that for the present he would wave his proceedings against those five Members and returned a gentle Answer at that time to the Petitioners of Buckinghamshire who came to the number of about 2000 in behalf of their Knight Mr. HAMDEN a Gentleman much honored by them and by most of the whole Kingdom in which Petition they prayed that Mr. HAMDEN and the rest that lie under the burden of that accusation might enjoy the just priviledges of Parliament It was then grown a custom which proved accidentally very unhappie to the Kingdom however it were meant to come in great numbers to Westminster when they presented Peâ—itions to the Parliament though the people petitioning were unarmed and no just fear from them in the opinion of those who affected the Parliament yet those who thought themselves not well relliâ—hed by the people in general took occasion from thence either to fear indeed or at least to pretend fear alleadging that the Parliament was disturbed by such a numerous confluence of people and the freedom of the Houses in some degree infringed that some of the meaner sort were too apt to cast out rude words against such as they thought to be no good members of the Common-wealth of what degree soever they were From hence was occasion taken by some to justifie that Guard about White-hall and afterwards to excuse the Kings absenting himself from the Parliament And from this ground did the twelve Bishops about a week before this City-Petition frame their Petition and Protestation for so it was called to His Majestie and the Peers which was to this purpose They protested themselves to abominate all actions or opinions tending to Poperie or any Malignity against the State but were willing and ready to perform their duties in Parliament But whereas coming to perform that duty and service they have been rudely menaced affronted and put in fear of their lives by multitudes of people and can finde no redresse or protection upon complaint made they therefore humbly protest before His Majestie and the noble Peers that saving to themselves all their Rights and Interests of sitting and voting in that House at other times they dare not sit or vote in the House of Peers until His Majestie shall further secure them And because their fears are not vain but upon true grounds and objects they do in all duty and humility therefore protest before His Majestie and the Peers against all Laws Orders Votes Resolutions and Determinations as in themselves null and of none effect which in their absence since the 27 of this instant December 1641 have already passed as likewise against all such as shall hereafter passe during this their enforced absence from the said House Which Protestation they desired the King to command the Clerk of that House to record The Lords of Parliament immediately delivered by the mouth of the Lord Keeper at a Conference to the House of Commons That seeing this Protestation was of dangerous consequence and deeply entrenching upon the fundamental Priviledges and Being of Parliament therefore they thought fit to communicate it to the house of Commons The Commons thanked their Lordships for imparting it to them with so much affection and speed and for expressing their sense thereof and came to this resolution To accuse those twelve Bishops of high Treason Master GLYNN therefore was sent to the Lords who at their Bar in the name of all the Commons of England accused those twelve Prelates of high Treason for endeavouring to subvert the Fundamental Laws of the Realm and the very Being of Parliaments and to desire the Lords that they might be forthwith sequestred from Parliament and put into safe custodie and that their Lordships would appoint a speedie day for the Commons to charge them The Lords instantly sent the Black-Rod to finde out these Bishops and apprehend them so that by eight of the clock at night they were all taken and brought upon their knees to the Bar and ten of them committed to the Tower two of them in regard of their age were committed to the Black-Rod The twelve Bishops were these JO. Eborac THOMAS Duresme ROBERT Coven and Lichfield JOS. Norwich JO. Asaph GUIL Bath Wells GEO. Hereford ROB. Oxon. MATTH Ely GODFREY Gloucester JO. Peterborough MOR. Landaff Such work as this was daily made to the Parliament of England whereby not onely the relief of Ireland was wholly obstructed but all redresse of the grievances of England and settlement of the State there was so long retarded till both Kingdoms were at last involved in the same War and Confusion It was a strange thing that so barbarous and bloody a Rebellion should break out in Ireland without any the least suspicion or fear of such a Calamity without any cause given by the innocent English Protestants and surely it may seem as strange a thing if well considered that the revenge of so horrid and inhumane a Massacre should be thus hindered and indeed might be thought almost impossible unlesse the raising of the one and hindering the other proceeded from the same cause There was a great hope about the beginning of December that Ireland would speedily be relieved and Forces transported out of Scotland within a short time to that purpose considering what careful provisions the Parliament of England as is before related had made upon the first notice of it But at that time the King was returned from Scotland and in a Speech to the Parliament in which he conjured them to proceed in the businesse of relieving Ireland he likewise took notice of a Bill for pressing of Souldiers for Ireland depending in the House of Peers and declared his dislike of putting it in that way being as he said a great infringement and diminution of his Royal Prerogative telling them withal that he was little beholding to that man who began such a dispute concerning the bounds of his ancient and undoubted Prerogative But he offered at last that the Bill might passe with a Salvo jure both to King and People leaving such debates to a time that might better bear it This Speech of the King 's was much distasted by both Houses as a great breach of Parliament-priviledge insomuch as they framed a Petition to him wherein they expresse That the King by taking notice of the debate
they endeavour to prove That the Church in such a condition may provide for it selfe That the power of calling a Synod in case the Prince be an enemy to the truth or negligent in promoting the Churches good is in the Church it selfe And that the State of the Church of Scotland at that time was necessitated to such a course which they endeavour to prove by reciting all their particular grievances and by answering all arguments of the contrary side for the Right of Princes howsoever affected to Religion as appeares at large in their Tractate concerning the necessity of Synods The Marquesse returned into Scotland before the appointed day and brought Articles from the King to which the Covenanters if they would have either Parliament or Synod were required to consent But they utterly rejected those Articles as too invalid for their purpose of setling things so that the Marquesse fearing least the Covenanters weary of delayes would call a Synod without staying the Kings consent earnestly perswaded them to forbeare it onely till his next returne from Court whither he would presently go to perswade the King Which request of his with much a do was granted by them and the day for his returne appointed the 22 of September by which time unlesse the Marquesse returned it was free for the Covenanters to provide for their owne affaires But the Marquesse with singular diligence prevented his day and published the Kings Proclamation of which the chiefe heads were First The King did abrogate all Decrees of Councell for the Booke of Canons and Common-Prayer and abrogate the High Commission Secondly That none should be pressed to the five Articles of Perth Thirdly That Bishops should be subject to the censure of a Synod Fourthly That no Oath should be given at Ordination of Pastors but by Law of Parliament Fifthly that the lesser Confession of 1580. should be subscribed to by all the Kingdome Sixtly That the King called a Nationall Synod to begin at Glasco the 21 of November 1638. and a Parliament at Edenburgh the 15. of May 1639. Lastly for peace sake he would forget all their offences past The Covenanters at the first hearing of this peacefull Message were much joyed but looking neerely into the words they found as they affirme That their precedent actions were tacitly condemned and the just freedome of a Nationall Synod taken away Therefore loath to be deceived they frame a Protestation not as they alledged mis-doubting the candor of the King but not trusting those in favour with him by whose destructive Councell they supposed it was that the King had not shewed this clemency at first The chiefe heads of their Protestation were these First after humble thanks to God and the King they conceived this grant no sufficient remedy for their sores For His Majesty calls that a panick feare in them which was upon no imaginary but just grounds as a reall mutation both of Religion and Lawes by obtrusion of those Bookes directly popish Secondly whereas the King in his former Mandates so highly extolled those Bookes as most religious and fit for the Church they could not be satisfied with a bare remission of the exercise of them unlesse he would utterly abrogate and condemne them or else itching Innovators would not be wanting hereafter to raise new troubles to the Church about them Thirdly the just liberty of Nationall Synods is diminished and Episcopacy set up they being allowed as Bishops though not deputed by the Churches to give their voices in a Synod Fourthly the subscribing againe of that old Covenant could not be admitted for many reasons there at large expressed of which some are That it would frustrate their late Covenant and make it narrower then before and not able to suit to the redresse of present grievances and be a needlesse multiplying of Oathes and taking the Name of God in vaine with many other objections which cannot be fully here inserted That Covenant notwithstanding was solemnly taken at Edenburgh by the Marquesse of HAMILTON the Kings Commissioner and all the Privy Councell The Marquesse then gave Order for the Synod fearing least the Covenanters if he delayed to call it would do it themselves and on the 16. of November came to Glasco in great state Where after many meetings for preparation to the businesse on the 21 of the same Moneth according to the Kings Edict the Nationall Synod began But within seven daies that Synod was dissolved by the Marquesse HAMILTON in the Kings Name and they commanded to sit no more The Marquesse alleadging for reason of it that they had broken the Lawes of a free Synod in many proceedings not onely in those few daies of their sitting but before it began in their manner of Elections with other such like matters But they protested against that dissolution and continued the Synod when the Marquesse was gone What were the Acts of that Synod what proceedings it had and what impediments it met withall you may reade in two large descriptions the one published by the King the other by the Synod how the Bishops protested against the Synod how the Synod answered their Protestation how the Synod wrote to the King how they proceeded against the Bishops deposing them all from their Dignities how of all fourteene Bishops eight were excommunicated foure excluded from all Ministeriall Function and two onely allowed to oâ—â—icâ—ate as Pastours how the five Articles of Perth the Booke of Lyturgy the Booke of Canons and Ordination were all condemned the High Commission taken away and whatsoever else had crept into the Church since the yeare 1580. when that Nationall Covenant was first established The Scots Covenanters when themselves broke up the Synod wrote a Letter of thanks to the King and immediately after published a Declaration dated the fourth of February 1638. from Edenburgh and directed To all the sincere and good Christians in England to vindicate their actions and intentions from those aspersions which enemies might throw upon them That Declaration was welcome to the people of England in generall and especially to those who stood best affected to Religion and the Lawes and Liberties of their Country But by the Kings Authority it was suppressed as all other papers that might be sent from the Scots and a Proclamation soone after bearing date the 27. of February 1638. was published by the King and commanded to be read in all Churches of England the Title of it was A Proclamation and Declaration to informe our loving Subjects of England concerning the seditious Actions of some in Scotland who under false pretence of Religion endeavour the utter subversion of our Royall Authority The Declaration was â—illed with sharpe invectives and execrations against the Scottish Covenanters but the truth is it wrought little upon the hearts of the English People who conceived a good opinion of the Scots and were more confirmed in it because the King had carried the whole businesse so closely from the English Nation as not onely not
by the House of Commons guilty of High Treason for foure causes 1. Disobeying the House in refusall to speake at their command when he was Speaker in Parliament in the fourth yeare of King CHARLES 2. For threatning some Judges in the matter of Ship-money 3. For his illegall and cruell Judgements in the Forrest businesse when he was Lord Chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas. 4. For drawing that injurious Declaration after dissolution of the last Parliament Upon which a Charge was drawne up against him and carried up to the Lords upon the 14. of Ianuary three weeks after his flight by the Lord FAWKLAND who presented it with a very pithy and sharpe Oration against the man These two last Delinquents though men of eminent place in the Common-wealth as they did not long trouble the Parliament nor much retard the progresse of publike businesse preventing their Trialls by timely flight so can they take up no large roome in this Historicall Narration CHAP. VIII The Tryall and death of the Earle of Strafford Conspiracies detected during the agitation of it An Act for continuance of this present Parliament With a mention of that Grant of the Trienniall Parliament in February before BUt now a greater Actor is brought upon the Stage THOMAS Earle of Strafford Lieutenant of Ireland a man too great to be let escape no sooner accused but surprized and secured for a Tryall Which Tryall of his if we consider all things the high nature of the Charge against him the pompous circumstances and stately manner of the Triall it selfe the time that it lasted the pretiousnesse of that time so consumed and lastly of what moment and consequence the successe of it must prove I may safely say that no Subject in England and probably in Europe ever had the like So great it wasâ— that we can hardly call it the Triall of the Earle of Strafford onely the Kings affections toward his People and Parliament the future successe of this Parliament and the hopes of three Kingdoms depending on it were all tryed when Strafford was arraigned Many Subjects in Europe have played lowder parts upon the Theater of the world but none left it with greater noise nor was the matter of his accusation confined within one Realme three whole Kingdoms were his Accusers and eagerly sought in one death a recompence of all their sufferings That we may say of his case as CLAUDIAN of RUFFINUS Offensis Ruffinum divide terris Within ten daies after the Parliament began the Earle of Strafford newly returned from the North was sitting in the House of Lords when Master PYMME an ancient Gentleman of great experience in Parliamentary affaires and no lesse knowne fidelity to his Country came up to the Lords and in the name of all the Commons of England accused THOMAS Earle of Strafford Lord Lieutenant of Ireland of High Treason and desired their Lordships that he might be sequestred from Parliament and forthwith committed to Prison as also to let them know that the Commons within very few daies would resort to their Lordships with the particular Articles and grounds of this Accusation The Earle was required to withdraw and after a debate thereof called in was committed to safe custody to the Gentleman Usher And immediately after upon the 13. day of November a Serjeant at Armes was sent into Ireland for Sir GEORGE RATLIFFE a great Favourite of the Earles and one that under him had beene very active in the oppression of Ireland a man of subtle wit and knowledge of the Law as having before beene educated at the Innes of Court and taken the degree of Barrister Sir GEORGE accordingly upon the fourth of December came in and yeelded himselfe to the Speaker from whence he was committed to custody And foure daies after the Lords of Parliament sent the Earle of Strafford to the Tower with a strict command to the Lieutenant that he should keepe a close guard upon him Much time was interposed betweene the severall proceedings against this Earle of Strafford by reason of the multiplicity of weighty businesse which the Parliament then had But before the end of Ianuary a long Charge was read against him in the House of Commons and a Message not long after sent to the Lords to desire that he might be sequestred from all his places of Dignity and Honour in England and Ireland The Charge against him consisted of nine Articles which afterwards upon a further impeachment were extended to eight and twenty All those Articles are to be seene at large in the Records But for further satisfaction of the Reader I will give a briefe touch of the scope of them The first and second being much alike concerning his ruling of Ireland and those parts of England where his Authority lay in an Arbitrary way against the fundamentall Lawes of the Kingdome which Lawes he had indeavoured to subvert Thirdly his retaining part of the Kings Revenue without giving a legall account Fourthly The abusing of his Power to the increase and incouragement of Papists Fifthly That he maliciously had indeavoured to stir up Hostility betweene England and Scotland Sixthly That being Lieutenant Generall of the Northerne Army he had wilfully suffered the Scots to defeat the English at Newburne and take Newcastle that by such a losse and dishonour England might be ingaged in a Nationall and irreconcileable quarrell with the Scots Seventhly That to preserve himselfe from questioning he had laboured to subvert Parliaments and incense the King against them Eightly and lastly That these things were done during the time of his Authority as Deputy of Ireland and Lieutenant Generall of the Northerne Armies in England The Commons saving to themselves a liberty of further impeachment against the said Earle c. do require his legall answer to all The further impeachment consisting of 28. Articles was for the most part branched out of these and insisted upon in more particulars concerning his Tyranny in Ireland over divers persons contrary to Law Concerning which the Reader must be referred to the Records themselves as being too large to be here inserted The Earle of Strafford upon the 23. of February was brought before the Lords to give in his answer which he accordingly did the King himself being there present to heare it read It was very large and when it was done he was sent back to the Tower there to remaine till further Order A Committee being appointed to consider of that businesse upon the fourth of March following made report in the House That they would mannage and maintaine their Accusation of Treason against him and thought it not fit to reply to his Answer but call him to speedy triall Immediately upon which a Conference was had with the Lords concerning that Triall and some Circumstances which were thought fit to be used at it The Commissioners of Scotland had likewise a Charge against the Earle of Strafford concerning those injuries which as they conceived their Nation and Kingdome had suffered from him
the King returned from Scotland was by the City of London entertained feasted and conducted to his Palace at White-hall with as pompous Solemnity and costly expressions of Love and Duty as ever any King of England was Of which extraordinary testimonies of affection toward him the King seemed very sensible and returned Thanks to the City inviting within few dayes after the chief of them to Hampton Court where they were feasted and divers Aldermen knighted by his Majesty While the King resided at Hampton Court the House of Commons presented to him a Remonstrance or Declaration of the state of the Kingdom wherein all the chief grievances and oppressions which the Nation had groaned under since the beginning of his Raign untill that time were recited but with as much tendernesse of expression and respect to his Person for such care they took as it appeared in that Petition of theirs which accompanied the Remonstrance as so much truth could possibly be uttered For all the fault is laid upon ill Ministers who are there called a Malignant Party That Remonstrance some little time before the Kings return out of Scotland had bin with much earnestnesse debated in the House of Commons and at that time when it was Voted so much divided was the House that not above nine voices carried it So fierce and long were the disputations about it and arguments urged on both sides that not only the day but a great part of night was spent in it For the House arose not untill two of the clock in the morning The prevailing part alleadged for it as it was afterward expressed in their Petition to the King that Their intention was only to inform his Majesty his Peers and all other his loyall Subjects with no purpose at all of laying the least blemish upon his Person but to represent how much his Royall Authority and Trust had been abused to the great prejudice and danger of his Majesty and all his good Subjects It was alleadged by many Gentlemen in ordinary discourses who were of the same opinion that the prevailing Voters in Parliament were That such a Remonstrance might be of good use and that the King having perchance been ignorant in some degree of how much evill had formerly been wrought might by this Remonstrance be not only brought to a knowledge of his past Errors but a salubrious fear of offending again by considering how publick and manifest to the World the defaults of Princes in point of Government must needs appear The other side were of opinion That this Remonstrance in stead of directing him for the future would teach him only to hate the makers of it as upbraiders of his crimes and those that went about to lessen or blemish and so the King seemed to rellish it as appeared in his Answer printed his Reputation with the people They hâ—ld it â—itter at such a time when the Kings Affections were dubious toward the Parliament to win him by the sweeter way of concealing his Errors then by publishing of them to hazard the provocation of him with whom it was not behoveful to contest unlesse they were in hope to change his disposition for the future or ascertained of their own power and resolved to make full use of it For mine own part I will make no judgement at all upon it nor can we truly judge by the successe of things But such an unhappy Genius ruled those times for Historians have observed a Genius of times as well as of climates or men that no endeavours proved successefull nor did any actions produce the right though probable effects Who would not in probability have judged that the forementioned costly and splendid entertainment which the City of London gave to the King would have exceedingly endeared them unto him and produced no effects but of love and concord Yet accidentally it proved otherwise For many people ill-affected to the Parliament gave it out in ordinary discourse Non ignota loquor it is a known truth that the City were weary of the Parliaments tedious proceedings and would be ready to joyn with the King against them Whether it begaâ— the same opinion in the King or not I cannot tell but certainly some conceived so by actions which immediately followed expressing a greater confidence against the Parliament then before displacing some from such Trusts as they had conferred on them Insomuch that the City presently after finding what ill use was made of these expressions were enforced to declare themselves in a Petition to both Houses That since some ill-affected People had interpreted their Loyal and affectionate entertainment of the King as a sign that they would wholly adhere to him and desert the Parliament they openly professed the contrary and that they would live and die with them for the good of the Common-wealth After which the City no lesse then the Parliament did seem to be distasted both by the King and Queen The fears and jealousies that now reigned were of a sadder nature then the fears of any former times had been two years before the people feared that whilest this King lived they should never see a Parliament but now they began to fear that no Parliament could do them good At this time began that fatal breach between King and Parliament to appear visibly and wax daily wider never to be closed until the whole Kingdom was by sad degrees brought into a ruinous War From henceforth no true confidence appeared between him and that high Court every day almost contributed somewhat to the division and Declarations upon severall occasions were published to the world of which though the language for the most part were fairely couched and sweetned with frequent intermixtures of gracious expressions from the King and affectionate professions from the Parliament yet the substance was matter of expostulation and many intervening actions which we shall endeavour to expresse particularly did so far heighten them and sharpen by degrees the stile till those Paper-contestations became a fatall Prologue to that bloudy and unnaturall War which afterward ensued The King to answer that Remonstrance before mentioned published a Declaration to justifie his own Honor and Government and at the same time sent a Message to the Common Councell of London complaining of tumultuary assemblies of People from the City daily resorting to Westminster to the disturbance of that place and his Palace of White-hall For people about that time in great numbers used to present Petitions to the Parliament and make Protestations of their fidelity to them in these times of fears and jealousies which grew now so great that the House of Commons upon the same day that the King sent that complaining Message to the City Petitioned him to allow them a Guard for security of their Persons while they sate alleadging in the Petition that there was a Malignant Party bitterly envenomed against them who did daily gather strength and confidence and were now come to that height of boldnesse as to give out
it long before the Lords upon reasons shewed concurred with the House of Commons who about the beginning of Iuly presented to the Lords at a Conference the Votes Which had before passed in their House together with the reasons for making of a new Great Seale The Votes were these Resolved upon the Question June 14. 26. 1. THat the Great Seale of England ought to attend the Parliament 2. That the absence of it hath been a cause of great mischiefe to the Common-wealth 3. That a remedy ought to be provided for these mischiefs 4. That the proper remedy is by making a new Great Sale The reasons which they gave were divided into two branches The first declaring those mischiefes which were occasioned by conveying away the Great Seale from the Parliament The second expressing those inconveniences and mischiefes which proceeded from the want of the Great Seale with them The reasons of the first kinde were thus 1. It was secretly and unlawfully carried away by the Lord Keeper contrary to the duty of his place who ought himselfe to have attended the Parliament and not to have departed without leave nor should have been suffered to convey away the Great Seale if his intentions had been discovered 2. It hath been since taken away from him and put into the hands of other dangerous and ill-affected persons so as the Lord Keeper being sent unto by the Parliament for the sealing of some Writs returned answer That he could not Seale the same because he had not the Seale in his keeping 3. Those who have had the managing thereof have imployed it to the hurt and destruction of the Kingdome many waies as by making new Sheriffes in an unusuall and unlawfull manner to be as so many Generals or Commanders of Forces raised against the Parliament by issuing out illegall Commissions of Array with other unlawfull Commissions for the same purpose By sending sorth Proclamations against both Houses of Parliament and severall Members thereof proclaiming them Traytors against the Priviledges of Parliament and Laws of the Land By sealing Commission of Oyer and Terminer to proceed against them and other of His Majesties good Subjects adhering to the Parliament as Traytors By sending Commissions into Ireland to treat a peace with the Rebels there contrary to an Act of Parliament made this Session Besides divers other dangerous Acts passed under it since it was secretly conveyed away from the Parliament whereby great calamities and mischiefes have ensued to the prejudice of the Kingdome Mischiefes arising through want of the Great Seale 1. The Termes have been adjourned the course of Justice obstructed 2. No originall Writs can be sued forth without going to Oxford which none who holds with the Parliament can do without perill of his life or Liberty 3. Proclamations in Parliament cannot issue out for bringing in Delinquents impeached of High Treason or other crimes under paine of forfeiting their Estates according to the ancient course 4. No Writs of Errour can be brought in Parliament to reverse erroneous judgements nor Writs of Election sued out for chusing new Members upon death or removall of any whereby the number of the Members is much lessened and the Houses in time like to be dissolved if speedy supply be not had contrary to the very Act for continuance of this Parliament 5. Every other Court of Justice hath a peculiar Seale and the Parliament the Supreme Court of England hath no other but the Great Seale of England which being kept away from it hath now no Seale at all and therefore a new Seale ought to be made 6. This Seale is Clavis Regni and therefore ought to be resident with the Parliament which is the representative Body of the whole Kingdome whilest it continues sitting the King as well as the Kingdom being alwaies legally present in it during the Session thereof The Lords upon these reasons concurred with the House of Commons and order was given that a new Great Seale should forthwith be made which was accordingly done It should seeme the King was not well pleased with this action of the Parliament as appeared by what was done at Oxford above a yeare after when the King assembled together the Lords which were with him and all those Gentlemen that had been Members of the House of Commons and had deserted the Parliament at Westminster whom the King called his Parliament at Oxford and propounded many things for them to debate upon amongst which it was taken into debate and resolved upon the Question by that Assembly at Oxford That this very action which they stile counterfeiting the Great Seale was Treason and the whole Parliament at Westminster eo facto guilty of High Treason But this was passed at Oxford long after of which occasion may be to speak further hereafter But at the time when the Parliament made their new Great Seale the people stood at gaze and many wondered what might be the consequence of so unusuall a thing Some that wholly adhered to the Parliament and liked well that an action so convenient and usefull to the present state was done by them looked notwithstanding upon it as a sad marke of the Kingdomes distraction and a signe how irreconcileable the difference might grow betweene the Parliament and the Kings Person For the legality or justnesse of making of the Seale there was little dispute or argument among those who were not disaffected to the Parliament and though there were no direct or plaine precedent for it for the case of a Kings being personally in Warre against the Parliament sitting was never before yet by comparison with other times when the necessities of State have required such a thing it was not onely allowed but thought requisite I do not know of any thing written against it by any Lawyers or other of the Kings Party but Master PRYNNE a learned Lawyer and great Antiquary of the Parliament side hath written a copious discourse in justification of it both by arguments of reason and many neere-resembling precedents of former times called The opening of the Great Seale of England which is extant to be read by any that would be satisfied what power from time to time Parliaments have challenged and been allowed over that Seale both in making of it in the infancy or absence of Princes and disposing of it in the dotage or wilfulnesse of others But before this businesse was fully concluded another thing which seemed as great a signe how wide the rent was growne fell into debate in the House of Commons Some time was spent in consultation about it and much arguing on both sides The matter was about charging the Queene of High Treason To that purpose many Articles of an high nature were drawne up against her some of them were That she had pawned the Crowne Jewels in Holland That she had raised the Rebellion in Ireland That she had indeavoured to raise a Party in Scotland against the Parliament That she had gone in the head of
the Lord WILMOT totally routed and forced into Bristoll The Lord Generall intending at the first report of this newes to have marched himselfe for relieving of the West upon more particular information that Sir WILLIAM WALLERS Forces were so farre broken that no assistance at all could be given by them was inforced to desist from that enterprize considering also that his owne Army was shrunke through the continuall increase of violent sicknesse want of pay clothing and other necessaries to a most unconsiderable number he resolved to proceed no further nor to ingage that weake Army to the ruine of it selfe and danger of the Kingdome especially since the Forces of the Associated Counties could not with safety be commanded so farre from home He therefore returned toward London quartering that poore remainder of an Army at Kingston upon Thames and other places neere adjacent In this distressed condition I must a while leave that great Generall untill some few weekes time shall recruit his power and enable him to make that famous and honourable expedition to the reliefe of Gloucester So great at this time were the successes which in all parts crowned the Kings Armies that they seemed to possesse an absolute Victory and the Parliament in probability quite ruined on one side the Lord Generals Army mouldered away by long sicknesse and other wants the long successefull Sir WILLIAM WALLER quite broken in the West and about the same time the Lord FAIRFAX and his Sonne Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX though reserved by divine Providence for a transcendent height of honour in the future with all the Gentlemen almost which served the Parliament in those Northerne parts being defeated by the Earle of Newcastle and the Lord FAIRFAX with his Sonne driven into the Towne of Hull On the other side the Kings Armies were full and strong Sir RALPH HOPTON whom for his valour and industry the King had honoured with the Title of a Baron was possessed of a gallant Army in the West and seemed to want nothing so much as a considerable Enemy the Kings other Forces were free to chuse what stage they pleased to act their parts upon Prince RUPERT was sent to besiege Bristoll where Colonell NATHANIEL FIENNES second Sonne to the Viscount SAY was Governour which City in this low ebbe of the Parliament could not long hold out but was soone delivered â—o the Prince a place of as much concernment as any in the Kingdome Prince MAURICE with another Army came to besiege the City of Excester into which the Earle of Stamford was retreated after his defeat at Stretton in Cornwall a Nobleman who had long strugled with various successe and in sharpe encounters against Sir RALPH HOPTON and other Commanders of the Kings side in those Westerne Counties ruined at last by the treacherous revolt of some who had taken the same cause with him at the first This City was likewise after a long siege for want of supplies delivered upon Articles to the Prince that besieged it But the great cloud which not onely overshadowed the Parliament in the North but threatned to powre out stormes upon parts farre remote was the Earle of Newcastle with his mighty Army who was growne formidable to the Associated Counties and many other places of the Kingdome His Army was at that time the greatest of any in England which he maintained in brave equipage by large Contributions inforced from the Country and seemed of strength enough not onely to master any opposition of English Forces but to serve as a Bulwarke against the greatest Army which the Kingdome of Scotland could be able to send in aid of the English Parliament For the Parliament had then sent into Scotland for the brotherly assistance of that Kingdom and agreed upon entring into a Covenant with them for defence of Religion and the common Liberty of both Nations It pleased the Divine Providence whose workings are many times beyond the reach of humane conjectures that this strong Army before the entrance of the Scots found an Enemy in England worthy of their feare and were by the personall valour and successefull conduct of Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX who seemed lately in a low condition so farre broken together with other defeats given to parts of it sent abroad that the passage for the Scots into England was much facilitated as shall hereafter appeare in more particular But it is worthy consideration and therefore cannot but deserve a mention with what unwearied constancy and wondrous magnanimity the two FAIRFAXES Father and Sonne did labour to preserve those Northerne parts for the Parliament especially observing what great Enemies they dealt withall how many unexpected disadvantages happened to them and accessions of power to their Foes at severall times which though it cannot be here related with full circumstances or particulars yet may be touched in a generall way The Lord FAIRFAX ever since that there was any appearance of this unhappy Warre and that the Kings Commission of Array began to justle with the Parliaments Ordinance of Militia had been very industrious in raising strength and joyned himselfe most unanimously in that cause with Sir JOHN HOTHAM and his Sonne Master JOHN HOTHAM a Member also of the House of Commons and a Gentleman not onely active but prosperous whilest he continued faithfull to that side which he had chosen And since the Warre broke out into action the Lord FAIRFAX either singly by himselfe or some times joyned with Master HOTHAM had taken and fortified many Townes and Forts for the Parliament and made many sharpe and fierce encounters against potent Enemies The Earle of Cumberland who was first made Lord Lieutenant of Yorkeshire by the King was not able to suppresse them nor scarce maintaine the Warre against that power which they had raised Maugre whose Forces they tooke and fortified Cawood Castle and the Towne of Selby in the Moneth of October 1642. and surprised presently after the Towne of Leedes where part of the Earles Forces were quartered of whom they tooke divers Prisoners Knights and Gentlemen of good quality one of which was Sir GEORGE DETHERICK together with his whole Troope The Earle of Cumberland himselfe within few daies after was driven into the City of Yorke and there besieged and summoned by the Lord FAIRFAX and Master HOTHAM which happened about the same time that the famous Battell between the King and the Lord Generall Essex was fought at Keynton But the Earle of Newcastle with a greater force entred into Yorke whilest the Lord FAIRFAX and Captaine HOTHAM lay not farre off who notwithstanding his great strength when he marched out of Yorke was encountered by them at Tadcaster upon the 7. of December the Fight or severall Skirmishes continuing about five houres in which the Parliament Forces did so well take their advantages that they slew as was reported to the Parliament 200 of the Earles men with the losse of eight Souldiers of their owne of whom Captaine LISTER was one whose death was much lamented in the
they were most forward and ready to concur with their Lordships in that service But so great an affliction was to fall upon unhappy Ireland that all those Lords that were Papists after they had received Commissions and Armes notwithstanding all their deep vowes did most perfidiously soon after desert their houses and openly declare themselves in actuall Rebellion such as were Viscount MONGANNET GORMANSTON and COSTELOE DILLON BIRNE BELLER TALBOT and many others The Condition of Dublin was more lamentable every day then other and not so much afflicted were they with feares and dangers which threatned themselves as that extream sorrow which compassion must needs work in them toward all the suffering English which resorted thither Dublin was the Sanctuary of all the despoiled Protestants and by that meanes the sad stage upon which all horror was represented and what mischeifes soever were acted in other parts were there discovered and lamented Their eyes were sad witnesses of the Rebels cruelty in those despoiled English which daily resorted to the City but their eares much more afflicted with relation of those horrid tortures which had been used to those who died in other parts Their eyes could not but extremly suffer from such wretched Spectacles as daily from all parts presented themselves People of all conditions and qualities of every age and Sex spoiled and stripped with no coverings but ragges or twisted straw to hide their privities some wounded almost to death others frozen with cold some tired with travell and so surbated that they came creeping on their knees others famished beyond all releif And besides the miseries of their bodies their minds tortured with the losse of all their fortunes and sad remembrance of their husbands wives or children most barbarously murdered before their faces In this most lamentable plight with wasted bodies and distracted mindes did they arrive at Dublin some to be releived some entombed which was more then their murdered friends could obtaine from the Rebels insomuch as they appeared like walking ghosts in every street and all the Barnes Stables and out-houses were filled with them where they soon died after they had recovered the City in so great numbers that all the Church-yards of Dublin could not contain them but the Lords were enforced to take in large peeces of ground on both sides of the River to set apart for burying places But that part of this wofull Tragedy which was presented to their eyes was the least and but the shadow of that other which was related to their eares of which the Readers and all posterity may share the sorrow Many hundreds of those which had escaped under their oathes lawfully taken upon examination and recorded with all particulars as may be seen at large in the Records delivered to the Councell what horrid Massacres the bloudy villains had made of men women and children and what cruell inventions they had to torture those whom they murdered scarce to be equalized by any the most black and balefull story of any age Many thousands of them at severall places too many to be here inserted after all despites exercised upon them living put to the worst of deaths some burned on set purpose others drowned for sport and pastime and if they swam kept from landing with poles or shot and murdered in the water many were buried quick and some set into the earth breast-high and there left to famish But most barbarous as appears in very many examinations was that cruelty which was shewed to great bellied women whom the villaines were not content to murder but ripped up their bellies and many times took delight to see the Hogges eate the abortive Infants But I am loath to dwell upon so sad a narration The greatest part of these inhumane cruelties were acted by the Irish upon the poor unarmed Brittaines before any provocation given unto them and the bloud of so many thousand innocent persons sacrificed to their meer malice as many afterwards were sacrificed to their revenge as whensoever the Irish received any blow from English Forces the English Protestants that lived among them were murdered in great numbers By this time the Lords of the Councell had armed as many as they were able and given Commissions for raising of severall Regiments which were put into the hands for the most part of gallant men as their actions after testified to the world Sir CHARLES COOTE an active and valiant man who was also made Governor of Dublin with great speed made up his Regiment out of the poor robbed and stripped English which had fled to Dublin Sir HENRY TICHBORNE a worthy Commander was dispatched away with a Regiment of Foot to keep Tredagh from the approaching Rebels The Lord LAMBERT also Sir THOMAS LUCAS Captain ARMESTRONG Captain YARNER with others raised by Commissions souldiers there This was done about the middle of November at which time also the Earle of Ormond with his well armed Troop of Horse came to Dublin where within few dayes after he was by a Commission sent from the Earl of Leicester Lord Lieutenant of Ireland as likewise by the Kings approbation from Scotland signified in a Letter made Lieutenant Generall of all the Forces there For the Earl of Lecister at that time was not enabled so far with necessaries for the service of Ireland as to repair thither in person The Earl also sent over to the Lords at Dublin together with an Order of the Lords and Commons of the Parliament in England comfortable Letters in this time of distresse to let them know that the King had referred the whole businesse of Ireland to the Parliament of England who had undertaken the charge and management of the War had declared a speedy and vigorous assistance had designed for their present supplies the summe of 50000 pound and taken order for all further provisions necessary But that they might not be altogether destitute of reall comfort the Parliament of England sent them over at the same time Twenty thousand pound which arrived most seasonably at Dublin their treasure beginning utterly to fail for paying those new Companies which they had raised About the end of November the Lords Justices and Councell of Ireland considering the miserable desolations brought upon that whole Kingdom and what miseries were further threatned Commanded by Proclamation a Publike and religious Fast to be weekly observed upon Friday in the City of Dublin to implore the mercy and assistance of Almighty God and divert his heavy indignation from them CHAP. II. The King returneth out of Scotland and is pompously entertained by the City of London The Remonstrance is published by the Parliament The King entereth into the House of Commons The Protestation of the twelve Bishops and how it was censured by the Lords and Commons Divers unhappy obstructions of the releif of Ireland BUT to leave Ireland strugling against her sad and wofull calamities and returne again to the Affairs of England at that same time about the end of November 1641