specially aimed at and their transactions inserted in the same Kalender but it 's well they cannot call them Traytors we may possibly e're long see what new names we shall injoy when Charles Stuart and Montrosse shall both joyn together against the honest party of Scotland and when they have got a King who will be his favourites in Scotland I pray that the same names be not justly retorted on themselves by that party which they are faine now to court with expressions of disgrace on their best friends But to the Declaration it self and the maine things Montrosse layes as a charge on them which they strive to free themselves from I shall follow their own method and give them their due in what ever is just and right and excuse them wherein they do not intangle themselves The first thing Montrosse taxes them withall to which they reply is for hatching a Rebellion in their own Kingdome with promoting the like in England because they are both of the same nature or as the end and the means the same Reply wil salve both I need to comment little on this but to improve it on the same grounds and reasons only this is worthy to be observed that what we account our duty and safety they account rebellion unto this day that which the Committee calls their just defence as they do well expresse it in the second page Did we offer to stir untill Religion and Justice the main pillars of Government were shaken and neere to be overturned and shall the standing upon our defence for the preservation of our Religion and Liberties be accounted Rebellion You see how the just and righteous grounds of your proceedings are interpreted and that which you think honesty is still called rebellion though but in the first motions of it much more in the propagated necessary actings of that principle and you now see what ever glosse is put upon your transactions you shall be no more free of Rebellion then England but rather be accounted the first and principall powers in all the rest of the acts though done by us and it 's well you and we have a clear conscience for else we shall not want Records and Remembrancers of our former actings though never so honest and necessitous and if you think it 's only Montrosse's malice you are as much mistaken in politike as he was in legall and just actings he dare speak nothing but what the King his Master first dictates if you compare the Kings Pourtraicture in his last Book and his thoughts of your Nation there with his practises to you you will not find it a delusion And if your new King did not account you Rebells he would soon have complied with you his principles leading him to a union with any party but those that mean to make Religion and Liberty their interest and whereas you call Montrosse Traytor and he calls you Rebells who shall decide the Controversie between you when your King himselfe thinks the same and you in your consciences think him a Traytor And hath not Montrosse more ground as to the world to call you Rebells who will owne not only the same power but the same persons who have acted point-blank against what you call Justice then you to call him Traytor who acts though it may be more violently under that power you account sacred cannot live without that person that he serves as his Soveraigne We have found the misery of dawbing with the King we have changed oftentimes not onely our motions but many times principles to win and gain him but he never charged his but alwayes gained by our retreats and what ever plea we or our Brethren may have for the first ground of our actings it 's otherwise nay quite contrary apprehended by the King and his Party and to those that know what nature is or education they can easily judge how hard it is to change the first idaea and impression of things especially when it is accompanied with glorious Prerogatives and apprehensions of self-advantage and in royall brests it 's commonly seen that injuries and affronts are written as in Marble while respects and kindnesses are thought due and of necessity to be successive and onely valid hic nunc according to an immediate circumstance and present conveniency and if they will abstract that which they call policy and a little while look into the nature of things they shall soon find that there is not a motion of the hearts either of the King of Malignants or the Malignants themselves changed from what their first apprehension onely they are fain thorough providence and design to complement with us and then as our Brethren too grossely do at present with them untill they get as the Scots say to be the prevailing party but I know they are sensible enough of theafter-reckoning notwithstanding they sum up at present And therefore in vindication of themselves and us they honestly and ingeniously state the first grounds of the quarrell both in England and Scotland which is well done and it were to be wisht that it were imprinted on all our hearts in both Nations with a point of a diamond and it had been happy these virgin and untainted principles had been alwaies kept unto in Scotland They tell us p. 3. that when they were living quietly and peaceably a new Service Book was imposed on them to introduce Popery c. and relate the Kings invasions of them for but refusing it against their consciences charge him with breach of trust after Articles given And as to their conjunction with England as their assistance was desired so they saw further cause and reason then formerly p. 3. they notably expresse the pranks of the King and his adherents not staying in Scotland but traversing Ireland in a bloody Rebellion against thousands of Protestants who had the Kings Commission and with whom he afterwards made an Agreement rather then submit to any just condescentions of the Parliament and Protestants of England and Scotland though he had declared them formerly Traytors for their bloody massacres having also entrusted divers Popish Commanders in his Armies contrary to his first Declarations that no Papist should be in armes or about his person Upon these and such like reasons they and we joyned together in Covenant To which we may add his perfidious Treatings with us oftentimes especially at Brainford his hatred of the Covenant his impenitency continued actings in a second warre more dangerous then the former with a thousand more desperate transactions both by himself and Son and all these propagated and continued without any hope of remedy but by losing all the blood and expence of an eight yeares warres with danger and hazzard at the best for the future All these are sufficient grounds for honest men to look to themselves at first and defend themselves in the beginning and much more to provide for themselves at last Onely the misery is in the use and
application The Scots can find enough to vindicate themselves from rebellion at the first of these motions and yet can willingly taxe us at the end for doing the same things They can justly but upon a thought of feare and danger in some unfit overtures find ground to make use of the sword to defend themselves and cut off their enemies in generall and yet when the same things come to be heightened and break out in a greater flame and continued without hope of redresse they will condemn us for striking the last blow upon the same and greater grounds when they began the first as if the continuation of the same cause more desperately should not produce more notable effects or that the modest and secret essayes of things should bee more desperate then the strenuous propagation and prosecution of them and that aggravated and multiplied acts of tyranny should be more veniall then bare attempts which may be easily reformed by maturer counsell If the Kingdom of Scotland and England had sufficient ground to take up armes against the King at first when the sparks were but as under ashes much more ground had England when the flame was not onely broken out but daily fed and increased to make use of these armes to extinguish the chief Incendiary But conscience it seems made the principle and policy and design the application If they justifie the beginning of the work we may well the end of it on the same yea more absolute and necessitous grounds However Montrosse is deceived in both yet we should not put arguments into his hand by parting the actions which have been correspondent to the same principle Yet this is the happinesse of England thorough mercy that our Brethren shall have the scandall or rather glory of the beginning of the warre and we of the end yet they will be as much and more hated for what they acted first then we for what we have done at last having improved both their principles and our own together with the Kings tyrannicall power to our own safety and his deserved ruine while they complementing but with a name which they will find to be as most insnaring so like the name of the Beast which hath a mystery of deceipt wrapt up in it are not only like to be where they were but in a far worse condition then ever Scotland was in if God suffer but that young Spark to King it among them But to come to his more speciall charges which p. 4. they call his last and main forgeries they are reduced unto three heads 1. That his late Majesty being redacted to think on extreme courses did ingage us by a Treaty and having got all assurance from us did cast himself into the hands of our Army and that we contrary to all faith and paction sold our Soveraigne 2. That they now complotted his destruction and begin on the same score with his Son declaring him King with proviso's c. Of all these charges they say there is not one word true But that his late Majesty was redacted to an extreme course It were wel first to consider whether in a true sense these are charges worth the observing or answering that is first whether the delivery up of the King to the Parliament of England when in England notwithstanding any private treaty or particular promise of any Officers were not just and their duty 2. Whether the taking away by death such an implacable and gangren'd person were any complotting his destruction but a legall execution of justice and whether the declaring his Son King with proviso's be not just and fit no King being fit to reigne but he that meanes to compact for the safety and liberty of that Kingdome he is called to exercise that Office in But seeing the Committee take all these as hainous and blasphemous charges on them I shall give the reader a particular account of each of them not to confirm Montrosses paper but to cleer some things concerning our selves and them and let truth and reason reigne In vindication of themselves from the first they spend severall pages and strive to give a narrative of all proceedings in the Army and Parliament both in England and Scotland from the time of his coming in to their Army in the moneth of May 1646. unto May 1647. with the many Declarations both of the King and their Parliament concerning the end of his coming in to them which I am loath to repeat least I give too much offence to our Brother or puzzle the Reader with transcribing onely give in what I know concerning the truth of the charge and meet with some extravagancies in their Narrative For the first Though I hate the charge as it comes out of Montrosse's mouth and under so unclean a hand yet for truths sake and seeing they are not content to free themselves but to charge us and mixe therewith many ominous reflections on this Nation I shall present something more then probable that may make the penners of that Declaration think that though they have engrost the Prerogative of imposing names yet they have not the Soveraignty of truth in all they write They say p. 5. that after many essaies for London and the Sea he came to the Scots Army without acquainting those that had the trust and the charge of the Army and ask I hope to be resolv'd where was there any time or place for a Treaty here and what were those assurances that were given Let it be but asked the Committee whether Montrill the French Agent was not in the Scots quarters at Southwel and Hudson sent many times and what they did there and the question will soon be resolv'd the truth is as Hudson himself related and profest to some of honesty and integrity that the King emploied Montrill for that end and often sent Hudson to treat about his coming in who came often unto three of the Lords I will forbear to name them for his honour sake and propounded three Propositions concerning the Kings security and other things which he prest them to signe but they refused to give any thing under their hands least it should be discovered but that it should be as truly performed as if they had done it at which Hudson profest that he would not trust them with words seeing they had deceived the King so often before and that he would never perswade his Majesty without some paper security and confirmation under their hands but their particular Engagements were at last accepted thorough the mediation and assurance of Montrill and the General moreover said that he would willingly go on his knees to meet them these things were the profest relation of Hudsons own mouth now what the capitulations were and how far security was given I will not determin but the world may judge they were not in a dream as they professe in their paper to the Parliament immediately on his coming into them and that they need not be so absolute in
their challenges of any one to produce any testimony or demonstration for any such overture Hudson very well knew what he came at Southwell for and what he did there and this is faithfully his account from his own mouth with many more circumstances of a strange nature which out of love and tendernesse I omit Yea Hudson would often say when he heard that they denied any such knowledge with much vehemency that they grossely lied I shall relate but one story more which makes it out of doubt and it is a relation I heard with my own ears given in upon Oath by one that had relation to the Bed-chamber viz. that one night at New-castle the late King coming out into the presence Chamber to supper not very well pleased at something concerning the Scots dealing with him was reading in the window a Pamphlet that came out about that time entituled A game at Scotch and English wherein many particulars were discovered about the conveighing away of Ashburnham and Hudson and something about his coming in at Southwell to the Scots Army at which he was much pleased and said they were most truths He turns about to Sir James Lumsdale then Governor of New-castle who stood by with severall Lords and saith to him you did not know of the conveighing away of these two and he answered no if it like your Majesty he turnes to one of the Lords I take it it was the Lord Dumferlin no nor you did not know saith he of my coming in to your Army at Southwell and he answered no he did not the King after his wonted manner swore thus by God but you did I am sorry I should swear such an Oath again in print but it 's lawfull because it 's for the publique deciding a controversie and confirmation of truth that you have two Oaths if the world will believe the Kings Oath who knew well enough what was done concerning himself and another Oath confirming that he heard him swear thus But I leave it to the judicious Reader to consider I believe it was done but by some particular persons and very privately that the Parliament of Scotland knew it not and the fair delivery of him with their quiet march out of England is sufficient satisfaction to us and to acquit them for that private miscarriage I wish they had been as faithfull at the Isle of Wight as they were with him then and that they may come as fairly and honestly off from this King at Breda as they did from his Father at New-castle Onely I cannot but observe one passage p. 13. where though we and all honest men will joyn issue with the Committee that none can imagine they sold the King for money but did their duty in delivering him up to the Parliament yet I wonder they make the demonstration of it to be that they onely got two hundred thousand pounds of the Arrears due unto them for a very laborious service and as a part of the great expences they had been at by their expedition into England for the ends of the Covenant two hundred thousand pounds is not so small a sum to be given for Arrears especially if they considered the vast expences England had been at first and last and what great sums of money they received at severall times from England besides the Assessement of the four Northern Counties and free-quarter which came to farre more as it was audited by the Parliament then the Scots pay and arrears came unto especially if we consider what two hundred thousand pound sterling is accounted in the Kingdom of Scotland but most especially seeing it was for the ends of the Covenant and that we must pay them for doing their duty and that in so great sums and be slighted for our love is strange we could give our brethren 300000. l. for but beginning to resist Tyranny though principally relating to themselves and think nothing of it and since for but assisting in a cause of common concernment wherein they were equally engaged with us and for following the ends of the Covenant they have had first and last viis modis above a million of money in England and yet they go about to lesson our favours and heighten their owne Engagements and services for the Covenant though all upon our score but these things are slips and must be past by as lesser Errataes that doe not spoile the sense I onely adde this that never had Scotland so much of Englands wealth and treasure in such round sums in all the Reigns of the Kings either of England or Scotland as they have had from this Parliament and it 's bad parting with such friends The second Charge is That they have complotted the late Kings destruction to wipe of which aspersion they labour as in the fire and I shall freely acquit them only because they think it a Charge of so hainous a nature to have any hand in that legal act of Justice on him and insinuaâ—e the guilt of it on us I must crave leave to vindicate that act as noâ— only most necessary but just and an act of the most celestial and divine disposal and import as any civil act done in England since its first constitution For the lawfulness of bringing Kings to Iustice and to condemn them if they be found Tyrants it s not so much as questioned in politick Casuists and in reason if they may be deposed for ill Government as we have instances both in England and Scotland they may be executed on the same ground without we will take the notion of Kings in that large and vast capacity that the late deluded and blinded Royalists have used it That the King is a creature only of Gods making all other Magistrates being acknowledged to be the creature of the people but only Kings and they exempted from and independent to any power but only Gods And if Lex be Rex as Mr. Rutherford proveth at large and Kings are under and subject to Laws why should vve suppose them above punishment when they are found the highest Transgressors of those Laws Grant them all that diety the Scripture invests them with yet when they come to dye it is as other men it may be for the same offences as well as in the same condition of nature yea it 's against Reason and Nature though through usu ped custom it hath got som credit that all Magistrates should be liable to punishment in case of mal-administration of th ir office and only that one order excepted But to come nigher home and consider what our first Arguments and Distinctions were of making a War against the King and the same will hold for sharpening the Sword now and cutting more keenly and closer to the root The Royalists always told us we sinned in fighting against the Lords anointed and took up Arms against that powâ—r which God had made sacred and so called us Rebels against Gods Ordinances we then in both Nations found out a
in enjoying the Peace But that fault is not ours The next thing which runs along the whole Paper as the burthen of the Declaration is and which I cannot pass by the great reflections they cast on the Parliament of England and that honest party that joyns with them joyning them with Montrosse together as if they kept mutual correspondency calling them at every turn The Sectarian Party The now prevailing Party Heretiques Schismatiques as if they meant to supple and make up their harsh expressions against Montrosses person with his party by inveighing on the Parliament of England and these which joyn with them excommunicating them out of their affections and love as they have done Montrosse out of the Kirk Expressions exceeding dangerous and too much provoking that when we shall call them Our Dear Brethren especially after an Army came from them into our Nation to destroy using the same expressions Had they but reflected on their condition but the last year when Hamâ—lton was the prevailing party and what sort of people they were that set them free and made the Committee of Estates the prevailing party with the dissolution of their whole Parliament they might have fitted more handsom and tender expressions at least if they meant to have kept up any brotherly Union and Correspondence between the two Nations Doth the gentle streams of a River between England and Scotland so alter and change the nature of Transactions that the purging of a Parliament in Engl nd over grown with Malignant and Predominant humours should be less lawful then the breaking up of one in Scotland Or is the natural working out of distempers worse then a violent dissolution It hath been the happiness of England for some few years that the Parliament hath been the prevailing party and why it should be now our misery after we have conquered our visible Enemy to see our friends prevail is too great a Paradox to be suddenly expounded Some must be the prevailing party and why not these that are who have hated these complemental Compliances with the Royal Interest and have followed the first Principles of the War to the best advantage for Peace But I was very unwise to tax the Declaration with that as a fault the expressing of which is our mercy As I doubt not but they think of it concerning themselves that it 's a happiness to Scotland that this Committee of Estates is now the prevailing party though it was brought in without any legal or orderly dissolution of Hamiltons Parliament and Committee of Estates and by these Instruments that they can now gratefully call Schismatiques and Sectaries But the ill Conjunction of the Sectarian party and the prevailing party sets forth the mind of the Committee to the full And yet what is meant by the Sectarian party is yet a greater Riddle then all the rest for set aside the secret Placitum of the Committee of Estates it stands without its signification in England without it be a Title imposed to divide between honest and consciencious men that some may raign But it may be they have some secret and multiplyed meaning in this phrase that must be enquired into if they call them the Sectarian party because they have justly divided the Kings Head from his Body and so have made a Schism between Prerogative and Tyranny they shall willingly own the Title with a Crown of Justice and glory in the head of it But it may be they call them Sectaries because they have made a more exact division of the true and right English Interest and that of Scotland and between new and old Malignants in the three Nations Or it may be they derive it from the word Sectari because they have more closely followed the ends and intentions of the Covenant then the literall and ambiguous expressions in it and have prosecuted the greatest enemies of Reformation by Acts of Justice to their graves But if by Sectaries the Committee mean these men that are of divers factions and parties and interest in England as we have cause to bewaile it so we may in part thank some of that Committee for it who have cast so many bones of division among us to set up the Royall and their own interest as the Parliament have publikely declared in their Answer to the Scots Paper of March 13. 1647. p. 1. 2. complaining of the sad divisions among us expresse themselves c. Vnto the advancing of this design of the common enemy the Commissioners of Scotland have for a long time made themselves or have been made by others very instrumentall whilst forgetting the work they came about and the true interest of those from whom they came have made it their work by their practises and purposes to disaffect the people of both Kingdomes unto the proceedings of the Parliament of England and on the other hand to incline and dispose them to the King and his party upon terms apparently destructive to both Kingdoms That it seems it 's no new thing for the Committee to frame words of division in this Nation but I am loath to repent these old Quarrells if there were not new occasions given But if they mean by Sectaries these which are given to blasphemous Opinions contrary to the Gospell though there are but a few in comparison so left of God yet we will joyne with them not only to write against but weep and lie in the dust for any such abominations and we can never bewail enough these things that on the one side formality and meer shaddowes of Religion should be taken up and all holinesse be only outward and externall and on the other side that fancy and delusion should prevaile to cheat men of their souls and cloud the glory of the truths of Christ But it 's a great wrong to joyne in this since the prevailing party with the Sectarian whose hearts I doubt not but bleed as truly inwardly for these things as they have exprest an outward detestation of them in burning some of their books and casting shame on their persons but as none of these Opinions are vented in publike but with publike Declaration against them so these which are vented in private are but by a few inconsiderable and contemptible persons and we blesse God with little successe at present And I doubt not if we can agree in civill Principles with our Brethren we shall soon in Religion in the Doctrine and substantialls of it wherein the life and power lies and if we differ in Discipline it will not be in the things themselves but in extent and latitude of its power that there will be no more dstinction but as of an English and Scottish Government of the Church I have onely surmized these things that the Reader may take notice of the common design in the Declaration which seems to be very strange that in one Paper made against a great Delinquent the Parliament of England who have most opposed the Malignant interest should be