fol. 10. gives us some other in their stead which he thinks unanswerable Fuller I deny not that P. Eleutherius might or did send a Letter to K. Lucius but I justly suspect the Letter novv extant to be but-pretended and forged I never thought by the vvay hovv came the Animadvertor to knovv my thoughts my Arguments unanswerable but now I say they are unanswered standing in full force notvvithstanding any alledged by the Animadvertor to the contrary I confesse a Memory-mistake of Sicilia for Galatia and as it is the first fault he hath detected in my Book so shall it be the first by me God Willing amended in the next Edition Dr. Heylyn Our Author First objects against the Popes answer to the King that Fol. 11. It relates to a former letter of King Lucius wherein he requested of the Pope to send him a Copy or Collection of the Roman Lawes which being at that time in force in the I le of Britain was but actum agere But certainly though those parts of Brittain in which Lucius reign'd were governed in part and but in part by the Lawes of Rome yet were the Lawes of Rome at that time more in number and of a far more generall practice then to be limited to so narrow a part of their Dominions Two thousand Volumes we find of them in Iustinians time out of which by the help of Theophilus Trebonianus and many other learned men of that noble faculty the Emperour compos'd that Book or body of Law which from the universality of its comprehension we still call the Pandects Fuller One who hath taken but two Turnes in Trinity hall Court in Cambridge knowes full well what PANDECTS are and why so called All this is but praefatory I waite for the answer to the Objection still to come Dr. Heylyn In the next place it is objected that This letter mounts King Lucius to too high a Throne making him the Monarch or King of Britain who neither was the Supreme nor sole King here but partial and subordinate to the Romans This we acknowledge to be true but no way prejudiciall to the cause in hand Lucius both was and might be call'd the King of Britain though Tributary and Vassal to the Roman Emperors as the two Baliols Iohn and Edward were both Kings of Scotland though Homagers and Vassals to Edward the first and third of England the Kings of Naples to the Pope and those of Austria and Bohemia to the German Emperors Fuller A Blank is better then such writing to no purpose For first both the Baliols in their severall times were though not SUPREME SOLE Kings of Scotland So were the Kings of Naples and the King of Austria there never being but one the first and Last viz. Fredoritus Leopoldus and the Kings of Bohemia in their respective Dominions Not so Lucius who was neither Supreme nor Sole King of Brittain Besides the Baliols being Kings of Scotland did never Style themselves or were Styled by other Kings of Brittaine The Kings of Naples never entituled themselves Kings of Italy Nor the Kings of Austria and Bohemia ever wrote themselves or were written to as Kings of Germany Whereas Lucius Ruler onely in the South West-part of this Isle is in this Letter made King of Brittain more then came to his share an Argument that the Forger thereof was unacquainted with the Constitution of his Kingdom And this just Exception stands firme against the Letter what ever the Animadvertor hath alledged in the excuse thereof Dr. Heylyn Nor doth the next objection give us any trouble at all that is to say that The Scripture quoted in that Letter is out of St. Hieroms Translation which came more then a hundred years after Unless it can be prov'd withall as I think it cannot that Hierom followed not in those Texts those old Translations which were before receiv'd and used in the Western Churches Fuller See the different tempers of men how some in point of Truth are of a tenderer constitution than others The Primate Armach was so sensible of the strength of this reason that it made him conclude against the authenticallnesse of the Letter Dr. Heylyn Lesle am I mov'd with that which follows viz. That this letter not appearing till a thousand years after the death of Pope Eleutherius might probably creep out of some Monks Cell some four hundred years since Which allegation being admitted the Monks Cell excepted it makes no more to the discredit of the letter which we have before us then to the undervaluing of those excellent Monuments of Piety and Learning which have been recovered of late times from the dust and moths of ancient Libraries Such Treasures like money long lock't up is never thought lesse profitable when it comes abroad And from what place soever it first came abroad I am confident it came not out of any Monks Cell that generation being then wholly at the Popes devotion by consequence not likely to divulge an Evidence so manifestly tending to the overthrow of his pretensions The Popes about four hundred years since were mounted to the height of that power and Tyranny which they claimed as Vicars unto Christ. To which there could not any thing be more plainly contrary then that passage in the Pope's letter whereto he tells the King That he was Gods Vicar in his owne Kingdom vos estis Vicarius Dei in Regno vestro as the Latin hath it Too great a secret to proceed from the Cell of a Monk who would have rather forg'd ten Decretals to uphold the Popish usurpations over Soveraign Princes then published one onely whether true or false to subvert the same Nor doth this Letter onely give the King an empty Title but such a Title as imports the exercise of the chief Ecclesiastical Power within his Dominions For thus it followeth in the same The people and the folk of the Realm of Britain be yours whom if they be divided ye ought to gather in concord and peace to call them to the faith and law of Christ to cherish and maintain them to rule and govern them so as you may reign everlastingly with him whose Vicar you are So far the very words of the letter as our Author rendereth them which savour far more of the honest simplicity of the Primitive Popes then the impostures and supposititious issues of the latter times Fuller I confesse some pretious pieces of Antiquity long Latent in Obscurity have at last broke forth into the Light with no little advantage to Learning But then such were intire Books and we know how when where and by whom they were found out and brought forth Whereas this loose Letter secretly and slily slid into the World unattended with any such Cicumstances to attest the Genuinesse thereof Children casually lost are no whit the lesse Legitimate and beloved the more when found and owned of their Parents But give me leave to suspect that Babe a Bastard which is left on a bulk or
at this present Fuller It is a sad Truth which the Animadvertor sayeth And here I cannot but remember David his expression when flying from Absalom If I shall find favour in the Eyes of the Lord he will bring me again But if he say I have no delight in thee behold here I am c. If it be coâ—sistent with the good will and pleasure of God in due time he will Boy up again the sunk credit of the Clergy if not all must submit to him whose wayes are often above reason never against right Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 156. Yea this very Statute which gave power to a Bishop in his Diocess to condemn an Heretick plainly proveth that the King by consent of Parliament directed the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Court in Cases of Heresie The Bishops and Clergy in their Convocations had anciently the power of declaring Heresie the Bishops singly in their Consistories to proceed against them by injoyning penance and recantation or otherwise to subject them to Excommunication The Statute which our Author speaks of being 2 H. 4. c. 15. proceedeth further and ordain'd in favour of the Church that the Ordinary might not onely convent but imprison the party suspected of Heresie and that the party so convented and convicted of Heresie and continuing obstinate in the same should upon a certificate thereof made and delivered to the Secular Judge be publickly burned before the People In order whereunto as in a matter which concern'd the life of a Subject the King with the advice of his Parliament might lay down some rules for the regulating the proceedings of the Bishops and other Ordinaries Fuller There be two distinct things which in this Point must be severally considered 1. To declare and define what shall be accounted Heresie 2. To condemne to Death a declared Heretick The Power of the former was in this Age fixed in the Bishops without any competition and is so clear none can question it Yea by the same Power they might proceed against a declared Heretick without any leave or liceence from King or Parliament so far as Church-Censures Suspensions Excommunications c. could extend But as for the latter to condemn them to Death herein the Common-Law began where the Cannon Law ended and regulated their proceedings accordingly Dr. Heylin But certainly it is a sorry piece of Logick to conclude from hence that generally in all cases of Heresie the King with advice of his Parliament directed the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Courts A piece of Logick shall I call it or a Fallacy rather a Fallacy à dâ—cto secundum quid ad dictum simpliciter committed commonly when from a proposition which is true onely in some respect with reference to time place and other circumstances the Sophister inferreth something as if simply true though in it self it be most absolutely false As for example The Pope even in matters of spiritual cognisance for so it followeth in our Author had no power over the life 's of the English Subjects and therefore had then no power to proceed against them in point of Heresie Fuller I intended not nor have I abused the Reader with any fallacious argumentation It is true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the King and Parliament directed the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Court in cases of Heresie I mean not to decide which were Heresies but to order the Power of the Bishop over declared Hereticks without the direction of the Statute not to proceed to Limb and Life And I believe my words will be found transcribed out of Sir Edward Coke his most elaborate Report of the Kings power in Ecclesiastical matters Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 161. Henry the seventh born in the Bowels of Wales at Pembroke c. some years after plucked down the Partition Wall betwixt them Neither so nor so For first Pembroke doth not stand in the Bowels of Wales but almost on the outside of it as being situate on one of the Creeks of Milford-Haven Fuller Pembroke though verging to the Sea may properly be called in the Bowels of Wales beholding the Marches next England as the outward Skin thereof Bowels are known to the Latines by the name of Penetralia à penetrando one must pierce and passe so farre from the outward skin before one can come at them So is Pembroke placed in the very Penetrals of Wales seeing the Travailer must goe six-score miles from England before he can come thither Dr. Heylin And secondly King Henry the seventh did not break down the Partition Wall between Wales and England That was a work reserved for King Harry the eighth in the 27. of whose Reign there past an Act of Parliament by which it was enacted That the Country of Wales should be stand and continue for ever from thenceforth incorporated united and annexed to and with this Realm of England And that all and singular person and persons born and to be born in the said Principality Country or Dominion of Wales shall have enjoy and inherit all and singular Freedoms Liberties Rights Priviledges and Laws within this Realm and other the Kings Dominions as other the Kings Subjects naturally born within the same have and injoy and inherit And thirdly between the time which our Author speaks of being the 14 year of King Henry the fourth and the making of this Act by King Henry the eighth there passed above an hundred and twenty years which intimates a longer time than some years after as our Author words it Fuller Far be it from me to set variance betwixt Father and Son and to make a Partition Wall betwixt them which of them first did break down the Partition Wall betwixt Wales and England The intentions of King Henry the seventh were executed by King Henry the eighth and all shall be reformed in my Book accordingly Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 168. I will not complain of the dearnesse of this Universitie where seventeen weeks cost me more than seventeen years in Cambridge even all that I had The ordinary and unwary Reader might collect from hence that Oxford is a chargeable place and that all commodities there are exceeding dear but that our Author lets him know that it was on some occasion of disturbance Fuller He must be a very Ordinary and unwary Reader indeed or an Extraordinary one if you please of no common weakness or willfulnesse so to understand my words which plainly expound themselves Dr. Heylin By which it seems our Author doth relate to the time of the War when men from all parts did repair to Oxford not as a University but a place of safety and the seat Royal of the King at which time notwithstanding all provisions were so plentifull and at such cheap rates as no man had reason to complain of the dearnesse of them No better argument of the fertility of the soil and richnesse of the Country in which Oxford standeth than that the Markets were not raised on
certainly before the Statute of Praemunire for that the whole Clergy in their Convocation should publiquely declare and avow a notorious falshood especially in a matter of fact is not a thing to be imagined I must confesse my self to be at a losse in this intricate Labyrinth unless perhaps there were some critical difference in those elder times between a Synod and a Convocation the first being call'd by the Arch-bishops in their several and respective Provinces as the necessities of the Church the other only by the King as his occasion and affairs did require the same But whether this were so or not is not much material as the case now stands the Clergie not assembling since the 25 of King Henry the eighth but as they are convocated and convened by the Kings Writ only I only add that the time and year of this submission is mistook by our Author who placeth it in 1533. whereas indeed the Clergy made this acknowledgement and submission in their Convocation Anno 1532. though it pass'd not into an Act or Statute till the year next following Well then suppose the Clergy call'd by the Kings Authority and all their Acts and Constitutions ratified by the Royals assent are they of force to binde the Subject to submit and conform unto them Not if our Author may be judge for he tels us plainly Fol. 191. That even such Convocations with the Royal assent subject not any for recusancie to obey their Canons to a civil penalty in person or property until confirmed by Act of Parliament I marvel where our Author took up this opinion which he neither findes in the Registers of Convocation or Records of Parliament Himself hath told us fol. 190. that such Canons and Constitutions as were concluded on in Synods or Convocations before the passing of the Statute of Praemunire were without any further Ratification obligatory to all subjected to their jurisdiction And he hath told us also of such Convocations as had been called between the passing of the Statute of Praemunire and the Act for Submission that they made Canons which were binding although none other than Synodical Authority did confirm the same Upon which premisses I shall not fear to raise this Syllogism viz. That power which the Clergy had in their Convocations before their submission to the King to binde the Subject by their Canons and Constitutions without any further ratification than own Synodical Authority the same they had when the Kings power signified in his Royal assent was added to them but the Clergy by our Authors own confession had power in their Convocations before their submission to the King to bind the Subject by their Canons and Constitutions without any further ratification than their own Synodical Authority Ergo they had the same power to bind the Subjects when the Kings power signified by the Royal assent was added to them The Minor being granted by our Author as before is shewed the Major is onely to be proved And for the proof hereof I am to put the Reader in minde of a Petition or Remonstrance exhibited to the King by the House of Commons Anno 1532. in which they shewed themselves agrieved that the Clergy of this Realm should act Authoriâ—atively and Supremely in the Convocations and they in Parliament do nothing but as it was confirmed and ratified by Royal assent By which it seems that there was nothing then desired by the House of Commons but that the Convocation should be brought down to the same level with the Houses of Parliament and that their Acts and Constitutions should not binde the Subject as before in their Goods and Possessions until they were confirmed and ratified by the Regal Power The Answer unto which Remonstrance being drawn up by Dr. Gardiner then newly made Bishop of Winchester and allowed of by both Houses of Convocation was by them presented to the King But the King not satisfied with this Answer resolves to bring them to his bent lest else perhaps they might have acted something to the hindrance of his divorce which was at that time in agitation and therefore on the tenth of May he sends a Paper to them by Dr. Fox after Bishop of Hereford in which it was peremptorily required That no Constitution or Ordinance shall be hereafter by the Clergy Enacted Promulged or put in Execution unlesse the Kings Highnesse do approve the same by his high Authority and Royal assent and his advice and favour be also interponed for the execution of every such Constitution among his Highnesse Subjects And though the Clergy on the receipt of this paper remov'd first to the Chappel of St. Katherines and after unto that of St. Dunstan to consult about it yet found they no Saint able to inspire them with a resolution contrary to the Kings desires and therefore upon the Wednesday following being the fifteenth of the same Moneth they made their absolute submission binding themselves in Verbo Sacerdotii not to make or execute any Canons or other Synodical Constitutions but as they were from time to time enabled by the Kings Authority But this submission being made unto the King in his single person and not as in conjunction with his Houses of Parliament could neither bring the Convocation under the command of Parliaments nor render them obnoxiâ—us to the power thereof as indeed it did not But to the contrary hereof it is said by our Author that Fol. 194. He viz. the King by the advice and consent of his Clergy in Convocation and great Councel in Parliament resolved to reform the Church under his inspection from grosse abuses crept into it To this I need no other Answer than our Author himself who though in this place he makes the Parliament to be joyned in Commission with Convocation as if a joynt Agent in that great businesse of Reforming the Church yet in another place he tels us another tale For fol. 188. It will appear saith he and I can tell from whom he saith it upon serious examination that there was nothing done in the Reformation of Religion save what was acted by the Clergy in their Convocations or grounded on some Act of theirs precedent to it with the Advice Counsel and Consent of the Bishops and most eminent Church-men confirmed upon the Postfact and not otherwise by the Civil Sanction according to the usage of the best and happiest times of Christianity So then the Reformation of the Church was acted chiefly by the King with the advice of the Clergy in their Convocation the confirmation on the post-fact by the King in Parliament and that by his leave not in all the Acts and Particulars of it but in some few onely for which consult the Tract entituled The Way and Manner of the Reformation of the Church of England Now as our Author makes the Parliament a joynt Assistant with the King in the Reformation so he conferreth on Parliaments the Supreme Power of ratifying and confirming all Synodical Acts. Fol. 199. The
Parliament saith he did notifie and declare that Ecclesiastical Power to be in the King which the Pope had formerly unjustly invaded Yet so that they reserved to themselves the confirming power of all Canons Ecclesiastical so that the person or property of Refusers should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament But certainly there is no such matter in that Act of Parliament in which the submission of the Clergy and the Authority of the King grounded thereupon is notified and recorded to succeeding times nor any such reservation to themselves of a confirming power as our Author speaks of in any Act of Parliament I can knowingly and boldly say it from that time to this Had there been any such Priviledge any such Reservation as is here declared their Power in confirming Ecclesiastical Canons had been Lord Paramount to the Kings who could have acted nothing in it but as he was enabled by his Houses of Parliament Nor is this onely a new and unheard of Paradox an Heterodoxie as I may call it in point of Law but plainly contrary to the practise of the Kings of England from that time to this there being no Synodical Canons or Constitutions I dare as boldly say this too confirmed in Parliament or any otherwise ratified than by the superadding of the Royal assent For proof whereof look we no further than the Canons of 603 and 640 confirmed by the two Kings respectively and without any other Authority concurring with them in these following words viz. We have therefore for Us our Heirs and lawfull Successors of our especial Grace certain knowledge and meer motion given and by these presents doe give our Royal assent according to the form of the said Statute or Act of Parliament aforesaid to all and every of the said Canons Orders Ordinances and Constitutions and to all and every thing in them contained And furthermore we doe not onely by our said Prerogative Royal and Supreme Authority in causes Ecclesiastical ratifie confirm and establish by these our Letters Patents the said Canons Orders Ordinances and Constitutions and all and every thing in them contained as is aforesaid But doe likewise propound publish and straightly enjoyn and command by our said Authority and by these our Letters Patents the same to be diligently observed executed and equally kept by all our loving Subjects of this our Kingdome both within the Province of Canterbury and York in all points wherein they doe or may concern every or any oâ— them according to this our Will and Pleasure hereby signified and expressed No other Power required to confirm these Canons or to impose them on the People but the Kings alone And yet I trow there are not a few particulars in which those Canons doe extend to the propertie and persons of such Refusers as are concerned in the same which our Author may soon finde in them if he list to look And having so done let him give us the like Precedent for his Houses of Parliament either abstractedly in themselves or in cooperation with the King in confirming Canons and we shall gladly quit the cause willingly submit to his ter judgement But if it be objected as perhaps it may That the Subsidies granted by the Clergy in the Convocation are ratified and confirmed by Act of Parliament before they can be levied either on the Granters themselves or the rest of the Clergy I answer that this makes nothing to our Authors purpose that is to say that the person or property of Refusers should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament For first before the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the 8. they granted Subsidies and other aids unto the King in their Convocations and levied them upon the persons concerned therein by no other way than the usual Censures of the Church especially by Suspension and deprivation if any Refuser prove so refractary as to dispute the payment of the sum imposed And by this way they gave and levied that great sum of an Hundred thousand pounds in the Province of Canterbury onely by which they bought their peace of the said King Henry at such time as he had caused them to be attainted in the Praemunire And secondly there is a like Precedent for it since the said Submission For whereas the Clergy in their Convocation in the year 1585. being the 27 year of Queen Elizabeth had given that Queen a Subsidy of four shâ—llings in the pound confirmed by Act of Parliament in the usual way thâ—y gave her at the same time finding their former gift too short for her present occasions a Benevolence of two shillings in the pound to be raised upon all the Clergy by virtue of their own Synodical Act onely under the penalty of such Ecclesiastical Censures as before were mentioned Which precedent was after followed by the Clergy in their Convocation An 1640. the Instrument of the Grant being the same verbatim with that before though so it hapned such influence have the times on the Actions of men that they were quarreld and condemned for it by the following Parliament in the time of the King and not so much as checkt at or thought to have gone beyond their bounds in the time of the Queen And for the ratifying of their Bill by Act of Parliament it came up first at such times after the Submission before mentioned as the Kings of England being in distrust of their Clergy did not think fit to impower them by their Letters Patents for the making of any Synodical Acts Canons or Constitutions whatsoever by which their Subsidies have been levied in former times but put them off to be confirmed and made Obligatory by Act of Parliament Which being afterwards found to be the more expedite way and not considered as derogatory to the Churches Rights was followed in succeeding times without doubt or scruple the Church proceeding in all other Cases by her native power even in Cases where both the persons and property of the Subject were alike concerned as by the Canons 1603 1640 and many of those past in Queen Elizabeths time though not so easie to be seen doth at full appear Which said we may have leisure to consider of another passage relating not unto the Power of the Church but the wealth of the Churchmen Of which thus our Author Fuller I conceived it Civil to suffer the Animadvertor to use his own phrase parler le tout to speak all out in this long Discourse which although it consisteth of several Notes yet because all treat of the same subject and because a Relative strength might result thereby to the whole I have presented it intire Yet when all is said I finde very little I have learnt thereby and lesse if any thing which I am to alter These my two preparatory Rules as the Animadvertor terms them I have formerly stated and proved and here intend no repetition It is no Beame and but a Moat-fault at most if
Notes wherein the most pious and proper to expound their respective places but some And those too many though never so few false factious dangerous yea destructive to Religion I could therefore wish some godly and discreet persons impowred and imployed to purge forth the latter that the rest may remain without danger for the profit of plain people But till this be done I am I thank God old enough to eat fish feeding on the flesh thereof and laying by the bones on my Trencher or casting them down to the Doggs Dr. Heylin I hope he will not condemn all those who approve not those Notes for K Iames who in the Conference at Hampton Court did first declare that of all the Translation of the Bible into the English tongue that of Geneva was the worst And secondly that the Notes upon it were partial untrue seditious and savouring too much of dangerous and traiterous conceits For proof whereof his Majesty instanced in two places the one on Exod. 1. ver 19. where disobediance to the King is allowed of The other in 2 Chron. 8.15 16. where Asa is taxed for deposing his Mother only and not killing Her A note whereof the Scottish Presbyterians made special use not only deposing Mary their lawfull Queen from the Regal Throne but prosecuting Her openly and under hand till they had took away her life These instances our Author in his Summary of that Confererence hath passed over in silence as loath to have such blemishes appear in the Genevians or their Annotations And I hope also that he will not advocate for the rest Fuller Down with these Bones to the Dogs indeed which alone are proper for their palate The Scots are old enough being reputed by Historians one of the most ancient Nations of Europe let them answer for themselves though I beleeve they cannot answer this foul fact but by penitent confession thereof But whereas the Animadvertor taxeth me for wilfully omitting those Instances of K. Iames in favour to the Genevians I protest my integrity therein It was only because I would have my Summary a Summary no Abridgement being adequate to the Narration abridged therein Dr. Heylin For let him tell me what he thinks of that on the second of St. Matthews Gosspel ver 12. viz. Promise ought c. Fuller Let him shew me what commission he hath to enquire into my thoughts However to doe him a pleasure I will tell him what I think in the point Dr. Heylin Promise say the Genevians in their Note Matthew 5.12 ought not to be kept where Gods Honour and preaching of his Truth is hindred or else it ought not to be broken What a wide gap think we doth this open to the breach of all Promises Oathes Covenants Contracts and Agreements not only betwixt man and man but between Kings and their Subjects What Rebel ever took up Arms without some pretences of that nature What Tumults and Rebellions have been rais'd in all parts of Christendom in England Scotland Ireland France the Netherlands Germany and indeed where not under colour that Gods honour and the preaching of the truth is hindred If this once pass for good sound Doctrine Neither the King nor any of his Good Subjects in what Realm soever can live in safety Gods Honour and the preaching of his Truth are two such pretences as will make void all Laws elude all Oaths and thrust out all Covenants and agreements be they what they will Fuller I behold this Note as impertinent to that place seeing it appears not in the Text that those wise men made Herod any promise to return unto him Secondly Had they made him any promise yea bound it with an Oath by the living God such an Oath had not been obligatory because God to whom the forfeiture was due released the Band in an extraordinary Vision unto them such that our Age doth not produce As the Note is impertinent in that place so it is dangerous at all times and mans corruption may take thence too much mischievous advantage which is partly given because so perilous a pit is left open contrary to the Iudicial Law and not covered over with due caution requisite thereunto I concurre therefore with the Animadvertor in the just dislike thereof Dr. Heylin Next I would have our Author tell me what he thinks on this Note on the ninth of the Revelation vers 3. where the Locusts which came out of the smoak are said to be false Teachers Hereticks and wouldly subtil Prelats with Monks Friers Cardinals Patriarchs Archbishops Bishops Doctors Batchelours and Masters Does not this Note apparently fasten the Name of Locusts on all the Clergy of this Realm that is to say Archbishops Bishops and all such as are graduated in the University by the name of Doctors Batchelours and Masters And doth it not as plainly yoke them with Friers Monks and Cardinals c. Fuller It was in my opinion both indiscretly and uncharitably done to jumble them together being of so different not to say contrary originations Sure I am though they are pleased to match them by force yet the Parties were never agreed They might as well have added Superintendents Lecturers Assistants and whole Classesses seeing all such it victous in Life or Heretical in Doctrine notwithstanding their reformed Names are Locusts as well that is as ill as any of the other But let us return to those my words which first gave the first occasion to these four last Animadversions Church-History 10 Book Page 59. And as about this time some perchance over-valued the Geneva Notes out of the especial love they bare to the Authors and Place whence they proceeded soon the other side some without cause did sleight or rather without charity did slander the same For in this or the next year a Doctor in solemn assembly in the University of Oxford publickly in his Sermon at St. Maries accused them as guilty of mis-interpretation touching the Divinity of Christ and his Messiah-ship as if symbolizing with Arrians and Jews against them both For which he was afterwards suspended by Dr. Robert Abbot propter conciones publicas minus Orthodoxas offensionis plenas Fain would I know first whether these my words import my inclination to defend all in the Geneva Notes Secondly though I neither can nor will as by the premisses doth appear excuse all passages in them I am confident that neither the Animadvertor nor all those of all degrees and qualities in both Universities urging him to write against me are able to finde out any Arianisme or Anti-Messâ—anisme in those Notes And therefore as an Historian I was bound to take notice of the fault and censure of that Doctor onely expressed in the Margin by the initial letter of his sirname Dr. Heylin Our Author goeth on Fol. 77. At this time began the troubles in the Low-Countries about matters of Religion heightned between two opposite parties Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants their Controversies being chiefly reducible
in our Author's History though the greatest falshood Tam facilis in mendaciis fides ut quicquid famae liceat fingere illi esset libenter audire in my Author's language But for the last he brings some proof he would have us think so at the least that is to say the words of one Bayly a Scot whom it concern'd to make him as odious as he could the better to comply with a Pamphlet called The intentions of the Army in which it was declared That the Scots entred England with a purpose to remove the Arch-bishop from the King and execute their vengeance on him What hand Dr. Couzens had in assisting of the work I am not able to say But sure I am that there was nothing was done in it by the Bishops of England but with the counsel and co-operation of their brethren in the Church of Scotland viz. the Arch-bishop of St. Andrews the Arch-bishop of Glasco the Bishops of Murray Ross Brechin and Dunblane as appears by the Book entituled Hidden works of darkness c. fol. 150 153 154 c. And this our Author must needs know but that he hath a mind to quarrell the Arch-bishop upon every turn as appears plainly 1. By his Narrative of the Designe in King Iames his time from the first undertaking of it by the Arch-bishop of St. Andrewes and the Bishop of Galloway then being whose Book corrected by that King with some additions expunctions and accommodations was sent back to Scotland 2. By that unsatisfiedness which he seems to have when the project was resum'd by King Charls Whether the Book by him sent into Scotland were the same which had passed the hands of King Iames or not which he expresseth in these words viz. In the Reigne of King Charls the project was resumed but whether the same Book or no God knoweth fol. 160. If so if God onely know whether it were the same or no how dares he tell us that it was not And if it was the same as it may be for ought he knoweth with what conscience can he charge the making of it upon Bishop Laud Besides as afterward he telleth us fol. 163 The Church of Scotland claimed not onely to be Independent and free as any Church in Christendom a Sister not a Daughter of England And consequently the Prelates of that Church had more reason to decline the receiving of a Liturgy impos'd on them or commended to them by the Primat of England for fear of acknowledging any subordination to him than to receive the same Liturgy here by Law establisht which they might very safely borrow from their Sister-Church without any such danger But howsoever it was the blame must fall on him who did least deserve it Fuller I will return to my words which gave the Animadvertor the first occasion of this long discourse Generally they excused the King in their writings but charged Arch-bishop Laud. I do not charge the Arch-bishop for compiling the Book but say The Scots did Nor do I say That what they charged on him is true but it is true that they did charge it on him Had I denyed it I had been a liar and seeing I affirmed no more the Animadvertor is a caviller It is observable that when our Chroniclers relate how Queen Anne Bollen was charged for Incontinency Margaret Countess of Salisbury for treasonable compliance with the Pope Henry Earl of Surrey for assuming the Arms of England Edward Duke of Somerset for designing the death of some Privy Counsellors Thomas Duke of Norfolk for aspiring by the match of the Queen of Scots to the English Crown Robert Earl of Essex for dangerous machinations against the person of Queen Elizabeth Thomas Earl of Strafford for endeavouring to subject England and Ireland to the King 's arbitrary Power That the Historians who barely report these Persons thus charged are not bound to make the charge good it is enough if they name their respective accusers as here I have named the Scots It is also observable that some of the Persons aforesaid though condemned and executed have since found such favour or justice rather with unpartiall Posterity that though they could not revive their persons they have restored their memories to their innocence And if the like shall be the hap of this Arch-bishop I shall rejoyce therein I mean if the Animadvertor's defence of him seems so clear as to out-shine the evidence so weighty as to out-poize all allegations which in printed Books are published against him In testimony whereof I return nothing in contradiction to what the Animadvertor hath written and it is questionable whether my desire that he may or distrust that he will not be believed be the greater Whatever the success be I forbear farther rejoynder To fight with a shaddow whether one's own or another's passeth for the proverbiall expression of a vain and useless act But seeing the dead are sometimes tearmed shaddows umbrae to fall foul on them without absolute necessity is an act not onely vain but wicked not onely useless but uncharitable And therefore no more hereof Dr. Heylyn Our Author proceedeth 167. Thus none seeing now foul weather in Scotland could expect it fair Sun-Shine in England In this I am as little of our Author's Opinion as in most things else The Sun in England might have shined with a brighter Beam if the Clouds which had been gathered together and threatned such foule Weather in Scotland had been dispersed and scattered by the Thunder of our English Ordnance The opportunity was well given and well taken also had it not been unhappily lost in the Prosecution Fuller Grant the Thunder of our English Ordnance had scattered the Scottish Clâ—uds yet by the confession of the Animadvertor there must first be foul weather in England before there could be such fair weather to follow it The Skyes are alwayes dark and lowring even whilst the Thunder is Engendering therein Military preparations in order to a Conquest of the Scotts must needs give our Nation great troubles and for the time un-Sunshine England which is enough to secure my Expression from just exception Dr. Heylyn The Scots were then weak unprovided of all Necessaries not above three thousand compleat Armes to be found amongst them The English on the other side making a formidable appearance gallantly Horst compleaty Armed and intermingled with the Choisest of the Nobility and Gentry in all the Nation Fuller I am much of the mind of the Animadvertor that there was a visible Disparity betwixt the two Armies and the Ods in the eye of flesh on the side of the English They were Gallantly Horst indeed whether in Reference to their Horses or Riders and the King pleasantly said It would make the Scots fight against them were it but to get their brave Cloaths Indeed the strength of the Scots consisted in their Reputation to be strong reported here by such as Friended them and the Scotch Lyon was not half so fierce as he was
and Author's Joynt-desires might have taken Effect there had been no difference about this passage in my Book Tuque domo proprià nos Te Praesul Poteremur Thou hadst enjoy'd thy house and we Prelate had enjoyed Thee But alas it is so He is still and still when all other Bishops are released detained in the Tower where I believe he maketh Gods Service his perfect freedom My words as relating to the time when I wrote them containe too much sorrowfull truth therein Dr. Heylyn Fourthly Archbishop Williams after his restoring unto liberty â—ent not into the Kings Quarters as our Author saith but unto one of his own houses in Yorkshire where he continued till the year 1643. and then came to Oxford not that he found the North too cold for him or the War too hot but to solicit for renâ—wing of his Commendam in the Deanry of Westminster the time for which he was to hold it drawing towards an end Fuller Nothing false or faulty The Arch-bishop of York stayed some weeks after his enlargement at Westminster thence he went privately to the house of Sir Thomas Hedley in Huntingon shire and thence to his Palace at Caâ—ood nigh York where he gave the King a magnificent Intertainment King James setled the Deanry of Westminster under the great Seal on Dr. Williams so long as he should continue Bishop of Lincoln Hinc illa Lacrimae hence the great heaving and hussing at Him because He would not resigne it which was so signal a Monument of his Master's favour unto him Being Arch-bishop of York King Charls confirmed his Deanry unto him for three years in lieu of the profits of his Arch-bishoprick which the King had taken Sede vacante So that it is probable enough the renuing that Tearm might be a Joynt-Motive of his going to Oxford But I see nothing which I have written can be cavilled at except because I call Yorkshire the King's Quarters which as yet was the Kings WHOLE when the Arch-bishop first came thither as being a little before the War began though few Weeks after it became the King's Quarters Such a Prolepsis is familiar with the best Historians and in effect is little more then when the Animadvertor calleth the Gag and Appello Caesarem the Books of Bishop Montague who when they were written by him was no though soon after a Bishop Dr. Heylyn Our Author proceeds fol. 196. Some of the aged Bishops had their tongues so used to the language of a third Estate that more then once they ran on that reputed Rock in their speeches for which they were publickly shent and enjoyned an acknowledgment of their mistake By whom they were so publickly shent and who they were that so ingenuously acknowledged their mistake as my Author telleth us not so neither can I say whether it be true or false Fuller I tell you again It is true The Earl of Essex and the Lord Say were two of the Lords though this be more then I need discover who checked them And of two of those Bishops Dr. Hall late Bishop of Norwich is gone to God and the other is still alive Dr. Heylyn But I must needs say that there was small ingenuity in acknowledging a mistake in that wherein they had not been mistaken or by endeavouring to avoid a reputed Rock to run themselves on a certain Rock even the Rock of Scandall Fuller Their brief and generall acknowledgment that they vvere sorry that they had spoken in this point vvhat had incurred the displeasure of the Temporall Lords was no trespass on their own ingenuity nor had shadovv of scandall to others therein I confess men must not bear fals-witness either against themselves or others nor may they betray their right especially when they have not onely a personall concernment therein but also are in some sort Feoffees in trust for Posterity However vvhen a predominant Power plainly appears which will certainly over-rule their cause against them without scandall they may not to say in Christian prudence they ought to wave the vindication of their priviledges for the present waiting wishing and praying for more moderate and equall times wherein they may assert their right with more advantage to their cause and less danger to their persons Dr. Heylyn For that the English Bishops had their vote in Parliament as a third Estate and not in the capacity of temporal Barons will evidently appear by these reasons following For first the Clergy in all other Christian Kingdoms of these Northwest parts make the third Estate that is to say in the German Empire as appears by Thuanus the Historian lib. 2. In France as is affirmed by Paulus Aemilius lib. 9. In Spain as testifieth Bodinus in his De Repub. lib. 3. For which consult also to the Generall History of Spain as in point of practise lib. 9 10 11 14. In Hungary as witnesseth Bonfinius Dec. 2. l. 1. In Poland as is verified by Thunus also lib. 56. In Denmark as Pontanus telleth us in Historia rerum Danicarum l. 7. The Swedes observing antiently the same form and order of Government as was us'd by the Danes The like we find in Camden for the Realm of Scotland in which antiently the Lords Spirituall viz. Bishops Abbots Priors made the third Estate And certainly it were very strange if the Bishops and other Prelates in the Realm of England being a great and powerfull body should move in a lower Sphere in England then they do elsewhere But secondly not to stand onely upon probable inferences we find first in the History of Titus Livius touching the Reign and Acts of King Henry the fifth that when his Funerals were ended the three Estates of the Realm of England did assemble togeâ—her and declared his Son King Henry the sixth being an Infant of eight months old to be their Soveraign Lord as his Heir and Successor And if the Lords Spirituall did not then make the third Estate I would know who did Secondly the Petition tendred to Richard Duke of Glocester to accept the Crown occurring in the Parliament Rolls runs in the name of the three Estates of the Realm that is to say The Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons thereof Thirdly in the first Parliament of the said Richard lately Crowned King it is said expresly that at the request and by the consent of the three Estates of this Realm that is to say the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons of this Land assembled in this present Parliament and by Authority of the same it be pronounced decreed and declared That our said Soveraign Lord the King was and is the very and undoubted King of this Realm of England c. Fourthly it is acknowledged so in the Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 3. where the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons in that Parliament assembled being said expresly and in terminis to represent the three Estates of this Realm of England did recognize the Queens Majesty to be their true
assistance no emphatical word nor syllable shall pass without its respective reply Nor hath the Reader any cause to suspect that by such shifting I intend any Evasion by pleading in the Preface that I will answer objections in the Body of my Book and alledging in the Body of my Book that I have answered them in the Preface For I have to do with the Animadvertor so cunning and so exacting a Merchant that it is impossible for one indebted unto him to escape without full payment by changing the place of his habitation However the Animadvertor hath dealt severely to say no worse with me who to render me the more culpable and my Book of the less credit hath represented all my faults in a Duplicating Glass And whereas the Best of Beings non bis judicat in id ipsum doth not punish the same faults twice he hath twice taxed every supposed mistake in my History once in his Preface and again in the Body of his Book Dr. Heylyn Concerning which the Reader is to understand that in the Year 1642. Mr. Fuller publisht his Book called The Holy State in the Preface whereof he letâ— us know that he should count it freedom to serve two Apprâ—ntiships God spinning out the 〈◊〉 thread of his life so long in writing the Ecclesiastical History from Christâ— time to our daies And so much time it seems he had spent upon it excepting some 〈◊〉 for recreation in the Holy Land before he had finisht and expos'd it to pubâ—â—ck view the Book not comming out untill the year 1655. whether agreeable to his promise and such a tedious expectâ—tion we are now to see Fuller My words are by the Animadvertor given-in deâ—ectively and as to me disadvantageously this â—assage which ought to have been inserted immediatly preceding my Promise If I may be so happy as to see these gloomy dayes disclouded with the beams of Gods mercy I appeal to the Conscience of the Animadvertor himself whâ—ther in his Soul he conceiveth these days disclouded or no. Gloomy they were when I wâ—ote those words before any war rained in the Land and since such bloody showers have ended they continue louring gloomy and dark unto this day My promise therfore being thus but Conditional and the condition on which it was grounded not as yet performed I have no neâ—d Liberare fidem to free my Faith which was never bound though I had ever since utterly quitted all thoughts of writing any Church-History For the first five years during our actual Civill Wars I had little list or leasure to write fearing to be made an History and shifting daily for my safety All that time I could not live to study who did onely study to live So soon as Gods goodness gave me a fixed habitation I composed my Land of Canaan or Pisgah-Sight This though I confess it be no part of Church-Building yet it is the clearing of the floore or Foundation thereof by presenting the performances of Christ and his Apostles in Palestine I perceive the Animadvertor hath a months mind to give me a Jeere for my fallying into the Holy-Land which I can bear the better seeing by Gods goodness that my Book hath met with generall reception likely to live when I am dead so that friends of quality solicite me to teach it the Latine-Language Dr. Heylyn For first the Reader might expect by the former passage that he designed the Generall History of the Church from the first preaching of Christ and the calling of the twelve Apostles to the times we live in whereas he hath restrained himself to the Church of Brittain which he conceives to be so far from being founded in the time of Christ that he is loth to give it the Antiquity of being the work of any of the Apostles of any of the Seventy Disciples or finally of any Apostolicall Spirit of those eldest times Fuller Charity begins but doth not end at home The same Method was embraced in my Church-History It began with our own Domestick affairs to confute that accusation commonly charged on Englishmen that they are very knowing in forrain parts but ignorant in their own Country I intended God willing to have proceeded to forrain Churches but I am discouraged by the causless caviling at what I have written already My Church-History beginneth for point of Time Indeterminately before the Birth of Christ lapping in or folding over part of Paganisme and presenteth the dolefull condition of the Britons whilest yet unconverted and grievious Idolaters Determinately my History begins Anno Dom. 37. which is but four years after Christs Passion and that is very early I assure you Christianity in this Island being a Timely riser to be up so soon and dressing it Self whilest as yet and many years after most Countreys were fast asleep in Pugan Impiety I deny not but that Apostolical men were the first founders of Religion in our Land But as for such Apostles St. Peter St. Paul c. who without probability of Truth and against proportion of Time are by some Authors obtruded on us those I do reject I hope without the least â—ault rendring my reasons for the same Dr. Heylyn And secondly Though he entitle it by the name of the Church-History of Brittain yet he pursues not his Design agreeable to that Title neither there being little said of the affairs of the Church of Scotland which certainly makes up a considerable part of the Isle of Brittain and less if any thing at all of the Church of Ireland which anciently past in the account of a Brittish-Island Fuller I will render the Reader a true account why I entitled my Book The Church-History of Brittain First the Church-History of England I might not call it the five first Centuries therein belonging wholly to the Brittains before the Name and Notion of England was ever heard of in any Author Secondly The Church-History of Great-Brittain I did not call it for fear of bringing in Scotland within the Latitude thereof a compass too large for my weak Endeavours Thirdly The Church-History of Brittain I did and might call it in a double respect tam à parte Majore quà m meliore both from the bigger and better the fairer and fruitfuller part of Brittain the Ecclesiastical affairs whereof were therein contained Yea the Animadvertor knows full well that the South of this Island by way of Eminence is so called To give one Instance of many from the Title-page of a passage of State Nobilissima disceptatio super Dignitate magnitudine Regnorum Britannici Et Gallici habita ab utriusque Oratoribus Legatis in Concilio Constantiensi Lovanii anno 1517. Typis excusa The most noble Dispute about the Dignity and greatness of the Kingdomes of Brittain and France betwixt the Embassadors and Legates of both Sides in the Councell of Constance Anno 1517. printed at Lovaine Here the contest only was betwixt the Crowns of England here termed Brittain and France Scotland not at all
them ¶ 42 c. Sr. Th. DOCKWRAY Lord Prior of St. Joanes B. 6. p. 359. ¶ 4. and p. 361. in the dedication John DOD his birth and breeding b. 11. p. 219. â— 85. his peaceable disposition ¶ 86. improving of piety p. 220. ¶ 87 c. an innocent deceiver ¶ 90. excellent Hebrician ¶ 91. last of the old Puritans ¶ 92. DOGGES meat given to men b. 3. p. 29. ¶ 46 DOMINICAN Friers their first coming over into England b. 6. p. 270. ¶ 15. after their expulsion set up again by Q. Mary p. 357. the learned men of this order who were bred in Cambrid Hist. of Cam. p. 30. De DOMINIS Marcus Antonius see SPALATO John DONNE Dean of St. Pauls prolocutour in the Convocation b. 10. p. 112. ¶ 15. his life excellently written by Mr. Isaack Walton ¶ 16. DOOMES-DAY Book composed by the command of Will the Conquerour b. 3. ¶ 3. DORT Synod b. 10. p. 77. ¶ 63. four English Divines sent thither ibidem King James his Instructions unto them p. 77 78. Oath at their admission into it p. 78. ¶ 66. liberall allowance from the State p. 77. ¶ 77. various censures on the decisions thereof p. 84. ¶ 5 c. The DOVE on King Charles his Sceptre ominously broken off b. 11. ¶ 16. Thomas DOVE Bishop of Peterborough his death b. 11. p. 41. ¶ 17. DOWAY COLL. in Flanders for English fugitives b. 9. p. 85. A Convent there for Benedictine Monks b. 6. p. 365. And another for Franciscan Friers 366. DRUIDES their office and imployment amongst the Pagan Britans C. 1. ¶ 3. The DUTCH Congregation first set up in London b. 7. p. 407. ¶ 33. priviledges allowed them by King Edward the sixth ibidem under Queen Mary depart with much difficulty and danger into Denmark b. 8. p. 8. ¶ 13. DUBLIN University founded by Queen Elizabeth b. 9. p. 211. ¶ 44. the severall benefactours whereof Mr. Luke Chaloner a chief p. 212. no rain by day during the building of the Colledge ibidem The Provosts thereof p. 213. ¶ 47. DUBRITIUS Arch-bishop of Caer-lion a great Champion of the truth against Pelagius C. 6. ¶ 3. A DUCATE worth about four shillings but imprinted eight b. 5. p. 196 ¶ 37. Andrew DUCKET in effect the founder of Queens Colledge in Cambridge Hist. of Cambridge p. 80. ¶ 33. St. DUNSTAN his story at large Cent. 10. ¶ 11. c. his death and burial in Canterbury ¶ 44. as appeared notwithstanding the claim of Glassenbury by discovery ¶ 45 46. DUNWOLPHUS of a swine-heard made Bishop of VVinchester C. 9. ¶ 41. DURHAM the Bishoprick dissolved by King Edward the sixth b. 7. p. 419. ¶ 2. restored by Queen Mary ¶ 3. VVil. DYNET the solemn abjuration injoyned him wherein he promiseth to worship Images b. 4. p. 150. E. EASTER-DAY difference betwixt the British Romish Church in the observation thereof Cent. 7. ¶ 5. the Controversie stated betwixt them ¶ 28. reconciled by Laurentius ¶ 30. the antiquity of this difference ¶ 31. spreads into private families ¶ 89. A counsell called to compose it ¶ 90. setled by Theodorus according to the Romish Rite ¶ 96. EATON COLLEDGE founded by K. Henry the sixth b. 4. EDGAR King of England Cent. 10. ¶ 24. disciplined by Dunstan for viciating a Nun. ¶ 26. The many Canons made by him why in this book omitted ¶ 29. A most Triumphant King ¶ 30. his death ¶ 34. EDMUND King of the East Angles cruelly Martyred by the Danes Cent. 9. ¶ 22. EDWARD the Elder calls a Councell to confirm his Fathers acts Cent. 10. ¶ 5. gives great Priviledges to Cambridge ¶ 6. EDWARD the Martyr Cent. 8. ¶ 34. Barbarously murthered ¶ 42. EDWARD the Confessour his life at large Cent. 11. ¶ 11 c. King EDWARD the first his advantages to the Crown though absent at his Fathers death b. 3. p. 74. ¶ 3. his atchievements against the Turkes ¶ 4. Casteth the Iews out of England p. 87. ¶ 47. chosen arbitratour betwixt Baliol Bruce claiming the Kingdome of Scotland p. 88. ¶ 49. which Kingdome he conquereth for himself ¶ 50. stoutly maintaineth his right against the Pope p. 90. ¶ 2. humbled Rob. Winchelsey Arch-bishop of Cant. ¶ 4 5. the Dialogue betwixt them 6. his death and character p. 92. ¶ 11. his Arme the standard of the English yard ibid. King EDWARD the second his character b. 3. p. 93. ¶ 13. fatally defeated by the Scots ¶ 14. his vitiousnesse p. 100. ¶ 28. accused for betraying his Priviledges to the Pope ¶ 29. his deposing and death p. 103. King EDWARD the third a most valiant and fortunate King both by Sea and Land foundeth Kings Hall in Cambridge Hist. of Camb. p. 39. ¶ 36. his death and Character b. 4. p. 136. ¶ 12. King EDWARD the fourth gaineth the Crown by Conquest b. 4. p. 190. ¶ 46. Beaten afterwards in Battel by the Earle of VVarwick p. 191. ¶ 31. escapeth out of prison flyeth beyond the Seas returneth and recovereth the Crown ¶ 32 33. A Benefactour to Merton Coll. in Oxford b. 3. p. 75. ¶ 7. but Malefactour to Kings Coll. in Cambridge Hist. of Camb. p. 76. ¶ 19. his death b. 4. p. 199. ¶ 42. King EDWARD the fifth barbarously murthered by his Vncle Richard Duke of York b. 4. p. 196. ¶ 5. King EDWARD the sixth his Injunctions b. 7. ¶ 3. observations thereon p. 374. his severall proclamations whereof one inhibiteth all Preachers in England for a time p. 388 389. his TEXT ROYAL and our observations thereon p. 397 398. c. Giveth an account by letter to B. Fitz-Patrick of his progresse p. 412 413. severall letters written by him p. 423 424. his diary p. 425. ¶ 14. quâ—ck wit and pious prayer ¶ 17. at his death ibid. EDWIN King of Northumberland and in effect Monarch of England after long preparatory promises Cent. 7. ¶ 39 c. at last converted and baptised ¶ 43. slain by the Pagans in Battel ¶ 60. EGBERT Arch-bishop of York famous in severall respects b. 2. p. 101. ¶ 23. his beastly Canons ¶ 24. EGBERT first fixed Monarch of England Cent. 8. ¶ 41. First giveth the name of England Cent. 9. ¶ 5 6. Is disturbed by the Danes ¶ 7. ELEUTHERIUS Bishop of Rome his Letter to King Lucius Cent. 2. ¶ 6. pretendeth to an anâ—câ—enter date then what is due thereunto ¶ 7. sends two Divines into Britain ¶ 8. ELIE Abbey made the See of a Bishop b. 3. p. 23. ¶ 23. the feasts therein exceed all in England b. 6. p. 299. ¶ 11. Q. ELIZABETH proclaimed b. 8. p. 43. ¶ 56. assumeth the title of supream head of the Church b. 9. p. 152. ¶ 4. defended therein against Papists p. 53. ¶ 5 6. c. Excommunicated by Pope Pius quintus b. 9. p. 93 94. Her farewell to Oxford with a Latine Oration b. 9. p. 223. ¶ 7 8. Her well-come to Cambridge with a Latine Oration Hist. of Cambridge p. 138. her
years after p. 147. ¶ 43. PSALMS of David by whom translated into English meeter b. 7. p. 406. ¶ 31. the mean doing thereof endeavoured to be defended ¶ 32. PURGATORY not held in the Popish notion before the Conquest b. 2. p. â— how maintained in the Mungrell Religion under King Henry the eighth b. 5. p. 223. a merry Vision thereof b. 4. p. 107. PURITANS when the word first began in that odious sense b. 9. ¶ 67. vide Non-conformists The Arch-bishop of Spalato the first who abused the word to signifie the Defenders of matters Doctrinall Conformable Puritans by whom complained of b. 11. p. 144. ¶ 31. Q. QUEENS COLL. in Oxford founded by R. Eglesfield b. 3. p. 114 115. QUEENS COLL. in Cambridge founded by Q. Margaret History of Cambridge p. 80. ¶ 31. finished by Q. Elizabeth wife to King Edward the fourth ¶ 33. The Masters Benefactours Bishops ibidem R. READING a pleasant story between the Abbot thereof and King Henry the eighth b. 6. p. 299. ¶ 12 13. RECUSANTS for Papists when the name in England first began b. 9. p. 98. ¶ 29. Our REFORMATION under King Henry the eighth cleared from the aspersion of Schisme b. 5. p. 194 and 195. William REGINALD or Reinolds a zealous Papist his death and character b. 9. p. 224. ¶ 12. John REINOLDS against Conformity in Hampton-Court conference b. 10. p. 7 8 9 c. his death p. 47. ¶ 3. admirable parts and piety p 48. ¶ 5. desireth absolution at his death ¶ 6. RELICTS their abominable superstition and Forgery b. 6. p. 331. ¶ 10 11 c. RENT-CORN by statute reserved to Colledges History of Cambridge p. 144. ¶ 6. procured by Sr. Tho. Smith ¶ 7. to the great profit of both Universities ¶ 8. R. Lord RICH his servants sad mistake b. 7. p. 408. ¶ 40. which cost his master the losse of his Chancellours place ¶ 41. King RICHARD the first endeavoureth to expiate his undutifulnesse by superstition b 3. p. 40. ¶ 8. dearly ransomed p. 44. ¶ 28 29. made better by affliction p. 45. ¶ 30. his death burial and Epitaph ¶ 32 c. King RICHARD the second b. 4. p. 137. ¶ 12. his loose life p. 152. ¶ 51. conspired against by Duke Henry ¶ 52. forced to depose himself or be deposed p. 153. ¶ 53. his death ibid. King RICHARD the third his pompous double Coronation b. 4. p. 196. ¶ 4. barbarously murthered his brothers Sons ¶ 5. endeavoureth in vain to be Popular p. 197. ¶ 6 and 7. unjustly commended by a Modern Writer ¶ 8. beaten and killed in the Battel of Bosworth p. 194. ¶ 14. RIPPON Collegiat Church endowed by King James b. 10. p. 29. ¶ 16. their Land since twice sold ¶ 17. John ROGERS prime Patron of Non-conformity b. 7. p. 402. martyred b. 8. p. 23. ¶ 32. Thomas ROGERS writeth on the Articles of the Church of England b. 9. p. 172. ¶ 22. first opposeth the opinion of the Sabbatarians bitterly enough p. 228. ¶ 22. ROME COLLEDGE for English fugitives b. 9. p. 86. The ROODE what is was and why placed betwixt the Church and Chancell History of Walt. p. 16. in the first item S. The SABBATH the strict keeping thereof revived by Doctour Bound b. 9. p. 227. ¶ 20. learned men divided therein p. 228. ¶ 21 c. liberty given thereon by King James his Proclamation in Lancashire b. 10. p. 74. ¶ 58 59. reasons pro and con whether the same might lawfully be read p. 74. ¶ 56. ministers more frighted then hurt therein p. 76. ¶ 62. no reading of it enforced on them ibidem controversie revived in the Reign of King Charles b. 11. p. 144. ¶ 13 c. SAINTS Numerous and noble amongst the Saxons C. 8. ¶ 6. ridiâ—uously assigned by Papists to the Curing of sundry diseases and patronage of sundry professions b. 6. p. 33. ¶ 13. SAMPSON an ancient British Bishop made fine Tiâ—ulo C. 6. ¶ 9. Thomas SAMPSON Dean of Christ-Church in Oxford the first that I find outed his place for Puritanisme b. 9. p. 77. ¶ 72. Edwin SANDYS Bishop of Worcester b. 9. p. 63. ¶ 31. Arch-bishop of York his death p. 197. ¶ 25. his Sermon before the Duke of Northumberland at Cambridge Hist. of Camâ— p. 131. ¶ 40. his ill usage for the same ¶ 43. SARDIS some representation of the British at the Generall Councill kept therein C. 4. ¶ 20. SARUM secundum usum thereof its originall and occasion b. 3. ¶ 23. William SAWTREE b. 4 p. 156. Articles against him ibidem degraded p. 157. ¶ 5. and the first man burnt for his Religion p. 158. SAXONS the first mention of them in Brit. C. 5. ¶ 9. unadvisedly invited over by King Vortiger ¶ 16. erect seven Kingdomes in Britain ¶ 17. The rabble of their Idols C. 6. ¶ 6. willfully accessorie to their own ruine by the Danes C. 9. ¶ 17. SCHISME unjustly charged on the English Church in their Reformation and returned on Rome b. 5. p. 194. and 195 SCHOOL-MEN nine eminent all of England most of Merton Colledge C. 14. p. 94 95. their needlesse difficulties p. 98. ¶ 24. barbarous Latine ¶ 25. divisions in judgement ¶ 26. why their Learning lesse used in after ages ¶ 28. SCOTLAND challenged by the Pope as his peculiar C. 14. ¶ 1. stoutly denied by the English ¶ 2. SCOTCH Liturgie the whole story thereof b. 11. p. 160. ¶ 95 c. John SCOTUS Erigena his birth-place C. 9. ¶ 32 33 34. miserably murthered by his Scholars ¶ 35. unmartyred by Baronius ¶ 36. causlesly confounded with Duns Scotus ¶ 37. John DUNS SCOTUS why so called C. 14. p. 96. ¶ 19. his birth claimed by three Kingdomes ibidem SEATER a Saxon Idol his shape and Office b. 2. C. 6. ¶ 6. SECULAR Priests their contesting with Monks C. 8. p. 133 134. John SELDEN setteth forth his Book against Tithes b. 10. p. 70. ¶ 39 40. puzleth the Assembly of Divines with his queries b. 11. p. 213. ¶ 54. Richard SENHOUSE preacheth King Charles his Coronation and his own funerall b. 11. ¶ 18. Edward SEIMOUR Duke of Somerset Lord Protectour b. 7. p. 372. ¶ 3. his tripartite accusation p. 407. ¶ 36. imprisoned yet restored p. 408. ¶ 38. afterwards impeached of Treason ¶ 42. and executed p. 409. ¶ 43. unjustly saith a good Authour ¶ 44. though King Edward was possessed of his guiltiness as appeareth by his letter ibidem his character and commendation p. 410. ¶ 45. SIDNEY SUSSEX Colledge founded Hist. of Camb. p. 153. ¶ 23 c. SIGEBERT King of the East-Angles his Religion and Learning C. 7. ¶ 45. reputed founder of the University of Camb. ¶ 46. the Cavils to the contrary answered ¶ 49 c. SIGEBERT the pious King of the East-Saxons C. 7. ¶ 81. SIMON ZELOTES made by Dorotheus to preach in Britain C. 1. ¶ 8. SIVIL COLLEDGE in Spain for English fugitives b. 9. p. 88. Mr. SMARTâ—ernted â—ernted proto-Martyr of England b. 11.
Sâ—â—â—eâ—on Cantab. M. Sc. * Pag. 94 95. * Vide infra part 3. pag. 70. * Anno 1586. Fox Acts and Monuments * The Government of England though often translated from one Family yea Nation to another yet hath so long continued Monarchical The Breaks in my Answer relate respectively to those in the Doctor 's Animadversions * 2 King 3.2 * 2 King 17.2 * Exod. 20.3 * Act. 17.16 * In his Microcosm p. 800. * 〈◊〉 cit in vita 〈◊〉 ola * S. Metaphrastes Comment de Petro et Paulo ad diem 29. Junij Of Thessal 2.15 * Pag. 329. 1 Cent. p. 4. Deu. 34.6 Church Hist. v. 1. pag. 10. * Seb. Munsterus de Germania * De prim Ec. Brit. Psal. 1. * In his Councels * In his Primord Eccl. Angl. * Act. 17.23 * Leâ—bia pieriis Sapho soror addita Muâ—is Ausonius Camd. in Brit. fol. 135. Lactant. lib. 16 cap. 21. * Lib. 2. pag. 5â— In Brit. fol. 135 Id. in Wiltsh fol. 241. * In the last page * Pag. ut prius * Iames 1.21 Camd. Brit. fol. 136. Id. in Worcest fol. 578. Richardsons State of Europe lib. 3. Camd in Scotland fol. 45. * Acts 1.21 1 Corinth 9.1 Gal. 1.5 * Church Hist. Book 9. page 187. parag 63 * Lib 9 pag 101 and oft before * Page 14. Camden in Richmondshire fol. 720. Camden in Kent fol. 333. Form of Baptism Conference pag. 7. * Deut. 27.17 Matth 7.14 â—â—â—â—â—wood 〈◊〉 cap V. * I request the Reader to consult my words as rendred by the Animadvertor in the formar paragraph * Iudges 12.6 Heylins Cosmog pag 17. * For the elder Buckstors and Beckman I am as certain they were as uncertain were publike Professors * Gen 3.20 * Gen. 4.1 * Gen. 4 25. * Gen. 5.24 * Gen. 10 25. * Numb 13 22. Parenes ad Scotos p 99. Greg. M. Epist. 70. Camden in Wilts 241. * Iohn 3 10. Camd. in Kâ—nt 324. * Carew in Cornwall * Cronicon pag. 887. H. le Strange Alliances of Divine Offices pag. 250. * As appears in Dr. Tuckers Charisma p. 109. * Britar Lat. pag. 104. Acts of Convoc Anno 1532. * In his Animadversion on my 8. Lib. or reign of Q Mary * Matth. 16 19 * 1 Iohn 9.34 * 1 Cor. 5.5 * A Record lately so priced by the Animadv * In his account H S. his Appendix Stowe Survey p 893. * His description of Barbary * Vide supra part 1 chap. 11 Brerewoods Enq. cap. 13. Camden in Monmoutâ—â—h Hist. of St. George lib. 3. cap. 3.8 Stow in Hen 5. Acts 9.18 * Rom. 2.5 * Out of exact intelligence sent from his neer Kindred to Venice and thence to Mr. Calendrine now Minister of the Dutch Church Hist. lib. â— * Church Hist. 4. Book p. 131. * In his Introduction * Gen. 48.14 Camden in Radnor 624 Selden Tit. Hon. part 2. c. 5. Stat. 25. Edw. Antiquit. Britan in Stratf * 2 Sam. 15.25 27 H. 8 c. 26. * Acts 26.29 Vossig de Lat. Hist. Holy State title Memory Camb. in Ham. fol 267. Ovid Met. Lib. 2. History of Florence Camdens Annals An. 1656. Acta Convocaâ—ionis 1530. Pres. to the Directory * Heb. 11.23 Hollinsh p. 129 * Ier. 24.2 Defence of the Apolog. * 1 King 15.12 Stat 25 H 8. c. 19. * I bilieve this should be better as may appear in the Errata But because the page is mistaken 121 for 101 I dare not alter it * So is his name in my corrected Books * In his List of the Masters of St. Iohns * Iob. 29.15 * In his Introduction Numb 14 4. * In particulars their total Sum to my remembrance not being cast up Stows Survey of Lond. p 623. * In his Eliz. Anno 1561. Acts 2.27 Vid. sup part 2. p. 62. * Vid. supâ—â—a c. 2. â—agâ—â— â—â— * Iude 9. * In his Advertisemenâ—s on the History of King Charles p. 64. * Pag. 2. li. 14. * Verstegan of decayed intelligence * Stow his Survey of London pag. 97. * Hist. Ecclesiast seculo decimo quinto pag. 646. * 1 Sam. 17.12 * In his Elizab. Anno 1581. * Esay 36.21 * Plutarchus * Exod. 21.33 * In the Margin this Note Dr H in Oxfoâ—d causlesly inveyeth against the Geneva Notes * Aâ—â—aâ— p. 334. * Dr. Câ—â—kâ—n 〈…〉 disensione Eccles Aâ—gâ—â—r pag 3. * Camdens 〈◊〉 Anno 1â—81 pag. 346. * Acts 20.9 * Rom 1.31 * In his short view of the reign of King Charles * In the Cabala and in the historical observations of Mr. Rushworth Mica 7.8 * Mr. Bâ—ll in Dr. Prestons life * Compare his page 140 with his page 144. * De Piscibus in â—â—ce Trutta * Mills ' Catal. of Honour pag. 51. * Joh. 14 2â— * H. Le Strange Esa * Gal. 6.14 * I am informed C. Offspring is still alive 2 Sam. 10.4 * Eph. 3.8 Psal. 1.1 * Jam. 5.17 * Gen. 49.3 * Before his Time he was about to begin a new Section and Dedication as appeares by the TO in Text. * pag. 74. * Cambden's Remains pag. 250. * Eccleâ— * In these his Animadversions as by him set forth pag. 8. * Psal. 69.11 * Heb. 9.19 * Deut. 23.18 * 2 Pâ—â— 3.5 * 1 Cor. 15.6 * pag. 386. c. * Jam 4. â— * Book 11. p. 196. * Jam. 2.8 * 1 Pet. 2 9. * Animadversions pag. 205. * Alledged by thâ— Animadvertor formerly in his fourth Book * Mal. 3.2 Rev. 12.13 Mich. 7.9 Math. 5. * 2 King 9.22 * Rom. 12.18 * Mr I. Sb. * Iames. 4. * Gen. 16.22 * Luke 8.43 * All these Quotations are taken out of the eleventh Book of my Church History Confâ—ssio lib. 9. cap. 3. * Psal. 27.13 * Acts. 19.32 * Hist. of Camb. pag. 168. parag 35. * Gen. 43.12 Ecclus. 3â— 20 * Esay 56.3 54. Goodwin in Epiâ—â— Bath Well * The Latin word being Raptores might by the Doctors favour be better Englished Plunderers
interesting it self therein It will not be long before the Animadvertor as God willing in due time shall be observed stickleth with might and main that Lucius might properly style himself and be styled King of Brittain who had not an half of the Southern-half of this Island and therefore by his own Principles it is no Solecisme in me to name the cis-Tweedan Moity thereof Brittain Had I given my native Countrey a narrow and restrictive name I had deserved due reproof but now measuring the denomination thereof with all honourable advantage I humbly conceive my self not to fall under just reprehension for the same Dr. Heylyn Nor is it thirdly a Church-History rightly and properly so called but an aggregation of such and so many Heterogeneous bodies that Ecclesiastical affairs make the least part of it Abstracted from the dresse and trimming and all those outward imbelishments which appear upon it it hath a very fit resemblance to that Lady of pleasure of which Martial tells us Pars minima est ipsa puella sui that the woman was the least part of her self The name of a Church-Rhapsody had been fitter for it though to say truth had it been answerable thereunto in point of learning it might have past by the old Title of Fuller's Miscellanies For such and so many are the impertinencies as to matters of Historicall nature more as to matters of the Church that without them this great Volume had been brought to a narrower compass if it had taken up any room at all So that we may affirm of the present History as one did of the Writings of Chrysippus an old Philosopher viz. Si quis tollatâ—è Chrysippi Libris quae aliena sunt facilè illi vacua relinquerentur Pergamena that is to say that if they were well purged of all such passages as were not pertinent to the business which he had in hand there would be nothing left in them to fill up his Parchments Fuller The Animadvertor hath a free liberty to name His own Books and I crave the same leave my self to denominate My own Before he had fallen so fiercely on my extravagancies in the Church-Historie he had done well to have defended his own in his Geographie sixteen parts of twenty therein being meerly Historicall and aliene from his Subject in the strictness thereof Sure I am Ptolomey Strabo Pliny c. in their severall descriptions of the world have nothing to countenance the excursions about the Pedegrees of Princes not reductive to Geographie without the great favor of the Reader so to understand it But because Recrimination is no part of Purgation I provide my self to answer to all which shall be objected for impertinencies Dr. Heylyn The first of this kind which I am to note is a meer extrinsecall and outside unto those impertinencies which are coucht within consisting of Title-Pages Dedicatory-Epistles and severall intermediate Inscriptions unto every Section A new way never travelled before by any till he found it out and such wherein he is not like to find many followers though the way be opened I know it is no unusuall thing for works of different Arguments publisht at severall times and dedicated to severall persons to be drawn together into one Volume and being so drawn together to retain still those particular Titles and Dedications which at first they had But I dare confidently say that our Historian is the first who writing a Book of the same Argument not published by peece-meal as it came from his hand but in a full and intire Volume hath filled his Sheets with so many Title-leaves and Dedications as we have before us Fuller I answer first Although it be unlawfull even for the owner himself abuti re sua to abuse what is his own because the Publick hath an interest therein Yet Is it not lawfull for me to Do what I will with my Own Secondly seeing the Animadvertor pretendeth in his notes to rectifie Mistakes Falsities and Defects this cometh not under any of these notions And whereas he writeth as he saith for the Vindication of the Truth Church and injured-Clergy by my dedicating of my Book to many Patrons the Truth is not prejudiced nor the Church wronged nor any of the Clergy injured Thirdly Of late some usefull and costly Books when past their Parents power to bring them forth have been delivered to the Publick by the Midwifery of such Dedications Fourthly Many if not most of my Patrons invited themselves purposely to encourage my endevours And why should any mans eye be evil because theirs were good unto me Lastly It is all one in effect whether one printeth his Dedications to many Patrons or whether one presenteth a printed History of St George to each English Knight of the Garter with a written letter prefixed to every one of them save that the former way is better as which rendereth the Authors gratitude the more publick and conspicuous Dr. Heylyn For in this one Book taking in the History of Cambridge which is but an Appendix to it there are no fewer than twelve particular Titles besides the generall as many particular Dedications and no fewer then fifty eight or sixty of those By-Inscriptions which are addrest to his particular Friends and Beâ—efâ—ctors which make it bigger by forty Sheets at the least then it had been otherwise Nay so ambitious he is of increasing the Number of his Patrons that having but four Leaves to come to the end of his History he finds out a particular Benefactress to inscribe it to Which brings to my minde the vanity of Vitellius in bestowing and of Roscius Regulus for accepting the Consular Dignity for that part of the day on which Cecinna by Order and Decree of the Senate was degraded from it Of which the Historian gives this Note that it was Magno cum irrisu accipientis tribuentisque a matter of no mean disport amongst the People for a long time after Fuller Ordinary Dedications exceed not a dozen lines and therefore I believe the Animadvertor is much mistaken in his proportions If I did Dedicate four leaves to a distinct Patroness no such fault therein seeing I am confident those four leaves contain in them so remarkable an Accident as the Animadvertor never read the like in four thousand leaves of any Historian Dr. Heylyn But of this Argument our Author heard so much at the late Act at Oxford that I shall say no more of it at this present time Fuller I heard nothing thereof at Oxford being then sixty miles distanced thence Sure I am I did not there Malè audire deservedly and if undeservedly mala fama bene parta delectat Secondly I have heard since that one in the Act was bold to play on my own name and Church-History But for the seventeen years I lived in Cambridge I never heard any Prevaricator mention his Senior by name We count such particularizing beneath an University Thirdly I hope it will not be accounted Pride